{{Ficha de entidad subnacional
|nombre                = Ixtlán del Río
|nombre completo       = Ixtlán del Río
|unidad                = Municipio
|tipo_superior_1       = Estado
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|bandera               = no
|mapa                  = Ixtlan del Rio en Nayarit.svg
|imagen                = Parroquia de Santo Santiago Apostol.jpg
|capital_denominación  = Cabecera municipal
|capital               = Ixtlán del Río
| dirigentes_títulos = Presidenta Municipal
| dirigentes_nombres = Nayeli Pardo Rivera
| partidos_gobernantes =
|superficie            = 547
|población             = 30,951
|densidad              = 63.59
|página web            = www.ayuntamientoixtlanay.gob.mx
|lema                  = Labor y Superación|apodo                 = "Ixtlán".
|fundación             = * Siglo XII (Época prehispánica)
 1532 (Conquista por Nuño de Beltrán)
|horario               = Tiempo de la Montaña (UTC -7)
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|elevación_alta        = 1048
|gentilicio            = Ixtlense
|código postal         = 63940
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|IDH                   = 0.8218
|IDH categoría         = Alto
|nombre_código1        = Código INEGI
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Ixtlán del Río es un municipio ubicado en el sureste del Estado de Nayarit.

Al norte limita con el municipio de Jala, al noroeste con el municipio de La Yesca, sirviendo de límite natural el Santiago; al este y sureste con el estado de Jalisco, estando en gran parte entre Jalisco e Ixtlán del Río el arroyo de San Antonio. Al suroeste limita con el municipio de Amatlán de Cañas y al oeste con Ahuacatlán.

El municipio de Ixtlán ocupa el 17º lugar en extensión territorial de Nayarit, con cerca de 550 kilómetros cuadrados. También, el municipio cuenta con una población considerable a su tamaño con un poco más de treinta mil habitantes, ocupando el lugar número 12° en población a nivel estatal.

El municipio está compuesto por el relieve del Valle de Ixtlán, que lo delimitan las Sierra de San Pedro al norte y la de Sierra de Pajaritos al sur.

 Etimología
El nombre de Ixtlán es de origen náhuatl, compuesto por los vocablos itz-tli que significa obsidiana, y tlán, que significa lugar donde abunda.

 Historia

 Época prehispánica
Ixtlán del Río se caracterizó por su fertilidad, lo que atrajo el interés de las tribus Chimalhuacanas (grupo de origen náhuatl-tolteca en el año 850 DC.). Pero también hubo otros asentamientos en la región, siendo su suelo, donde se encuentran yacimientos de obsidiana, material imprescindible en su tiempo para la fabricación de objetos ceremoniales religiosos; así se tiene que para los antiguos toltecas un cuchillo de pedernal representaba al Dios de la guerra, al Dios del sacrificio humano, las tribus nayaritas con la influencia tolteca levantaron su "Ciudad Sagrada", sobre un yacimiento de obsidiana, dándole el nombre de Ixtlán, localizada hoy día a 1,500 metros al oriente de la cabecera municipal de Ixtlán del Río.

El dios de la guerra y del sacrificio Quetzalcóatl, con una doble personalidad: estrella de la mañana y de la tarde (Venus); entre los nayaritas el sol era el dios padre. De aquí que Venus ha sido personificada por Quetzalcóatl, joven guerrero, dios mártir siendo su representación por medio del "cuchillo de obsidiana símbolo del sacrificio".

Junto con Cacalután, Ixtlán formó parte del Señorío de Ahuacatlán.

Sus antiguos habitantes realizaron en el sitio conocido como Los Toriles una serie de construcciones, entre las que destaca un templo circular dedicado a Ehécatl, dios del viento, en su advocación de Quetzalcóatl; único en su género por su aspecto circular de 25 metros de diámetro.

En la misma zona edificaron adoratorios en derredor de palacios, en dos niveles y con cañerías para evitar inundaciones durante lluvias. También son varias las tumbas de tiro localizadas en el territorio

La población prehispánica de Ixtlán contó con talleres para elaborar instrumentos de obsidiana, como puntas de flecha para la cacería y navajas, que fueron objeto de comercio. Esta cultura también se caracterizó por la aparición de vasijas trípodes, cerámica crema decorado en rojo, joyas de oro, plata y cobre, estatuas de piedra en forma de chácmol, tumbas y esculturas acompañantes en forma de cuadrúpedos; en la zona se levantaron otros monumentos y se presume hay otros sin descubrir.

 La Conquista
La zona de Ixtlán del Río fue redescubierta por los españoles; Francisco Cortés de San Buenaventura, en 1525 procedente de Colima; y se dice que en Ixtlán encontró a un aventurero español de apellido Escárcena, quien por su cuenta y riesgo exploraba la región, y se sumó a la expedición del primero. El encuentro de los españoles con los indígenas de ese lugar fue de paz y cordura quedando como primer encomendero Martín Alonso.

Más tarde Nuño Beltrán de Guzmán, conquistó y destruyó las principales ciudades en 1532 a su paso después de haber fungido como presidente de la primera Real Audiencia y fundado en Tepic la capital de Provincia de la Nueva Galicia el 25 de julio de 1532; Ixtlán por la calidad de su artesanía, por su ubicación en el paso de rutas mercantiles y por la riquezas mineras adquirió una importancia regional. Don Hernán Cortés, aposentó en esta ciudad cuando vino a la querella con Nuño Beltrán de Guzmán.

 Época Colonial
Durante la época colonial, para el aprovechamiento de los cañaverales del valle, se instalaron diversos trapiches, y por ser la cabecera
un paso obligado entre la capital de la Nueva Galicia y el centro y costa del actual estado de Nayarit, incluyendo Tepic y el Puerto de San Blas, cobró importancia la actividad comercial. De igual forma, hacia Mezquites y La Higuerita, en la zona serrana, inició la explotación minera.

El primer Ixtlán hispano estuvo asentado en terrenos que ahora ocupa "La Haciendita", y que hacia 1650 se cambió donde actualmente se encuentra.

Antes de la guerra de Independencia, el sabio tepiqueño Francisco Severo Maldonado fue párroco de Ixtlán, además el luchó con el cura Miguel Hidalgo en la lucha por la Independencia de México; en Ixtlán se firmó el Acta de Independencia a las 10:00 horas del 22 de junio de 1821. En 1825, dentro del Séptimo Cantón de Jalisco, la municipalidad formó parte del Departamento de Ahuacatlán. El 14 de marzo de 1828 el pueblo de Ixtlán fue declarado Villa de Ixtlán.

El 25 de octubre de 1858, tras su pronunciamiento a favor de los liberales, el pueblo de Ixtlán fue incendiado y ocupado por fuerzas de Manuel Lozada, cuyos partidarios lo dejaron en paz definitivamente hasta que el General Carbo marchó contra ellos en 1876, tres años después del fusilamiento del caudillo. En virtud de la división política del nuevo Territorio de Tepic, en 1885 Ixtlán llegó a ser subprefectura

 Época contemporánea

Con el motivo del Centenario de la Independencia de México, el 16 de septiembre de 1910, en los portales de su cabecera se levantó el acta donde la ante Villa de Ixtlán fue elevada a la categoría de ciudad; durante marzo de 1911, Martín Espinosa inició allí la insurrección maderista contra las fuerzas federales.

Después de la Constitución de 1917, Nayarit fue declarado Estado Libre y Soberano, siendo Ixtlán del Río uno de sus 17 municipios y el primer presidente municipal el Sr. Nicolás Castillo Castillón.

En el año de 1925, precisamente en el mes de marzo se construyó la vía del ferrocarril del Pacífico que uniría definitivamente al noroeste con el Occidente y Centro del país. Por ese mismo año, pero en el mes de abril, por motivos políticos, Ixtlán del río fue declarado capital del estado de Nayarit por 10 días y el Gobernador fue Ismael Romero Gallardo.

Entre 1926 y 1927 se generalizó la guerra cristera y el territorio de Ixtlán fue escenario de escaramuzas, en las que participaron alzados provenientes del vecino estado de Jalisco. En los años cuarenta y cincuenta, con la carretera Tepic-Guadalajara, inició la consolidación de la actividad comercial de la cabecera.

En los años posteriores; el 3 de junio de 1932 debido a un fuerte temblor de tierra la torre de la iglesia parroquial fue derribada. En 1942 se construyó la carretera internacional e Ixtlán del Río siguió siendo paso obligado de las principales comunicaciones, persistiendo en su auge de la famosa "Calle Real", corazón y artería de la economía ixtlense. En el año 1981 se inauguró el servicio de drenaje que tanta falta hacía a esta ciudad.
En 1989 inició la construcción de la autopista Plan de Barrancas y en 1994 se prolongó hasta la capital del estado, con lo cual disminuyó flujo de vehículos y por lo tanto el comercio y los servicios en la cabecera municipal. En 1996, por primera vez comenzó a gobernar un alcalde perteneciente a un partido político distinto del que mantuvo la hegemonía por décadas en Ixtlán del Río. Hoy en día el municipio goza de un amplio desarrollo tanto como económico cómo industrial.

Ixtlan Del Río puede ser pequeño pero es muy hermoso.

 Ciudad de Ixtlán del Río

La cabecera municipal es la ciudad de Ixtlán del Río, con una población de 33,010 habitantes (Est. 2020) convirtiéndola en la ciudad (Y por ende el municipio) más población en toda la región del Centro-Sur. El mayor emblema de la ciudad es el cerrito de Cristo Rey, un gran atractivo, junto con otros edificios como su iglesia, el kiosco, los portales etc. y su diversa gastronomía y cultura, lo convierten en un lugar pintoresco y cogedor.ComercioLa ciudad de Ixtán del Río es un gran centro de intercambios de bienes y servicios, esto puede notarse en los distintos comerciantes de diferentes comunidades que se reúnen para la compraventa de sus productos. El principal centro de comercio en la ciudad es el mercado municipal'', así como los supermercados y micro-mercados puestos en la zona.

A lo largo de los años se han establecido exitosamente varias cadenas comerciales y de autoservicios, así como bancos; tiendas de comida rápida, restaurantes locales entre otros.Servicios FinancierosLa dinámica económica de la ciudad ha propiciado el establecimiento de diferentes instituciones bancarias y financieras como: BBV Bancomer, HSBC, Banamex, Banorte, Compartamos Banco, Banco Azteca, Bancoppel, Financiera Coincidir, CAME, Caja Popular Mexicana.

