නවයොවුන් ලිංගිකත්වය යනු නවයෞවනයන්ගේ ලිංගික හැගීම්, හැසිරීම් සහ මනෝලිංගික සංවර්ධනය ඇතුළත් කරගත් මානව ලිංගිකත්වයේ නිශ්චිත අවධියක් වේ. ලිංගිකත්වය නවයොවුන් දිවිය තුළ නිරන්තර ව සක්‍රීය භූමිකාවකට හිමිකම් කියන්නකි. ඔවුන්ගේ සංස්කෘතික වටිනාකම් සහ සමාජ සම්මතයන්, ඔවුන්ගේ ලිංගික දිශානතිය, සහ ලිංගික ව හැසිරිය හැකි අවම නෛතික වයස් සීමාව වැනි සමාජීය සීමාකිරීම් බොහෝ අවස්ථාවන්වල දී නවයොවුන් ලිංගිකත්වය කෙරෙහි බලපෑම් කරන සාධක ලෙස දැක්විය හැකි ය.

මානව විශේෂය තුළ සාමාන්‍යයෙන් පරිණත ලිංගික ආශාවක් ඇතිවනු දැකිය හැකිවන්නේ යෞවනෝදය උදාවීමත් සමග ය. ලිංගිකමය භාවයන් ස්වයං වින්දනය හෝ සහකරුවතු සමග ලිංගික හැසිරිම වැනි ස්වරූපයක් තුළ ප්‍රකාශ විය හැකි ය. වැඩිහිටියන්ගේ මෙන් ම නවයෞවනයන්ගේ ලිංගික රුචිකත්වයන් ද සෑහෙන විවිධත්වයකට හිමිකම් කියති. නවයොවුන් ලිංගික හැසිරීම් බොහෝවිට අනවශ්‍ය ගැබ්ගැනීම් සහ එච්. අයි.වී. ඇතුළු ලිංගික ව සම්ප්‍රේෂණය වන රෝග සමග බැඳී පවතී.

නවයොවුන් ලිංගිකත්වය හා සබැඳි අවදානම් තත්ත්වයන් උත්සන්න වීමට ඔවුන්ගේ මොළය නියුරෝනමය ලෙස පූර්ණසංවර්ධිත නොවීම ද හේතු විය හැකි ය. ස්වයං පාලනයට, ආශාවන් මැඩගැනීමට සහ අවදානම් හැඳිනීමට වැදගත් වන ලලාට ඛණ්ඩිකාවේ මස්තිෂ්ක වල්කයෙහි සහ හයිපොතැලමසයෙහි ප්‍රදේශ කීපයක් මෙම අවධිය වන විට ද මුළුමනින් ම විකසනය වී නැත. වයස අවුරුදු 25ක් වන තුරු ම මිනිස් මොළය පූර්ණ ලෙස සංවර්ධනය නොවේ.මෙයට හේතුව වශයෙන් තරුණ අසරණ දරුවන්ට හොඳ තීරණ ගැනීමට සහ ලිංගික හැසිරීම් වල ප්රතිවිපාක අපේක්ෂා කිරීම සඳහා වැඩිහිටියන් සාමාන්යයෙන් අඩු මට්ටමක පවතී. යෞවනයන් තුළ මොළයේ හැසිරීම් සහ චර්යාවන්ට සම්බන්ධිත සම්බන්ධතා අධ්යයනයන් විවේචනයට ලක් නොකළ අතර ඒවාට හේතුවක් නොවන බව හා ඇතැම් විට සංස්කෘතික අන්තරායන් යළි තහවුරු කර ගැනීම සඳහා විවේචනයට ලක් කර ඇත.

Development of sexuality
නවයොවුන් ලිංගිකත්වය ඇරඹෙන්නේ යෞවනෝදයෙනි. ලිංගික ව පරිණත වීමේ ක්‍රියාවලිය ලිංගික රුචියක් සහ චින්තාවලියක් ගොඩනංවයි. හයිපොතැලමසය සහ පූර්ව පිටියුටරි ග්‍රන්ථිය විසින් හෝර්මෝන ස්‍රාවය කිරීමත් සමග ලිංගික හැසිරීම් සඳහා අවශ්‍ය ජීවවිද්‍යාත්මක වෙනස්කම් සිදු වේ. මෙම හෝර්මෝන ලිංගික ඉන්ද්රියන් ඉළක්ක කරගනිමින් ඒවා පරිණත බවට පත්කිරීම සිදු කරයි.. Increasing levels of androgen and estrogen have an effect on the thought processes of adolescents and can be described as them being in the minds "of almost all adolescents a good deal of the time".

බොහෝ නවයෞවනියන්ගේ ලිංගික ව පරිණත විමේ ක්‍රියාවලිය සාමාන්‍ය සහ අපේක්ෂිත අන්දමින් සිදු වුවද  පහත සඳහන්  තත්ත්වයන් පිළිබඳ ව මවුපියන් සහ විශේෂඥයන් විශේෂයෙන් සැලකිලිමත් වේ.
 ආර්තවයේ දී වේදනාකාරී තත්ත්වයක් ඇතිවිම
 ශ්‍රෝණි ප්‍රදේශයේ දැඩි වේදනාවක් ඇති වීම
 ඔසප් රුධිරය මුළුමනින් ම බැහැර කළ නොහැකි වීම/අජිද්ර හයිමනයක් තිබිම
 වෙනත් ශරීරාභ්‍යයන්තර අපරූපීතාවන්

Behavior

Views on sexual activity

One study from 1996 documented the interviews of a sample of adolescent girls and boys. The girls were less likely to state that they ever had sex than adolescent boys. Among boys and girls who had experienced sexual intercourse, the proportion of girls and boys who had recently had sex and were regularly sexually active was the same. Those conducting the study speculated that fewer girls say they have ever had sex because girls viewed teenage parenthood as more of a problem than boys. Girls were thought to be more restricted in their sexual attitudes; they were more likely than boys to believe that they would be able to control their sexual urges. Girls had a more negative association in how being sexually active could affect their future goals. In general, girls said they felt less pressure from peers to begin having sex, while boys reported feeling more pressure.

A later study questioned the attitudes of adolescents. When asked about abstinence, many girls reported they felt conflicted. They were trying to balance maintaining a good reputation with trying to maintain a romantic relationship and wanting to behave in adult-like ways. Boys viewed having sex as social capital. Many boys believed that their male peers who were abstinent would not as easily climb the social ladder as sexually active boys. Some boys said that for them, the risks that may come from having sex were not as bad as the social risks that could come from remaining abstinent.

Birth control
In 2002, a survey was conducted in European nations about the sexual behavior of teenagers. In a sample of fifteen year olds from 24 countries, it found that most self-reported that they had not experienced sexual intercourse. Among those who were sexually active, the majority (82%) used contraception.

Teenage girls who use the most common form of birth control pills, combination birth control pills with both estrogen and progestin, are 80% more likely to be prescribed an antidepressant than girls who were not taking them.  Girls who take progestin-only pills are 120% more likely.  The risk of depression is tripled for teenage girls who use non-oral forms of hormonal contraception.

Concepts about loss of virginity

In the United States, federally mandated programs begun in 1980, promoted adolescent abstinence from sexual intercourse, resulting in teens turning to oral sex, which about a third of teens in a study considered a form of abstinence.

After their first act of sexual intercourse, adolescent girls generally see themselves in one of the following ways: as a gift, a stigma, or a normal step in development. Girls typically think of virginity as a gift, while boys think of virginity as a stigma. In interviews, girls said that they viewed giving someone their virginity like giving them a very special gift. Because of this, they often expected something in return such as increased emotional intimacy with their partners or the virginity of their partner. However, they often felt disempowered because of this; they often did not feel like they actually received what they expected in return and this made them feel like they had less power in their relationship. They felt that they had given something up and didn't feel like this action was recognized.

Thinking of virginity as a stigma disempowered many boys because they felt deeply ashamed and often tried to hide the fact that they were virgins from their partners, which for some resulted in their partners teasing them and criticizing them about their limited sexual techniques. The girls who viewed virginity as a stigma did not experience this shaming. Even though they privately thought of virginity as a stigma, these girls believed that society valued their virginity because of the stereotype that women are sexually passive. This, they said, made it easier for them to lose their virginities once they wanted to because they felt society had a more positive view on female virgins and that this may have made them sexually attractive. Thinking of losing virginity as part of a natural developmental process resulted in less power imbalance between boys and girls because these individuals felt less affected by other people and were more in control of their individual sexual experience. Adolescent boys, however, were more likely than adolescent girls to view their loss of virginity as a positive aspect of their sexuality because it is more accepted by peers.

