Michael Carty (16 décembre 1916 - 23 avril 1975) est un homme politique irlandais du Fianna Fáil.

Biographie

Né à Loughrea, dans le comté de Galway, de Lawrence et Josephine Carty, il est l'aîné de sept enfants. Instituteur de profession, il est élu pour la première fois au Dáil Éireann (chambre basse du parlement) en tant que député du Fianna Fáil pour la circonscription de Galway South lors des élections générales de 1957. De 1961 à 1969, il représente la circonscription de Galway East et de 1969 à 1973 la circonscription de Clare-South Galway. Il prend sa retraite de la politique en 1973.

Il sert dans le gouvernement de Seán Lemass à une occasion de 1965 à 1969 en tant que whip en chef du gouvernement, occupant les postes de secrétaire parlementaire du Taoiseach et de secrétaire parlementaire du ministre de la Défense.

Notes et références

Naissance en décembre 1916
Naissance à Loughrea
Décès en avril 1975
Membre du 16e Dáil
Membre du 17e Dáil
Membre du 18e Dáil
Membre du 19e Dáil
Député du Fianna Fáil
Personnalité politique du comté de Galway
Décès à 58 ans

Michael Carty


مرسى الأمراء قرية تونسية تقع في ولاية نابل، على الساحل الشمالي للوطن القبلي.

انظر أيضا
 ولاية نابل.
 رأس الفرطاس.

قرى ولاية نابل

مرسى الأمراء


Condensarea Knoevenagel () este o reacție organică de condensare, denumită după Emil Knoevenagel. Este o variantă modificată a reacției de condensare aldolică.

Reacția de condensare Knoevenagel are loc printr-o adiție nucleofilă a unui compus cu "metilen activ" la o grupă carbonil, urmată de o reacție de deshidratare prin eliminarea unei molecule de apă. Produsul este adesea o cetonă α,β-nesaturată (un sistem conjugat de tip enonă).

În această reacție, grupa carbonil poate fi regăsită într-o aldehidă sau o cetonă. Se folosesc de obicei catalizatori baze slabe, precum sunt unele amine (uneori chiar heterociclice, de tipul piridină sau piperidină). Compusul cu metilen activ poate avea următoarele forme:

 Z–CH2-Z sau Z–CHR–Z, de exemplu în esteri precum malonat, acetilacetat de etil, ester cianacetic sau chiar acid malonic sau acid cianacetic.
 Z–CHR1R2, de exemplu nitrometan.

unde Z este o grupă funcțională donoare de electroni destul de puternică pentru a facilita deprotonarea ionului enolat, chiar și dacă se folosesc baze slabe. Bazele tari nu se pot folosi în această reacție deoarece mecanismul ar evolua sub forma unei autocondensări de tip aldolic.

Reacția Knoevenagel-Doebner

Cu acidul malonic și cu esterii malonici, se obțin produși de reacție care se pot ulterior monodecarboxila (prin eliminarea de dioxid de carbon). Reacția se numește condensare Knoevenagel-Doebner și se face în mediu de piridină.
În imagine este prezentată reacția dintre acroleină și acid malonic, când se obține acidul trans-2,4-pentadienoic. Se poate observa că a avut loc și o reacție de decarboxilare. În mod analog se poate obține acid cinamic prin condensarea Knoevenagel-Doebner dintre acidul malonic și benzaldehidă.

Aplicații

Vezi și
 Condensare aldolică

Referințe

K
Knoevenagel

Condensare Knoevenagel


Ágras, en , est un village du dème d'Édessa, district régional de Pella, en Macédoine-Centrale, Grèce.

Selon le recensement de 2011, la population du village compte .

La localité donne son nom au lac situé à proximité.

Notes et références

Voir aussi

Liens externes

Village en Macédoine-Centrale

Ágras


Agrilus telekii é uma espécie de inseto do género Agrilus, família Buprestidae, ordem Coleoptera.

Foi descrita cientificamente por Gebhardt, 1926.

Referências

telekii
Insetos descritos em 1926

Agrilus telekii


La resolución 738 del Consejo de Seguridad de las Naciones Unidas, fue aprobada sin someterse a votación, el 29 de enero de 1992, tras haber examinado la petición de la República de Tayikistán para poder ser miembro de las Naciones Unidas. En esta resolución, el Consejo recomendó a la Asamblea General la aceptación de Tayikistán como miembro.

Véase también
Tayikistán
Anexo:Estados miembros de las Naciones Unidas

Resoluciones del Consejo de Seguridad de las Naciones Unidas aprobadas en 1992
0738
Relaciones internacionales de Tayikistán

Resolución 738 del Consejo de Seguridad de las Naciones Unidas


Chickenhawk (chicken hawk or chicken-hawk) is a political term used in the United States to describe a person who is a war hawk yet actively avoids or avoided military service when of age. In political usage, chickenhawk is a compound of chicken (meaning 'coward') and hawk from war hawk (meaning 'someone who advocates war'). Generally, the implication is that chickenhawks lack the moral character to participate in war themselves, preferring to ask others to support, fight, and perhaps die in an armed conflict.

History
The term war hawk developed early in American history as a term for one who advocates war. On one episode of the American television show Rowan & Martin's Laugh-In that aired in 1970, Dan Rowan made the following joke:

Previously, the term war wimp was sometimes used, coined during the Vietnam War by Congressman Andrew Jacobs, a Marine veteran of the Korean War, to describe "someone who promotes waging war or building up the tools of war but hid behind a college deferment or suddenly came up lame when the draft board whistled."

The 1983 bestselling book Chickenhawk was a memoir by Robert Mason about his service in the Vietnam War, in which he was a helicopter pilot. Mason used the word as a compound oxymoron to describe both his fear of combat ("chicken") and his attraction to it ("hawk").

Commentary
James Fallows identifies the rise of chickenhawks with the distancing of the American public from the military. He says that while most Americans had experience with the military by the end of World War II, having either served or known people who had, "now the American military is exotic territory to most of the American public." He cites examples of popular media such as Apocalypse Now and The Hurt Locker as many Americans' exposure to the military.

Critics of the term chickenhawk argue that the term is used as a form of whataboutism in place of arguments against military action. Matthew Yglesias describes it as "a species of hypocrisy charge, a tempting rhetorical ploy that in practice proves almost nothing."

John Bolton, Donald Trump, and Dick Cheney  are modern examples of those being called chickenhawk by critics.

Research

According to a 2014 study, leaders who had military backgrounds but no combat experience were most likely to initiate conflicts and wars.

See also
Armchair general
Armchair revolutionary
Armchair warrior

References

External links

Political pejoratives for people
People associated with war
Metaphors referring to birds
Political terminology of the United States
1970 neologisms

Chickenhawk (politics)


غابة بولونيا  هي حديقة تقع غرب باريس، بالقرب من ضاحية «بولونيا-بيلانكور». تبلغ مساحتها 8.5 كم2 (حوالي 2090 فدانا)، وهي أكبر 2.5 مرة من سنترل بارك في نيويورك، وأكبر 3.3 مرة من هايد بارك في لندن.

يوجد بالجزء الشمالي من حديقة غابة بولونيا حديقة للحيوانات وبعض الوسائل الترفيهية. في الليل، وتصبح واحدة من أبرز مناطق باريس التي تشتهر بممارسة الدعارة بها. رغم أنه في السنوات الأخيرة، سعت الحكومة الفرنسية للقضاء على البغاء في الحديقة.

كما يوجد فيها بحيرة مفضله للعشاق الرومانسية، والجو اللطيف، وكذلك يمارس أغلب السكان فيها رياضة المشي، والجري في جنبات الحديقة، ويمر بها نهر السين، ولقد عدل مجرى نهر السين بحيث يدخل في وسط العاصمة باريس ويشقها بالنصف تماماً.

معرض صور

مراجع

الدائرة السادسة عشرة في باريس
حدائق
غابات فرنسا
متنزهات ومساحات مفتوحة في باريس
ملاعب الألعاب الأولمبية الصيفية 1900

غابة بولونيا


Yaprak munçağı (Muntiacus putaoensis) geyikgiller (Cervidae) familyasından bir munçak türüdür. Oldukça küçük bir munçak olan bu tür 1997'de biyolog Alan Rabinowitz tarafından Myanmar'da etrafında ayrılmış olan Hukawng Vadisi'nde bulunmuştur. Elde edilen örneklerle yapılan DNA analizi yeni bir munçak türü keşfedildiğini ortaya çıkarmıştır.

Yaşam alanı
Yaprak munçağı yalnızca Myanmar'ın Putao'nun kuzeydoğusunda Hukawng Vadisi'nde ve Mai Hka Nehri'nin Nam Tamai kolunun güneyinde yaşar. Tropikal ormanlarla ılıman ormanların geçiş bölgesi olan 450-600 metre yükseklikte bu türe rastlanmıştır. 2002'de Hindistan'da Arunachal Pradesh'in doğusunda Namdapha Kaplan Koruma Alanı'nda da yaşadığı bulunmuştur.

Fiziksel özellikleri
Yalnızca 60–80 cm boyunda olan bu geyik türü dünyanın en küçük geyik türünden biridir. Ağırlığı 11 kg. civarındadır. Yöresel olarak verilen isimler : lugi-che (doğu Arunachal Pradesh) ve phet-gyi (Myanmar), "Phrynium yaprağına sarıp taşınabilecek kadar küçük munçak" anlamına gelmektedir.

Yaprak munçakları yalnız yaşar ve hem gece hem de gündüz etkin oldukları görülmüştür.

Beslenme
Yaprak munçakları daha çok meyve ile beslenir.

Tehdit
Hayvanın küçük boyuna rağmen avlanması popülasyonunu önemli ölçüde azaltmıştır. Yaşam alanlarının yok olması da başka önemli bir tehdit kaynağıdır.

Notlar

Munçak

Yaprak munçağı


This Is Not a Crocodile Tear es una película del año 2009.

Sinopsis
En un pueblo del Sudán rural donde la vida de los hombres transcurre en torno a una partida de dominó, un artesano recibe una invitación para participar en un programa de la televisión nacional. El anuncio supone un gran acontecimiento en este tranquilo lugar. El sastre, el peluquero, el músico local, todos se ponen manos a la obra. Pero les espera una sorpresa.

Referencias

This Is Not a Crocodile Tear


Umán Municipality is one of the 106 municipalities in the Mexican state of Yucatán containing  (234.30 km2) of land and located roughly 15 km southwest of the city of Mérida. The word "Umán" means "purchase" in the Yucatec Maya language.

History
There is no accurate data on when the town was founded, though it existed before the conquest and in antiquity belonged to the chieftainship of Ah Canul.  At colonization, Umán became part of the encomienda system with Francisco Hernández recorded as one of the earliest encomenderos.

Yucatán declared its independence from the Spanish Crown in 1821 and in 1825, the area was assigned to the Lower Camino Real with its headquarters in Hunucma Municipality. In 1921, was designated as its own municipality.

Governance
The municipal president is elected for a three-year term. The town council has nine councilpersons, who serve as Secretary and councilors of heritage and sports, policing, education and health, public works, potable water, rural development and social management, roads and markets, nomenclature and recruiting, ecology, public monuments.

Communities
The head of the municipality is Umán, Yucatán.  There are 87 populated areas of the municipality. The most notable include Bolón, Dzibikak, Dzununcán, Itzincab, Oxcum, Oxholón, Poxilá, San Antonio Mulix, Tebec, Xtepen, and Yaxcopoil. The significant populations are shown below:

Local festivals
Every year from 13 to 15 September the town holds a celebration for the Christ of Love.

Tourist attractions
 The ex-convent and Church of St. Francis of Assisi, built in the eighteenth century
 Archaeological sites at Bolon, Hotzus and Kizil
 Hacienda Xtepén
 Hacienda Yaxcopoil

References

Municipalities of Yucatán

Umán Municipality


පළමු ජන වෙළෙඳ ගුවන්විදුලි සේවය ලෙසින් රේඩියෝ සිංගපුර සංස්ථාපනය වත්ම  1923 මැයි 5 දිනදී  සිංගප්පූරුවේ පුළුල්විදැහුම ඇරඹුනි.

සිංගප්පූරුවේ පුළුල්විදැහුම


أكرم رشيد محي الدين الحوراني، (1911 - 24 شباط 1996) سياسي سوري بارز، ولد في مدينة حماة السورية وتوفي في عمّان.

نشأته ومراحل تعليمه
تعلم أكرم الحوراني في مدرسة دار العلم والتربية مع أبناء الأسر الإقطاعية، وقد أسس هذه المدرسة الملك فيصل الأول بن الحسين قرب قصر العظم في حماة. وقد تأثر أكرم الحوراني بأستاذه عثمان الحوراني الذي كان يدرسه مادة التاريخ، إذ كان يغذي في طلابه روح الحرية والاستقلال والمقاومة المسلحة والفخر بالإرث العربي، وكان هذا الأستاذ من المشاركين في ثورة 1925، لذا بدأ وعي أكرم الحوراني السياسي يتكون على وقع أحداث ثورة سورية الكبرى (1925-1927).