 Arquitectura

 La Parroquia de Santo Santiago Apóstol
 Lo que más destaca en este ámbito mayormente en el municipio es la parroquia de Sto. Santiago Apóstol, el estilo arquitectónico de su construcción es barroco novohispano y rococó, este último estilo se aprecia en las molduras y adornos que posee la edificación, esto la hace particularmente bella, también posee influencias notables de arquitecturas plateresco y Gótica, de hermosa cantera rosa, donde se ostenta un nicho muy especial en que se encuentra la virgen de la Inmaculada Concepción sobre una repisa o guardamalleta en forma de trinche, sostenida por un ángel y toda bordeada por unos rayos de luz (único en su género), a los lados se encuentran dos ménsulas con sendos ángeles que la resguardan (Otro ejemplo del Rococó presente). El reloj antiguamente estaba empotrado en la torre y hacia 1930 se le hizo ese nicho y quedó en ese lugar, en 1980 se cambió el reloj por el actual a instancias del club de Leones.
En su parte interior es en forma de cruz latina y el altar es de un estilo clásico, tiene coro, sotocoro y púlpito así como pinturas y esculturas de imágenes muy importantes. La cúpula no posee la misma antigüedad al resto de la estructura, debido que durante un terremoto a inicios del  causó que se destruyó casi en su totalidad y se remplazó por la actual, echa a imagen a las de la Catedral Metropolitana de la Ciudad de México.
Esta recia y bonita construcción fue terminada en el año de 1851, así ostenta la fecha en la cúpula parroquial en los lados norte y sur, pero sus inicios debieron ser a mediados del  (1560 o 1570) ya que fray Francisco Lorenzo, evangelizador del sur de Nayarit, procedente del convento de franciscanos de Ahuacatlán (1551) iba poniendo cruces y evangelizando por donde pasaba por lo que "Ychpan" o "Ytztlan" no podía ser la excepción; esta iglesia estuvo primeramente dedicada a la Inmaculada Concepción hasta a mediados del , primeramente fue Capilla de Visita de Jala hasta 1723 cuando se convirtió en Vicaría y en 1800 se convierte en Parroquia, siendo su primer cura Buenaventura González Hermosillo; otros destacados curas que han pasado por este curato son: D. Salvador Rafael de la Brambila y García de Alva (un gran sabio creador de la biblioteca de México), Francisco Severo Maldonado (Sabio e intelectual que participó al lado de Hidalgo en la Independencia de México, editor del periódico "El Despertador Americano"), D. Justo Barajas Miranda (Maestro y Cura de gran trayectoria sus restos están en la propia parroquia).

 El portal Redondo

Portal edificado en 1889 y funcionó como Mercado Municipal hasta 1944, fue el maestro cantero Don Cruz Parada su constructor. En el  este terreno fue parte donde estuvo la "capilla y hospital de indios", terrenos que pasaron a propiedad del gobierno y proyectó varias obras, entre ellas una escuela, un cementerio y el mercado, además de las plazas públicas.

El mercado se conoció como "Portal Abasolo" o "Plaza Tovar", pero la gente prefirió llamarlo "Portal Redondo", originalmente el piso fue de cantera y en su corredor hoy podemos encontrar "Las Nieves de Garrafa", "El Pollo de la Picha" y "Los Dulces de la Carreta".

 La Tereseña

Edificio construido por el Ing. Pedro González en 1896. Conocido como "La Tereseña" por su propietaria Teresa González de Ramírez. Después la ocupó su yerno el Sr. Santiago Daniel Yeme "El árabe", quien huyó a Guadalajara en 1935 a causa de la lucha agrarista. Fue asiento de los poderes estatales en 1925 cuando Ixtlán fue declarada capital del estado. Hasta 1953 fue el "Hotel Central" después lo adquirieron las hermanas Hernández Ramiro.

 Otras edificaciones

Principalmente el arte de arquitectura qué domina en el municipio es el barroco novo hispano, muy presente en el centro de su cabecera municipal y existe una gama de arquitectura que contrasta de clásicos de antiguos hogares a lo contemporáneo el centro multinacional "CENIX" ha sido muy relevante en cuanto a su eficiencia, y recientemente se han estado erigiendo centros comerciales y tiendas departamentales con notable espacio (Bodega Aurrera, Soriana).

 El Kiosco
Fue traído desde Francia por el Sr. Diódoro Partida. Su plataforma se construyó con cantera labrada y armada por artesanos de Tonalá (Jalisco). En 1907 quedó instalado y se inauguró en un ambiente festivo y popular. Fue escenario principal durante los festejos del centenario de la independencia en 1910. Se ha utilizado para el tradicional "grito" del 15 de septiembre y diversos eventos artísticos y culturales.

 Los Toriles
Importante sitio que muy posiblemente fue habitado desde el año 300 a. C. hasta el 600 d.C. En esa primera fase se desarrolló un complejo cultural conocido como la tradición de las Tumbas de Tiro en las que se depositaban ofrendas al interior de cámaras fúnebres. Entre los años 500 y 600 d.C., se abandona la tradición de las tumbas de tiro y su desarrollo se inscribe dentro de una amplia región cultural conocida como Aztatlán, que se traduce en un apogeo de la ciudad hacia los años 750 y 1100 de nuestra era. Es entonces que el asentamiento urbano crece de manera considerable con la construcción de amplias terrazas, palacios, templos y adoratorios, adquiriendo cierta importancia regional como centro manufacturero y de intercambio comercial. Aunque en el sitio se han localizado un poco más de 85 montículos y estructuras que aún se hallan sin explorar, actualmente es posible visitar unas quince estructuras, entre las que destacan por su importancia el edificio llamado Templo de Quetzalcóatl que presenta planta circular con un pretil que la circunda con curiosas perforaciones en forma de cruz.
En su parte alta se ven dos adoratorios del estilo del Altiplano Central de México. Otros edificios importantes son el llamado Palacio de los Relieves, el Palacio de las Columnas, el conjunto del Palacio de las Cuatro Columnas y el Palacio en Escuadra.

Ixtlán (donde abunda la obsidiana) Es la zona arqueológica nayarita más estudiada. Su zona de influencia se extendió por los actuales municipios de Ixtlán del Río, Ahuacatlán, Jala y Santa María del Oro. Sus principales poblaciones fueron Cacalután, Tepuzhuacán, Mexpan, Zoatlán, Xala, Jomulco, Tequepexpan, Camotlán, Tetitlán, Acuitapilco y Zapotán. Cerca de la cabecera municipal de Ixtlán se encuentran los restos de lo que fue el centro ceremonial más importante del área: Los Toriles. En Los Toriles se encuentra una pirámide poco usual en Mesoamérica, es una construcción redonda de 24 metros de diámetro por cuatro de altura. Tiene cinco escalinatas distribuidas armónicamente en su perímetro. En el muro que remata la parte superior se encuentran unas troneras en forma de cruz. Probablemente este centro ceremonial fue dedicado a Quetzalcóatl, personaje central de la cultura tolteca. Las tumbas de tiro son las construcciones funerarias más representativas del área, aunque aparecen otras modalidades como las tumbas de fosa o fosas de tierra donde sepultaban a sus muertos casi a flor de tierra. La cerámica está constituida por vasos de cuerpo esférico con alto cuello de paredes verticales y con triple soporte de cascabel. Los motivos ornamentales más frecuentes son flores y mariposas estilizadas, cabezas de tigre y de venado. Abundan las vasijas decoradas con rombos y gajos de color blanco sobre rojo. Por las características especiales de la cerámica y esculturas de esta región, se les conoce con el nombre de "estilo Ixtlán". Las pequeñas esculturas de 30 a 40 centímetros de altura se distinguen por los adornos consistentes en aretes y perforaciones operadas en la nariz, donde colocaban uno o más aros. De la rica cerámica Ixtlán, destacan las maquetas de excelente acabado, por medio de ellas podemos intuir las formas de vida, la organización social y la vida económica característica de estos pueblos. Hay maquetas que representan casas, grupos en alguna actividad y canchas de juego de pelota. Son siempre construcciones con vida y movimiento. Son, asimismo, dignas de mencionarse las esculturas que representan guerreros, identificables por llevar un casco provisto de pequeñas prolongaciones en la parte superior; el pecho se encuentra protegido por una armadura y en las manos sostiene un bastón que hace las veces de un mazo. Generalmente la parte inferior va desnuda.

 Demografía
El municipio de Ixtlán del Río, tiene una población aproximada de 30.935 habitantes distribuidos en 158 localidades, las más importantes son; Ixtlán del Río(Cabecera municipal) con 28,707 habitantes, Mexpan 1,282 habitantes, Cacalután 394, los Mezquites 365 y San José de Gracia 359 habitantes.

 Geografía

 Orografía
El municipio de Ixtlán del Río presenta tres relieves, uno de zonas accidentadas con el 60 por ciento de la superficie del municipio, el segundo de zonas semiplanas con el 30 por ciento y el tercero con zonas planas con el 10 por ciento. Las zonas accidentadas se ubican al norte, sureste y noroeste, formadas por el volcán El Molcajete, y cerros "Las Panochas", "El Borrego" y "Mezquites". Las zonas semiplanas se localizan en el centro, sur, este, norte y sureste, la forman Ixtlán, San José de Gracia, Palos Elevados, El Terrero, San Miguel y las Cuevas. Las zonas planas se encuentran alrededor de la cabecera municipal, franja central y están formadas por la cuenca del río Grande.

 Hidrografía
El municipio cuenta con dos ríos: el Río Grande de Santiago, principal corriente fluvial del municipio que nace en la sierra de Pajaritos, y el Río Chico, que viene de la sierra de Juanacatán, así como diversos arroyos de temporal: El Cofradía, Los Limones, Los Sauces, Arroyo Verde, San Miguel, y El Pilareño, y 17 manantiales, de los cuales destaca el llamado Agua Caliente.

 Clima

Es cálido y subhúmedo, con régimen de lluvias de julio a septiembre, meses calurosos de marzo a julio, los vientos se dirigen del oeste, son moderados; la temperatura media anual oscila entre los 21 °C y 25 °C, registrándose temperaturas extremas que van de los 0 °C a los 46 °C. La precipitación media anual es de .

 Ecosistemas
En la vegetación de la sierra de Pajaritos abunda el pino, encino, ciprés y otras variedades. En la parte baja, cuenta con mezquites, guamúchil, huizaches, nopales, entre otras. Junto a los manantiales y cerca de los ríos abundan los sauces y las higueritas. La fauna es diversa, a saber: coyote, venado, jabalí, tejón, conejo; y aves como el jilguero, la urraca pinta y el carpintero alirrojo.

 Recursos naturales
El municipio cuenta con reservas minerales y forestales susceptibles de explotarse, pero de difícil acceso. Cuenta con pastizales en las zonas semiplanas y bosques de pino y encino; así como selva baja en la sierra.

 Uso del suelo
Se destinan a la ganadería alrededor de 17,419 hectáreas y a la agricultura 9,061. El 47% de la superficie agrícola es propiedad, el 42% es ejidal y el resto es comunal. La explotación de mineral se localiza en Mezquites, la Higuerita y la Casteñana, con extracción de plata, plomo, zinc y ópalo. En el que predominan dos tipos de suelos, el de las zonas planas y semiplanas (feozen) y el de las regiones salivaticosas

 Turismo
A cuatro kilómetros de la cabecera se encuentra un balneario de aguas templadas, denominado "La Sidra". Se cuenta con un manantial de agua caliente sulfurosa con propiedades curativas, llamado "La Vertiente". El municipio cuenta con un mirador llamado "Cerro de Cristo Rey", con acceso a automóviles y una escalinata con 544 escalones. Además cuenta con otros tres balnearios importantes, "El suspiro", "El anhelo" y "La alberca la piedra", los cuales están llenos de naturaleza, cuentan con toboganes y canchas deportivas lo cual aseguran un momento de recreación y diversión en un ambiente totalmente familiar.

En ranchos de arriba, a 10 kilómetros al sur de Ixtlán, existe un templo estilo espadaña, edificado en el .