Adolescent sexual functioning: gender similarities and differences
Lucia O'Sullivan and her colleagues studied adolescent sexual functioning; they compared an adolescent sample with an adult sample and found no significant differences between them.  Desire, satisfaction and sexual functioning were generally high among their sample of participants (aged 17–21). Additionally, no significant gender differences were found in the prevalence of sexual dysfunction.
In terms of problems with sexual functioning mentioned by participants in this study, the most common problems listed for males were experiencing anxiety about performing sexually (81.4%) and premature ejaculation (74.4%). Other common problems included issues becoming erect and difficulties with ejaculation. Generally, most problems were not experienced on a chronic basis. Common problems for girls included difficulties with sexual climax (orgasm) (86.7%), not feeling sexually interested during a sexual situation (81.2%), unsatisfactory vaginal lubrication (75.8%) anxiety about performing sexually (75.8%) and painful intercourse (25.8%). Most problems listed by the girls were not persistent problems. However, inability to experience orgasm seemed to be an issue that was persistent for some participants.

The authors detected four trends during their interviews: sexual pleasure increased with the amount of sexual experience the participants had; those who had experienced sexual difficulties were typically sex-avoidant; some participants continued to engage in regular sexual activity even if they had low interest; and lastly, many experienced pain when engaging in sexual activity if they experienced low arousal.

Another study found that it was not uncommon for adolescent girls in relationships to report they felt little desire to engage in sexual activity when they were in relationships. However, many girls engaged in sexual activity even if they did not desire it, in order to avoid what they think might place strains on their relationships. The researcher states that this may be because of society's pressure on girls to be "good girls"; the pressure to be "good" may make adolescent girls think they are not supposed to feel desire like boys do. Even when girls said they did feel sexual desire, they said that they felt like they were not supposed to, and often tried to cover up their feelings. This is an example of how societal expectations about gender can impact adolescent sexual functioning.

Same-sex attractions among adolescents
Adolescent girls and boys who are attracted to others of the same sex are strongly affected by their surroundings in that adolescents often decide to express their sexualities or keep them secret depending on certain factors in their societies. These factors affect girls and boys differently. If girls' schools and religions are against same sex attractions, they pose the greatest obstacles to girls who experience same sex attractions. These factors were not listed as affecting boys as much. The researchers suggest that maybe this is because not only are some religions against same-sex attraction, but they also encourage traditional roles for women and do not believe that women can carry out these roles as lesbians. Schools may affect girls more than boys because strong emphasis is placed on girls to date boys, and many school activities place high importance on heterosexuality (such as cheerleading). Additionally, the idea of not conforming to typical male gender roles inhibited many boys from openly expressing their same-sex attraction. The worry of conforming to gender roles didn't inhibit girls from expressing their same-gender preferences as much, because society is generally more flexible about their gender expression.

Researchers such as Lisa Diamond are interested in how some adolescents depart from the socially constructed norms of gender and sexuality. She found that some girls, when faced with the option of choosing "heterosexual", "same-sex attracted" or "bisexual", preferred not to choose a label because their feelings do not fit into any of those categories.

In Brazil

The average age Brazilians lose their virginity is 17.4 years of age, the second lowest number in the countries researched (first was Austria), according to the 2007 research finding these results, and they also ranked low at using condoms at their first time, at 47.9% (to the surprise of the researchers, people of lower socioeconomic status were far more likely to do so than those of higher ones). 58.4% of women reported that it was in a committed relationship, versus solely 18.9% of men (traditional Mediterranean cultures-descended mores tend to enforce strongly about male sexual prowess equating virility and female quality being chastity and purity upon marriage), and scored among the countries where people have the most positive feelings about their first time, feeling pleasure and more mature afterwards (versus the most negative attitudes coming from Japan).

In another research, leading the international ranking, 29.6% of Brazilian men lost their virginity before age 15 (versus 8.8% of women), but the average is really losing virginity at age 16.5 and marrying at age 24 for men, and losing virginity at age 18.5 and marrying at age 20 for women. These do not differ much from national figures. In 2005, 80% of then adolescents lost their virginity before their seventeenth birthday, and about 1 in each 5 new children in the country were born to an adolescent mother, where the number of children per women is solely 1.7 in average, below the natural replacement and the third lowest in independent countries of the Americas, after Canada and Cuba.

A 2013 report through national statistics of students of the last grade before high school, aged generally (86%) 13–15, found out 28.7% of them already had lost their virginity, with both demographics of 40.1% of boys and 18.3% of girls having reduced their rate since the last research, in 2009, that found the results as 30.5% overall, 43.7% for boys and 18.7% for girls. Further about the 2013 research, 30.9% of those studying in public schools were already sexually initiated, versus 18% in private ones; 24.7% of sexually initiated adolescents did not use a condom in their most recent sexual activity (22.9% of boys, 28.2% of girls), in spite of at the school environment 89.1% of them receiving orientation about STDs, 69.7% receiving orientation of where to acquire condoms for free (as part of a public health campaign from the Brazilian government) and 82.9% had heard of other forms of contraceptive methods.

In Canada

One group of Canadian researchers found a relationship between self-esteem and sexual activity. They found that students, especially girls, who were verbally abused by teachers or rejected by their peers were more likely than other students to have sex by the end of the Grade 7. The researchers speculate that low self-esteem increases the likelihood of sexual activity: "low self-esteem seemed to explain the link between peer rejection and early sex. Girls with a poor self-image may see sex as a way to become 'popular', according to the researchers".

In India

In India there is growing evidence that adolescents are becoming more sexually active. It is feared that this will lead to an increase in spread of HIV/AIDS among adolescents, increase the number of unwanted pregnancies and abortions, and give rise to conflict between contemporary social values. Adolescents have relatively poor access to health care and education. With cultural norms opposing extramarital sexual behavior "these implications may acquire threatening dimensions for the society and the nation".

Motivation and frequency
Sexual relationships outside marriage are not uncommon among teenage boys and girls in India. By far, the best predictor of whether or not a girl would be having sex is if her friends were engaging in the same activities. For those girls whose friends were having a physical relationship with a boy, 84.4% were engaging in the same behavior. Only 24.8% of girls whose friends were not having a physical relationship had one themselves. In urban areas, 25.2% of girls have had intercourse and in rural areas 20.9% have.  Better indicators of whether or not girls were having sex were their employment and school status.  Girls who were not attending school were 14.2% (17.4% v. 31.6%) more likely and girls who were employed were 14.4%(36.0% v. 21.6%) more likely to be having sex.

In the Indian sociocultural milieu girls have less access to parental love, schools, opportunities for self-development and freedom of movement than boys do. It has been argued that they may rebel against this lack of access or seek out affection through physical relationships with boys.  While the data reflects trends to support this theory, it is inconclusive.  The freedom to communicate with adolescent boys was restricted for girls regardless of whether they lived in an urban or rural setting, and regardless of whether they went to school or not.  More urban girls than rural girls discussed sex with their friends.  Those who did not may have felt "the subject of sexuality in itself is considered an 'adult issue' and a taboo or it may be that some respondents were wary of revealing such personal information."

Contraceptive use
Among Indian girls, "misconceptions about sex, sexuality and sexual health were large. However, adolescents having sex relationships were somewhat better informed about the sources of spread of STDs and HIV/AIDS."  While 40.0% of sexually active girls were aware that condoms could help prevent the spread of HIV/AIDS and reduce the likelihood of pregnancy, only 10.5% used a condom during the last time they had intercourse.

In The Netherlands
According to Advocates for Youth, the United States' teen pregnancy rate is over four times as much as it is in the Netherlands.  In comparison, in the documentary, Let's Talk About Sex, a photographer named James Houston travels from Los Angeles to D.C. and to the Netherlands.  In the Netherlands, he contrasts European and American attitudes about sex. From the HIV rates to the contemplations of teen parenthood in America, Houston depicts a society in which America and the Netherlands differ.

Most Dutch parents practice vigilant leniency, in which they have a strong familial bond and are open to letting their children make their own decisions.

Gezelligheid is a term used by many Dutch adolescents to describe their relationship with their family. The atmosphere is open and there is little that is not discussed between parents and children.