بعد تخرج الحوراني من معهد العلم والتربية في حماه، ذهب إلى دمشق وانتسب إلى مدرسة النخبة الثانوية التابع للدولة (مكتب عنبر) والتي خرجت عدداً من القادة الوطنيين، ومنها تخرج الحوراني وكان من الأوائل، ثم انتسب إلى الجامعة اليسوعية في بيروت لدراسة الطب، لكنه عاد بعد سنة إلى دمشق (1931) حيث التحق بجامعتها لدراسة الحقوق، وكان سبب تركه لبيروت هو اشتراكه في التخطيط لاغتيال النائب صبحي بركات. وبعد تخرجه من كلية الحقوق عمل الحوراني في المحاماة إلى أن انتخب عام 1943 نائباً في البرلمان.

انخراطهُ في العمل السياسي
كان أول اشتراك للحوراني في العمل السياسي المنظم في عام 1936 بعد تخرجه من كلية الحقوق، عندما انتسب إلى الحزب السوري القومي الاجتماعي منجذباً إلى المبادئ العلمانية لهذا الحزب (فصل الدين عن الدولة، القضاء على الإقطاع وتنظيم الاقتصاد القومي على أساس مصلحة الأمة والدولة، تكوين جيش قوي...) وبقي في هذا الحزب كعضو ناشط لمدة عام 1936-1937، بعدها استقال الحوراني من الحزب بسبب قناعات مغايرة لأيديولوجية الحزب خصوصاً في موضوع القومية العربية.

في عام 1941، سافر الحوراني وبعض ضباط الجيش السوري ومتطوعون آخرون إلى بغداد دعم حركة رشيد عالي الكيلاني ضد البريطانيين، وبعد أن تمكن البريطانيون من قمع الثورة، عاد الضباط (الحوراني ومن معهُ) من العراق إلى سوريا حيث احتُجزوا لفترة من قبل حكومة الانتداب الفرنسي في دير الزور على الحدود السورية العراقية.

قاد الحوراني انتفاضة الفلاحين في ريف حماة ضد الإقطاعيين، وخاصةً بريف حماة الغربي مثل قرية عقرب وطلف. فانتخب نائباً عن حماة في سنوات 1943، 1947، 1949، كما ساهم في التحريض على الوجود الفرنسي في مدينة حماة عام 1945.

وبعد انتخابه عام 1943، عزّز الحوراني صلاته ببعض الضباط الشباب الذي تخرجوا من الكلية العسكرية في حمص أمثال عدنان المالكي وأديب الشيشكلي، إلّا أن علاقته بالجيش تعززت في العام 1945 عندما اتّصل بضباط الجيش الذي كان تحت قيادة فرنسية لحثهم على مؤازرة الثورة التي كان يحضر لها حزبه في مدينة حماة في العام 1945، تم هذا الاتصال بالضباط بواسطة الضابط عدنان المالكي، وعقدت عدة اجتماعات لهذا الهدف قي منزل الأستاذ نخلة كلاس وترافق هذا مع مطالبات عديدة من قبل الحوراني للمجلس النيابي لحث الحكومة السورية استلام الجيش من السلطات الفرنسية لقد بقيت صلة الحوراني بالجيش قوية وخاصة بعد أن شارك في حملة عسكرية (وكان نائباً عن حماة) عام 1947 في الجليل في فلسطين مع أديب الشيشكلي ومتطوعين من حماة خصوصاً ومن مناطق أخرى وكان هدف الحوراني من المشاركة في القتال (وهو نائب في البرلمان) التنبيه إلى خطر إسرائيل، بعد أن شعر بإهمال حكومة الكتلة الوطنية تسليح الجيش السوري. رفض الحوراني استلام السلطة بعد أن أزاح الجيش حسني الزعيم وذلك بعريضة تقدم بها 160 ضابطاً تطلب منه استلام رئاسة الجمهورية.

في شهر كانون أول 1949 تولّى أكرم الحوراني وزارة الدفاع في حكومة خالد العظم ثم ما لبث أن استقال منها في شهر نيسان. حصل أكرم الحوراني في تشرين الأول 1950 على ترخيص لتأسيس الحزب العربي الاشتراكي وجعل مدينة حماة مقره الرئيسي وبدأ الحزب في الانتشار في عموم سوريا وخصوصاً الطبقة الفلاحية وحتى المثقفين من العائلات الإقطاعية.

نظّم الحوراني أتباعه من الفلاحين في الحزب العربي الاشتراكي، بلغت شعبيه الحوراني أوجها في مؤتمر في حلب (أيلول 1951) الذي حضره ألوف من الفلاحين، فكان أول مؤتمر من هذا النوع الثوري في الوطن العربي، وعندما سيطر الشيشكلي على الحكم وأخذ يُكمم الأفواه ويُلقي القبض على معارضيه هرب الحوراني مع ميشيل عفلق وصلاح البيطار عبر الجبال إلى لبنان، وفي منفاهم عام 1952 قرر الثلاثة دمج حزبي (البعث العربي) و(العربي الاشتراكي) ليصبح حزب البعث العربي الاشتراكي. وذلك لتصليب الجبهة المعارضة للشيشكلي والتي قادت أخيراً إلى إسقاط نظام الشيشكلي. ولقد سلّم الجيش السلط طواعيةً إلى المدنيين في أول حادثة وآخرها في تاريخ سوريا الحديث.

في العام 1957 سيطرت مجموعة من الضباط على معظم قطاعات الجيش في ما عُرف بتمرد قطنا إلّا أن الحوراني عارض هذا التمرد ومنع الانقلاب أن يكتمل رغم معارضة بعض الضباط وعلى رأسهم محمد عمران وعبد الغني قنوت وحث إدارة عبد الناصر الاستمرار في الانقلاب (23349) وكان حافظ الأسد يردد على سامعيه أنه «لولا الحوراني لكنا في السلطة منذ العام 1957»، وقد سُمعَ حوار بين مصطفى حمدون (أحد قاده تمرد قطنا) والحوراني يلومه على إحباط تمرد قطنا لقطع الطريق على اللجنة العسكرية وحافظ الأسد الوصول إلى السلطة لاحقاً، وقد أجاب الحوراني «هل تريد مني أن أكون حافظ أسد آخر»
تولّى الحوراني وزارة الزراعة وأحدث فيها بعض الإصلاحات. وفي عام 1957 انتخب الحوراني رئيساً لمجلس النواب.

موقفه من الوحدة بين سوريا ومصر
كانت سوريا ومنذ الاسقلال مركزاً للصراع بين الاتحاد السوفيتي والمعسكر الغربي وقد استطاعت سوريا الحفاظ على حيادها في وجه محاولات حلف بغداد ضم سوريا إليه، وكان التهديد الإسرائيلي والحِشود التركية ومناورات الإسطول السادس بالقرب من السواحل السورية تشكل تهديداً للحركة الوطنية ولإستقلال سوريا، كان الحوراني متحمسا للوحدة مع مصر كوسيلة لدعم صمود سوريا ولاحقا كطريق وحيد لتحرير فلسطين والوحدة العربية كانت وما زالت أمل الكثيرين من العرب (مذكرات الحوراني مدبولي ص 2614) بتحريض من السفير المصري في سوريا محمود رياض ومحسن أبو
النور عضو القيادة المشتركة العسكرية بين سوريا ومصر، وبسبب الحماس الفائق لدى الجيش، تشكل وفد عسكري وبشكل سري في أوائل كانون الثاني1957 (بما يشبه الانقلاب العسكري) وبدون معرفة الحكومة للذهاب إلى القاهرة وعقد الوحدة وهذا ما يسميه خليل مصطفى في كتابه سقوط الجولان (ص19) بالانقلاب البطيء والصامت . أعضاء الوفد كلٌ من : (عفيف البزره، أمين الحافظ، أكرم الديري، حسين حده، جمال الصوفي، بشير صادق، محمد البشير، أحمد حنيدي، طعمه العود الله، ياسين فرجاني، مصطفى حمدون، وعبد الغني قنوت ).أبدى ناصر فتوراً شديداً في موضوع الوحدة في البداية بما يشبه التلاعب بعواطف الضباط المصرين على الوحدة ولكن عبد الناصر وبعد 3 أيام من امتناعه عن مُقابلة الوفد العسكري، قبل بعقدها شرط حل (الأحزاب في سوريا) (ص2562) لم يكن الحوراني ولا القوتلي مرتاحان لكيفية عقد الوحدة ولكن الحوراني كان يدرك أن أي معارضة ستعتبر خيانة قومية وبالتأكيد سيقوم الجيش بانقلاب عسكري، .كانت أساليب عبد الحميد السراج الاستخباراتية وتعميم إسلوب جديد من هيمنة أجهزة الأمن على سوريا بشكلٍ لم تعهدهُ من قبل، والإسلوب الفردي لحكم عبد الناصر كلها جعلت قسما كبيرا من السوريين وكذلك الحوراني يستاؤون من عبد الناصر. قدّم الحوراني استقالته كنائب لناصر وكوزير للعدل المركزي مع مجموعة من الوزراء السوريين.

وفاته
بحسب شهاده ابنه جهاد الحوراني (توفي والدي في شباط عام 1996 في عمّان وقد طلبت العائلة من الرئيس الاسد السماح له بالعودة إلى سوريا بعد اشتداد مرضه فرفض ذلك، ولما توفي دفنته في عمان بدون مشاركة رسمية، وقد نقل لي السفير العراقي في عمّان رغبة صدام حسين أن يدفن في بغداد، عند عودتي إلى سوريا اتصل بي محمد حربا وزير الداخلية لينقل لي أمراً من الرئيس الأسد بنقل الجثمان إلى سوريا لإقامة جنازة رسمية له فيها فرفضت، لم أرِد أن يُشوه تاريخ والدي بعد 33 عاماً من السجن والمنفى، وأن تقوم بمراسم دفنه أنظمة ديكتاتورية . ولقد أُقيمت التعزية في مدينة حماه واستنفرت الأجهزة الأمنية وحاصرت أجهزه الأمن مداخل القرى القريبة من المدينة لمنع وصول المُعزّين، كذلك حوصر الحي حول منزِلَهُ في مدينه حماه ومع ذلك شهد منزله حشوداً من المُعزّين وبعض ضباط الجيش متنكرين بثياب مدنية.

مراجع

ـ مذكرات أكرم الحوراني (القاهرة، طبعة أولى 2000، ص(1021ـ 1033)، (1114ـ 1125)، (1126ـ 1133)، (1481ـ 1516).
-خليل مصطفى (سقوط الجولان)
-ديفيداوين دراسه مترجمه(الحوراني والانقلابات العسكرية)

وصلات خارجية

أشخاص من حماة
أعضاء القيادة الوطنية لحزب البعث العربي الاشتراكي
اشتراكيون سوريون
اشتراكيون عرب
بعثيون
خريجو جامعة دمشق
رؤساء مجلس الشعب السوري
أعضاء الحزب السوري القومي الاجتماعي
سياسيو حزب البعث العربي الاشتراكي السوري
سياسيون سوريون في القرن 20
قوميون عرب سوريون
كتاب سوريون
مسلمون سنة سوريون
منفيون سوريون
مواليد 1330
مواليد 1912
مواليد في حماة
نواب رئيس سوريا
وزراء دفاع سوريون
وفيات 1416 هـ
وفيات 1996
وفيات في مدينة عمان

أكرم الحوراني


Stefan Ortega Moreno (Hofgeismar, 6 de novembro de 1992) é um futebolista alemão de ascendência espanhola que atua como goleiro. Atualmente defende o Manchester City.

Carreira
Tendo jogado nas categorias de base de TSV Jahn Calden, KSV Baunatal,e Hessen Kassel, Ortega (filho de um espanhol e de um alemã) chegou ao Arminia Bielefeld em 2007. Na temporada 2010–11 disputou seus primeiros jogos pelo time B, fazendo sua estreia pela equipe principal em outubro de 2011, contra o Heidenheim, substituindo o lesionado Patrick Platins. Após um mau desempenho no jogo contra o Preußen Münster, perdeu a vaga de titular e voltou a figurar no time B. Fez parte do elenco que garantiu a promoção para a 2. Bundesliga de 2012–13, e teve seu contrato renovado por mais 2 temporadas.

Em junho de 2014, assinou sem custos com o Munique 1860, estreando contra o Holstein Kiel pela Copa da Alemanha (o 1860 venceu por 2 a 1). Com a saía do então titular Gábor Király para o  eem agosto, Ortega herdou a vaga que pertencia ao húngaro. Após o rebaixamento do 1860 em 2017, o goleiro voltou ao Arminia Bielefeld, renovando seu vínculo até junho de 2022 e sendo eleito pela revista Kicker como o segundo melhor goleiro da Bundesliga.