En la cabecera municipal, en pleno centro, también se encuentra una casa habitación que alberga un convento-capilla, localizado en la calle Juárez No. 36. Otro monumento histórico es el edificio de la presidencia municipal que se ubica en el portal Hidalgo.

En el mismo cuadro central de la cabecera municipal, se encuentra el ecomuseo denominado "La casa de cultura" donde se realiza la exposición de piezas culturales y artesanales propias del municipio, como lo son estatuillas de barro, pinturas, herramientas antiguas elaboradas a base de obsidiana.

 Gastronomía
En Ixtlán se cocinan platillos típicos de la región nayarita. Sin embargo, lo tradicional del municipio es: la birria de chivo, el pollo a la picha, los mariscos, los dulces de leche, la nieve de garrafa y el tejuino.

También se encuentran varios restaurantes de mariscos en los cuales se pueden degustar de ricos platillos preparados con el toque típico de la región.

 Artesanías
Ha surgido una gran variedad de productos artesanales que constituyen un renglón muy importante en la economía del municipio. Las principales elaboraciones artesanales son: vidrio soplado, herraje colonial, alfarería, muebles coloniales, tallado de madera, tejido de palma, talabartería, frutería y huarachería.

 Museos
El museo de antropología está ubicado en el interior de la presidencia municipal, en donde se exhiben figuras antropomorfas; guerreros, piezas de obsidiana, etc., pertenecientes al horizonte clásico (300-900 d. C.)

La Casona de Ixtlán es un espacio cultural, construido con piedra, adobe y carrizo, que cuenta con un pequeño museo de antigüedades y galería de arte,  exhibiendo una muestra de la obra plástica del renombrado artista local Manuel Benítez (escritor, poeta, escultor y pintor). La Casona de Ixtlán es foro abierto a artistas internacionales, además de contar con restaurante de comida mexicana y cava de vino artesanal.

 Educación
En la ciudad de Ixtlán del Río se cuenta con múltiples Instituciones educativas que prestan servicios de educación; inicial, básica, media superior y superior.Educación inicial (Preescolares)Margarita Maza de Juárez

Estefanía Castañeda

Justo Barajas Miranda

Florentino Parra Camacho

Manuel Ávila Camacho

Eulogio Parra

José Vasconcelos

María Rosaura Zapata Cano

María MontessoriEducación básica (Escuelas primarias)Ignacio Manuel Altamirano

Everardo Peña Navarro

Benemérito de las Américas

Benito Juárez

Niño Artillero

Narciso Mendoza

Corregidora de Querétaro

Josefa Ortiz de Domínguez

everardo peña

Ramón Corona

Eulogio Parra

Colegio Sor Juana Inés de la CruzEducación básica (Escuelas secundarias)Escuela Secundaria General Amado Nervo TM y TV

Escuela Secundaria Federal Lázaro Cárdenas TV

Escuela Secundaria Técnica N.º 62 "Eulogio Parra Espinoza"Educación media superiorCentro de Bachillerato Tecnológico Industrial y de Servicios No.27

Unidad Académica Preparatoria N.º 6

Centros de atención para personas con discapacidad

Aula CAED, en el interior del CECATI 140

Bachillerato No Escolarizado

Centro de Capacitación para el Trabajo Industrial N.º 140 (CECATI 140)Educación superior  (Universidades)'''

Unidad académica de Ixtán del Río UAN

Instituto de las Américas de Nayarit

Universidad del Álica de Occidente

Música
Continúa existiendo la música autóctona derivada de los instrumentos de las etnias Cora y Huichol. Actualmente, la música de mariachi y banda sinaloense son las que con más frecuencia se escuchan en las poblaciones.

Fiestas y tradiciones
La feria regional se efectúa del 7 al 18 de septiembre con exposiciones agrícola, industrial y comercial, charreadas, actuación de grupos folklóricos, juegos florales, bailes populares, juegos pirotécnicos, y desfile de carros alegóricos. Las fiestas religiosas se llevan a cabo en honor de la virgen de Guadalupe, del 7 al 15 de diciembre. Sumándose la festividad del Cerrito de Cristo Rey en el mes de octubre.

Religión

En el municipio predomina la religión católica, y existen dos parroquias y una decena de templos y capillas, además de centros religiosos de otras creencias.

Templos religiosos
Parroquia de Santiago Apóstol

Templo del Nuestra Señora del Carmen

Templo del Sagrario Corazón

Santuario de la Virgen de Guadalupe

Templo de Nuestra Señora del Perpetuo Socorro

Capilla de Nuestra Señora del Rosario de Talpa

Capilla de Cristo Rey

Cuasi Parroquia de Mexpan San Juan Bautista

Templo de Nuestra Señora de Fátima

Parroquia de Cristo Rey

Templo de San Felipe de Jesús

Templo de San Andrés

Curso Introductorio del Seminario Diocesano de Tepic

Asamblea Apostólica "Fuente de Misericordia"

Asamblea Apostólica "Jesucristo Rey de Reyes"

Templo la Luz del Mundo

Iglesia de Dios de la Profecía

Iglesia Rayo de Luz

Iglesia Bautista Evangelista Estrella de Belén

Adventista del Séptimo Día

Iglesia cristiana del compañerismo cristiano

Iglesia apostólica de la fe en cristo

Manantial de Vida

Reino de los Testigos de Jehová

Política

Presidentes municipales

Hermanamientos
La ciudad de Ixtlán del Río tiene hermanamientos con 35 ciudades alrededor del mundo:

Referencias

Enlaces externos
 inegi.org.mx
 e-local.gob.mx

Municipios del estado de Nayarit
Localidades establecidas en 1532
Nueva España en 1532
Pueblos Mágicos de Nayarit

Ixtlán del Río


Stryfe is a fictional supervillain appearing in American comic books published by Marvel Comics, most commonly in association with the superhero team X-Force. He is a clone of Cable from Cable's alternate future timeline.

Publication history

The character was created by Louise Simonson and Rob Liefeld, and first appears in The New Mutants #86 (February 1990), a cameo appearance in which his head cannot be seen. His first full appearance was in the following issue, The New Mutants #87 (March 1990). A clone of Cable, Stryfe is the main antagonist in the 1990s crossover X-Cutioner's Song, the 2009 X-Force/Cable crossover Messiah War, and the 2014 Cable & X-Force/Uncanny X-Force crossover "Vendetta".

Stryfe appears as the main villain of the 2018–2019 run of X-Force.

Fictional character biography
A woman introducing herself as Askani appears to Cyclops and Jean Grey from the distant future after their infant son, Nathan Summers, is infected with a techno-organic virus by the immortal mutant Apocalypse and tells them that she can save the child. Nathan then arrives in the future and Mother Askani clones the baby, hoping to salvage something if he dies. The clone's growth is greatly accelerated until he is the same age as Nathan himself. The Askani succeed in halting the spread of the techno-organic virus in Nathan's body, thereby saving his life. However, Apocalypse and his forces attack the Askani's hiding place and steal the cloned infant. Apocalypse takes the child as his own, raising him himself and naming him "Stryfe", intending to use him as his next host body. Stryfe grows into a murderously decadent brat with no regard for life who is both terminally bored by having his every desire catered and extremely lonely at having no real company aside from Apocalypse and Ch'vayre (Apocalypse's second in command). Years later, as Apocalypse is about to transfer his essence into Stryfe, he discovers that Stryfe is in fact a clone, thus unfit to house his essence. A teenage Nathan and the time-traveling Cyclops and Jean confront Apocalypse, leaving him unable to transfer into any host body, thus causing his essence to discorporate. Ch'vayre raises Stryfe afterwards.

Stryfe grows up to be an embittered madman, wanting vengeance on both what he thought were his real parents (Cyclops and Jean) and his spiritual parent Apocalypse. He becomes an anarchist and terrorist rebel in the Nor-Am Pact region 3783–3806 in his alternate future. He raises an army and for years became a fierce opponent of both Cable (Nathan Summers) and his Clan Chosen, and the New Canaanites, a despotic regime that replaced Apocalypse's. Stryfe reveals to Cable much later in the present era that during this period in their life, he raped Aliya Dayspring (Cable's wife who Stryfe had grown to desire) at one point by pretending to be Cable and so the father of Tyler Dayspring could be Stryfe and not Cable. Later, he kills Aliya as well as kidnapping and brainwashing their son Tyler.

In 3806, the New Canaanites take full control of the planet, but Stryfe manages to travel back in time two-thousand years. He forms a mutant terrorist group, the Mutant Liberation Front (MLF), alongside many powerful mutants including Tamara Kurtz. Stryfe orders his Mutant Liberation Front to capture Rusty Collins and Skids. In Japan, he fights Cable and clashes with the New Mutants, who thwart his attempt to poison the water supplies of major cities. Stryfe abandons his Antarctic Mutant Liberation Front base during an invasion by X-Force (a team composed of Cable and several former New Mutants). Stryfe then has the Mutant Liberation Front free the captive mutants Hairbag and Slab, and turns them over to Mister Sinister before ordering an MLF attack on a clinic. He also confronts and defeats Kane, and eventually declares his enmity for Apocalypse. Stryfe later battles Cable, who learns that Stryfe is actually his double. Stryfe sows chaos in the ranks of the X-Men, posing as Cable and shooting Professor X with an infected bullet, and taking Cyclops and Jean Grey captive. He bests the Dark Riders and Apocalypse, making him leader of the Dark Riders. As a final insurance, Stryfe gives Mister Sinister a canister that he claims holds genetic material from two-thousand years worth of Summers's descendants; in truth, it holds the deadly Legacy Virus. Stryfe battles Cable until the latter opens a temporal rift by detonating a self-destruct system, destroying his body. Stryfe's consciousness, however, enters Cable's mind, in which he stays until he voluntarily leaves.

While physically dead, Stryfe attempts to return to life through the body of Warpath. However, his attempt is avoided by the arrival of X-Force and Warpath is sent back to the living by Blackheart.

By unknown means, Stryfe revives and attempts to subjugate Latveria. Stryfe is opposed by Cable and Nate Grey, and at first beats them easily, even going as far as to siphon off all of Nate's power. Madelyne Pryor appears to join forces with Stryfe, but secretly steals the psionic energy from Stryfe and gives it back to Nate. Nate, Madelyne, and Cable join forces to defeat Stryfe.

Stryfe reappears, controlling the activation sequence for the Prime Sentinels. He uses them to hunt down Lady Deathstrike, who holds the complete codes for all the Sentinels in her cybernetic systems. Deathstrike is forced to turn to the X-Men, and together they defeat Stryfe, who teleports away.

Later, Stryfe experiences a personal existential crisis and becomes depressed at the futility of his efforts over the years after the X-Men finally manage to cure the Legacy Virus, which Stryfe considered to be his life's work and the one permanent victory he had against Cable, his parents Scott and Jean, and the rest of the X-Men. He hunts down Bishop who is possessed by the entity La Bete Noir, whose power rivals the Phoenix Force and threatens to consume Bishop's body and unleash its evil upon the universe. However, Stryfe ultimately regrets the path he took and the choices he has made in his life (stemming from his perpetual identity crisis as a clone), frees Bishop from the entity and sacrifices himself to save the Earth by absorbing the Bete Noir into himself, shattering his body from the power overload. Gambit, however, is suspicious that Cable may have telepathically forced Stryfe to sacrifice himself.