Amy Schalet, author of Not Under My Roof: Parents, Teens, and the Culture of Sex discusses in her book how the practices of Dutch parents strengthen their bonds with their children. Teenagers feel more comfortable about their sexuality and engage in discussion with their parents about it. A majority of Dutch parents feel comfortable allowing their teenagers to have their significant other spend the night.

Sexually transmitted infections
Adolescents have the highest rates of sexually transmitted infections (STIs) when compared to older groups. Sexually active adolescents are more likely to believe that they will not contract a sexually transmitted infection than adults. Adolescents are more likely to have an infected partner and less likely to receive health care when an STI is suspected. They are also less likely to comply with the treatment for an STI. Coinfection is common among adolescents.

An STI can have a large negative physiological and psychological effect on an adolescent. The goal of the pediatrician is for early diagnosis and treatment. Early treatment is important for preventing medical complications and infertility. Prevention of STIs should be a priority for all health care providers for adolescents. Diagnosis of an STI begins the evaluation of concomitant STIs and the notification and treatment of sexual partners. Some states in the US require the reporting of STIs to the state's health department.

Media influence
Modern media contains more sexual messages than was true in the past and the effects on teen sexual behavior remain relatively unknown. Only 9% of the sex scenes on 1,300 of cable network programming discusses and deals with the negative consequences of sexual behavior. The Internet may further provide adolescents with poor information on health issues, sexuality, and sexual violence.

A study on examining sexual messages in popular TV shows found that 2 out of 3 programs contained sexually related actions. 1 out of 15 shows included scenes of sexual intercourse itself. Shows featured a variety of sexual messages, including characters talking about when they wanted to have sex and how to use sex to keep a relationship alive. Some researchers believe that adolescents can use these messages as well as the sexual actions they see on TV in their own sexual lives.

The results of a study by Deborah Tolman and her colleagues indicated that adolescent exposure to sexuality on television in general does not directly affect their sexual behaviors, rather it is the type of message they view that has the most impact. What really affected adolescents was what type of societal gender stereotypes they were seeing enacted in the sexual scenes they saw on TV.

Girls felt they had less control over their sexuality when they saw men objectifying women and behaving as if commitment wasn't important. The consequences of this kind of influence are not minuscule. Young girls become surrounded by women that influence sexual objectification and show that it is okay to be weak and answer to men all the time. However, girls who saw women on TV who refuted men's sexual advances usually felt more comfortable talking about their own sexual needs in their sexual experiences as well as standing up for themselves. They were comfortable setting sexual limits and therefore held more control over their sexuality. Findings for boys were less clear; those who saw dominant and aggressive men actually had less sexual experiences. Perhaps there were less effects on boys because this Heterosexual Script does not affect them as deeply as it does girls.

However some scholars have argued that such claims of media effects have been premature.  Furthermore, according to US government health statistics, teens have delayed the onset of sexual intercourse in recent years, despite increasingly amounts of sexual media.

A 2008 study wanted to find out if there was any correlation between sexual content shown in the media and teenage pregnancy. Research showed that teens who viewed high levels of sexual content were twice as likely to get pregnant within three years compared to those teens who were not exposed to as much sexual content. The study concluded that the way media portrays sex has a huge effect on adolescent sexuality.

Teenage pregnancy

Adolescent girls become fertile following the menarche (first menstrual period), which occurs in the United States at an average age of 12.5, although it can vary widely between different girls. After menarche, sexual intercourse (especially without contraception) can lead to pregnancy. The pregnant teenager may then miscarry, have an abortion, or carry the child to full term.

Pregnant teenagers face many of the same issues of childbirth as women in their 20s and 30s. However, there are additional medical concerns for younger mothers, particularly those under 15 and those living in developing countries; for example, obstetric fistula is a particular issue for very young mothers in poorer regions. For mothers between 15 and 19, risks are associated more with socioeconomic factors than with the biological effects of age. However, research has shown that the risk of low birth weight is connected to the biological age itself, as it was observed in teen births even after controlling for other risk factors (such as utilisation of antenatal care etc.).

Worldwide, rates of teenage births range widely. For example, sub-Saharan Africa has a high proportion of teenage mothers whereas industrialized Asian countries such as South Korea and Japan have very low rates. Teenage pregnancy in developed countries is usually outside of marriage, and carries a social stigma; teenage mothers and their children in developed countries show lower educational levels, higher rates of poverty, and other poorer "life outcomes" compared with older mothers and their children. In the developing world, teenage pregnancy is usually within marriage and does not carry such a stigma.

Legal aspects of adolescent sexual activity

  Sexual conduct between adults and adolescents younger than the local age of consent is illegal, and in some Islamic countries any kind of sexual activity outside marriage is prohibited. In many jurisdictions, sexual intercourse between adolescents with a close age difference is not prohibited. Around the world, the average age-of-consent is 16, but this varies from being age 12 in Angola, age 16 in Spain and Canada, and age 16-18 in the United States.  In some jurisdictions, the age-of-consent for homosexual acts may be different from that for heterosexual acts. The age-of-consent in a particular jurisdiction is typically the same as the age of majority or several years younger. The age at which one can legally marry is also sometimes different from the legal age-of-consent.

Sexual relations with a person under the age-of-consent are generally a criminal offense in the jurisdiction in which the crime was committed, with punishments ranging from token fines to life imprisonment. Many different terms exist for the charges laid and include statutory rape, illegal carnal knowledge, or corruption of a minor. In some cases, sexual activity with someone above the legal age-of-consent but beneath the age of majority can be punishable under laws against contributing to the delinquency of a minor.

Society's influence on adolescent sexuality

Social constructionist perspective
The social constructionist perspective (see social constructionism for a general definition) on adolescent sexuality examines how power, culture, meaning and gender interact to affect the sexualities of adolescents. This perspective is closely tied to feminist and queer theory. Those who believe in the social constructionist perspective state that the current meanings most people in our society tie to female and male sexuality are actually a social construction to keep heterosexual and privileged people in power.

Researchers interested in exploring adolescent sexuality using this perspective typically investigates how gender, race, culture, socioeconomic status and sexual orientation affect how adolescent understand their own sexuality. An example of how gender affects sexuality is when young adolescent girls state that they believe sex is a method used to maintain relationships when boys are emotionally unavailable. Because they are girls, they believe they ought to engage in sexual behavior in order to please their boyfriends.

Developmental feminist perspective
The developmental feminist perspective is closely tied to the social constructionist perspective. It is specifically interested in how society's gender norms affect adolescent development, especially for girls. For example, some researchers on the topic hold the view that adolescent girls are still strongly affected by gender roles imposed on them by society and that this in turn affects their sexuality and sexual behavior. Deborah Tolman is an advocate for this viewpoint and states that societal pressures to be "good" cause girls to pay more attention to what they think others expect of them than looking within themselves to understand their own sexuality. Tolman states that young girls learn to objectify their own bodies and end up thinking of themselves as objects of desire. This causes them to often see their own bodies as others see it, which causes them to feel a sense of detachment from their bodies and their sexualities. Tolman calls this a process of disembodiment. This process leaves young girls unassertive about their own sexual desires and needs because they focus so much on what other people expect of them rather than on what they feel inside.

Another way gender roles affect adolescent sexuality is thought the sexual double standard. This double standard occurs when others judge women for engaging in premarital sex and for embracing their sexualities, while men are rewarded for the same behavior. It is a double standard because the genders are behaving similarly, but are being judged differently for their actions because of their gender. An example of this can be seen in Tolman's research when she interviews girls about their experiences with their sexualities. In Tolman's interviews, girls who sought sex because they desired it felt like they had to cover it up in order (for example, they blamed their sexual behavior on drinking) to not be judged by others in their school. They were afraid of being viewed negatively for enjoying their sexuality. Many girls were thus trying to make their own solutions (like blaming their sexual behavior on something else or silencing their own desires and choosing to not engage in sexual behavior) to a problem that is actually caused by power imbalances between the genders within our societies. Other research showed that girls were tired of being judged for their sexual behavior because of their gender. However, even these girls were strongly affected by societal gender roles and rarely talked about their own desires and instead talked about how "being ready" (rather than experiencing desire) would determine their sexual encounters.