Com o rebaixamento do Arminia à segunda divisão, Ortega assinou sem custos com o , para suprir a saída do norte-americano Zack Steffen, até então reserva imediato do brasileiro Ederson. Logo em sua primeira temporada pelo clube, Ortega integrou o elenco do clube que conquistou a Tríplice Coroa: Copa da Inglaterra, Premier League e a até então inédita para Ortega e para o Manchester City Liga dos Campeões da UEFA. Mesmo sendo reserva do brasileiro Ederson na Premier League e na Liga dos Campeões, Ortega chegou a disputar 3 jogos na Premier e 2 na Champions, além de ter sido titular em todos os jogos da Copa da Inglaterra, com exceção da final.

Carreira internacional
Tendo sido convocado para um jogo da seleção Sub-19 da Alemanha em 2010 (não entrou em campo), Ortega foi incluído como um possível reserva do Nationalelf para a Eurocopa de 2020, sendo convocado caso o titular Manuel Neuer ou os reservas Bernd Leno e Kevin Trapp ficassem indisponíveis por lesão.

Títulos
 Arminia Bielefeld
 2. Bundesliga: 2019–20
 Westfalenpokal: 2012, 2013

 Manchester City
 Premier League: 2022–23
 Copa da Inglaterra: 2022–23
 Liga dos Campeões da UEFA: 2022–23
 Supercopa da UEFA: 2023

Ligações externas

Alemães de ascendência espanhola
Goleiros da Alemanha
Futebolistas da Alemanha
Futebolistas do Arminia Bielefeld
Futebolistas do TSV 1860 München
Futebolistas do Manchester City F.C.
Alemães expatriados no Reino Unido

Stefan Ortega


The Alawi dynasty () – also rendered in English as Alaouite, Alawid, or Alawite – is the current Moroccan royal family and reigning dynasty. They are an Arab sharifian dynasty and claim descent from the Islamic prophet Muhammad through his grandson, Hasan ibn Ali. Their ancestors originally migrated to the Tafilalt region, in present-day Morocco, from Yanbu on the coast of the Hejaz in the 12th or 13th century.

The dynasty rose to power in the 17th century, beginning with Mawlay al-Sharif who was declared sultan of the Tafilalt in 1631. His son Al-Rashid, ruling from 1664 to 1672, was able to unite and pacify the country after a long period of regional divisions caused by the weakening of the Saadi Dynasty. His brother Isma'il presided over a period of strong central rule between 1672 and 1727, one of the longest reigns of any Moroccan sultan. After Isma'il's death the country was plunged into disarray as his sons fought over his succession, but order was re-established under the long reign of Muhammad ibn Abdallah in the second half of the 18th century. The 19th century was marked by the growing influence of European powers.

The 'Alawis ruled as sovereign sultans up until 1912, when the French protectorate and Spanish protectorate were imposed on Morocco. They were retained as symbolic sultans under colonial rule. When the country regained its independence in 1956, Mohammed V, who had supported the nationalist cause, resumed the 'Alawi role as independent head of state. Shortly afterwards, in 1957, he adopted the title of "King" instead of "Sultan". His successors, Hassan II and Mohammed VI (the current reigning monarch), have continued the dynasty's rule under the same title. Today, the Moroccan government is officially a constitutional monarchy, but the king retains strong authoritarian power over the state and public affairs, despite some political reforms in recent decades.

Name
The dynasty claims descent from Muhammad via Hasan, the son of Ali. The name 'Alawi () stems either from the name of Ali (the father of Hasan), from which the dynasty ultimately traces its descent, or from the name of the dynasty's early founder Ali al-Sharif of the Tafilalt. The honorific title mawlay (also transliterated as mulay or moulay), meaning "my lord", was also commonly used in conjunction with the names of sultans.

The state and empire ruled by the 'Alawis was also known in some periods as the "Sharifian Empire" (الإيالة الشريفة in Arabic) or Empire Chérifien in French according to the Treaty of Fes). This name was still in official usage until 1956 (when Morocco regained its independence from colonial rule), and is also used by historians to refer to the preceding Saadian state, which was also ruled by a sharifian dynasty.

History

Origins
The 'Alawis were a family of sharifian religious notables (or shurafa) who claimed descent from Muhammad via his grandson Hasan, the son of Ali and of Muhammad's daughter Fatimah. Like the Sa'di dynasty before them, the 'Alawis originally came from the village of Yanbu al-Nakhil in the Hejaz region of Arabia. According to the dynasty's official historians, the family migrated from the Hijaz to the Tafilalt during the 12th or 13th century at the request of the locals who hoped that the presence of a sharifian family would benefit the region. It is possible that the 'Alawis were merely one of many Arab families who moved westwards to Morocco during this period. The Tafilalt was an oasis region in the Ziz Valley in eastern Morocco and the site of Sijilmasa, historically an important terminus of the trans-Saharan trade routes.

Little is known of 'Alawi history prior to the 17th century. In the early 15th century they appear to have had a reputation as holy warriors, but did not yet have a political status. This was the example of one family member, Ali al-Sharif (not to be confused with the later 'Alawi by the same name below), who participated in battles against the Portuguese and Spanish in Ceuta (Sebta) and Tangier and who was also invited by the Nasrids of Granada to fight against Castile on the Iberian Peninsula. By the 17th century, however, they had evidently become the main leaders of the Tafilalt.

Their status as shurafa (descendants of Muhammad) was part of the reason for their success, as in this era many communities in Morocco increasingly saw sharifian status as the best claim to political legitimacy. The Saadian dynasty, which ruled Morocco in the 16th century and early 17th century prior to the rise of the 'Alawis, was also a sharifian dynasty and played an important role in establishing this model of political-religious legitimacy.

Rise to power
The family's rise to power took place in the context of early-to-mid-17th century Morocco, when the power of the Saadian sultans of Marrakesh was in serious decline and multiple regional factions fought for control of the country. Among the most powerful of these factions were the Dala'iyya (also spelled Dila'iyya or Dilaites), a federation of Amazigh (Berbers) in the Middle Atlas who increasingly dominated central Morocco at this time, reaching the peak of their power in the 1640s. Another, was 'Ali Abu Hassun al-Semlali (or Abu Hassun), who had become leader of the Sous valley since 1614. When Abu Hassun extended his control to the Tafilalt region in 1631, the Dala'iyya in turn sent forces to enforce their own influence in the area. The local inhabitants chose as their leader the 'Alawi family head, Muhammad al-Sharif – known as Mawlay Ali al-Sharif, Mawlay al-Sharif, or Muhammad I – recognizing him as Sultan. Mawlay al-Sharif led an attack against Abu Hassun's garrison at Tabu'samt in 1635 or 1636 (1045 AH) but failed to expel them. Abu Hassun forced him to go into exile to the Sous valley, but also treated him well; among other things, Abu Hassun gifted him a slave concubine who later gave birth to one of his sons, Mawlay Isma'il.

While their father remained in exile, al-Sharif's sons took up the struggle. His son Sidi Mohammed (or Muhammad II), became the leader after 1635 and successfully led another rebellion which expelled Abu Hassun's forces in 1640 or 1641 (1050 AH). With this success, he was proclaimed sultan in place of his father who relinquished the throne to him. However, the Dala'iyya invaded the region again in 1646 and following their victory at Al Qa'a forced him to acknowledge their control over all the territory west and south of Sijilmasa. Unable to oppose them, Sidi Mohammed instead decided to expand in the opposite direction, to the northeast. In 1647, he won the loyalty of several Arab tribes of the Banu Ma'qil in this region, and conquered Oujda. As Oujda was an imperial city, he became Sultan of Tafilalt upon his conquest. He advanced as far as al-Aghwat and Tlemcen in Algeria (which was part of the Ottoman Empire at the time) in 1650. His forays into Ottoman Algeria provoked a response from the Ottomans, who sent an army that chased him back to Sijilmasa. In negotiations with an Ottoman legation from Algiers, Sidi Mohammed agreed not to cross into Ottoman territory again and the Tafna River was set as their northern border. In 1645 and again in 1652, Sidi Mohammed annexed the Emirate of Tuat to his Sultanate.

Despite some territorial setbacks, the 'Alawis' influence slowly grew, partly thanks to their continued alliance with certain Arab tribes of the region. In June 1650, the leaders of Fez (or more specifically Fes el-Bali, the old city), with the support of the local Arab tribes, rejected the authority of the Dala'iyya and invited Sidi Mohammed to join them. Soon after he arrived, however, the Dala'iyya army approached the city and the local leaders, realizing they did not have enough strength to oppose them, stopped their uprising and asked Sidi Mohammed to leave.

Mawlay Sharif died in 1659, and Sidi Mohammed was once again proclaimed sovereign. However, this provoked a succession clash between Sidi Mohammed and one of his younger half-brothers, Al-Rashid. Details of this conflict are lengthy, but ultimately Al-Rashid appears to have fled Sijilmasa in fear of his brother and took refuge with the Dala'iyya in the Middle Atlas. He then moved around northern Morocco, spending time in Fez, before settling in Angad (northeastern Morocco today). He managed to secure an alliance with the same Banu Ma'qil Arab tribes who had previously supported his brother and also with the Ait Yaznasin (Beni Snassen), a Zenata Amazigh tribe. These groups recognized him as sultan in 1664, while around the same time Sidi Mohammed made a new base for himself as far west as Azrou. The power of the Dala'iyya was in decline, and both brothers sought to take advantage of this, but both stood in each other's way. When Sidi Mohammed attacked Angad to force his rebellious brother's submission on August 2, 1664, he was instead unexpectedly killed and his armies defeated.

By this time, the Dala'iyya's realm, which once extended over Fez and most of central Morocco, had largely receded to their original home in the Middle Atlas. Al-Rashid was left in control of the 'Alawi forces and in less than a decade he managed to extend 'Alawi control over almost all of Morocco, reuniting the country under a new sharifian dynasty. Early on, he won over more rural Arab tribes to his side and integrated them into his military system. Also known as guich tribes ("Army" tribes, also transliterated as gish), they became one of his most important means of imposing control over regions and cities. In 1664 he had taken control of Taza, but Fez rejected his authority and a siege of the city in 1665 failed. After further campaigning in the Rif region, where he won more support, Al-Rashid returned and secured the city's surrender in June 1666. He made the city his capital, but settled his military tribes in other lands and in a new kasbah outside the city (Kasbah Cherarda today) to head off complaints from the city's inhabitants about their behaviour. He then defeated the remnants of the Dala'iyya by invading and destroying their capital in the Middle Atlas in June 1668. In July he captured Marrakesh from Abu Bakr ben Abdul Karim Al-Shabani, the son of the usurper who had ruled the city since assassinating his nephew Ahmad al-Abbas, the last Saadian sultan. Al-Rashid's forces took the Sous valley and the Anti-Atlas in the south, forced Salé and its pirate republic to acknowledge his authority, while in the north, except for the European enclaves, he was in control of all the Rif comprising Ksar al-Kebir, Tetouan and Oujda in the northeast. Al-Rashid had thus succeeded in reuniting the country under one rule. He was not able to enjoy this success for very long, however, and died young in 1672 while in Marrakesh.

The reign of Mawlay Isma'il
Upon Al-Rashid's death his younger half-brother Mawlay Isma'il became sultan. As sultan, Isma'il's 55-year reign was one of longest in Moroccan history. He distinguished himself as a ruler who wished to establish a unified Moroccan state as the absolute authority in the land, independent of any particular group within Morocco – in contrast to previous dynasties which relied on certain tribes or regions as the base of their power. He succeeded in part by creating a new army composed of Black slaves (the Abid al-Bukhari) from Sub-Saharan Africa (or descendants of previously imported slaves), many of them Muslims, whose loyalty was to him alone. Mawlay Isma'il himself was half Black, his mother having been a Black slave concubine of Mawlay Sharif. This standing army also made effective use of modern artillery. He continuously led military campaigns against rebels, rivals, and European positions along the Moroccan coast. In practice, he still had to rely on various groups to control outlying areas, but he nonetheless succeeded in retaking many coastal cities occupied by England and Spain and managed to enforce direct order and heavy taxation throughout his territories. He put a definitive end to Ottoman attempts to gain influence in Morocco and established Morocco on more equal diplomatic footing with European powers in part by forcing them to ransom Christian captives at his court. These Christians were mostly captured by Moroccan pirate fleets which he heavily sponsored as a means of both revenue and warfare. While in captivity, prisoners were often forced into labour on his construction projects. All of these activities and policies gave him a reputation for ruthlessness and cruelty among European writers and a mixed reputation among Moroccan historians as well, though he is credited with unifying Morocco under strong (but brutal) leadership.