Messiah War
During Messiah War, instead of dying, Stryfe was able to transport himself into the future where he is discovered by Bishop, who has been traveling through time in an attempt to kill Hope Summers. This was confirmed by the writer Christopher Yost to be the same Stryfe that had previously plagued the X-Men, mentioning in particular his survival of his fight against Nate Grey and Cable. Bishop propositioned a chance to kill Apocalypse, if Stryfe aided him in killing Cable, who Stryfe said he no longer cared about. After Bishop initiated a global catastrophe that wiped out most of the people on Earth, Stryfe was able to step in and fill the leadership void. Together, Stryfe and Bishop traveled to 2963 A.D., where their combined efforts attacked Apocalypse while he slept in his rejuvenation chamber, and defeated him, assuming they killed him. Stryfe stole his Celestial Ship and technology and used it to raise an army that gave him total control over the people, save for a small rebellion. Stryfe tyrannically ruled over his subjects, the Stryfetroopers, with Bishop as his right-hand-man for nearly a decade. Stryfe placed Ship in Westchester County, New York and renamed the city, New Celestial City. Shortly after building his empire, Stryfe employed Deadpool as security and imprisoned Kiden Nixon, who was used to create a chronal net, preventing anyone from jumping out of the timeline. However, when Stryfe was reminded by Wolverine that he already "died a hero" to just become a villain again, Stryfe claims to not know what he is talking about. Cable, Deadpool, a time-displaced X-Force and Apocalypse join forces to defeat Stryfe and Bishop. Cable and Hope travel further into the future, X-Force return to the present, and Apocalypse drags Stryfe away, intending to use him as a new host body for his essence.

Vendetta
Stryfe is able to prevent Apocalypse from using his body as a new host and travels back in time to the present in the Cable and X-Force and Uncanny X-Force crossover, "Vendetta". Upon discovering that Bishop has returned to the present, Hope tries to kill him in an act of vengeance. Stryfe appears and kidnaps them both and brings them to an old, abandoned Mutant Liberation Force base.  There, he attempts to manipulate Hope into killing Bishop who has come to realize the error of his ways. Stryfe explains to Bishop how he wants him to suffer after he betrayed him during Messiah War and claims that he was imprisoned and tortured by Apocalypse for years until he planned a successful escape and killed him. Stryfe tries to corrupt Hope by making her give in to her feelings of hatred towards Bishop, convincing her to take revenge and murder Bishop although he is shackled and refuses to fight back out of remorse. Cable and both teams of X-Force soon intervene and combat Stryfe. Hope sees that Stryfe is trying to undo the lessons which Cable taught her and refuses to kill Bishop but she does severely injure him. Stryfe is defeated by Cable and both X-Force teams, but before escaping he telepathically forces Hope to mimic his vast and nearly uncontrollable psionic power in the hope that she will destroy her friends. Bishop helps her to disperse the massive energy and they come to an uneasy truce.

Powers and abilities
Stryfe is a clone of the mutant Cable and, as a result, possesses Cable's natural vast psionic abilities of telepathy and telekinesis. However, these abilities are far more powerful than the ones Cable has generally displayed in the main continuity, sufficient to block the use of Cyclops and Jean Grey's superhuman powers. This is because Stryfe was never infected with Apocalypse's techno-organic virus like Cable was. Therefore, he does not have to constantly expend his abilities to keep the virus from consuming his body, which apparently was a huge drain on Cable's capabilities. Stryfe can use his psionic abilities in a variety of ways such as moving large objects with his mind, reading minds, mind control, telepathically negating and activating the use of other's powers, telepathic camouflage, telekinetic flight, telekinetic force fields, mind transference and telekinetic blasts. Stryfe also has far more control over his massive psionic abilities than Cable or Nate Grey, apparently from having a whole lifetime of experience of learning how to use his powers which his alternate counterparts never had. Stryfe also possessed other abilities through genetic manipulation similar to those that Cable achieved through cybernetic augmentation, including superhuman strength and durability.

Stryfe wears battle armor of unknown composition that is highly impervious to damage. He has been known to wield a blade capable of harming Apocalypse. He has used various advanced weaponry and technology from the 39th century of his alternate future, including his time-vortex field generator.

Stryfe has received extensive training in military combat techniques and the martial arts, and is a master marksman with firearms. He is a cunning terrorist strategist.

Reception
 In 2017, WhatCulture ranked Stryfe 3rd in their "10 Most Evil X-Men Villains" list.

Other versions

Ultimate Marvel
In Ultimate X-Men, Ultimate Stryfe is also the leader of the Mutant Liberation Front. He appears to be a mutant supremacist convinced that Professor X was killed by the United States government and that mutants should fight against the government. His mutant power manifests as the ability to cause "strife" within people's minds, causing them to voice whatever is bothering them. However, when Psylocke scans his mind she senses that he has no real conviction in what he says, suggesting that much of his mutant supremacist attitude is an act, meaning his real motives are unknown. At his side is the ultimate version of Zero, a young mutant teleporter. It is revealed that Stryfe is actually a con man, working with Fenris to promote mutant unrest so they can sell Sentinels to the government.

In Ultimate X-Men, when Cable returns from the future with Xavier they both don armor; Xavier's resembling Onslaught and Cable's resembling the mainstream Stryfe.

Deadpool Pulp
In the Deadpool Pulp timeline, a General Stryfe is introduced. Stryfe is a younger, corrupt General who, alongside Cable and J. Edgar Hoover, hires Wade Wilson (who in this timeline is a former CIA man turned mercenary) to get back a stolen nuclear briefcase. Stryfe is later killed by Deadpool.

In other media

Television
 Stryfe appears briefly in X-Men: The Animated Series. In the episode "Beyond Good and Evil" (Part 4), he was one of Apocalypse's captured psychics.

Video games
 Stryfe is the final boss in X-Men 2: Game Master's Legacy (1995) for the Game Gear.
 Stryfe is a boss in X-Men Legends II: Rise of Apocalypse (2005), voiced by Daniel Riordan.
 Stryfe is an obtainable character in the mobile game Marvel Contest of Champions (2014).
 Stryfe is an unreleased card for the mobile and PC game Marvel Snap (2023).

Other appearances
 An action figure of Stryfe was produced by Toy Biz in 1992 as part of the first X-Force line. He was packaged with a snap-on cape, adamantium mace accessory and a flip-up helmet to reveal his identity.
 In 1994, Stryfe was packaged along with Cable, in the Toy Biz "Steel Mutants" die cast metal line (Series 2).
 Another action figure of Stryfe was produced by Hasbro in 2014 as part of their Marvel Legends line. The figure is packaged with a golden sword and the head of his set's Build-A-Figure (BAF) Jubilee.
 Stryfe has been made in two playing pieces in the Heroclix game system. Both versions have the Armor, Future, and Mutant Liberation Front keywords. The first version debuted in the 2010 Heroclix set Giant-Size X-Men and is played at 116 pts, while the second version debuted in the 2017 Heroclix set Deadpool and X-Force and is played at 135 pts.

References

External links
 Stryfe at Marvel Universe

Characters created by Louise Simonson
Characters created by Rob Liefeld
Clone characters in comics
Comics characters introduced in 1990
Fictional characters from parallel universes
Fictional mass murderers
Marvel Comics characters who have mental powers
Marvel Comics characters with superhuman durability or invulnerability
Marvel Comics characters with superhuman strength
Marvel Comics male supervillains
Marvel Comics mutants
Marvel Comics telekinetics
Marvel Comics telepaths
X-Men supporting characters

Stryfe


Hurâfe (Arapça: خرافة), İslam dininin aslında; kısaca Kur'an'da bulunmayan, ancak farklı yollarla sonradan müslüman hayatına katılan ve dinî inançmış gibi kabul edilen söz, düşünce ve davranışların tümüdür.

Etimoloji
"Bunamak" anlamına gelen "haref/ ḫrf" kökünden türetilmiş bir ad olan "hurâfe" sözcüğü, "akla ve gerçeğe aykırı, aldatıcı söz" anlamına gelir. Masal, efsane vb. gerçek dışı olsa da hoşa giden nakil ve rivayetlere de hurafe denilir.

Örnekler
Hurafelerin büyük bir kısmı dinle ilgilidir. Genellikle farkına varılmadan insan hayatını ve doğal yaşamı etkiler. Hurafeler çoğunlukla inanç alanında yer aldıkları kabul edildiği için insan davranışlarını etkiler.

Ancak çok bilinen "dünya düzdür" hurafesine bile rastlanmaktadır. Hurafelerin birçoğu çocuksu inanışlardır. Töredir diye yapılan eylemlerde bile hurafe görülebilir. Gelenek ve göreneklerle karışmış hurafeler olabilir.

Olağan davranışları etkilemek ve tabiat düzenini değiştirmek için yapılan büyüler, üfürükçülük ve yatırlardan medet ummak, muska ve nazarlıklarla değişim yaratmak gibi örnekleri mevcuttur.

Dipnotlar

Kaynakça
Abdülaziz Bey, Osmanlı Adet, Merasim ve Tabirleri, Tarih Vakfı Yurt Yayınları, 1995, ISBN 9799753331264.
Pertev Naili Boratav, 100 Soruda Türk Folkloru, Koç Kültür Sanat, 2003, ISBN 9789752960466.
Ali Murat Yel, "Hurafe", TDV İslam Ansiklopedisi, Türkiye Diyanet Vakfı Yayınları, 1998, https://islamansiklopedisi.org.tr/hurafe

Ayrıca bakınız
 Batıl inanç

İslam kültürü

Hurafe


A clothespin (US English) or clothes peg (UK English) is a fastener used to hang up clothes for drying, usually on a clothes line. Clothespins come in many different designs.

Design

During the 1700s laundry was hung on bushes, limbs or lines to dry but no clothespins can be found in any painting or prints of the era. The clothespin for hanging up wet laundry only appears in the early 19th century supposedly patented by Jérémie Victor Opdebec. This design does not use springs, but is fashioned in one piece of wood, with the two prongs part of the peg chassis with only a small distance between them—this form of peg creates the gripping action due to the two prongs being wedged apart and thus squeezing together in that the prongs want to return to their initial, resting state. This form of peg is often fashioned from plastic, or originally, wood. In England, clothes-peg making used to be a craft associated with the Romani people, who made clothes-pegs from small, split lengths of willow or ash wood.

In 1853 David M. Smith of Springfield, Vermont, invented a clothespin with two prongs connected by a fulcrum, plus a spring.
By a lever action, when the two prongs are pinched at the top of the peg, the prongs open up, and when released, the spring draws the two prongs shut, creating the action necessary for gripping.

The design by Smith was improved by Solon E. Moore in 1887. He added what he called a "coiled fulcrum" made from a single wire, this was the spring that held the wooden pieces together, acted as a spring forcing them to shut, and as a fulcrum on which the two halves could rock, eliminating the need for a separate component, and reducing manufacturing costs. This became the first successful spring-actuated clothespin, being manufactured and sold in huge quantities all across the United States.

The state of Vermont, and its capital of Montpelier, in particular, quickly became what The New York Times has called "The Silicon Valley of Clothespin Manufacturing", the United States Clothespin Company (U.S.C. Co.) opened in 1887 to manufacture Moore's improved design. Vermonter Stephen Thomas, served as company president, and the company enjoyed a significant level of success, in spite of the competitors that rapidly sprang up in Waterbury and other places.