O'Sullivan and her colleagues assessed 180 girls between the ages of 12 and 14 on their perceptions on what their first sexual encounters would be like; many girls reported feeling negative emotions towards sex before their first time. The researchers think this is because adolescent girls are taught that society views adolescent pre-marital sex in negative terms. When they reported positive feelings, the most commonly listed one was feeling attractive. This shows how many girls objectify their own bodies and often think about this before they think of their own sexual desires and needs.

Researchers found that having an older sibling, especially an older brother, affected how girls viewed sex and sexuality. Girls with older brothers held more traditional views about sexuality and said they were less interested in seeking sex, as well as less interested responding to the sexual advances of boys compared with girls with no older siblings. Researchers believe this is because older siblings model gender roles, so girls with older siblings (especially brothers) may have more traditional views of what society says girls and boys should be like; girls with older brothers may believe that sexual intercourse is mostly for having children, rather than for gaining sexual pleasure. This traditional view can inhibit them from focusing on their own sexualities and desires, and may keep them constrained to society's prescribed gender roles.

Social learning and the sexual self-concept

Developing a sexual self-concept is an important developmental step during adolescence. This is when adolescents try to make sense and organize their sexual experiences so that they understand the structures and underlying motivations for their sexual behavior. This sexual self-concept helps adolescents organize their past experiences, but also gives them information to draw on for their current and future sexual thoughts and experiences. Sexual self-concept affects sexual behavior for both men and women, but it also affects relationship development for women. Development of one's sexual self-concept can occur even before sexual experiences begin. An important part of sexual self-concept is sexual esteem, which includes how one evaluates their sexuality (including their thoughts, emotions and sexual activities). Another aspect is sexual anxiety; this includes one's negative evaluations of sex and sexuality. Sexual self-concept is not only developed from sexual experiences; both girls and boys can learn from a variety of social interactions such as their family, sexual education programs, depictions in the media and from their friends and peers. Girls with a positive self-schema are more likely to be liberal in their attitudes about sex, are more likely to view themselves as passionate and open to sexual experience and are more likely to rate sexual experiences as positive. Their views towards relationships show that they place high importance on romance, love and intimacy. Girls who have a more negative view often say they feel self-conscious about their sexuality and view sexual encounters more negatively. The sexual self-concept of girls with more negative views are highly influenced by other people; those of girls who hold more positive views are less so.

Boys are less willing to state they have negative feelings about sex than girls when they describe their sexual self-schemas. Boys are not divided into positive and negative sexual self-concepts; they are divided into schematic and non-schematic (a schema is a cluster of ideas about a process or aspect of the world; see schema). Boys who are sexually schematic are more sexually experienced, have higher levels of sexual arousal, and are more able to experience romantic feelings. Boys who are not schematic have fewer sexual partners, a smaller range of sexual experiences and are much less likely than schematic men to be in a romantic relationship.

When comparing the sexual self-concepts of adolescent girls and boys, researchers found that boys experienced lower sexual self-esteem and higher sexual anxiety. The boys stated they were less able to refuse or resist sex at a greater rate than the girls reported having difficulty with this. The authors state that this may be because society places so much emphasis on teaching girls how to be resistant towards sex, that boys don't learn these skills and are less able to use them when they want to say no to sex. They also explain how society's stereotype that boys are always ready to desire sex and be aroused may contribute to the fact that many boys may not feel comfortable resisting sex, because it is something society tells them they should want. Because society expects adolescent boys to be assertive, dominant and in control, they are limited in how they feel it is appropriate to act within a romantic relationship. Many boys feel lower self-esteem when they can't attain these hyper-masculine ideals that society says they should. Additionally, there is not much guidance on how boys should act within relationships and many boys do not know how to retain their masculinity while being authentic and reciprocating affection in their relationships. This difficult dilemma is called the double-edged sword of masculinity by some researchers.

Hensel and colleagues conducted a study with 387 female participants between the ages of 14 and 17 and found that as the girls got older (and learned more about their sexual self-concept), they experienced less anxiety, greater comfort with sexuality and experienced more instances of sexual activity. Additionally, across the four years (from 14-17), sexual self-esteem increased, and sexual anxiety lessened. The researchers stated that this may indicate that the more sexual experiences the adolescent girls have had, the more confidence they hold in their sexual behavior and sexuality. Additionally, it may mean that for girls who have not yet had intercourse, they become more confident and ready to participate in an encounter for the first time. Researchers state that these patterns indicate that adolescent sexual behavior is not at all sporadic and impulsive, rather that it is strongly affected by the adolescent girls' sexual self-concept and changes and expands through time.

Sex education
Sex education, also called "Sexuality Education" or informally "Sex Ed" is education about human sexual anatomy, sexual reproduction, sexual intercourse, human sexual behavior, and other aspects of sexuality, such as body image, sexual orientation, dating, and relationships. Common avenues for sex education are parents, caregivers, friends, school programs, religious groups, popular media, and public health campaigns.

Sexual education is not always taught the same in every country. For example, in France sex education has been part of school curricula since 1973. Schools are expected to provide 30 to 40 hours of sex education, and pass out condoms to students in grades eight and nine. In January, 2000, the French government launched an information campaign on contraception with TV and radio spots and the distribution of five million leaflets on contraception to high school students.

In Germany, sex education has been part of school curricula since 1970. Since 1992 sex education is by law a governmental duty. A survey by the World Health Organization concerning the habits of European teenagers in 2006 revealed that German teenagers care about contraception. The birth rate among German 15- to 19-year-olds is 11.7 per 1000 population, compared to 2.9 per 1000 population in Korea, and 55.6 per 1000 population in US.

According to SIECUS, the Sexuality Information and Education Council of the United States, in most families, parents are the primary sex educators of their adolescents. They found 93% of adults they surveyed support sexuality education in high school and 84%  support it in junior high school. In fact, 88% of parents of junior high school students and 80% of parents of high school students believe that sex education in school makes it easier for them to talk to their adolescents about sex. Also, 92% of adolescents report that they want both to talk to their parents about sex and to have comprehensive in-school sex education.

In America, not only do U.S. students receive sex education within school or religious programs, but they are also educated by their parents. American parents are less prone to influencing their children's actual sexual experiences than they are simply telling their children what they should not do. They promote abstinence while educating their children with things that may make their adolescents not want to engage in sexual activity.

Almost all U.S. students receive some form of sex education at least once between grades 7 and 12; many schools begin addressing some topics as early as grade 5 or 6.  However, what students learn varies widely, because curriculum decisions are quite decentralized. Two main forms of sex education are taught in American schools: comprehensive and  abstinence-only. A 2002 study conducted by the Kaiser Family Foundation found that 58% of secondary school principals describe their sex education curriculum as comprehensive, while 34% said their school's main message was abstinence-only. The difference between these two approaches, and their impact on teen behavior, remains a controversial subject in the U.S. Some studies have shown abstinence-only programs to have no positive effects. Other studies have shown specific programs to result in more than 2/3 of students maintaining that they will remain abstinent until marriage months after completing such a program; such virginity pledges, however, are statistically ineffective, and over 95% of Americans do, in fact, have sex before marriage.

In Asia the state of sex education programs are at various stages of development. Indonesia, Mongolia, South Korea and Sri Lanka have a systematic policy framework for teaching about sex within schools. Malaysia, the Philippines and Thailand have assessed adolescent reproductive health needs with a view to developing adolescent-specific training, messages and materials. India has programs that specifically aim at school children at the age group of nine to sixteen years. These are included as subjects in the curriculum and generally involved open and frank interaction with the teachers. Bangladesh, Nepal and Pakistan have no coordinated sex education programs.

Some educators hold the view that sexuality is equated with violence. These educators think that not talking about sexuality will decrease the rate of adolescent sexuality. However, not having access to sexual education has been found to have negative effects upon students, especially groups such as adolescent girls who come from low-income families. Not receiving appropriate sexual health education increases teenage pregnancy, sexual victimization and high school dropout rates. Researchers state that it is important to educate students about all aspects of sexuality and sexual health to reduce the risk of these issues.

The view that sexuality is victimization teaches girls to be careful of being sexually victimized and taken advantage of. Educators who hold this perspective encourage sexual education, but focus on teaching girls how to say no, teaching them of the risks of being victims and educate them about risks and diseases of being sexually active. This perspective teaches adolescents that boys are predators and that girls are victims of sexual victimization. Researchers state that this perspective does not address the existence of desire within girls, does not address the societal variables that influence sexual violence and teaches girls to view sex as dangerous only before marriage. In reality, sexual violence can be very prevalent within marriages too.