He also moved the capital from Fez to Meknes, where he built a vast imperial kasbah, a fortified palace-city whose construction continued throughout his reign. He also built fortifications across the country, especially along its eastern frontier, which many of his Abid troops garrisoned. This was partly a response to continued Ottoman interference in Morocco, which Isma'il managed to stop after many difficulties and rebellions. Al-Khadr Ghaylan, a former leader in northern Morocco who fled to Ottoman Algiers during Al-Rashid's advance, returned to Tetouan at the beginning of Isma'il's reign with Ottoman help and led a rebellion in the north which was joined by the people of Fez. He recognized Isma'il's nephew, Ahmad ibn Mahriz, as sultan, who in turn had managed to take control of Marrakesh and was recognized also by the tribes of the Sous valley. Ghaylan was defeated and killed in 1673, and a month later Fez was brought back under control. Ahmad ibn Mahriz was only defeated and killed in 1686 near Taroudant. Meanwhile, the Ottomans supported further dissidents via Ahmad al-Dala'i, the grandson of Muhammad al-Hajj who had led the Dala'iyya to dominion over a large part of Morocco earlier that century, prior to Al-Rashid's rise. The Dala'is had been expelled to Tlemcen but and they returned to the Middle Atlas at the instigation of the Ottomans and under Ahmad's leadership in 1677. They managed to defeat Isma'il's forces and control Tadla for a time, but were defeated in April 1678 near Wadi al-'Abid. Ahmad al-Dala'i escaped and eventually died in early 1680. After the defeat of the Dala'is and of his nephew, Isma'il was finally able to impose his rule without serious challenge over all of Morocco and was able to push back against Ottoman influence. After Ghaylan's defeat he sent raids and military expeditions into Ottoman Algeria in 1679, 1682, and 1695–96. A final expedition in 1701 ended poorly. Afterwards, peace was re-established and the Ottomans agreed to recognize Morocco's eastern frontier near Oujda.

Isma'il also sought to project renewed Moroccan power abroad and in former territories. Following the decline of central rule in the late Saadian period earlier that century, the Pashalik of Timbuktu, created after Ahmad al-Mansur's invasion of the Songhay Empire, had become de facto independent and the trans-Saharan trade routes fell into decline. The 'Alawis became masters over Tuat (oasis in present-day Algeria) in 1645, they rebelled many times after this initial conquest but Isma'il established direct control there from 1676 onwards. In 1678–79 he organized a major military expedition to the south, forcing the Emirates of Trarza and Brakna to become his vassals and extending his overlordship up to the Senegal River. In 1694 he appointed a qadi to control in Taghaza (present-day northern Mali) on behalf of Morocco. Later, in 1724, he sent an army to support the amir of Trarza (present-day Mauritania) against the French presence in Senegal and also used the opportunity to appoint his own governor in Shinqit (Chinguetti). Despite this reassertion of control, trans-Saharan trade did not resume in the long-term on the same levels it existed before the 17th century.

In 1662 Portuguese-controlled Tangier was transferred to English control as part of Catherine of Braganza's dowry to Charles II. Mawlay Isma'il besieged the city unsuccessfully in 1679, but this pressure, along with attacks from local Muslim mujahidin (also known as the "Army of the Rif"), persuaded the English to evacuate Tangier in 1684. Mawlay Isma'il immediately claimed the city and sponsored its Muslim resettlement, but granted local authority to 'Ali ar-Rifi, the governor of Tetouan who had played an active part in besieging the city and became the chieftain of northern Morocco around this time. Isma'il also conquered Spanish-controlled Mahdiya in 1681, Al-Ara'ish (Larache) in 1689, and Asilah in 1691. Moreover, he sponsored Moroccan pirates which preyed on European merchant ships. Despite this, he also allowed Europeans merchants to trade inside Morocco, but he strictly regulated their activities and forced them to negotiate with his government for permission, allowing him to efficiently collect taxes on trade. Isma'il also allowed European countries, often through the proxy of Spanish Franciscan friars, to negotiate ransoms for the release of Christians captured by pirates or in battle. He also pursued relations with Louis XIV of France starting in 1682, hoping to secure an alliance against Spain, but France was less interested in this idea and relations eventually collapsed after 1718.

Disorder and civil war under Isma'il's sons
After Mawlay Isma'il's death, Morocco was plunged into one of its greatest periods of turmoil between 1727 and 1757, with Isma'il's sons fighting for control of the sultanate and never holding onto power for long. Isma'il had left hundreds of sons who were theoretically eligible for the throne. Conflict between his sons was compounded by rebellions against the heavily taxing and autocratic government which Isma'il had previously imposed. Furthermore, the Abid of Isma'il's reign came to wield enormous power and were able to install or depose sultans according to their interests throughout this period, though they also had to compete with the guich tribes and some of the Amazigh (Berber) tribes. Meknes remained the capital and the scene of most of these political changes, but Fez was also a key player. Ahmad adh-Dhahabi was the first to succeed his father but was immediately contested and ruled twice only briefly before his death in 1729, with his brother Abd al-Malik ruling in between his reigns in 1728. After this his brother Abdallah ruled for most of the period between 1729 and 1757 but was deposed four times. Abdallah was initially supported by the Abid but eventually made enemies of them after 1733. Eventually he was able to gain advantage over them by forming an alliance with the Amazigh tribe of Ait Idrasin, the Oudaya guich tribe, and the leaders of Fez (whom he alienated early on but later reconciled with). This alliance steadily wore down the Abids power and paved the way for their submission in the later part of the 18th century.

In this period, the north of Morocco also became virtually independent of the central government, being ruled instead by Ahmad ibn 'Ali ar-Rifi, the son of 'Ali al-Hamami ar-Rifi whom Mawlay Isma'il had granted local authority in the region of Tangier. Ahmad al-Hamami ar-Rifi used Tangier as the capital of his territory and profited from an arms trade with the English at Gibraltar, with whom he also established diplomatic relations. Sultan Ahmad al-Dahabi had tried to appoint his own governor in Tetouan to undermine Ar-Rifi's power in 1727, but without success. Ahmad ar-Rifi was initially uninterested in the politics playing out in Meknes, but became embroiled due to an alliance he formed with al-Mustadi', one of the ephemeral sultans installed by the 'Abid installed in May 1738. When Al-Mustadi' was in turn deposed in January 1740 to accommodate Mawlay Abdallah's return to power, Ar-Rifi opposed the latter and invaded Fez in 1741. Mawlay Abdallah's alliance of factions was able to finally defeat and kill him on the battlefield in 1743, and soon after the sultan's authority was re-established along the coastal cities of Morocco. In 1647, Sultan Mawlay Abdallah strategically established his two sons Khalifa (Viceroy) in politically important cities. His eldest Mawlay Ahmed was appointed Khalifa of Rabat and his youngest Sidi Mohammed, Khalifa of Marrakesh. His eldest son would die before him in 1750. After 9 years of uninterrupted reign, Mawlay Abdallah died at Dar Dbibegh November 10, 1757. His only surviving son, Sidi Mohammed, succeeded him.

Restoration of authority under Muhammad ibn Abdallah
Order and control was firmly re-established only under Abdallah's son, Sidi Mohammed ibn Abdallah (Mohammed III), who became Sultan in 1757 after a decade as viceroy in Marrakesh. Many of the 'Abid had by then deserted their contingents and joined the common population of the country, and Sidi Mohammed III was able to reorganize those who remained into his own elite military corps. The Oudaya, who had supported his father but had been a burden on the population of Fez where they lived, became the main challenge to the new sultan's power. In 1760 he was forced to march with an army to Fez where he arrested their leaders and destroyed their contingents, killing many of their soldiers. In the aftermath the sultan created a new, much smaller, Oudaya regiment which was given new commanders and garrisoned in Meknes instead. Later, in 1775, he tried to distance the Abid from power by ordering their transfer from Meknes to Tangier in the north. The Abid resisted him and attempted to proclaim his son Yazid (the later Mawlay Yazid) as sultan, but the latter soon changed his mind and was reconciled with his father. After this, Sidi Mohammed III dispersed the Abid contingents to garrisons in Tangier, Larache, Rabat, Marrakesh and the Sous, where they continued to cause trouble until 1782. These disturbances were compounded by drought and severe famine between 1776 and 1782 and an outbreak of plague in 1779–1780, which killed many Moroccans and forced the sultan to import wheat, reduce taxes, and distribute food and funds to locals and tribal leaders in order to alleviate the suffering. By now, however, the improved authority of the sultan allowed the central government to weather these difficulties and crises.

Sidi Mohammed ibn Abdallah maintained the peace in part through a relatively more decentralized regime and lighter taxes, relying instead on greater trade with Europe to make up the revenues. In line with this policy, in 1764 he founded Essaouira, a new port city through which he funnelled European trade with Marrakesh. The last Portuguese outpost on the Moroccan coast, Mazagan (al-Jadida today), was taken by Morocco in 1729, leaving only the Spanish enclaves of Ceuta and Melilla as the remaining European outposts in Morocco. Muhammad also signed a Treaty of Friendship with the United States in 1787 after becoming the first head of state to recognize the new country. He was interested in scholarly pursuits and also cultivated a productive relationship with the ulama, or Muslim religious scholars, who supported some of his initiatives and reforms.

Sidi Mohammed's opening of Morocco to international trade was not welcomed by some, however. After his death in 1790, his son and successor Mawlay Yazid ruled with more xenophobia and violence, punished Jewish communities, and launched an ill-fated attack against Spanish-held Ceuta in 1792 in which he was mortally wounded. After his death, he was succeeded by his brother Suleyman (or Mawlay Slimane), though the latter had to defeat two more brothers who contested the throne: Maslama in the north and Hisham in Marrakesh to the south. Suleyman brought trade with Europe nearly to a halt. Although less violent and bigoted than Yazid, was still portrayed by European sources as xenophobic. Some of this lack of engagement with Europe was likely a consequence of the Napoleonic Wars, during which England blockaded parts of Europe and both France and Spain threatened Morocco into not taking any side. After 1811 Suleyman also pushed a fundamentalist Wahhabist ideology at home and attempted to suppress local Sufi orders and brotherhoods, in spite of their popularity and despite his own membership in the Tijaniyya order.

European influence and confrontation in the 19th century

Suleyman's successor, Abd al-Rahman (or Abderrahmane; ruled 1822–1859), tried to reinforce national unity by recruiting local elites of the country and orchestrating military campaigns designed to bolster his image as a defender of Islam against encroaching European powers. The French conquest of Algeria in 1830, however, destabilized the region and put the sultan in a very difficult position. Wide popular support for the Algerians against the French led Morocco to allow the flow of aid and arms to the resistance movement led by Emir Abd al-Qadir, while the Moroccan ulama delivered a fatwa for a supporting jihad in 1837. On the other hand, Abd al-Rahman was reluctant to provide the French with a clear reason to attack Morocco if he ever intervened. He managed to maintain the appearance of neutrality until 1844, when he was compelled to provide refuge to Abd al-Qadir in Morocco. The French, led by the marshall Bugeaud, pursued him and thoroughly routed the Moroccan army at the Battle of Isly, near Oujda, on August 14. At the same time, the French navy bombarded Tangiers on August 6 and bombarded Mogador (Essaouira) on August 16. In the aftermath, Morocco signed the Convention of Lalla Maghnia on March 18, 1845. The treaty made the superior power of France clear and forced the sultan to recognize French authority over Algeria. Abd al-Qadir turned rebel against the sultan and took refuge in the Rif region until his surrender to the French in 1848.

The next confrontation, the Hispano-Moroccan War, took place from 1859 to 1860, and the subsequent Treaty of Wad Ras led the Moroccan government to take a massive British loan larger than its national reserves to pay off its war debt to Spain.

In the latter part of the 19th century Morocco's instability resulted in European countries intervening to protect investments and to demand economic concessions. Sultan Hassan I called for the Madrid Conference of 1880 in response to France and Spain's abuse of the protégé system, but the result was an increased European presence in Morocco—in the form of advisors, doctors, businessmen, adventurers, and even missionaries.

Crisis and installation of French and Spanish Protectorates
After Sultan Abdelaziz appointed his brother Abdelhafid as viceroy of Marrakesh, the latter sought to have him overthrown by fomenting distrust over Abdelaziz's European ties. Abdelhafid was aided by Madani el-Glaoui, older brother of T'hami, one of the Caids of the Atlas. He was assisted in the training of his troops by Andrew Belton, a British officer and veteran of the Second Boer War. For a brief period, Abdelaziz reigned from Rabat while Abdelhafid reigned in Marrakesh and Fez and a conflict known as the Hafidiya (1907–1908) ensued. In 1908 Abdelaziz was defeated in battle. In 1909, Abdelhafid became the recognized leader of Morocco.

In 1911, rebellion broke out against the sultan. This led to the Agadir Crisis, also known as the Second Moroccan Crisis. These events led Abdelhafid to abdicate after signing the Treaty of Fes on 30 March 1912, which made Morocco a French protectorate. He signed his abdication only when on the quay in Rabat, with the ship that would take him to France already waiting. When news of the treaty finally leaked to the Moroccan populace, it was met with immediate and violent backlash in the Intifada of Fez. His brother Youssef was proclaimed Sultan by the French administration several months later (13 August 1912). At the same time a large part of northern Morocco was placed under Spanish control.

Colonial rule, Mohammed V, and independence

Under colonial rule the institution of the sultan was formally preserved as part of a French policy of indirect rule, or at least the appearance of indirect rule. Under the French Protectorate, the 'Alawi sultans still had some prerogatives such as the power to sign or veto dahirs (decrees). In the Spanish zone, a Khalifa ("deputy") was appointed who acted as a representative of the sultan. In practice, however, the sultan was a puppet of the new regime and many parts of the population saw the dynasty as collaborators with the French. The French colonial administration was headed by the French resident-general, the first of whom was Hubert Lyautey, who enacted many of the policies that set the tone for France's colonial regime in Morocco.