In 1909, Allan Moore, one of the U.S.C. Co. employees, devised a way in which clothespins could be manufactured more cheaply, by eliminating one of the coils in the "spring fulcrum". He left the company, and with a loan from a local entrepreneur opened a competing factory, across the street from the U.S.C. Co. building. The new National Clothespin Company rapidly overtook the U.S.C. Co., consuming 500,000 board-feet of lumber at the height of production. After World War I, cheap imports from Europe began to flood the market, leading to repeated calls for protective tariffs by Vermont, and the state industry went into decline; in 1920, it cost 58 cents to manufacture one gross of clothespins in Vermont, while imported Swedish clothespins were sold for 48 cents a gross. The situation worsened after World War II, and the introduction of the electric clothes dryer diminished demand for clothespins, further damaging the industry; the U.S.C. Co. closed before the end of the 1940s. However, the National Clothespin Company, who had previously moved from its original location across the street, and had been sold to a new owner, managed to stay in business by virtue of a contract with the F. W. Woolworths department store chain. In this fashion, they managed to hang on through the following decades, in spite of a disastrous fire in 1978. The profit margin was eaten into further by the increasing volume of cheap Chinese imports; pleas for protective tariffs continued, but to no result. The company, which had discontinued its line of wooden clothespins, diversified into plastics, including plastic clothespins, which constituted only a small part of overall production. However, the National Clothespin Company finally ceased production of clothespins, the last American-manufactured clothespin coming off the production line in 2009.

Clothespins were further enhanced by the invention of stainless steel clothespins that do not rust or decay with outdoor use. Rather than using a torsion spring that often twists, causing the clothespin to fall apart, they rely on a strong, trapped, compression spring that results in a stronger grip.

Other uses

Public art

One famous clothespin is a sculpture by Claes Oldenburg, entitled Clothespin. It is in Philadelphia across the street from the City Hall, and can be seen in the movie Trading Places.

There is a 5-foot clothespin granite grave marker in the Middlesex cemetery, Vermont, marking the grave of Jack Crowell, the last owner of the National Clothespin Company, which was the last clothespin manufacturer in the United States. He originally requested that it include a working spring be included so children could play on it, but the stone workers convinced him it wasn't feasible.

Filmmaking

During the production of a movie, commercial, music video etc., a spring-type clothespin is called a "CP 47", "C47", "47", "peg", "ammo", or "bullet". It is useful on set since the lights used on film sets quickly become far too hot to touch; a wooden C47 is used to attach a color correction gel or diffusion to the barn doors on a light. The wooden clothespins do not transmit heat very effectively, and therefore are safe to touch, even when attached to hot lights for a significant period of time. Plastic clothespins are not used as plastic would melt with the heat of the lights, and metal would transfer the heat, making the clothespin too hot to touch. People like gaffers, grips, electricians, and production assistants may keep a collection of C47s clipped to clothing or utility belt at all times. Hence the nickname "bullet", as so many crew members clip a number of C47s to their utility belts, much like an old west gunslinger would carry extra cartridges (which are often inaccurately referred to as bullets) on his gun belt.

When a performer is in full makeup they sometimes cannot drink from a cup so they drink from a straw. When the bottle or cup is too deep for the straw a C47 is clipped an inch from the top of the straw to keep the straw from falling into the drink.

Lutherie

In lutherie (the construction and repair of stringed instruments), clothes-pegs are often used to glue on kerfing during the production of guitars, mandolins, and other stringed instruments.

Frequency control at radio-control model flying/operation sites

Since multiple RC frequency use began in the RC hobbies in the mid-20th century, so-called "frequency pins" have been used to ensure that only one modeler was using a particular frequency at any one time. The common, spring-loaded two-piece wood clothespin - marked in some manner with text and/or color-coding for the designated frequency it references, usually with an added piece of thin plywood or plastic on the clothespin to place the text or color-code upon for greater visibility - is the usual basis for these, whether the model club itself provides them already clipped onto a "frequency control board" for the modeler to take for their activity (clipped onto their transmitter's antenna, in a so-called "subtractive" method) or the modeler make them for their own transmitter(s), and places them on a club facility's existing frequency board (the "additive" method).

Music
For many years players in ensembles such as brass bands playing out doors have used spring pegs to hold their music on place since even the mildest breeze will blow a loose sheet away.

See also
 Bulldog clip
 Binder clip
 Crocodile clip

References

External links

 Wiktionary listing for "C-47"
 Project Laundry List
 The Better Clothespin
 Traditional clothes peg making in England
 Collection clothespins from different countries
 The World of Pegs website

American inventions
Domestic implements
Fasteners
Laundry drying equipment

Clothespin


La Estación Ferroviaria de Caniços, también conocida como Estación de Caniços, es una plataforma de la Línea de Guimarães, que sirve al ayuntamiento de Vila Nova de Famalicão, en el Distrito de Braga, en Portugal.

Caracterización

Localización y accesos
Se encuentra junto a la localidad de Caniços, teniendo acceso directo por la Ruta Nacional 310.

Descripción física
Poseía, en enero de 2011, 2 vías de circulación, ambas con 215 metros de longitud; las respectivas plataformas tenían ambas 150 metros de extensión, y 90 centímetros de altura.

Historia

Inauguración
Esta plataforma se encuentra en el tramo de la Línea de Guimarães entre las Estaciones de Trofa y Vizela, que entró en servicio el 31 de diciembre de 1883, construido por la Compañía del Camino de Hierro de Guimarães.

Véase también
Red Ferroviaria Nacional

Bibliografía

Referencias

Enlaces externos

Caniços
Vila Nova de Famalicão

Estación de Caniços


ක්රිි.පූ 6 වන සියවසෙහි ශ්රීද ලාංකිකයින් විසින් බෞද්ධාගමේ පෝෂණය ලැබූ විශිෂ්ට වාරි ශිෂ්ටාචාරයක්ද පිරමීඩ වැනි අති විශාල වූ ස්ථූප ගොඩ නැගීමද  වර්ධනය කර ගෙන තිබුණි. ඵයට දහවෙනි සියවසෙහි දකුණු ඉන්දීය ආක්රූමණයන් හා දහසයවෙනි සියවසෙහි යුරෝපීය ආක්රදමණයන්ට මුහුණ දීමට ද සිදු විය.

ඵෙතිහාසික විස්තර සෙල්ලිපිවල ද (හෙළ අටුවා) සහ රාමායනය වැනි ඉන්දීය වංශකතාවල ද සඳහන් වේ. දීපවංශය චූලවංශය සහ ඵහි බුරුම පිටපත්වල මෙන්ම සමකාලීන ඉන්දියානු වාර්තා ද සමග ගත් කළ ප්රවධාන ලිඛිත ඵෙතිහාසික ලේඛනය මහාවංශයයි. ශ්රි  ලංකාව යනුවෙන් වර්තමානයෙහි හැඳින්වෙන දිවයින මුල්කාලයේදී හැඳින්වූයේ "සිංහලේ" නැතහොත් "හෙළදිව" යනුවෙනි. දෙමළ බසට ඵය ඊලම් විය. "පඩ්ඩිනප්පලෙයි" නම් අවුරුදු දෙදාහක් පමණ පැරණි දෙමළ කාව්යියෙහි මෙම දිවයින හඳුන්වා ඇත්තේ "ඊලම්" යනුවෙනි. "හෙළ"යන්න "ඊලම්"යන්නෙහි දූෂිත යෙදීමක් විය හැක. පරම්පරාගත කථා මුල් කර ගත් තොරතුරුවලට අනුව හෙළ වැසියන් නාග,යක්ෂ සහ වෙනත් ජන කොටස්වලින් යුක්ත විය.

ක්රිත.පූ 5 වෙනි සියවසේදී ඉන්දු-ආර්යයන් ඉන්දියාවේ සිට ශ්රිව ලංකාවට පැමිණ හෙළ ජන කොටස් සමග මිශ්රත වූහ. පසුව බුද්ධාගම ලංකාවට පැමිණි අතර සිංහල සංස්කෘතිය දියුණු විමට ඵය රුකුලක්  විය. සිංහල ජන ගහනයෙන් 70% කට වැඩි පිරිසක් බෞද්ධයෝ වෙති. දිවයිනෙහි දෙමළ හින්දු ජනවර්ගය ද සිටිති. දෙමළ ජනයා බොහෝ දෙනා පැවත ඵන්නේ ඉන්දියාවේ තමිල්නාඩුවේ සිට පැමිණි පිරිසගෙන් විය හැක. ඵහෙත් මෙම ආගමනය සිංහලයන්ගේ මුතුන් මිත්තන් දිවයිනට පැමිණීමට පෙර හෝ පසුව සිදුවූයේදැයි කිවනොහැක. 16 වෙනි සියවසේ යුරෝපීය ආක්රෝමණයට සියවස් ගණනාවකට පෙර සිට දෙමළ ජනයාගේ දෙමළ රාජ්යමයක් දිවයිනේ උතුරු නැගෙනහිර සහ බටහිර මුහුදු බඩ පෙදෙස්වල ව්යාෙප්ත වී තිබුණි. ජනගහන දර්ශකයේ කුඩා කොටසක් නිර්මාණය කළ  හින්දු ජනගහනය සම්පූර්ණයෙන්ම වාගේ දෙමළ අය වූහ.

සිංහල,දෙමළ,මුස්ලිම්,මැලේ,බර්ගර්,ජා,වැදි සහ තවත් සියගණනක් වූ දිවයිනේ වැසියන් හා සංස්කෘතික කණ්ඩායම් අතරේ දිගුකාලීනව පැවතගෙන ආ සම්බන්ධයක් තිබුනේය. මෙය ඵකී විවිධ ජාතීන් අතරේ සහයෝගීතාවය සුරක්ෂිත කළ අතර

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/History_of_Sri_Lanka#Overview

ඵෙතිහාසික දළ විශ්ලේෂණය


Su Yiming (en ), né en 2004, est un snowboardeur chinois qui a remporté la médaille d'argent du Slopestyle des Jeux olympiques d'hiver de 2022 à Pékin.

Palmarès

Jeux olympiques d'hiver
  Médaillé d'or en Big air à Pékin en 2022
  Médaillé d'argent en Slopestyle à Pékin en 2022

Notes et références

Liens externes

Snowboardeur chinois
Snowboardeur aux Jeux olympiques d'hiver de 2022
Médaillé aux Jeux olympiques d'hiver de 2022
Médaillé d'argent olympique chinois
Champion olympique de snowboard
Champion olympique chinois
Naissance en février 2004
Naissance dans la province du Jilin

Su Yiming


Carlos Martínez Silva (San Gil, Santander, 6 de octubre de 1847-Tunja, 10 de febrero de 1903) fue un político, diplomático, periodista, militar y poeta colombiano. Fue varias veces ministro y miembro de la asamblea que proclamó la Constitución de 1886. También estuvo vinculado con la academia y fue rector de la Universidad del Rosario.

Biografía
Carlos Martínez Silva era hijo de Rito Antonio Martínez Gómez y de María Concepción Silva. Estudió primaria y bachillerato en Santander y posteriormente obtuvo el título de Doctor en Derecho y Ciencias Políticas de la Universidad Nacional de Colombia. Fue diputado de la Asamblea del Estado de Santander mientras realizaba sus estudios en Bogotá.