Another perspective includes the idea that sexuality is individual morality; this encourages girls to make their own decisions, as long as their decision is to say no to sex before marriage. This education encourages self-control and chastity.

Lastly, the sexual education perspective of the discourse of desire is very rare in U.S. high schools. This perspective encourages adolescents to learn more about their desires, gaining pleasure and feeling confident in their sexualities. Researchers state that this view would empower girls because it would place less emphasis on them as the victims and encourage them to have more control over their sexuality.

Research on how gender stereotypes affect adolescent sexuality is important because researchers believe it can show sexual health educators how they can improve their programming to more accurately attend to the needs of adolescents. For example, studies have shown how the social constructed idea that girls are "supposed to" not be interested in sex have actually made it more difficult for girls to have their voices heard when they want to have safer sex. At the same time, sexual educators continuously tell girls to make choices that will lead them to safer sex, but don't always tell them 'how' they should go about doing this. Instances such as these show the difficulties that can arise from not exploring how society's perspective of gender and sexuality affect adolescent sexuality.

See also

 Adolescent sexuality in Canada
 Adolescent sexuality in the United Kingdom
 Adolescent sexuality in the United States
 Age disparity in sexual relationships
 Romeo and Juliet laws
 Child sexuality
 Condom
 Family planning
 Sexual ethics

References

External links
 Support for teens

නවයොවුන් ලිංගිකත්වය


Caesarea es un género de plantas fanerógamas perteneciente a la familia Vivianiaceae.

Taxonomía
Caesarea fue descrita por Jacques Cambessèdes y publicado en Mémoires du Muséum d'Histoire Naturelle 18: 373, en el año 1829.

Especies
 Caesarea albiflora Cambess.
 Caesarea guevarana Cast.-Campos & M.E.Medina
 Caesarea montevidensis Klotzsch

Referencias

Vivianiaceae

Caesarea (género)


Gartland Station (Gartland stasjon) er en tidligere jernbanestation på Nordlandsbanen, der ligger ved bygden Gartland i Grong kommune i Norge.

Stationen åbnede 5. juli 1940, da banen blev forlænget fra Grong til Mosjøen. Den blev nedgraderet til trinbræt 6. april 1959. Betjeningen med persontog blev indstillet 23. maj 1993.

Stationsbygningen blev opført i 1932 efter tegninger af Bjarne Friis Baastad fra NSB Arkitektkontor. Den toetages bygning er opført i træ i laftekonstruktion og rummede oprindeligt ventesal, ekspedition og telegraf i stueetagen, mens der var tjenestebolig på første sal. Desuden er der en tilbygning i bindingsværk, der oprindeligt fungerede som pakhus. Bygningen blev solgt fra i 2000.

Litteratur

Eksterne henvisninger

Stationer på Nordlandsbanen
Jernbanestationer i Trøndelag
Jernbanestationer i Norge uden persontrafik
Etableret i 1940

Gartland Station


George Robertson ist der Name folgender Personen:

* George Robertson (Politiker, 1790) (1790–1874), US-amerikanischer Politiker (Kentucky)
 George Robertson (Rennfahrer) (1884–1955), US-amerikanischer Autorennfahrer
 George Robertson (Eishockeyspieler) (* 1928), kanadischer Eishockeyspieler
 George Robertson (* 1946), britischer Politiker
 George Robertson (Bobfahrer) (* 1958), britischer Bobfahrer
 George Croom Robertson (1842–1892), schottischer Philosoph
 George R. Robertson (1933–2023), kanadischer Schauspieler
 George Stuart Robertson (1872–1967), britischer Leichtathlet und Tennisspieler

George Robertson (Begriffsklärung)


Crkva Uznesenja Blažene Djevice Marije  je rimokatolička crkva u općini Hum na Sutli, zaštićeno kulturno dobro.

Opis dobra
Barokizirana jednobrodna crkva križnog tlocrta nalazi se na brijegu, na lokalitetu Taborsko, izvan Huma na Sutli. Do nje vodi natkriveno barokno stubište sa stupovljem. Poligonalno svetište uz koje je sakristija, poduprto je kontraforima, a u unutrašnjosti presvođeno gotičkim zvjezdastim svodom. Uz lađu su dvije pobočne poligonalne kapele: lijevu je 1687. dao podići Sigismund Ratkay, a desna je građena 1739. g. Uz glavno pročelje je zvonik. Svetište je oslikano baroknim freskama (između 1742. i 1748. g.) koje se pripisuju A. J. Lerchingeru. Crkva obiluje vrijednim inventarom iz različitih povijesnih razdoblja. Ubraja se među najznačajnije sakralne spomenike Hrvatskog zagorja.

Zaštita
Pod oznakom Z-2707 zavedena je kao nepokretno kulturno dobro – pojedinačno, pravnog statusa zaštićena kulturnog dobra, klasificirano kao "sakralna graditeljska baština".

Izvori

Nepokretna pojedinačna kulturna dobra u Krapinsko-zagorskoj županiji
Katoličke crkve u Hrvatskoj
Hum na Sutli

Crkva Uznesenja Blažene Djevice Marije (Hum na Sutli)


Alberto Iñurrategi Iriarte (3. studenoga 1968.) je baskijsko-španjolski planinar iz Aretxabalete, Gipuskoa, Baskija (Španjolska), Godine 2002., postao je drugi Španjolac i Bask (nakon Juanita Oiarzabala) i 10. osoba koja se popela na 14 planinskih vrhova viših od 8.000 tisuća metara.

Imao je 33 godine kada se popeo na svih osamtisućnjaka čime je postao najmlađa osoba koja se popela na svih 14 vrhova. Na 12 vrhova se popeo s bratom Felixom koji je poginuo pri silasku s Gasherbruma II. Iñurrategi se popeo na vrhove u alpskom stilu pomoću nekoliko redaka ili Šerpa i bez kisika u bocama što ga čini četvrtom osobom koja se popela na svih 14 vrhova, bez boce kisika. U suradnji s drugim penjačima je producirao nekoliko penjačkih dokumentaraca kao što su Annapurna: Sueño y vacío, Gure Himalaya i Hire Himalaya.

Usponi
 30. rujna 1991.: Makalu (8485 m)
 25. rujna 1992.: Mount Everest (8848 m)
 24. lipnja 1994.: K2 (8611 m)
 11. rujna 1995.: Cho Oyu (8188 m)
 27. rujna 1995.: Lhotse (8516 m)
 6. svibnja 1996.: Kangchenjunga (8586 m)
 11. listopada 1996.: Shishapangma (8027 m)
 13. srpnja 1997.: Broad Peak (8051 m)
 23. svibnja 1998.: Dhaulagiri (8167 m)
 29. srpnja 1999.: Nanga Parbat (8125 m)
 25. travnja 2000.: Manaslu (8163 m)
 28. srpnja 2000.: Gasherbrum II (8034 m)
 08. srpnja 2001.: Gasherbrum I (8080 m)
 16. srpnja 2002.: Annapurna (8091 m)

Izvori

Iñurrategi
Iñurrategi
Španjolski športaši

Alberto Iñurrategi


Telematica este acea disciplină științifică și tehnologică care analizează și implementează serviciile și  care folosesc atât  cât și sistemele de telecomunicație, ca rezultat al uniunii ambelor discipline.

Sunt servicii sau aplicații telematice, spre exemplu, orice tip de comunicare prin intermediul internetului sau prin intermediul sistemului de poziționare globală (exemplu: trimiterea unui e-Mail într-o altă țară).

Terminologie
Termenul "telematică" provine din fuziunea termenilor "telecomunicații" și "informatică".
Este, de asemenea, folosit ocazional termenul de "teleinformatică", un termen care s-a născut în disciplina de telecomunicații, pentru a desemna controlul de la distanță al sistemelor informatice, deși nu se descrie telematica ca atare.