Mawlay Youssef died unexpectedly in 1927 and his youngest son, Muhammad (Mohammed ben Youssef or Mohammed V), was acclaimed as the new sultan, at the age of 18. By the guidance of the French regime, he had spent most of his life growing up in relative isolation inside the royal palace in Meknes and Rabat. These restrictions on his interactions with the outside world continued in large part even after he ascended to the throne. However, over the course of his reign he became increasingly associated with the Moroccan nationalist movement, eventually becoming a strong symbol in the cause for independence. The nationalists, for their part, and in contrast with other anti-colonial movements like the Salafis, saw the sultan as a potentially useful tool in the struggle against French rule.

Some of Mohammed V's initial interactions with nationalists came during the crisis caused by the so-called "Berber Dahir". Among other things at this time, the sultan received a delegation from Fez which presented a list of grievances about the new French policy, and had discussions with Allal al-Fassi where he apparently expressed that he had been misled by the French residency when signing it and vowed to cede no further rights of his country. The sultan refrained from openly associating with the nationalist movement in the 1930s, but nonetheless resisted French attempts to shift the terms of the Protectorate during the interwar years. He reaffirmed Morocco's loyalty to France in 1939, at the beginning of the World War II. After the fall of France to the Germans and the advent of the Vichy regime, however, the sultan increasingly charted his own course, successfully pushing some reform initiatives related to education, even as the Vichy regime encouraged him to make several well-publicized trips abroad to bolster his legitimacy and that of the colonial system. In 1942 the Allies landed on the Moroccan Atlantic coast as part of their invasion of North Africa against Axis occupation. This momentous change also allowed the sultan more political manoeuvring room, and during the Anfa Conference in 1943, which Allied leaders attended, Mohammed V was left alone at one time with President Roosevelt, who expressed support for Moroccan independence after the war. The encounter was the sultan's first face-to-face interaction with another head of state without the mediating presence of the French officials. In the fall of the same year, the sultan encouraged the formation of the official Istiqlal ("Independence") Party and the drafting of the Manifesto of Independence that called for a constitutional monarchy with democratic institutions.

These moves were strongly opposed by the French, but the sultan continued to steadily defy them. Another watershed event was the Tangier Speech of 1947, delivered in the Mendoubia Gardens of Tangier during the first visit of a Moroccan sultan to the city since Mawlay Hassan I in 1889. The speech made a number of significant points including support for Arab nationalism, a generally anti-colonial ideology, and an expression of gratitude for American support of Moroccan aspirations while omitting the usual statements of support for the French Protectorate. In the following years the tensions increased, with French officials slowly acknowledging the need for Moroccan independence but stressing for slower reforms rather than rapid sovereignty. The French enlisted many powerful collaborators such Thami el-Glaoui to organize a campaign of public opposition to the sultan and demands for his abdication – also known as the "Qa'id Affair" – in the spring of 1953. The political confrontation came to a head in August of that year. On August 13 the royal palace in Rabat was surrounded and closed off by Protectorate military forces and police, and on August 16 Thami and allied Moroccan leaders formally declared Mohammed Ben 'Arafa, a little-known member of the 'Alawi family, as sultan. On August 20 the French resident-general, Auguste Guillaume, presented demands to the sultan for his abdication and his agreement to go into exile. The sultan refused to abdicate, and that afternoon he and his sons were escorted at gunpoint from the palace and onto a plane. He and his family were eventually exiled to Madagascar.

The exile of the sultan did not alleviate French difficulties in Morocco, and an insurgency broke out which targeted both the regime and its collaborators with boycott campaigns as well as acts of violence. Several assassination attempts were made against the new puppet sultan, Mohammed Ben 'Arafa, and one of the boycott campaigns was aimed at the country's mosques due to prayers being said in the new sultan's name. Eventually, with the decolonialization process under way in Tunisia and the independence war in Algeria, the French agreed to negotiate Morocco's independence at a conference on August 23, 1955. By October 1 Mohammed Ben 'Arafa had abdicated and later that month even Thami el-Glaoui supported Mohammed V's return. The sultan landed at Rabat-Salé Airport at 11:42 am on November 16, greeted by cheering crowds. The French-Moroccan Declaration of Independence was formally signed on March 2, 1956, and Tangier was reintegrated to Morocco later that year. In 1957 Mohammed V adopted the official title of "King", which has since been used by his successors, Hassan II and Mohammed VI.

From 1957 to present day

At independence, the Moroccan makhzen (royal government) remained underdeveloped and urgent reforms were needed to resolve problems arising from decades of colonial rule. Political friction existed between the nationalist Istiqlal Party, which pushed for more democratic institutions, and the king, Mohammed V, who now hesitated on endorsing radical political changes. By the end of the decade in 1960, the Istiqlal Party was weakened by splinter factions and the growing number of political parties were unable to act together as an effective counterbalance to the king. A formal constitution also remained lacking. As a result, the monarch emerged as the main pillar of political stability in the state and there was a revival of absolutism under royal rule. Mohammed V died in 1961 and was succeeded by his son, Hassan II.

Hassan was soon compelled to promulgate a constitution, which was approved by popular referendum in 1962. The constitution had been written by officials appointed by the king and in practice it cemented the monarchy's rule by granting it far-reaching executive powers. Hassan II worked to improve relations with France and position Morocco as an ally of the West, but relations with neighboring Algeria deteriorated over border issues and resulted in the Sand War in 1963. Tensions also rose internally during the 1960s and 1970s, with leftist opposition mounting against the conservative monarchy. This in turn was met with increased political repression and Hassan II largely relied on the army and police as instruments of power. The period from roughly 1975 to 1990 is known as the "Years of Lead", as state violence was regularly deployed against dissenters and political opponents were jailed or disappeared. Two attempted coups d'état against the king failed in 1971 and 1972.

Upon the withdrawal of the Spanish occupation of the Western Sahara in 1975, Hassan II used the opportunity to publicly galvanize nationalist sentiment by pressing Morocco's claims to the territory, over the objections of the local Sahrawi people and of the Algerian and Mauritanian governments. He organized the Green March, which saw around 350,000 Moroccans crossing the southern border to settle inside the territory, triggering a war with the Polisario, the armed front of the Sahrawi people. A ceasefire was negotiated in 1989, but the conflict remains unresolved today, with most of the territory under de facto Moroccan control while the Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic controls the easternmost zones. During the 1990s Hassan II changed course in domestic politics and publicly promoted an agenda of reform. A new constitutional reform, approved by referendum, was enacted in 1993. Another amendment to the constitution was passed in 1996 to create a bi-cameral legislature, with the lower house elected directly by voters and an upper house chosen indirectly by regional assemblies and professional organizations.

Hassan II died in 1999 and was succeeded by his son, Mohammed VI, the current reigning king. The new monarch's reign began with promises of further liberalization and reform; however, the extent of political reforms has been limited and popular engagement with electoral politics has been inconsistent. Another constitutional reform was passed by a referendum in 2011 in response to protests inside the country, in the wider context of the Arab Spring. Today, the 'Alawis remain the only monarchy in North Africa. They officially rule in a parliamentary constitutional monarchy, but authoritarian and absolutist characteristics are still noted by scholars and observers, with effective power largely remaining in the hands of the king, a situation that has been compared to the pattern of Hashemite monarchy in Jordan.

List of 'Alawi rulers

Sultans of the Tafilalt and early expansion:
Sharif ibn Ali (1631–1635)
Muhammad ibn Sharif (1635–1664)
Al-Rashid (1664–1668)

After capture of Marrakesh in 1668, Sultans of Morocco:

Al-Rashid (1668–1672)
Mawlay Ismail Ibn Sharif (1672–1727)
Abu'l Abbas Ahmad II (1727–1728) (first time)
Abdalmalik (1728)
Abu'l Abbas Ahmad II (1728–1729) (second time)
Abdallah (1729–1734) (first time)
Ali (1734–1736)
Abdallah (1736) (second time)
Mohammed II (1736–1738)
Al-Mustadi (1738–1740) (first time)
Abdallah (1740–1741) (third time)
Zin al-Abidin (1741)
Abdallah (1741–1742) (fourth time)
Al-Mustadi (1742–1743) (second time)
Abdallah (1743–1747) (fifth time)
Al-Mustadi (1747–1748) (third time)
Abdallah (1748–1757) (sixth time)
Mohammed III (1757–1790)
Yazid (1790–1792)
Mulay Suleiman (1792–1822)
Abderrahmane (1822–1859)
Mohammed IV (1859–1873)
Hassan I (1873–1894)
Abdelaziz (1894–1908)
Abdelhafid (1908–1912)

Under the French protectorate (1912–1956):
Yusef (1912–1927)
King Mohammed V (1927–1961), changed title of ruler from Sultan to King in 1957. Deposed and exiled to Corsica and Madagascar (1953–1955).
Mohammed Ben Aarafa, installed by France (1953–1955)

From Independence (1955 onwards):
King Mohammed V (1955–1961)
King Hassan II (1961–1999)
King Mohammed VI (1999–present)

Timeline

Family tree

See also
 Conflicts between the Regency of Algiers and Morocco
 History of Morocco
 Order of Ouissam Alaouite
 List of Sunni Muslim dynasties
 Hashemites, Jordan's ruling family that also claims descent from the Islamic prophet Muhammad
 Succession to the Moroccan throne
 List of rulers of Morocco

References

Further reading
 Waterbury, John. Commander of the Faithful

External links
 Morocco Alaoui dynasty

Moroccan royalty
House of Hashim
Moroccan people of Arab descent
States and territories established in 1666
Articles which contain graphical timelines
1666 establishments in Africa
Arab dynasties
16th-century Arab people
17th-century Arab people
18th-century Arab people
19th-century Arab people
20th-century Arab people
21st-century Arab people

Alawi dynasty


Agrilus transversesulcatus é uma espécie de inseto do género Agrilus, família Buprestidae, ordem Coleoptera.

Foi descrita cientificamente por Reitter, 1890.

Referências

transversesulcatus

Agrilus transversesulcatus


Bulevardul Maas (în ) este cea mai importantă arteră din estul centrului orașului Rotterdam din Țările de Jos.

Bulevardul Maas este situat de-a lungul râului Meusa Nouă, pe malul de vest al acestuia, și se întinde de la Portul Vechi și până la Honingerdijk, acolo unde strada devine Abram van Rijckevorselweg. Bulevardul Maas oferă o vedere ideală a panoramei orașului în zona marelui cot al Meusei.

Până în 1953, în locul Bulevardului Maas se afla gara de cale ferată Rotterdam Maas. După inundațiile din 1953, în zonă au fost construite diguri de protecție mai înalte. Cel mai înalt dig a devenit Bulevardul Maas, care a depășit fostul dig de est. Bulevardul Maas respectă înălțimea minimă admisibiă a digurilor din Olanda, iar în 1964 a fost deschis traficului auto. Calea de rulare pentru autovehicule are două 2 benzi pe fiecare sens. În partea dinspre râul Meusa se află și o pistă pentru biciclete.

Între Bulevardul Maas și Meusa Nouă se găsesc ștrandul Tropicana, închis în 2010 și folosit acum doar pentru spectacole, precum și un complex de locuințe (la vest de  Boerengatsluis). Mai departe de acesta, între Bulevardului Maas și râu nu se mai află nicio construcție, așa că vederea înspre malul opus nu mai este obstrucționată.

Note

Străzi din Rotterdam

Bulevardul Maas (Rotterdam)


La iglesia de San Francisco es un templo y convento católico la ciudad de Guadix, Granada, España.

Historia
La iglesia de San Francisco, junto con el convento de los Franciscanos, fue mandada construir en el año 1490, por los Reyes Católicos, pero no se haría efectivo hasta el año siguiente. Esta antigüedad la denotan sin duda sus estructuras. Ambas construcciones están ubicadas teóricamente en una antigua parcela perteneciente al caudillo nazarí Hamete. Junto con otras edificaciones religiosas, la iglesia y el asentamiento en el convento de la orden franciscana suponía un impulso a la evangelización de la población mudéjar, siendo esta la primera iglesia de la ciudad tras la conquista.

Descripción

Fachada
Su portada está protagonizada por una extrema sencillez a través de elementos del gótico.