Durante la guerra civil de 1876 hizo parte del ejército conservador y obtuvo el grado de Coronel. Fue Secretario de Instrucción Pública en el gobierno de Eliseo Payán y Secretario del Tesoro en los gobiernos de Rafael Núñez y Carlos Holguín, cargos equivalentes a los de los actuales ministros del despacho. Hizo parte del Consejo de Delegatarios que redactaron la Constitución Política de 1886. También ocupó el cargo de Canciller en la segunda administración de José Manuel Marroquín y dentro de su gestión fue el primer miembro de la legación diplomática en Estados Unidos para la construcción del Canal de Panamá. A su regreso de la misión en Washington, el país afrontaba la Guerra de los Mil Días y permaneció tres meses detenido en Gachalá por órdenes del general Aristides Fernández en respuesta a una carta en la que protestaba por los presos políticos e incitaba a los conservadores a no apoyar al gobierno.

Fue profesor de idiomas, literatura, derecho público, legislación y economía. También fue rector de la Universidad del Rosario.

Dirigió los periódicos Repertorio Colombiano, El Tradicionalista y El Correo Nacional y colaboró con muchas otras publicaciones.

Escribió los libros: Capítulos de historia política de Colombia, las biografías de José Fernández Madrid, José Martínez Samper, José María Vergara y Vergara y Pedro Justo Berrío, Ediciones clandestinas del Banco Nacional, Compendio de geografía de Colombia, Compendio de geografía universal, entre otros.

Al fallecer se le rindieron varios homenajes, como un monumento en el Parque de la Independencia de Bogotá, un barrio que recibió su nombre en San Gil y una estampilla con su imagen emitida en 1948.

Bibliografía
 Martínez Delgado, Luis (1926), A propósito del Dr. Carlos Martínez Silva: capítulos de historia política de Colombia. Editorial Minerva, Bogotá.

Enlaces externos
 Carlos Martínez Silva
 Martínez, Celestino
 Martínez Silva, Carlos

Nacidos en San Gil (Colombia)
Fallecidos en Tunja
Políticos de la Unión Republicana
Diplomáticos de Colombia
Periodistas de Colombia
Escritores de Colombia
Poetas de Colombia
Militares de Colombia
Ministros de Relaciones Exteriores de Colombia
Escritores en español del siglo XIX
Alumnado de la Universidad Nacional de Colombia

Carlos Martínez Silva


Aktarla, Doğubayazıt - Ağrı ili Doğubayazıt ilçesine bağlı köy
 Aktarla, Merzifon - Amasya ili Merzifon ilçesine bağlı köy
 Aktarla, Düzce - Düzce ili merkez ilçesine bağlı köy
 Aktarla, Pütürge - Malatya ili Pütürge ilçesine bağlı mahalle
 Aktarla, Mazgirt - Tunceli ili Mazgirt ilçesine bağlı köy
 Aktarla, Gökçebey - Zonguldak ili Gökçebey ilçesine bağlı köy

Aktarla


The Spitting Image: Myth, Memory and the Legacy of Vietnam is a 1998 book by Vietnam veteran and sociology professor Jerry Lembcke. The book is an analysis of the widely believed narrative that American soldiers were spat upon and insulted by anti-war protesters upon returning home from the Vietnam War. The book examines the origin of the earliest stories; the popularization of the "spat-upon image" through Hollywood films and other media, and the role of print news media in perpetuating the now iconic image through which the history of the war and anti-war movement has come to be represented.

Lembcke contrasts the absence of credible evidence of spitting by anti-war activists with the large body of evidence showing a mutually supportive, empathetic relationship between veterans and anti-war forces. The book also documents efforts of the Nixon Administration to drive a wedge between military service members and the anti-war movement by portraying democratic dissent as a betrayal of the troops. Lembcke equates this disparagement of the anti-war movement and veterans with the similar stab-in-the-back myth propagated by Germany and France after their war defeats, as an alibi for why they lost the war. Lembcke details the resurrection of the myth of the spat-upon veteran during subsequent Gulf War efforts as a way to silence public dissent.

Origins
A persistent but unfounded criticism leveled against those who protested in opposition to the Vietnam War is that they spat upon and otherwise derided returning soldiers, calling them "baby-killers". During the late 1980s and early 1990s, years after the Vietnam War ended, the proliferation of these spitting stories increased greatly. As both a Vietnam veteran and a member of the anti-war movement, Lembcke knew this criticism ran counter to what he personally experienced and witnessed. To the contrary, one of the hallmarks of the period's anti-war movement was its support for the troops in the field and the affiliation of many returning veterans with the movement. Lembcke was motivated to look further into the truth and origins of this spat-upon veteran myth, and the contradiction between historical fact and popular collective memory. Other observers had already noticed the proliferation of stories and questioned whether the spitting stories even made sense. In 1987, columnist Bob Greene noted:

Even during the most fervent days of anti-war protest, it seemed that it was not the soldiers whom protesters were maligning.  It was the leaders of government, and the top generals—at least, that is how it seemed in memory. One of the most popular chants during the anti-war marches was, "Stop the war in Vietnam, bring the boys home." You heard that at every peace rally in America. "Bring the boys home." That was the message. Also, when one thought realistically about the image of what was supposed to have happened, it seemed questionable.  So-called "hippies," no matter what else one may have felt about them, were not the most macho people in the world. Picture a burly member of the Green Berets, in full uniform, walking through an airport.  Now think of a "hippie" crossing his path.  Would the hippie have the nerve to spit on the soldier?  And if the hippie did, would the soldier—fresh from facing enemy troops in the jungles of Vietnam—just stand there and take it?

By 1992, the Director of the Connelly Library and curator of the Vietnam War Collection at LaSalle University listed the spitting myth as one of the "Top Six Myths" from the Vietnam era, and observed the myth "derives from the mythopoeic belief that returning GIs were routinely spat upon at some time during their repatriation to the USA. This particular round of tales has become so commonplace as to be treated reverently even among otherwise wisely observant veterans." In 1994, scholar Paul Rogat Loeb wrote, "to consider spitting on soldiers as even remotely representative of the activist response is to validate a lie", and noted that myths like that of anti-war activists spitting on soldiers have rewritten or "erased history". An academic study into the making and shaping of a collective memory found that evidence of antiwar activists targeting troops was virtually nonexistent. Instead, it found popular memory was manipulated by national security elites and a complicit news media by frequently labeling resistors to U.S. war efforts as "anti-troop". As observed by Clarence Page after interviewing Lembcke and Greene, "the stories have become so widely believed, despite a remarkable lack of witnesses or evidence, that ironically the burden of proof now falls on the accused, the protesters; not their accusers, the veterans. Antiwar protesters must prove the episodes didn't happen, instead of the veterans having to prove they did."

Given this complete lack of evidence that spitting occurred, but acknowledging that it is impossible to prove something never happened, Lembcke set out:

to show how it is possible for a large number of people to believe that Vietnam veterans were spat upon when there is no evidence that they were. In effect, my strategy was to set aside the question of whether or not such acts occurred and to show why even if they did not occur it is understandable that the image of the spat-upon veteran has become widely accepted. Indeed, given the manipulation of information and images that began with the Nixon administration and continued at the hands of filmmakers and the news media during the 1970s and 1980s, it would be remarkable if a majority of Americans had not come to believe that Vietnam veterans were abused by the anti-war movement.

Synopsis
At the time he wrote The Spitting Image, Lembcke had not found a single substantiated media report to support the now common claims of spitting. He theorizes that the reported "spitting on soldiers" scenario was a mythical projection by those who felt "spat upon" by an American society tired of the war; an image which was then used to discredit future anti-war activism and serve political interests. He suggests that the manufactured images of pro-war antipathy against anti-war protesters also helped contribute to the myth. Lembcke asserts that memories of being verbally and physically assaulted by anti-war protesters were largely conjured, noting that not even one case could be reliably documented. He further suggests the "baby-killer" and "murderer" components of the myth may have been reinforced, in part, by the common chants by protesters aimed at President Lyndon Baines Johnson, like "Hey, hey, LBJ, how many kids did you kill today?"

The Spitting Image asserts that the image of abuse of soldiers by anti-war demonstrators only really became ingrained in the American consciousness years after the war had come to a close. Lembcke attributes part of the legend's growth to films relating to Vietnam, notably First Blood, in which a "spat-upon veteran" image is popularized. He writes that the myth of the spat-upon veteran was later revived by President George H. W. Bush as a way to help suppress dissent when selling the Gulf War to the American people. Lembcke believes that resurrection of the myth was useful in promoting the yellow ribbon Support our Troops campaign, as it implies that for one to support the troops, one must also support the war. It conflates the ideas of anti-war sentiment and anti-troop sentiment, despite a common anti-war chant being "Support the Troops: Bring them Home!"

The "spat-upon veteran" meme became so pervasive that some found it hard not to believe. In 1989, Bob Greene's book Homecoming reprinted letters he had solicited, asking to hear from veterans if they had been spat upon. Greene's book includes 63 alleged accounts involving spitting, and 69 accounts from veterans who do not believe anyone was spat upon after returning from Vietnam, among other stories. Greene admits he couldn't validate the authenticity of the accounts in the letters he received, but he did believe spitting must have occurred, stating, "There were simply too many letters, going into too fine a detail, to deny the fact." Greene concluded, "I think you will agree, after reading the letters, that even if several should prove to be not what they appear to be, that does not detract from the overall story that is being told." "Greene was too willing to suspend disbelief", says Lembcke, who cited Greene's book as an example of how prolific the stories had become and also for the patterns that appeared in them. Lembke said, "These stories have to be taken very seriously, but as historical evidence they are problematic. In the first place, stories of this type didn't surface until about ten years after the end of the war. If the incidents occurred when the story tellers say they did, in the closing years of the war, why is there no evidence for that? Moreover, many of the stories have elements of such exaggeration that one has to question the veracity of the entire account."

Lembcke points out that there were several newspaper accounts of pro-war demonstrators spitting on anti-war demonstrators and suggests that these oral accounts could easily have been reinterpreted and inverted and made into stories about activists spitting on veterans. He highlights the contradictions between the collective memory of today and contemporaneous historical records, like the results from a 1971 poll showing over 94% of returning Vietnam soldiers received a "friendly" welcome. Lembcke also notes how it was older vets from previous wars who most often scorned the returning Vietnam Vets; in 1978 the Vietnam Veterans of America vowed in its founding principle: "Never again will one generation of veterans abandon another".

In The Spitting Image, Lembcke acknowledges that he cannot prove the negative—that no Vietnam veteran was ever spat on—saying it is hard to imagine there not being expressions of hostility between veterans and activists. "I cannot, of course, prove to anyone's satisfaction that spitting incidents like these did not happen. Indeed, it seems likely to me that it probably did happen to some veteran, some time, some place. But while I cannot prove the negative, I can prove the positive: I can show what did happen during those years and that that historical record makes it highly unlikely that the alleged acts of spitting occurred in the number and manner that is now widely believed."