Definiție
Telematica acoperă un câmp științific și tehnologic de o considerabilă amplitudine, ce cuprinde studiul, proiectarea, gestiunea și aplicarea rețelelor și serviciilor de comunicații, pentru transportul, depozitarea și procesarea oricărui tip de informație (date, voce, video, etc), incluzând aici analiză și proiectare de tehnologii și de sisteme de comutare. Telematică include, printre alte concepte, următoarele planuri funcționale:
 Planul la nivel de utilizator, unde se distribuie și prelucrează informația serviciilor și aplicațiilor finale;
 Planul la nivel de semnalizare și de control, unde se distribuie și procesează informația de control a sistemului în sine, și a interacțiunii sale cu utilizatorul;
 Planul la nivel de gestiune, nivel la care se distribuie și prelucrează informațiile de operare și de gestionare a sistemului și a serviciilor, precum și interacțiunea acestora cu operatorii de rețea.
Fiecare dintre planuri (niveluri) este structurat în subsisteme numite entități de protocol, care la rândul său este situat de propria funcționalitate la diverse niveluri. Aceste niveluri sunt grupări de funcționalitate, și funcție de modelul de interconexiune al sistemelor deschise (OSI) al Organizației Internaționale de Standardizare (ISO) este compus din: nivelul fizic, nivelul de interconectare, nivelul de rețea, nivelul de transport de la extremă la extremă, nivelul de sesiune, nivelul de prezentare și nivelul de aplicare.

Tratează, de asemenea, de servicii precum ar fi tele-educație, comerț electronic (e-commerce) sau cum ar fi administrarea electronică (e-government), servicii Web, TV digitală, comutarea și arhitectura comutării, și, de asemenea, atinge teme cum ar fi analiza asupra prestațiilor, modelarea și simularea de rețele: optimizare, capacitate de planificare, inginerie de trafic și de design de rețea.

Într-o altă modalitate o găsim focalizată pe o activitate specifică, cum ar fi telematica educatională, unde se  dezvoltă uzitarea resurselor telematice direcționate către Educație, intre ele comunicarea interactiva, distribuirea de informații și uzul pedagogic al serviciilor.

Originea termenului
Termenul telematică a fost utilizat mai întâi în Franța (télématique). În 1976, într-un raport comandat de către președintele francez și pregătit de către Simon Nora și Alain Minc (cunoscut sub numele de  și distribuit sub titlul: Informatizarea Societății), care a dat o viziune incredibil de precisă asupra evoluției tehnologice viitoare.

Dar, ca și în Franța, și în țările anglo-saxone există, de asemenea, disciplina telematica, care este denumita drept Computer and Communications (în limba engleză: 'Computerul și Comunicațiile) sau Compunication (un concept inventat de Gao Wen în articolul său Compunication: From Concept to Practice (De la Concept la Practică)). Cu toate acestea, există nuanțe cheie care fac distincția între cei doi termeni. Pentru a clarifica acest lucru, ar trebui să ne putem plasa în contextul respectivei epoci: pe de o parte Franța, care punea accent clar pe telecomunicații, ca un motor de transformare socială, în anii ' 70, în timp ce Statele Unite trăia o mare revoluție a . Astfel, Compunication (calculatoare + comunicație) marchează un model de avansată relevanță în ce privește sistemele informatice; telematica (télématique) la rândul său, făcând o referire mai punctuala la telecomunicația în sine. In actualitate, această diferență a originii s-a diluat, s-a pierdut, deja această disciplină științifică și tehnologica a convers complet la nivel mondial, și a format un singur corp de cunoștințe bine determinat. Născându-se în acest fel, actuala semnificație a conceptului telematica.

Profilul de tehnician sau de inginer în telematică
Profilul profesional al tehnicianului sau al inginerului din telematică este unul generalist, axat pe dezvoltarea activității sale în diferite domenii, și prin urmare, spectrul activității profesionale a unui inginer în telematică este extrem de amplu. Licențiații pe această specializare au capacitatea de a efectua unele sau toate dintre sarcinile enumerate mai jos:
 Planificarea, implementarea, întreținerea și gestionarea, exploatarea, integrarea de tehnologii, etc, pentru domenii LAN, MAN și WAN, ele putând face uz atât de tehnologia prin cablu și de tehnologia wireless, precum și prin Internet/Intranet, etc pentru furnizarea de servicii de voce, ca date pentru diverse aplicații, de la servicii comune de Internet, pana la altele mai sofisticate, cum ar fi activitățile referitoare la implementarea și exploatarea rețelelor de telecomunicații în zonele (poligoanele) industriale dar și în sectorul domestic (locuințe, sau rețele de telefonie mobilă, precum Serviciul Mobil Terestru) pentru flote de vehicule, etc.
 Supravegherea, administrarea, participarea sau asistența tehnică pentru dezvoltatori și furnizori de echipamente și de sisteme de telecomunicații.
 Elaborarea de Proiecte de infrastructură comună pentru telecomunicații în clădiri (TIC)).
 Audituri și design de rețea.
 Analiza, proiectarea și implementarea de sisteme și de instrumente de securitate atât pentru stocarea cât și transmiterea de informații, precum și la accesul în rețele și în sisteme.
 Diagnosticare și audituri de securitate.
 Înțelegerea conceptelor de bază ale arhitecturii de calculatoare și de servere, precum și principiile diverselor sisteme de operare.
 Proiectare și dezvoltare de servicii de telecomunicații, precum și punerea lor în serviciu, întreținerea serviciilor de bază, de tipul e-mail, transfer de fișiere, www, sau mai sofisticate, cum ar fi sistemele de comerț electronic (e-commerce) cu diversele lui aspecte de luate în considerare cum ar fi integrarea serviciilor cu instrumente de plată, instrumente și sisteme de securitate (criptografie, semnături digitale, etc), etc.
 Proiectarea de aplicații distribuite orientate spre administratia și comerțul electronic.
 Specificarea, proiectarea și implementarea de protocoale cu grade de calitate ale serviciilor pentru a se crea suportul necesar serviciilor de mass-media și al aplicațiilor transmise prin intermediul mass-media.
 Design de software de sisteme de timp real pentru aplicații de divertisment.
 Stăpânirea fundamentelor teoretice ale programării și utilizării practice ale limbajelor de programare pentru dezvoltarea de sisteme software
 Capacitatea de a proiecta și implementa baze de date și sisteme de informații.
 Cunoașterea elementelor de bază ale programarii protocoalelor de comunicații.
 Programare de dispozitive de acces la informații bazate pe rețele de telecomunicații, atât pe platformă UNIX cât și pe platformă Windows.
 Proiectare, implementare și administrare de rețele de calculatoare și de sisteme pentru transmiterea de date.
 Cunoașterea funcționarii fiecăruia dintre straturile  suitei protocolului TCP/IP (care provine din Suita OSI)

Stive de protocoale de comunicație
Evoluția în domeniul protocoalelor de comunicații reprezintă o piatră de hotar fundamentală în dezvoltarea telematicii, fiind teoria și arhitectura acestor protocoale unul dintre conceptele fundamentale ale acesteia.

Un protocol este un set, un ansamblu de reguli care definește modul în care va evolua comunicarea între diversele noduri ale unei rețele de calculatoare.

Pentru a face față complexității rețelelor de calculatoare, protocoalele sunt organizate în suite împărțite în diferite niveluri, unde fiecare nivel al suitei oferă o serie de servicii nivelului superior, astfel încât să nu trebuiască să stăm permanent preocupați cu privire la implementarea respectivelor servicii. Cele două suite de protocol care sunt cele mai importante sunt familia de protocoale ale Internetului și familia de protocoale ale Modelului OSI.

Principala suită o constituie Stiva de Protocoale TCP/IP, care este alcătuită din patru niveluri:
 Nivelul Aplicație: unde își au rezidența aplicațiile de rețea și protocoalele lor. Nivelul Aplicație include mai multe protocoale, cum ar fi HTTP, SMTP și FTP. Un protocol de nivel Aplicație este distribuit pe mai multe sisteme, sistemele terminale fiind cele care utilizează acele protocoale pentru schimbul de pachete de informații cu o altă aplicație a unui alt sistem terminal.
 Nivelul Transport (Transport layer): transportă mesaje ale nivelului Aplicație între punctele terminale ale respectivei aplicații. În internet există două protocoale de transport, TCP și UDP, putând fiecare dintre ele să transporte mesaje provenite din nivelul Aplicație.
 Nivelul Internet: acest nivel transferă pachetele provenite din stratul de rețea, cunoscute sub numele de , de la un host la altul. Nivelul Internet include bine-cunoscutul protocol IP, cel care definește domeniile datagramelor, precum și modul în care acționează sistemele terminale, și routerele între aceste domenii. Acest nivel conține, de asemenea, protocoale de rutare care determină rutele pe care datagramele le urmează pe distanța între sursă și destinație.
 Nivelul Legătură: nivelul de rețea se bazează pe acest nivel pentru a muta un pachet de la un nod (informatic) la o următoare rută. Concret, la fiecare nod, nivelul rețea pasează datagrama nivelului  legătură, care se ocupă cu transferul biților propriu-ziși către următoarea mașină.