Interior
En el interior, una sola nave con la capilla mayor, a la que se accede a través de un arco apuntado sobre pilastras de carácter igualmente sencillo. Las estructuras están elaboradas con cajones de tapial y machones de ladrillo, exceptuando la capilla construida en su totalidad con ladrillo con aparejo inglés. Construcciones posteriores son las capillas laterales, posiblemente resultado de ampliaciones. Mecenas de estas ampliaciones fueron las familias nobiliarias de la ciudad, dotando a la iglesia de un patrimonio artístico todavía mayor. De ellas aún se identifican las lápidas, ahora colocadas fuera de su lugar original, y los escudos heráldicos sobre los arcos de acceso a las capillas. La capilla mayor, por ejemplo, pertenecía a la familia de los Pérez de Barradas y Figueroa, costeando además su retablo, del que no queda nada, realizado por el escultor Gabriel de Freila y los pintores Juan Antonio de Aguilar y José del Olmo. La torre pertenecería igualmente a dichas reformas, convirtiéndose finalmente en campanario. Estas reformas quedan demostradas en las diferencias constructivas, como son las diferentes dimensiones de los arcos de las numerosas capillas, siendo las más antiguas las ubicadas cerca del arco toral.

Además del mecenazgo de las familias nobiliarias, la iglesia estaba acompañada por la creación de varias cofradías, como podemos identificar en algunas imágenes de las capillas de la iglesia. Entre ellas se encuentran la de Nuestra Señora del Rosario, la Limpia Concepción de María y la de San Diego.

Las cubiertas, como suele ocurrir en las iglesias de la ciudad, tienen un valor histórico-artístico importantísimo. La armadura de la nave central es un gran artesón con limas moamares a los pies y que junto al arco toral, se ochava sobre pechinas planas, decoradas mediante lacerías. Además, la armadura tiene labor del jaldetas y una cupulita de mocárabe, así como el uso de canes y apeinazados, como se puede ver en el refuerzo de la armadura con seis pares de tirantes dobles apeinazados, teniendo mayor decoración el ubicado en la parte del arco toral. El uso de los canes con el perfil lobulado proviene posiblemente del área toledana. En el paño central, aún se conservan, pero en muy mal estado, cuatro sinos octogonales con el escudo de la orden.

La armadura de la capilla principal es de estructura ochavada apeinazada con formas de estrellas y crucetas, exceptuando el harneruelo, con forma de ruedas de ocho. En el centro, una piña de mocárabe. Toda la armadura tiene una policromía suave y discreta, dibujando en el arrocabe los escudos de la familia Pérez Barradas.

La armadura del coro es de alfarje con seis vigas de papo liso y contrapares perfilados con labor de menados a base de alfardones lobulados y chillas estrelladas. Además, en el destaca una inscripción que se prolonga por donde hoy están ubicadas las tribunas, en la que dice así:

A pesar de la fecha, los elementos que constituyen el coro son anteriores, ya que esta inscripción hace alusión a los enterramientos que hay bajo el coro y no al coro mismo.

La capilla principal es de estructura rectangular con elementos decorativos pertenecientes ya al Barroco. Junto a esta capilla, a su derecha, se encuentra la antigua sacristía, de planta igualmente rectangular y cubierta con bóveda de medio cañón deprimida, del . Arriba y de construcción posterior es el campanario, con vanos dobles adaptados para la colocación de las campanas. Las otras dos capillas junto al arco toral constituyen un falso crucero.

Convento
Respecto al convento, ha pasado a lo largo de los siglos por diferentes usos desde cuartel durante la invasión francesa hasta residencia de ancianos por lo que su estructura original se halla bastante modificada. Consta de un patio central, con doble galería a su alrededor. En torno a este patio se disponen diversas estancias conventuales. Actualmente se encuentra abandonado.

El convento es, junto con el de Santo Domingo y Santa Clara, uno de los más antiguos de Guadix, construido entre finales del  y principios del  por mandato del famoso Cardenal Cisneros y del por entonces obispo de Guadix, fray García de Quixada. Las hermanas de los Pobres Desamparados serían las últimas en ocupar el convento hasta su posterior abandono.

La construcción, adosada a uno de los costados de la iglesia, se encuentra en un estado lamentable, ya que está en un completo abandono con el consiguiente proceso de deterioro. Sin embargo a pesar de ello y los diferentes procesos históricos que afectaron al inmueble, conserva su estructura original en lo referente a la organización de las estancias organizadas en torno a un claustro de grandes dimensiones al que se accede a través de un zaguán. El patio tiene galerías con arcos de medio punto sobre columnas en el cuerpo inferior y rebajados en la galería superior, todo realizado en ladrillo. El resto del convento se encuentra muy modificado, habiendo adaptado las estructuras interiores a las diferentes exigencias funcionales de cada momento. Existe un segundo espacio dedicado a huerta con estructuras impropias y modificaciones importantes.

El conjunto fue declarado, en 1983, Monumento Nacional (B.I.C. 12/07/1983).

Enlaces externos
 Patrimonio de Guadix

Iglesias de la provincia de Granada del siglo XVI
Iglesias góticas de Andalucía
Iglesias mudéjares de Andalucía
Iglesias de la provincia de Granada
Conventos de Andalucía del siglo XVI
Monasterios franciscanos en España
Arquitectura de Guadix
Monumentos histórico-artísticos de España declarados en 1931
Bienes de interés cultural de la provincia de Granada
Guadix

Iglesia de San Francisco (Guadix)


Mordvini, Mordovci ili Mordva (erzjanski: эрзят, mokša: мокшет, ruski: мордвины, мордовцы ili мордва) ugro-finski su narod, koji pretežno živi u Rusiji, odnosno u Republici Mordoviji, u kojoj čini 40 % stanovništva, i u kojoj predstavlja drugi narod po brojnosti, poslije Rusa (53,4 %). Mordvini su većinom pravoslavne vjeroispovijesti, a govore dva blisko srodna, i jedina dva modrvinska jezika – erzjanski (Erzjani) i mokšanski (Mokšani), koji spadaju u ugro-finsku grupu uralske porodice jezika. Pismo je adaptirana ruska ćirilica. Mordvinska narodna nošnja bila je obdarena karakterističnim svojstvima, poput posebnog kroja, platna i ukrasa.

Etimologija
Prvobitno ime Mordva i Mordvini, javlja se s mongolskom invazijom početkom 11. stoljeća. Pretpostavlja se da riječ Mordva potječe od iranske (skitske) riječi mirde, što znači "čovjek, muž, suprug". Slično značenje ima i ime susjednoga naroda Mari.

Izvori

Literatura

Vidi još
 Mordvinska glazba
 Mordvinska narodna nošnja

Vanjske poveznice

 Mordvini, Hrvatska enciklopedija
 Mordvini, Proleksis enciklopedija
 Мордва, Enciklopedijski rječnik Brockhausa i Efrona
 Мордва, Velika sovjetska enciklopedija
 МОРДВА́ , Velika ruska enciklopedija

Etničke grupe Rusije
Povolški Finci

Mordvini


Rosella Postorino () este o scriitoare italiană. În 2013 a câștigat premiul internațional Città di Penne, iar în 2018 premiile Rapallo-Carige și Premiul Campiello.

Biografie

Născută în Reggio Calabria în 1978, dar crescută în Liguria, la San Lorenzo al Mare, Rosella Postorino s-a mutat la Roma în 2002 și a debutat în literatura în 2004 cu povestirea Dentro una capsula din antologia Ragazze che dovresti conoscere.

A tradus și a editat unele lucrări ale scriitoarei Marguerite Duras.

Cu romanul Le assaggiatrici (Feltrinelli 2018) a câștigat cea de-a 56-a ediție a Premiului Campiello, Premiul Luigi Russo, Premiul Rapallo și Vigevano Lucio Mastronardi.

Opere

Romane

 La stanza di sopra, Vicenza, Neri Pozza, 2007
 L'estate che perdemmo Dio, Turin, Einaudi, 2009
 Il corpo docile, Turino, Einaudi, 2013
 Le assaggiatrici, Milan, Feltrinelli, 2018

Reportaje
 Il mare in salita, Rome - Bari, GLF editori Laterza, 2011

Antologii

 Ragazze che dovresti conoscere, Turin, Einaudi, 2004
 Working for paradise, Milan, Bompiani, 2009

Traduceri
 Moderato cantabile de Marguerite Duras, Trieste, Nonostante, 2013
 Testi segreti de Marguerite Duras, Trieste, Nonostante, 2015

Note

Lectură suplimentară
  Biografia de Rosella Postorino
  Catalogo del servizio bibliotecario nazionale

Nașteri în 1978
Laureații Premiului Strega
Scriitori italieni din secolul al XX-lea
Scriitori italieni din secolul al XXI-lea
Italieni în viață
Scriitoare italiene
Scriitoare din secolul al XX-lea
Scriitoare din secolul al XXI-lea
Traducători italieni

Rosella Postorino


الشتاوي هو فن ليبي قديم وهو يعتمد على الإيقاع ولم يكن هناك آلة موسيقية تستخدم في موسيقى هذا الفن فكانت الأيدي هي تعمل مكان الآلة ( التصفيق ) وفي القرن الماضي استخدمت آلات موسيقية مثل ( الدربوكة , المزمار . . . الخ ) , وهو يبدأ الإيقاع بشكل هادئ وخفيف تماما مثل زخات المطر الخفيف ثم يكون سريع وقوي جدا كالمطر الغزير الذي يغطي صوتها على كل الأصوات ومن هنا جاءت تسمية الشتاوى أي ( شتاء ) وهو يستعمل في مناسبات السعيدة بشكل عام من قيبل الرجال و النساء .وتشتهر به مدينة البيضاء شرق ليبيا .

موسيقى ليبية

شتاوى


Marie Freifrau von Reitzenstein (* 2. Dezember 1854 in Hannover; † 9. März 1894 in Baden-Baden) war eine deutsche Schriftstellerin.

Leben
Sie war die Tochter des hannoverschen Oberst und späteren Gesandten am preußischen Hof Wilhelm von Reitzenstein (1815–1864) und dessen Ehefrau Georgina von Halkett (* 17. April 1817),

Am 19. Oktober 1886 heiratete sie in Baden-Baden den Offizier Johann Karl Hermann von Reitzenstein (* 15. Mai 1851; † 30. April 1924), der 1908 über Die Königlich Hannoversche Artillerie im Kriege 1866 schrieb.

Durch ihre Werke, insbesondere ihre Lyrik, erhielt sie in Hannover den Beinamen "Nachtigall Hannovers".

Marie Freifrau von Reitzenstein starb, kaum 40 Jahre alt, in Baden-Baden. Bestattet wurde sie in Celle.

Werke (unvollständig)
 Ich bin ein Welfe, Zeitgedicht, 1891
 Der Dragonerschmied. Ein Kriegsbild in 5 Aufzügen, 1891
 Die Haussuchung, Lustspiel, 1892
 Pfalzgraf Heinrich, Herzog Heinrichs des Löwen Sohn, 1892

Ehrungen
Nachdem der Rat der Stadt Hannover 1999 beschlossen hatte, neue Straßen überwiegend nach Frauen zu benennen, die in der Geschichte der Stadt eine bedeutende Rolle gespielt haben, wurde im August 2011 eine Broschüre herausgegeben, die Angaben über bisherige Straßenbenennungen nach weiblichen Persönlichkeiten gibt und eine Reihe von Personen listet, nach denen zukünftig Straßenbenennungen erfolgen sollten. Unter letzteren ist auch eine Kurzbiographie zu Marie Freifrau von Reitzenstein enthalten.

Literatur
 Deutsches Literatur-Lexikon, Bd. 12, Sp. 972f.
 Hiltrud Schroeder (Hrsg.): Sophie & Co. Bedeutende Frauen Hannovers. Biographische Porträts, Hannover: Fackelträger-Verlag, 1991, ISBN 3-7716-1521-6, S. 254
 Hugo Thielen: Reitzenstein, Marie Fraufrau von. In: Dirk Böttcher, Klaus Mlynek, Waldemar R. Röhrbein, Hugo Thielen: Hannoversches Biographisches Lexikon. Von den Anfängen bis in die Gegenwart. Schlütersche, Hannover 2002, ISBN 3-87706-706-9, S. 295 ().
 Hugo Thielen: Reitzenstein, Marie Fraufrau von. In: Klaus Mlynek, Waldemar R. Röhrbein (Hrsg.) u. a.: Stadtlexikon Hannover. Von den Anfängen bis in die Gegenwart. Schlütersche, Hannover 2009, ISBN 978-3-89993-662-9, S. 520.
 Christine Kannenberg, Sabine Poppe (Redaktion), Petra Utgenannt (Gestaltung): Bedeutende Frauen in Hannover. Eine Hilfe für künftige Benennungen von Straßen, Wegen, Plätzen und Brücken nach weiblichen Persönlichkeiten, Broschüre, hrsg. vom Referat für Frauengleichstellung sowie vom Fachverband Planen und Stadtentwicklung, Landeshauptstadt Hannover, Juni 2013 (Online, PDF, 736 kB).
 Gothaisches genealogisches Taschenbuch der freiherrlichen Häuser, 1894, Vierundvierzigster Jahrgang, S.714

Einzelnachweise

Marie
Schriftsteller (Baden-Baden)
Autor
Lyrik
Literatur (Deutsch)
Person (Hannover)
Geboren 1854
Gestorben 1894
Deutscher
Frau

Marie von Reitzenstein


Andrew James Matfin Bell (født d. 14. marts 1986) er en engelsk skuespiller og danser, der fik sit gennembrud for sin debutrolle i filmen Billy Elliot (2000). Jamie Bell vandt en BAFTA for sin præstation i filmen i kategorien "Bedste Skuespiller i en hovedrolle".