Reception and influence

Reviews
A review published in the Los Angeles Times reads: "The image is ingrained: A Vietnam veteran, arriving home from the war, gets off a plane only to be greeted by an angry mob of antiwar protesters yelling, 'Murderer!' and 'Baby killer!' Then out of the crowd comes someone who spits in the veteran's face. The only problem, according to Jerry Lembcke, is that no such incident has ever been documented. It is instead, says Lembcke, a kind of urban myth that reflects our lingering national confusion over the war."

A review published in The Berkshire Eagle called the book "Well-argued and documented." Maurice Isserman of the Chicago Tribune wrote: "The myth of the spat-upon veteran is not only bad history, but it has been instrumental in selling the American public on bad policy." A review published in the San Francisco Chronicle argued that "Lembcke builds a compelling case against collective memory by demonstrating that remembrances of Vietnam were almost at direct odds with circumstantial evidence." Peace activist David Dellinger referred to the book as the "best history I have seen on the impact of the war on Americans, both then and now."

Karl Helicher of Library Journal wrote that Lembcke "presents a stunning indictment of this myth, an illusion created, he maintains, by the Nixon-Agnew administration and an unwitting press to attribute America's loss in Vietnam to internal dissension. In fact, the antiwar movement and many veterans were closely aligned, and the only documented incidents show members of the VFW and American Legion spitting on their less successful Vietnam peers. But Lembcke's most controversial conclusion is that posttraumatic stress disorder was as much a political creation—a means of discrediting returning vets who protested the war as unhinged—as it was a medical condition. The image of the psycho-vet was furthered through such Hollywood productions as The Deer Hunter and Coming Home. This forceful investigation challenges the reader to reexamine assumptions about the dark side of American culture that glorifies war more than peace. Highly recommended for large public libraries and for all academic peace studies collections."

Christian G. Appy of The Chronicle of Higher Education wrote that "Lembcke's debunking of the spitting stories is quite persuasive. But he has much broader aims. Not only was there no spitting, he argues, but there was no hostility or tension at all between veterans and protesters. In fact, he characterizes their relationship as 'empathetic and mutually supporting.' ... My own view is that the spitting stories are largely mythic, but that the myth itself reflects the deep anger and animosity that many veterans harbored toward the antiwar movement. Their anger often reflected a sense of class injustice that gave their more privileged peers greater freedom to avoid the war. ... I base my conclusions on extensive interviews I have conducted with Vietnam veterans since the early 1980s. Lembcke, however, gives no credence to the possibility that veterans themselves played a role in creating the myth of antiwar spitters, or that the myth teaches us anything meaningful about the class and wartime experiences of veterans. For him, the myth is almost entirely a product of Hollywood and right-wing politicians."

Mary Carroll of Booklist wrote that Lembcke "makes a strong case that tales of antiwar activists spitting at returning vets are myth. ... He notes that contemporary media, government, and polling data show no evidence of antiwar spitting incidents; the few events reported had supporters of the war targeting opponents. But later studies reported hostility toward veterans; "the spitting image" epitomized that narrative. Similar images were common in post-World War I Germany and France after Indochina; Lembcke suggests the Nixon administration cultivated this notion of betrayal because it stigmatized both the antiwar movement and veterans against the war."

Online debate and investigation
In 2000, 2004, and again in 2007, journalist Jack Shafer rekindled firestorms when he berated news media outlets for uncritically repeating the myth of the spat-upon veteran. Shafer's Slate Magazine online articles on the matter, which frequently cited Lembcke's research, generated enormous feedback; the May 2000 article alone received nearly 300 postings on the subject in just a few days, one of its largest-ever responses.

According to Shafer, the myth persists primarily because:

 "Those who didn't go to Vietnam—that being most of us—don't dare contradict the 'experience' of those who did;
 The story helps maintain the perfect sense of shame many of us feel about the way we ignored our Vietvets;
 The press keeps the story in play by uncritically repeating it, as the Times and U.S. News did;
 Because any fool with 33 cents and the gumption to repeat the myth in his letter to the editor can keep it in circulation. Most recent mentions of the spitting protester in Nexis are of this variety."

Shafer acknowledges that it's possible that a Vietnam veteran somewhere might have been spat upon during the war years, and notes that Lembcke concedes as much because nobody can prove something never happened.  Shafer announced a challenge to his readers, "Indeed, each time I write about the spit myth, my inbox overflows with e-mail from readers who claim that a spitting protester targeted them while they were in uniform. ... If you can point me to a documented case of a returning Viet vet getting spat upon, please drop a line."

Likewise, Lembcke joined the discussion and also commented on it in the Humanity & Society journal, saying the stories just keep getting better, and asking for any evidence to be raised. The discussions spawned yet another round of more than 60 stories, yet only one was credible.

Northwestern Law School professor James Lindgren also joined the discussions and, after a review of contemporary news sources, found many news accounts that discussed spitting incidents.  Lembcke provided an 18-point response to Lindgren's research, offering rebuttals to most of his claims and expressing interest in one of them. A December 27, 1971 CBS Evening News report on veteran Delmar Pickett who said he was spat at in Seattle appeared, according to Lembcke, to have some validity as a claim, but still not as evidence that the incident reported actually happened.

Some second-hand news accounts that mention spitting do actually exist, although there has been no evidence to support the narrative that anti-war demonstrators were responsible. Documented accounts exist where the anti-war demonstrators were actually the victims, not the perpetrators.  Other commentators have since addressed the myth to various degrees, even referencing the debate spawned by the Slate files.

In his 2009 book War Stories, historian and Vietnam veteran Gary Kulik devoted a whole chapter to the myth of "Spit-upon veterans".  He closely examined Greene's book of letters and the Slate files, as well as the research by Lindgren and Lembcke.  Kulik noted the contradictory nature of the stories in Greene's book and concluded that Greene arrogantly dismissed the "surprising number" of veterans who "refuse to believe" the spitting stories, and wrote, "Greene was not just credulous, but negligently irresponsible." Kulik also criticized Lindgren's research, writing, "Lindgren's evidence includes only one single first-person ("I was spit upon") account—the stories that are at the heart of Lembcke's book—and it appears the none of the accounts he cites were actually witnessed by a reporter. Moreover, Lindgren does not cite a single case of a Vietnam veteran spit upon as he returned home, and that was the story that would ultimately be repeated and believed." Kulik concluded that the spitting stories were formulaic and unbelievable, and were propagated to serve the political goals of those who wished to vilify the anti-war movement. "The image of 'hippie' men and women hawking up gobs of phlegm to hurl at the ribbons of veterans, as a pervasive and commonplace act, is surely false."

Specialist in civil-military relations and advisor to the National Institute of Military Justice, Diane Mazur, also examined the works by Greene, Lembcke and Lindgren, and concluded: "There is no contemporaneous evidence that Americans who opposed the war expressed those beliefs by spitting on or otherwise assaulting returning Vietnam Veterans. ... The idea, however, that spitting on or mistreating Vietnam veterans was in any way typical or representative of anything in that era is completely false. ... It is by far the most powerful Vietnam War meme—a cultural unit of information passed from one person to another, like a biological gene—because it can be deployed instantly to silence difficult but necessary conversations about the military. For that reason alone the conventional wisdom is important, because it explains much about our civil-military dynamic today. It is also important, however, to understand why that accepted memory is untrue, and who benefits most from keeping it alive. The myth of the spat-upon Vietnam veteran is a difficult one to challenge. ... One intrepid soul, Professor Jerry Lembcke, ... stepped into the fray ... Every time he discusses his findings in a public forum, a hail of angry responses follows, but his explanations and conclusions are compelling and unsettling."

See also
 GI Coffeehouses
 GI Underground Press
 Sir! No Sir!, film about the soldier & sailor resistance during the Vietnam War
 Soldiers in Revolt: GI Resistance During the Vietnam War, book about soldier & sailor resistance during the Vietnam War
 Vietnam stab-in-the-back myth
 Vietnam Syndrome
 Vietnam Veterans Against the War
 Vietnam War in film

References

Further reading
 Carbonella, August. "Where in the World Is the Spat-Upon Veteran? The Vietnam War and the Politics of Memory". Anthropology Now, vol. 1, no. 2 (2009): 49–58. JSTOR
 Dean, Eric T. Jr. "The Myth of the Troubled and Scorned Vietnam Veteran". Journal of American Studies, vol. 26 (1) (April 1992): 59–74.

External links
 "The Spitting Image": Synopsis and Discussions by Jerry Lembcke, hosted by College of the Holy Cross
 Spitting on the Troops: Old Myth, New Rumors by Jerry Lembcke
 Social Construct Consent Theory: Why We Fought In Vietnam by John Kinneman Hasley

1998 non-fiction books
Folklore
Books about military history
History books about the United States
American history books
Memoirs
Political books
Sociology books
Opposition to United States involvement in the Vietnam War
Urban legends
Vietnam War books
New York University Press books

The Spitting Image


Margarita Simonovna Simonyan (; nascida em 6 de abril de 1980) é uma jornalista russa. Ela é editora-chefe das organizações de mídia controladas pelo estado russo   RT (anteriormente Russia Today)  e Rossiya Segodnya.

Em 2022 e 2023, Margarita Simonyan foi sancionada pela União Europeia, Reino Unido e governo ucraniano por promover desinformação, especialmente durante a invasão russa da Ucrânia em 2022.

Referências

Russos expatriados nos Estados Unidos
Apresentadores de televisão da Rússia
Russos de ascendência arménia
Nacionalistas da Rússia
Pessoas vivas
Nascidos em 1980
!Artigos com microformatos hAudio

Margarita Simonyan


Philippe Marie Jean Joseph Le Jolis de Villiers de Saintignon, known as Philippe de Villiers (; born 25 March 1949), is a French entrepreneur, politician and novelist. He is the founder of the Puy du Fou theme park in Vendée, which is centred around the history of France. Appointed Secretary of State for Culture in 1986 by President François Mitterrand, de Villiers entered the National Assembly the following year and the European Parliament in 1994.

After leaving the Republican Party (PR) to found the Movement for France (MPF), he was its nominee in the 1995 and 2007 presidential elections. He received 4.74% of the vote the first time, placing seventh; he won 2.23% of the vote twelve years later, putting him in sixth place. De Villiers has been internationally notable for his criticism of mass immigration and Islam in France, as well as his ardent support of the French way of life. His brother, General Pierre de Villiers, served as Chief of the Defence Staff from 2014 to 2017.

Personal life

De Villiers was born in Boulogne in the department of Vendée, Western France, the second of five children and eldest son of Jacques Le Jolis de Villiers de Saintignon (born in Nancy, 14 November 1913) and his wife Edwige d'Arexy (born in Nantes, 1 July 1925). His paternal grandfather, Louis Le Jolis de Villiers, born at Brucheville on 17 October 1874, was killed in action in World War I at Saint-Paul-en-Forêt on 10 September 1914. On 24 October 1904, he had married Jeanne de Saintignon (27 July 1880 – 25 August 1959), by whom he had five children, the youngest of whom was Philippe's father, Jacques.

De Villiers received a master's degree in Law in 1971, graduated from the Paris Institute of Political Studies in 1973 and from the École nationale d'administration in 1978. After his studies, De Villiers became a successful entrepreneur. He created the Puy du Fou, one of the most visited theme parks in France, as a living showcase for its history. The theme park includes a replica medieval city with the 'Gallo-Roman Stadium', a colosseum designed by De Villiers to stoke patriotic feeling by recreating Gallic rebellions against Imperial Rome. The Puy du Fou park received awards from the Themed Entertainment Association in 2012, 2016, 2017 and 2019.