Pe de altă parte, modelul Modelul OSI are trei niveluri în plus, ceea ce face un total de șapte niveluri:
 Aplicație
 Prezentare
 Sesiune
 Transport
 Rețea
 Legătură de date
 Fizic

Telematica în Spania
În Spania, diploma universitară (aprobat de Ministerul Spaniol al Educației ) de Inginer Tehnic Telematician a fost înființată în anul 1991, între timp  denumirea schimbându-se la aceea de Inginer Tehnic de Telecomunicații, cu specialitate în Telematica (ITT sp. Telematică) în 1995, o denumire sub care titlu  exista în 2008. Această titulatura (ITT sp. Telematică) se scotea la concurs în 22 de universități spaniole.

În anul 2008, reforma sistemului de educație (cunoscut sub numele de Plan Bologna) a condus la modificarea titulaturii de la forma ITT sp. Telematică la a fi fost înlocuit cu titlul de Licențiat în Ingineria Telematica.

Astfel, sunt scoase la concurs, diverse studii de master în domeniul telematicii, atât la nivel de Titluri Proprii ale diverselor universități, după cum si Titluri Oficiale adaptate la Spațiul UE al Învățământului Superior.

Vezi și
 Telecomunicație
 Centrală telefonică
 Satelit artificial
 Telefon
 Televiziune prin cablu
 Uniunea Internațională pentru Telecomunicații
 Fax

Referințe

Bibliografie
 James F. Kurose, Keith W. Ross, Computer Networking: A Top-Down Approach (5th Edition), 2009, ISBN 0-13-607967-9.

Informatică
Telecomunicații

Telematică


بلدية براتس دي يوسانيس (بالكاتالانية: Prats de Lluçanès) هي إحدى بلديات مقاطعة برشلونة، والتي تقع في منطقة كاتالونيا، شرق إسبانيا.

يبلغ عدد سكانها 2.709 نسمة وفقاً لإحصائية سنة (2007).

أعلام
 يان بينو سولير

مراجع

بلديات في مقاطعة برشلونة

بارتس دي يوسانس


Manuel Joaquim Henriques de Paiva (Castelo Branco,  – São Salvador, ) foi um filósofo, médico e químico luso-brasileiro. Henriques de Paiva publicou várias dezenas de livros científicos, vários deles traduções ou adaptações de obras de cientistas internacionais como Scopoli, Lineu, Brisson, ou Fourcroy. Foi responsável pela difusão do trabalho de Edward Jenner sobre a vacinação heteróloga no mundo lusófono, através do seu Preservativo das Bexigas (1801), um livro de divulgação científica destinado a sensibilizar o público para os benefícios da vacinação contra a varíola mortal.

Biografia
Nasceu a 23 de Dezembro de 1752 em Castelo Branco, sendo o filho mais novo de António Ribeiro de Paiva e de Isabel Aires Henriques. Seu pai era um químico cristão-novo, e era um parente distante de Ribeiro Sanches. Durante a juventude, sua família embarcou para o Brasil Colonial, onde seu pai era boticário do vice-rei, o Marquês de Lavradio; foi aqui que ele se formou pela primeira vez como químico. Depois de inicialmente planejar estudar no estrangeiro, matriculou-se na Universidade de Coimbra, demonstrando grande entusiasmo pelas reformas pombalinas, e licenciou-se em filosofia natural em 1775 e em medicina em 1781.

Henriques de Paiva ocupou vários cargos importantes na administração sanitária portuguesa (foi médico da Casa Real, membro da Real Mesa do Protomedicamento, Professor Catedrático da Universidade de Coimbra, membro da Real Academia das Ciências de Lisboa), e gozou de algum protagonismo político. As suas ligações à maçonaria e aos franceses durante a Primeira Invasão Francesa de Portugal na Guerra Peninsular fariam com que fosse julgado como jacobino em 1809, banido para o Brasil e destituído dos seus cargos e honrarias. Estabeleceu-se em Salvador, Bahia; as acusações contra ele foram extintas em 1818, e suas prerrogativas reabilitadas, o que o levou a ser nomeado professor da Escola Médico-Cirúrgica da Bahia. Henriques de Paiva posteriormente interveio  em apoio à Independência do Brasil.

Distinções
  Cavaleiro da Ordem de Cristo (perdido em 1809 e restaurado em 1818)

Cavaleiros da Ordem de Cristo
Alumni da Universidade de Coimbra
Filósofos de Portugal
Médicos de Portugal
Químicos de Portugal
Mortos em 1829
Nascidos em 1752

Manuel Joaquim Henriques de Paiva


Markus Meechan er en "YouTuber" fra Skotland, som går under aliasset Count Dankula. I hans værker diskuterer han ofte politiske begivenheder med et komisk islæt.

Kontrovers
I april 2016 offentliggjorde Markus en video med titlen "M8 Yer Dugs A Nazi", hvori han lærte hans kærestes hund Buddha at løfte poten, når han siger "Sieg Heil", at reagere på sætningen "gas the jews" (dansk: gas jøderne), og han viser også hunden en af Adolf Hitlers taler. Denne video resulterede i, at han i marts 2018 blev anklaget for at være "groft stødende" under The Communications Act of 2003.

Mark Meechan (Count Dankula) valgte at lære sin kærestes hund disse "tricks" som en joke, fordi kæresten mente at hunden Buddha var så sød og uskyldig, så Mark synes det ville være sjovt at få hunden til at gøre "forfærdelige ting" for at vise hans kæreste at hunden ikke altid var så sød og uskyldig som hun troede.

Mark Meechan mødte både modstand, men også stor støtte da han blev anklaget af politiet og fik at vide han skulle i retten.

Politik
Den 16. juni 2018 blev Meechan medlem af partiet UKIP.

Kilder

Eksterne henvisninger

YouTubere fra Storbritannien

Mark Meechan


Ce que je sais de Lola (Lo que sé de Lola) est un film espagnol réalisé par Javier Rebollo, sorti en 2006.

Synopsis
Léon s'occupe de sa mère à Paris. Sa vie est morne et solitaire jusqu'à ce que Dolores arrive dans l'immeuble.

Fiche technique
 Titre : Ce que je sais de Lola
 Titre original : Lo que sé de Lola
 Réalisation : Javier Rebollo
 Scénario : Lola Mayo et Javier Rebollo
 Musique : Ramón Paus
 Photographie : Santiago Racaj
 Montage : Ángel Hernández Zoido
 Production : Piluca Baquero, Damián París, Pedro Pastor et Jérôme Vidal
 Société de production : Malvarrosa Media, Lazennec Tout Court, Lolita Films, Televisión Española et Grup RTW
 Société de distribution : Pierre Grise Distribution (France)
 Pays :  et
 Genre : drame
 Durée : 112 minutes
 Dates de sortie :
 :
 :

Distribution
 Michaël Abiteboul : Léon
 Lola Dueñas : Dolores
 Carmen Machi : Carmen
 Lucienne Deschamps : la mère de Léon
 Jacky Nercessian

Distinctions
Le film a été nommé au prix Goya du meilleur nouveau réalisateur et a été présenté en sélection officielle en compétition au festival international du film de Saint-Sébastien.

Notes et références

Liens externes

Film espagnol sorti en 2006
Film français sorti en 2006
Film dramatique espagnol
Film dramatique français
Film se déroulant à Paris
Premier long métrage sorti en 2006

Ce que je sais de Lola


Amberley (Māori: Kōwai) is a town located in the Hurunui District in north Canterbury, on the east coast of the South Island of New Zealand. It is located on State Highway 1 approximately 50 km north of Christchurch. It is the seat of the Hurunui District Council. The nearest town to the north of Amberly via state highway one is Waipara (11 km) and the nearest town to the south is Leithfield (5.7 km).