Han er også kendt for hans roller i filmene King Kong (2005), Jumper (2008), The Adventures of Tintin (2011) og Snowpiercer (2013) såvel som i hovedrollen som Abraham Woodhull i TV-serien Turn: Washington's Spies (2014). Han portrætterede Thing i filmen Fantastic Four fra 2015.

Tidlige liv
James Bell er født i Billingham i Stockton-on-Tees i England, hvor han voksede op med sin mor, Eileen (født Matfin) og sin ældste søster, Kathryn. Hans far, John Bell, var værktøjsmager og forlod familien før Bell blev født. Bell fandt interessen for at danse efter at have ledsaget sin søster til hendes ballet lektioner Han var elev på Northfield School og tog scenekunst-klasser på den lokale danseskole. Han er medlem af National Youth Music Theatre.

Karriere
I 1999 blev han udvalgt blandt over 2000 drenge til rollen som Billy Elliot, en 11-årig dreng, der forråder sin arbejder-klasse far og ældste bror ved at gå til ballet. Han optrådte også i Close and True, et juridisk drama på ITV fra 2000, hvor han spillede Robson Green. James Bolam og Susan Jameson medvirkede i samme drama.

Bell var formand for juryen til Giffoni Film Festival i 2001 .

I 2002 medvirkede han som den handicappede tjener Smike i en tilpasning af Nicholas Nickleby og en ung soldat i Deathwatch.

I de følgende år portrætterede han en teenager på flugt i Undertow, en pacifist i Dear Wendy, en oprørsk teenager i det sydlige Californien i Chumscrubber og den unge Jimmy i filmen King Kong fra 2005.

I 2005 spillede han også over for Evan Rachel Wood i Green Days musikvideo Wake Me Up When September Ends, der blev instrueret af Samuel Bayer.

I 2007 spillede han hovedpersonen i Hallam Foe, for hvilken han blev nomineret som bedste skuespiller ved British Independent Film Awards. Derudover optrådte han som sig selv i KateModern.

Han havde to roller i 2008: i sci-fi-filmen Jumper og i dramaet Defiance. I sidstnævnte spillede han Asael Bielski, den tredje af Bielski-Brødrene og lederen af en partipolitisk gruppe, der reddede omkring 1200 liv under Holocaust.

I 2009 blev det meddelt, at Bell ville spille hovedrollen i motion capture-filmen, The Adventures of Tintin, sammen med britiske Simon Pegg og Nick Frost. Filmen blev udgivet i 2011.

Han spillede Esca i filmen The Eagle og St. John Rivers i Jane Eyre fra 2011.

I 2013 spillede han sammen med James McAvoy i filmen Filfth og optrådte som Edgar i Snowpiercer.

Fra 2014 til 2017 spillede Bell rollen som Abraham Woodhull i Turn: Washington's Spies.

I 2015 spillede han "Thing" i Fantastic Four.

Privatliv
Bell begyndte at date den amerikanske skuespillerinde Evan Rachel Wood, efter de mødtes i 2005 under indspilningen af musikvideoen "Wake Me Up When September Ends" af Green Day.

Efter at have været sammen i et år gik parret fra hinanden i 2006.

Fem år senere, i midten af 2011, blev det rapporteret, at Bell og Evan Wood havde genoptaget deres forhold.

Parret blev gift ved en lille ceremoni den 30. oktober 2012.

De har en søn, som blev født i juli 2013.

Bell og Wood blev skilt den 28. Maj 2014.

I slutningen af 2015 begyndte Bell at date sin medspiller fra Fantastic Four, Kate Mara, og i januar 2017 blev parret forlovet.

Film og tv roller

Film

Tv

Musik videoer

Videospil

Priser

Henvisninger

Eksterne links

 Folk i Film: Jamie Bell  – Focus Features

Skuespillere fra England

Jamie Bell


Ministerul Dezvoltării Regionale, Administrației Publice și Fondurilor Europene (MDRAPFE) este organ de specialitate al administrației publice centrale, cu personalitate juridică, în subordinea Guvernului României, înființat pe data de 4 ianuarie 2017 prin reorganizarea Ministerului Dezvoltării Regionale și Administrației Publice (România) și prin preluarea activității, atribuțiilor și personalului de la Ministerul Fondurilor Europene (România).

Conform HG nr. 15/2017 privind organizarea și funcționarea Ministerului Dezvoltării Regionale, Administrației Publice și Fondurilor Europene, MDRAPFE este autoritatea pentru:
 coordonarea instrumentelor structurale 2007—2013,
 coordonarea fondurilor europene structurale și de investiții 2014—2020,
 coordonarea fondurilor alocate prin mecanismele financiare ale Spațiului Economic European și norvegian 2009—2014 și mecanismele financiare ale Spațiului Economic European și norvegian 2014—2021,
 coordonarea programelor de cooperare teritorială, dezvoltare regională, coeziune și dezvoltare teritorială, cooperare transfrontalieră, transnațională și interregională,
 coordonarea altor mecanisme/instrumente/programe finanțate din fonduri externe nerambursabile,
 programarea, coordonarea, monitorizarea și controlul utilizării asistenței financiare nerambursabile acordate României de către Uniunea Europeană pentru programele pe care le gestionează,
 administrație publică centrală și locală, descentralizare, reformă și reorganizare administrativ-teritorială, fiscalitate și finanțe publice locale, dialogul cu structurile asociative ale autorităților administrației publice locale, dezvoltarea serviciilor publice comunitare, ajutor de stat acordat de autoritățile administrației publice locale, parcuri industriale, gestiunea funcției publice,
 amenajarea teritoriului,
 urbanism și arhitectură,
 locuire, locuințe, clădiri de locuit, reabilitarea termică a clădirilor, gestiune și dezvoltare imobiliar-edilitară,
 lucrări publice, construcții, disciplina în construcții.

Miniștri
Ministrul actual al dezvoltării regionale, administrației publice și fondurilor europene este dl Paul Stănescu, viceprim-ministru în Guvernul Mihai Tudose.

Organizare
Instituții din subordinea MDRAPFE:

Instituții sub autoritatea MDRAPFE:

Agenții pentru Dezvoltare Regională (ADR):

Birouri de Cooperare Transfrontalieră:

Programe finanțate din fonduri europene, gestionate de MDRAPFE
MDRAPFE este Autoritate de management (AM)/ Autoritate națională (AN)/ Organism Intermediar (OI)/Punct Național de Contact (PNC) pentru:
   - programe europene 2007-2013:
 Programul operațional Regional (AM)
 Programul operațional "Dezvoltarea capacității administrative" (AM)
 Programul operațional sectorial "Creșterea competitivității economice" (AM)
 Programul operațional sectorial "Dezvoltarea resurselor umane" (AM)
 Programul de cooperare transfrontalieră România—Bulgaria (AM)
 Programul IPA de cooperare transfrontalieră România—Republica Serbia (AM)
 Programul operațional comun România—Ucraina—Republica Moldova (AM)
 Programul operațional comun "Bazinul Mării Negre" (AN)
 Programul ENPI-CBC Ungaria—Slovacia—România—Ucraina (AN)
 Programul de cooperare transfrontalieră Ungaria—România (AN)
 Programul operațional "Sud-Estul Europei" (AN)
 Programul de cooperare interregională INTERREG IV C (PNC)
 Programul pentru rețeaua de dezvoltare urbană URBACT II (PNC)
 Programul ESPON 2013 — Rețeaua europeană de observare a dezvoltării și coeziunii teritoriale (PNC)
 Programul operațional INTERACT II (PNC)
 Programul Rețeaua europeană de cunoștințe în urbanism (PNC)
 Programul operațional de cooperare teritorială europeană EUROPA CENTRALĂ (PNC)
 Programul ISPi socială și PHARE — Cooperare transfrontalieră (agentie de implementare)

   - programe europene 2014-2020:
 Programul operațional Regional (AM)
 Programul operațional "Capacitate administrativă" (AM)
 Programul operațional Competitivitate (AM)
 Programul "Inițiativa pentru întreprinderi mici și mijlocii" (AM)
 Programul operațional Capital Uman (AM)
 Programul operațional Infrastructura mare (AM)
 Programul operațional Ajutorarea persoanelor defavorizate (OI)
 Programul operațional sectorial "Transport" (AM)
 Programul operațional sectorial "Mediu" (AM)
 Programul operațional "Asistență tehnică" (AM)
 Programul Interreg V-A România—Bulgaria (AM)
 Programul Interreg V-A România—Ungaria (AM)
 Programul INTERREG IPA de cooperare transfrontalieră România—Serbia (AM)
 Programul operațional comun România—Ucraina (AM)
 Programul operațional comun România—Republica Moldova (AM)
 Programul operațional comun "Bazinul Mării Negre" (AM)
 Programul operațional comun România—Ucraina (AN)
 Programul operațional comun România—Republica Moldova (AN)
 Programul operațional comun "Bazinul Mării Negre" (AN)
 Programul Ungaria— Slovacia—România—Ucraina (AN)
 Programul transnațional "Dunărea" (AN)
 Programul de cooperare interregională INTERREG EUROPE (AN)
 Programul operațional URBACT III (AN)
 Programul de cooperare INTERACT III (AN)
 Programul de cooperare ESPON 2020 (AN)
 Programul de Cooperare Elvețiano-Român (OI)

Programe naționale gestionate de MDRAPFE
 Programul Național de Dezvoltare Locală (PNDL)
 Programul de finanțare a construcțiilor de locuințe sociale
 Programul de finanțare a construcțiilor de locuințe sociale destinate chiriașilor evacuați din locuințele retrocedate foștilor proprietari
 Programul de economisire și creditare în sistem colectiv pentru domeniul locativ
 Programul de sprijinire a construcțiilor de locuințe proprietate personală
 Programul național multianual privind creșterea performanței energetice a blocurilor de locuințe
 Reabilitarea termică a clădirilor de locuit cu finanțare prin credite bancare cu garanție guvernamentală
 Proiectul "Îmbunătățirea eficienței energetice în gospodăriile și comunitățile cu venituri reduse din România"
 Programul "Termoficare 2006-2020 căldură și confort", componenta de reabilitare a sistemelor centralizate de alimentare cu energie termică
 Programul național de construcții de interes public sau social
 Microbuze școlare

Legături externe
www.mdrap.ro/ si www.fonduri-ue.ro/ - Site-uri web oficiale
www.gov.ro/ - Guvernul României

Ministere în România

Ministerul Dezvoltării Regionale, Administrației Publice și Fondurilor Europene (România)


Kunming borg (kínverska: 昆明市; rómönskun: Kūnmíng) er höfuðborg og eina stórborg Yunnan héraðs í suðvesturhluta  Alþýðulýðveldisins Kína. Hún er staðsett í miðhluta héraðsins á frjósömu vatnasvæði við norðurströnd Dian-vatns, umkringd fjöllum í norðri, vestri og austri. Kunming þjónar sem hlið Kína að Suðaustur-Asíu og Suður-Asíu. Hún er þekkt söguleg menningarborg Kína og er viðsæl ferðaborg. Árið 2020 bjuggu á stórborgarsvæði Kunming um 8,5 milljónir manna.

Kunming er staðsett á miðri Yunnan – Guizhou hásléttunni í um 1.900 metra hæð yfir sjávarmáli. Borgin á frjósömu vatnasvæði við norðurjaðar Dian-vatns, umkringd fjöllum í norðri, vestri og austri. Hún samanstendur af fornri borg umlukin varnarmúrum, nútímalegu verslunarhverfi, háskólasvæðum, íbúðarhverfum.

Kunming, sem einnig er þekkt sem Yunnan-Fu (kínverska: 云南福; rómönskun: Yúnnánfǔ), er miðstöð stjórnmála, efnahags, menningar og flutninga Yunnan héraðs. Þar eru höfuðstöðvar margra stórfyrirtækja héraðsins.

Borgin þykir standa framarlega á sviði vísinda. Þar eru fjölmargir háskólar, lækna- og kennaraháskólar, tækniskólar og vísindarannsóknarstofnana: Yunnan háskólinn (stofnaður 1922), Kunming háskóli vísinda og tækni (1925), Yunnan landbúnaðarháskólinn (1938), Kunming læknaháskólinn (1933), og Suðvestur skógræktarháskólinn (1939). Í borginni er stór stjörnuathugunarstöð.

Efnahagslegt mikilvægi borgarinnar stafar af landfræðilegri legu við landamæri ríkja Suðaustur-Asíu. Hún er samgöngumiðstöð Suðvestur-Kína, sem tengist járnbrautum til Víetnam og á þjóðvegum til Mjanmar, Laos og Taílands.

Kunming er öflug iðnaðarborg. Þar er til að mynda vinnsla kopars og annarra efna, framleiðsla ýmissa véla, vefnaðarvöru, pappírs og sements.