He is a French aristocrat and a descendant of diplomat and historian Louis Philippe, comte de Ségur and Minister and Regent Philippe II, Duke of Orléans. As of 2007 he is a Member of the European Parliament (Independence/Democracy Group). He is 1.85 meters tall.

He is married to Dominique du Buor de Villeneuve, born in Valenciennes on 4 October 1950 and has seven children: Caroline (born in Montaigu, 12 August 1976), Guillaume (born in La Roche-sur-Yon, 14 December 1977), Nicolas (born in La Roche-sur-Yon, 10 September 1979), Marie (born in Nantes, 5 October 1981), Laurent (born in La Roche-sur-Yon, 8 April 1984), Bérengère (born in La Roche-sur-Yon, 1 October 1988) and Blanche (born in Cholet, 21 June 1993).

Career

1995 presidential bid

From 1976 to 1978, De Villiers served as a senior civil servant in the Chirac administration. In 1981, he resigned his post as subprefect because he did not want to serve the government of the Socialist President François Mitterrand. In 1986 and 1987, he briefly served as Secretary of State for Culture () in the second government of Jacques Chirac, under Minister François Léotard. His appointment was initially viewed badly by Libération and several other press agencies, which referred to his "ambiguous personality". However, Villiers supported Leotard's mixed, non-ideological policy towards French culture.

In 1987, he was elected into local office as a member in Valéry Giscard d'Estaing's Republican Party. He became a rising star within the Union for French Democracy. During the public debate over the Maastricht Treaty, which established the European Union, in 1992, he achieved lasting prominence in the media as an anti-Treaty activist. This set him apart from most prominent members of the mainstream political right. The French people narrowly ratified the Treaty in September 1992.

De Villiers led an anti-European integration list in 1994 receiving about 12 percent of the votes, placing it in third place behind the Gaullists and the Socialists. Villiers centered the campaign on opposition to the European Union along with a call to eliminate corruption in government. In November 1994, Villers left the Republican Party to form Movement for France. He ran for President of France in 1995 and received about 5 percent of the vote.

2007 presidential bid

Once a member of the Union for French Democracy, he then led the Movement for France, which enjoyed some success in elections for the European Parliament. The party's share of the vote declined in the 2004 European Parliament election. Nevertheless, Villiers and two other members of his party were elected.

De Villiers ran for the French presidency in 2007, and based his campaign on his opposition to what he sees as the rampant Islamisation of France. In May 2006, polls showed that he had garnered the support of about 4% of the electorate, almost twice as high as he actually polled in the first round of the presidential election. An "Ifop-Paris-Match" poll conducted on 12 October 2006 gave him his highest ever popularity rating, with 37% saying they "have an excellent or good opinion" of Villiers, and 28% saying they could vote for him in 2007. This was not borne out in the results of the first round of voting, with him receiving less than 3% of the popular vote.

Following the first round of the 2007 presidential election, he called on voters to vote for Union for a Popular Movement (UMP) candidate Nicolas Sarkozy to counter the Socialist Party's candidate Ségolène Royal and the left.

Villiers and Konstantin Malofeev are planning to build two Russian history related theme parks: one in Moscow and one in Yalta (Crimea); this is in spite of Malofeev being added to the European Union list of people and organizations sanctioned during the Russo-Ukrainian War (Malofeev is suspected of funding the pro-Russian rebels in Donbas during the Russo-Ukrainian War). In August 2014 Villiers travelled to Crimea to meet Russian President Vladimir Putin; while there, he defended the 2014 Russian annexation of Crimea by saying the Crimean park will "promote the history of Crimea as part of the long history of Russia". He also stated there "I would gladly swap Hollande and Sarkozy for Putin".

Political positions

Criticism of Islam
De Villiers is known for his criticism of Islam in France. He has stated, "I am the only politician who tells the French the truth about the Islamisation of France" and, "I do not think Islam is compatible with the French Republic". He advocates ending all construction of mosques, banning all Islamist organisations suspected of links to terrorism, and expelling extremist individuals from France.

De Villiers published Les mosquées de Roissy: nouvelles révélations sur l'islamisation en France (The Mosques of Roissy: New Revelations about Islamization in France) in 2006. In it he alleged, using internal documents from whistleblowers, that the Muslim Brotherhood had infiltrated security personnel at Charles de Gaulle Airport near Paris. The book led to revocation of seventy-two employees' security clearances and closure of six makeshift Muslim prayer rooms.

Der Spiegel, The Wall Street Journal, The Boston Globe, and The San Francisco Chronicle have labelled De Villiers as "far right" because of his views of Islam and of Muslim immigrants.

Political philosophy
Villiers is a nationalist, a traditionalist, and a leading eurosceptic. He has self-described as a "rooted conservative". During his tenure under François Léotard, he said that he shared Léotard's American-based "libertarian liberalism". In 1995, The Economist referred to him as "an ephemeral Catholic monarchist".

He advocates cutting taxes, expelling all illegal immigrants, and preventing Turkey from joining the EU. He is a vocal critic of the European Union's relationship with France, accusing it of "destroying their jobs, their security and their identity" and saying that "the Europe of Brussels is an anti-democratic dictatorship". He was a leader of the side advocating a 'No' vote in the 2005 French referendum of the European Constitution. The 'No' side won the vote, which the activists believed constituted a major victory for Euroscepticism in France. Villiers then launched a campaign to restore the franc, remarking that "Everybody notes today that the adoption of the euro was a technical success but its economic, political and human toll is incontestable."

Villiers opposes immigration into France in general, but he has advocated that "individual cases be treated with the greatest humanity." He also opposes expelling current immigrants residing in France or subjecting them to discrimination in housing, employment, or other spheres. Despite their differences on these and other issues, the National Front's Jean Marie Le Pen has remarked that Villiers' ideas were "lifted" from him and that their "votes should be added together".

Villiers coined the phrase "Polish Plumber" in a June 2005 political speech about the Bolkestein directive, referring to the perceived threat of cheap East European labour to French wages. The mythical figure became a central point of debate in France, and it later prompted an international controversy. He has also referred to the "Latvian mason" and the "Estonian gardener."

American author Harvey Gerald Simmons has compared the "Villiers phenomenon" to Ross Perot's support in the 1992 American Presidential election. He stated that De Villiers has a populist, anti-establishment image that puts him on the edges of the mainstream political right of France rather than in the far right.

Support base
De Villiers gathers his support from practising Roman Catholics, artisans, retired people, farmers and small business owners.

Offices held
Governmental function

Secretary of State for Communication: 1986–1987.

Electoral mandates

European Parliament

Member of European Parliament: 1994-1997 (Resignation, reelected in the parliamentary elections in 1997) / July–December 1999 (Resignation) / Since 2004. Elected in 1994, reelected in 1999, 2004, 2009.

National Assembly of France

Member of the National Assembly of France for Vendée : 1987-1994 (Became member of European Parliament in 1994) / 1997-2004 (Became member of European Parliament in 2004). Elected in 1987, reelected in 1988, 1993, 1997, 2002.

General Council

President of the General Council of Vendée : 1988-2010 (Resignation). Reelected in 1992, 1994, 1998, 2001, 2004, 2008.

General councillor of Vendée: 1987-2010 (Resignation). Reelected in 1988, 1994, 2001, 2008.

Political function

President of the Movement for France: 1994-1999 / Since 2000.

Electoral history

Presidential

Works

References

External links

1949 births
Living people
Anti-Masonry
Antisemitism in France
People from Vendée
Politicians of the French Fifth Republic
Candidates in the 1995 French presidential election
Candidates in the 2007 French presidential election
University of Nantes alumni
Sciences Po alumni
École nationale d'administration alumni
MEPs for West France 2004–2009
MEPs for West France 2009–2014
French anti-communists
French Roman Catholics
French traditionalist Catholics
21st-century French novelists
French political writers
French critics of Islam
Movement for France MEPs
MEPs for France 1994–1999
MEPs for France 1999–2004
Deputies of the 8th National Assembly of the French Fifth Republic
Deputies of the 9th National Assembly of the French Fifth Republic
Deputies of the 10th National Assembly of the French Fifth Republic
Deputies of the 11th National Assembly of the French Fifth Republic
Deputies of the 12th National Assembly of the French Fifth Republic
Politicians from Pays de la Loire
Republican Party (France) politicians
Movement for France politicians
Reconquête politicians
Departmental councillors (France)
Presidents of French departments
20th-century French novelists
French untitled nobility

Philippe de Villiers


مانويل أرانا رودريغيز  (مواليد 3 ديسمبر 1984 في إشبيلية - إسبانيا) لاعب كرة قدم إسباني يلعب حاليا لصالح نادي الدرجة الأولى ريسينغ سانتاندر الإسباني منذ 2009 في مركز الجناح الأيمن كما يجيد اللعب في مركز الجناح الأيسر والوسط المهاجم .

روابط خارجية

مراجع

لاعبو كرة قدم رجالية مغتربون في الهند
لاعبو كرة قدم رجالية مغتربون في جبل طارق
لاعبو كرة قدم رجالية إسبان مغتربون
لاعبو كرة قدم رجالية إسبان
لاعبو كرة قدم رجالية مغتربون في أستراليا
أجنحة كرة قدم
أشخاص على قيد الحياة
رياضيون إسبان مغتربون في أستراليا
رياضيون إسبان مغتربون في الهند
رياضيون إسبان مغتربون في جبل طارق
رياضيون من إشبيلية
لاعبو أوروبا
لاعبو الدوري الأسترالي الدرجة الأولى
لاعبو الدوري الإسباني
لاعبو الدوري الإسباني الدرجة الثالثة
لاعبو الدوري الإسباني الدرجة الثانية
لاعبو الدوري الإسباني الدرجة الثانية ب
لاعبو بريزبان رور
لاعبو جوا
لاعبو دوري السوبر الهندي
لاعبو دوري جبل طارق لكرة القدم
لاعبو راسينغ سانتاندير
لاعبو رايو فايكانو
لاعبو ريال بيتيس
لاعبو ريال مايوركا
لاعبو ريكرياتيفو
لاعبو كرة قدم أندلسيون
لاعبو كرة قدم إسبان
لاعبو كرة قدم إسبان مغتربون
لاعبو كرة قدم مغتربون في أستراليا
لاعبو كرة قدم مغتربون في الهند
لاعبو كرة قدم مغتربون في جبل طارق
لاعبو كرة قدم من إشبيلية
لاعبو نادي أوروبا
لاعبو نادي دلهي ديناموس
لاعبو نادي كاستييون
مواليد 1984
مواليد في إشبيلية

مانويل أرانا رودريغيز


7913 Parfenov este un asteroid din centura principală de asteroizi.

Descriere
7913 Parfenov este un asteroid din centura principală de asteroizi. A fost descoperit pe  la Observatorul de Astrofizică din Crimeea de Liudmila Juravliova. El prezintă o orbită caracterizată de o semiaxă mare de 2,89 ua, o excentricitate de 0,07 și o înclinație de 1,6° în raport cu ecliptica.

Vezi și
 Lista planetelor minore: 7001-8000
 Centura de asteroizi

Referințe

Obiecte astronomice descoperite în 1978
Centura de asteroizi

7913 Parfenov