Saga
Kunming hefur lengi verið samskiptamiðstöð tveggja mikilvægra verslunarleiða, annars vegar vestur inn í Búrma og hins vegar suður að Rauða fljóti einu meginfljóti Vietnam og í Suðaustur-Asíu á skaganum.

En þrátt fyrir að hafa næstum 2.400 ára sögu verða stærstu skrefin til nútíma velmegunar Kunming rakin frá 1910, með mikilli opnun svæðisins, þegar járnbrautir voru lagðar til víetnamsku iðnaðarborgarinnar Haiphong í þáverandi Franska Indókína. Á þriðja áratug síðustu aldar voru fyrstu þjóðvegirnir voru lagðir um svæðið og tengdu Kunming við Chongqing borg og Guiyang til austurs. Staða Kunming sem viðskiptamiðstöð styrktist mjög.

En mesta umbreyting Kunming til nútímaborgar varð þegar Seinna stríð Kína og Japans braust árið 1937. Mikill fjöldi Kínverja flúði japanskar hersveitir inn í suðvestur Kína og tók með sér sundurhlutuð iðjuver, sem síðan voru endurreist í Kunming, utan athafnasvæðis japanskra sprengjuflugvéla. Að auki var fjöldi háskóla og rannsóknastofnana fluttur þangað. Þegar Japanir hertóku Franska Indókína árið 1940, jókst mikilvægi Kunming enn, bæði vegna nýbyggðs vegar til Búrma og með flugi. Í Seinni heimsstyrjöldinni varð borgin að flutningsstöð fyrir átökin í Suðaustur-Asíu. Þar var kínversk herstöð sem bandarísk flugstöð.

Í stríðinu jókst iðnaður borgarinnar mjög. Stórar verksmiðjur í eigu ríkisins voru fluttar til borgarinnar frá Hunan til framleiðslu rafmagnsvara, kopars, sements, stáls, pappírs og vefnaðarvöru.

Iðnaðarborgin Kunming þróaðist síðan enn frekar eftir 1949. Helstu atvinnugreinarnar voru framleiðsla á kopar, blýi og sinki. Þá varð járn- og stáliðnaður mikilvægur. Þar var einnig framleiðsla ýmiskonar véla, raftækja byggingartækja og bifreiða. Frá og með níunda áratugnum varð matvælaframleiðla og tóbaksvinnslu umfagsmikil.

Frá fimmta áratug síðustu aldar hafa verið byggðar járnbrautir sem tengja Kunming borg við Guiyang borg í Guizhou héraði, Chengdu í Sichuan, Nanning í Guanxi og til Víetnam. Borgin er einnig miðstöð þjóðvegakerfis suðvestur Kína. Byggður hefur verið alþjóðlegur flugvöllur sem þjónustar daglegt flug til Beijing, Hong Kong og Makaó auk stórborga Suðaustur-Asíu og Japans.

Borgin hefur þróast hratt síðari ár undir viðleitni stjórnvalda Kína til nútímavæðingar. Götur Kunming hafa breikkað á meðan byggingar byggjast hröðum skrefum. Þá hefur Kunming borg verið útnefnd sérstök ferðamiðstöð með tilheyrandi háhýsum og lúxus hótelum.

Lýðfræði

Árið 2020 þegar síðasta manntal var gert í Kína, var íbúafjöldi borgarkjarna Kunming 5.273.144 en íbúafjöldi undir lögsögu borgarinnar var 8.460.088.

Tenglar

 Kínversk vefsíða borgarstjórnar Kunming . Inniheldur ýmsar upplýsingar um héraðið t.d. fréttir, skipulag, og hátíðir, ferðaþjónustu.
 Ensk vefsíða Encyclopaedia Britannica um Kunming.

Heimildir

Tilvísanir

Borgir í Kína

Kunming


Rainer Persike (* 19. Juli 1947) ist ein ehemaliger deutscher Fußballtrainer.

Laufbahn

Seit 1966 übte er beim SV Meppen nebenberuflich das Amt des Jugendtrainers aus. Über die C- und B-Jugend arbeitete er sich zum A-Jugendtrainer hoch und übte diese Funktion von 1970 bis 1983 aus und war gleichzeitig drei Jahre Spielertrainer der 2. Herrenmannschaft. Ab 1983 trainierte er den SV Meppen, den er 1987 als Meister der AOL Nord über die Aufstiegsrundenspiele in die 2. Bundesliga führte. Nach dem Aufstieg wurde das "Modell Meppen" bestaunt, denn 19 der 22 Akteure waren waschechte Emsländer – eine derartige "Regionalauswahl" hatte es in der Zweitligageschichte noch nie gegeben und verstärkte die ohnehin große Verbundenheit des Emslandes mit seinem erfolgreichen Fußball-Botschafter. Am Erfolg des NFV im Länderpokal des Jahres 1987 hatte auch der Meppener Trainer seinen Anteil: Beim Finalsieg von Niedersachsen gegen Berlin am 5. April 1987 in Meppen durch einen 3:1-Sieg verwandelte der junge Verteidiger Eckhard Vorholt zwei Elfmeter und mit Frank Faltin, Reinhold Tattermusch, Josef Menke, Robert Thoben, Dietmar Sulmann und Wolfgang Hohmann gehörten noch sechs weitere Spieler von Meppen der Verbandsauswahl an. Bis 1991 übte er das Traineramt in der 2. Bundesliga aus. Er belegte mit der Mannschaft aus dem Emsland die Plätze 14. (1988), 10. (1989), 11. (1990) und 1990/91 den 16. Rang. Zur Runde 1991/92 wurde er durch Horst Ehrmantraut abgelöst. Im Hauptberuf war Persike Zivilangestellter bei der Bundeswehr.
Zur Saison 2013/14 wurde er in seiner Position als Sportlicher Leiter durch Christian Neidhart ersetzt.

Einzelnachweise

Fußballtrainer (SV Meppen)
Deutscher
Geboren 1947
Mann

Rainer Persike


Chirikayen (también escrito Chirikayen-tepui o Tepuy Chirikayen, que en español quiere decir «Lugar de los Pericos» y llamado alternativamente el Gigante acostado) es el nombre que recibe un Tepuy o meseta abrupta que pertenece al país suramericano de Venezuela, recibe esa denominación por una aldea indígena local cercana llamada Chirikayen que a su vez fue llamada así por los pericos que se encuentran en los alrededores del tepuy llamados Chirikas. Alcanza los 1650 metros sobre el nivel del mar, y se encuentra en la Gran Sabana siendo parte del Parque nacional Canaima, el más grande de Venezuela.
Administrativamente es parte del Municipio Gran Sabana del Estado Bolívar.

Véase también
 Geografía de Venezuela
 Geografía de América

Referencias

Enlaces externos
Galería de Fotos en Flickr

Tepuyes
Montañas de Bolívar
Parque nacional Canaima

Chirikayen


Di Silvestro est un nom propre italien qui peut faire référence à :

Patronyme

 Lorenzo Di Silvestro (1970-), cycliste italien ;
 Rino Di Silvestro (1932-2009), réalisateur, scénariste, producteur et acteur italien.

Patronyme italien

Di Silvestro


Angelika Viets (* 9. Januar 1954 in Stuttgart) ist eine deutsche Diplomatin. Von 2017 bis 2019 war sie Botschafterin in Litauen.

Leben
Nach dem Abitur studierte Angelika Viets von 1971 bis 1977 Amerikanistik, Anglistik und Romanistik und absolvierte während des Studiums von 1973 bis 1975 ein Studienjahr in Frankreich sowie mit Unterstützung eines Stipendiums des Deutschen Akademischen Austauschdienstes (DAAD) einen Studienaufenthalt in den USA. 1977 schloss sie ihr Studium mit einem Magister Artium (M.A.) ab und war dann von 1977 bis 1979 für den DAAD als Lektorin an der Universität Gilan in Rascht tätig, ehe sie zwischen 1979 und 1981 für den DAAD Lektorin an der Tongji-Universität in Shanghai war. Nachdem sie von 1981 bis 1984 einen Studien- und Lehraufenthalt in Osaka absolviert hatte, besuchte sie den Vorbereitungsdienst für den höheren Auswärtigen Dienst.

Nach Abschluss der Laufbahnprüfung für den höheren Auswärtigen Dienst fand sie von 1987 bis 1990 zunächst Verwendung an der Botschaft in Japan und danach in der Zentrale des Auswärtigen Amtes. Anschließend war sie zwischen 1994 und 1997 Mitarbeiterin der Botschaft in Spanien und danach der Botschaft in der Volksrepublik China, ehe sie von 2000 bis 2002 stellvertretende Leiterin der Aus- und Fortbildungsstätte des Auswärtigen Amtes war. In dieser Zeit verfasste sie auch zwei Reiseberichte über China und Shanghai.

Nach einer Tätigkeit als Generalsekretärin des Japanisch-Deutschen Zentrums Berlin war sie von 2006 bis 2011 im Auswärtigen Amt Referatsleiterin.

Seit August 2011 war Angelika Viets als Nachfolgerin von Jörg Ranau, der wiederum Beauftragter für Exportkontrolle und Technologie im Auswärtigen Amt wurde, Botschafterin in Singapur. Anschließend war sie von 2014 bis 2017 deutsche Botschafterin im Kosovo. Von dort wechselte sie im September 2017 in gleicher Position nach Litauen, wo sie bis 2019 blieb.

Viets ist verheiratet und hat zwei Söhne.

Veröffentlichungen
 Shanghai, Mitautor Erhard Pansegrau, 2001, ISBN 3-7243-0368-8
 China, Mitautoren Oliver Bolch (Fotografien) und Christine Althauser, 2001, ISBN 3-7243-0369-6

Weblinks
 Link nicht mehr aktuell: Lebenslauf auf der Website der deutschen Botschaft Vilnius
 Eintrag in LinkedIn

Deutscher Botschafter in Litauen
Deutscher Botschafter im Kosovo
Deutscher Botschafter in Singapur
Autor
Reiseliteratur
Deutscher
Geboren 1954
Frau

Angelika Viets


Baron Londesborough, of Londesborough in the East Riding of the County of York, is a title in the Peerage of the United Kingdom. It was created in 1850 for the diplomat and Whig politician Lord Albert Denison. He was the third son of Henry Conyngham, 1st Marquess Conyngham, and his wife Elizabeth Denison. Born Albert Denison Conyngham, he assumed by royal licence the surname of Denison in lieu of Conyngham in 1849 on inheriting the vast fortune of his maternal uncle William Joseph Denison (1770–1849). Before his elevation to the peerage, Denison had represented Canterbury in Parliament. His eldest son, the second Baron, sat as a Liberal Member of Parliament for Beverley and Scarborough. In 1887 he was created Viscount Raincliffe, of Raincliffe in the North Riding of the County of York, and Earl of Londesborough, in the County of York. These titles were also in the Peerage of the United Kingdom. However, the viscountcy and earldom became extinct on the death of his grandson, the fourth Earl, in 1937.

The barony was inherited by the late Earl's second cousin once removed, the sixth Baron. He was the son of Rear-Admiral the Hon. Albert Denison, second son of the first Baron. On his death this line of the family failed, and the title passed to his first cousin, the seventh Baron. He was the only son of Commander the Hon. Conyngham Albert Denison, fourth son of the first Baron. When he died this line of the family also failed. He was succeeded by his first cousin, the eighth Baron. He was the only son of the Hon. Harold Albert Denison, fifth son of the first Baron. , the title is held by his only son, the ninth Baron, who succeeded in 1968. As a male-line descendant of the first Marquess Conyngham, he is also in remainder to this peerage and its subsidiary titles.

Baron Londesborough (1850)
Albert Denison Denison, 1st Baron Londesborough (1805–1860)
William Henry Forester Denison, 2nd Baron Londesborough (1834–1900) (created Earl of Londesborough in 1887)

Earl of Londesborough (1887)
William Henry Forester Denison, 1st Earl of Londesborough (1834–1900).
William Francis Henry Denison, 2nd Earl of Londesborough (1864–1917). Married Grace Augusta Fane, daughter of the 12th Earl of Westmorland on 11 August 1887. Father of Irene Mountbatten, Marchioness of Carisbrooke.
George Francis William Henry Denison, 3rd Earl of Londesborough (1892–1920).
Hugo William Cecil Denison, 4th Earl of Londesborough (1894–1937). Married Marigold Lubbock, daughter of Edgar Lubbock, brewer and banker, in 1935.

Baron Londesborough (1850; reverted)
Captain Ernest William Denison, , 6th Baron Londesborough (1876–1963).
Captain Conyngham Charles Denison, , 7th Baron Londesborough (1885–1967).
John Albert Lister Denison, 8th Baron Londesborough (1901–1968).
Richard John Denison, 9th Baron Londesborough (born 1959). Elected to the House of Lords in 2021.

The heir apparent and sole heir to the barony is the present holder's only son, Hon. James Frederick Denison (born 1990).

Male-line family tree

See also
Marquess Conyngham

References

External links

Baronies in the Peerage of the United Kingdom
Noble titles created in 1850
Noble titles created for UK MPs
Londesborough

Baron Londesborough