History
Amberley was established in 1864 by Mrs. Frederica Josephine Carter who owned freehold land north of the Kowai river. Mrs. Carter subdivided and sold her pastoral run for eight pounds per quarter acre. This price was very attractive as it made the land some of the cheapest in Canterbury. The town was named Amberley after Mrs. Carter's family farm in Oxfordshire, England. The earliest residents included a blacksmith, a wheelwright and a carpenter. A courthouse was established in 1870. The town developed slowly at first until the railway, built by Canterbury Provincial Railways, arrived in 1876. With the arrival of the railway, the town grew quickly and a town hall was completed in 1878 which could seat 400 people. The Anglican church was built in 1877 with room for 140 parishioners. It was destroyed by a "hurricane" in 1889 leaving only the tower standing. The church was then rebuilt at a cost of about £700. The Wesleyan church was built in 1882 with room for 120 parishioners. A branch (a two-story building) of the Bank of New South Wales was established in Amberley in 1890. In 1908 a telephone exchange was opened in Amberley. By this time Amberley had 96 houses or other dwellings and was home to more than 800 people.

A decision to install a water supply for Amberley was made in 1953 with the work being completed in 1957. It was deemed a success and considered "the best thing that has ever happened to Amberley". It was further extended in 1958 and again in 1967. In 1963, planning permission was granted for four shops to be built on Main North Road. This led to other retail businesses moving to Main North Road and further growth in Amberley. Work on a sewage scheme began in 1973. By 1979, around half the properties in Amberley were connected to it.

The Marathon Rubber Footwear factory closed in December 1977 which resulted in 26 redundancies. Amberley was upgraded to an automatic telephone exchange in 1978. By 1986, Amberley had grown to a population of 897 people with a further 144 people living at Amberley Beach.

In early February 2020, a fire at an illegal tyre dump containing 160,000 tyres caused significant air pollution for local residents.

Demographics
Amberley is defined by Statistics New Zealand as a small urban area and covers . It had an estimated population of  as of  with a population density of  people per km2.

Amberley had a population of 2,067 at the 2018 New Zealand census, an increase of 486 people (30.7%) since the 2013 census, and an increase of 762 people (58.4%) since the 2006 census. There were 834 households, comprising 1,002 males and 1,065 females, giving a sex ratio of 0.94 males per female. The median age was 50.3 years (compared with 37.4 years nationally), with 369 people (17.9%) aged under 15 years, 243 (11.8%) aged 15 to 29, 777 (37.6%) aged 30 to 64, and 675 (32.7%) aged 65 or older.

Ethnicities were 93.9% European/Pākehā, 7.4% Māori, 1.2% Pasifika, 2.8% Asian, and 2.2% other ethnicities. People may identify with more than one ethnicity.

The percentage of people born overseas was 17.0, compared with 27.1% nationally.

Although some people chose not to answer the census's question about religious affiliation, 50.2% had no religion, 38.6% were Christian, 0.3% had Māori religious beliefs, 0.7% were Hindu, 0.1% were Buddhist and 1.5% had other religions.

Of those at least 15 years old, 222 (13.1%) people had a bachelor's or higher degree, and 432 (25.4%) people had no formal qualifications. The median income was $26,800, compared with $31,800 nationally. 225 people (13.3%) earned over $70,000 compared to 17.2% nationally. The employment status of those at least 15 was that 669 (39.4%) people were employed full-time, 252 (14.8%) were part-time, and 36 (2.1%) were unemployed.

Economy
The economy in Amberley is in part based on providing services to the dairy farming, arable farming and sheep farming and grape growing industries in the wider district. Many people commute to jobs in Christchurch each day from Amberley.

Climate
The warmest months of the year are January and February, with an average high temperature of 23 °C. The coldest month of the year occurs in July, when the average high temperature is 11 °C. Monthly rainfall ranges between an average of 48mm in January to 85mm in July.

Local information
Amberley is the seat of the Hurunui District Council.  Once a year, the local A&P (Agricultural and Pastoral) show is held, usually mid-Spring. The Amberley Swimming Pool is located at the Amberley Domain. It is a 25-yard, 5 lanes, solar heated, public swimming pool. There is also a playground, skate park, bowls club, tennis and squash courts and multiple playing fields for rugby, soccer and cricket at the Amberley Domain.

Notable buildings

The Church of the Holy Passion of our Lord
The Catholic Church of the Most Holy Passion was built in 1866 by Sir Frederick Weld. It was moved to its Amberley site on State Highway 1 in the mid-1950s.

Holy Innocents Anglican Church

Located on Church Street.

Cob Cottage

The Cob Cottage is located in Chamberlain Park.  it suffered significant damage in 1975 because of gale force nor westerly winds. The damage was such that an upper floor had to be removed. It is owned by the Amberley Historical Society and houses a collection of furnishings and clothing from the early settlers of the area.

Amberley House
Amberley House was built between 1870 and 1876. In 1920 the property was converted into the Amberley House Girls' Collegiate School. The  house was extended by and converted into the school by building two stories to the original house. The school closed in 1942. Previous owners built extensive stables to support a horse breeding business. There are extensive grounds and it operates part time as a wedding venue and offers garden tours.

Charles Upham statue

There is a statue in memory of Charles Upham just outside the council building. Upham farmed in the Cheviot area. Nearby the statue sit three limestone carvings, labelled The Grandmothers, which celebrate the ancient Waitaha people. Carved by Sculptor Warren Thompson, the statues were unveiled in May 2003 by the Rt. Hon. Helen Clark, Prime Minister of New Zealand.

Notable people
 Alan Johns (1917–1997), scientist, chief executive and university administrator; was born in Amberley and grew up in the town
 Kate Harcourt, New Zealand actress.

Education

The Amberley school was established in 1872 with three classrooms. By 1902 it had 122 students. Amberley School is a co-educational state primary school for Year 1 to 8 students, with a roll of  as of . Amberley Primary School's Rewi Alley Community Centre has a memorial to Rewi Alley who attended there.

Amberley Beach
Amberley itself sits inland on state highway one and the main train line running north from Christchurch to Picton. Amberley Beach is located 4.6 km away from Amberley on Amberley Beach Road. A small number of houses, a camping ground and the Amberley Beach Reserve are located by the beach, Amberley Beach itself is a shingle rather than a sandy beach. It is popular for walking, swimming, surfing and fishing.  The Amberley beach walkway offers a 20-minute walk of native bush and water features. The Amberley Lions helped to build this walkway.

Amberley Beach is described as a rural settlement by Statistics New Zealand and has an area of .  It had an estimated population of  as of  with a population density of  people per km2. Amberley Beach is part of the larger Balcairn statistical area.

Amberley Beach had a population of 171 at the 2018 New Zealand census, an increase of 6 people (3.6%) since the 2013 census, and an increase of 30 people (21.3%) since the 2006 census. There were 87 households, comprising 84 males and 84 females, giving a sex ratio of 1.0 males per female. The median age was 49.6 years (compared with 37.4 years nationally), with 21 people (12.3%) aged under 15 years, 18 (10.5%) aged 15 to 29, 84 (49.1%) aged 30 to 64, and 48 (28.1%) aged 65 or older.

Ethnicities were 96.5% European/Pākehā, 5.3% Māori, and 3.5% other ethnicities. People may identify with more than one ethnicity.

Although some people chose not to answer the census's question about religious affiliation, 59.6% had no religion, 24.6% were Christian and 3.5% had other religions.

Of those at least 15 years old, 18 (12.0%) people had a bachelor's or higher degree, and 36 (24.0%) people had no formal qualifications. The median income was $29,100, compared with $31,800 nationally. 24 people (16.0%) earned over $70,000 compared to 17.2% nationally. The employment status of those at least 15 was that 57 (38.0%) people were employed full-time, 27 (18.0%) were part-time, and 3 (2.0%) were unemployed.

Amberley Golf Course
Amberley has an 18-hole golf course that runs tournaments throughout the year. The Amberley Golf Club was founded in 1922. The golf course was originally a total of 9 holes based on sheep paddocks opposite Amberley House on state highway one. By 1940 the number of members increased to 63. Electricity was installed in the club-house. Due to World War 2, the club went into recess in 1942  and the course reverted to sheep paddocks. In 1954, a new course at Amberley Beach was proposed. With much voluntary effort a 13 holes course was formed and opened for play in 1955. Two further holes were added in 1957. The final three holes were completed in 1959.  A new club-house was also built in 1959. In 1974, a pond was excavated near the seventeenth hole which provided irrigation for the course.  Irrigating all the fairways continued to be a challenge and a new watering system was installed in 1992.

References

External links

 Information about Amberley
 Te Ara Encyclopedia: Canterbury Places

Hurunui District
Populated places in Canterbury, New Zealand

Amberley, New Zealand


Çiftlikler, Adana ilinin Ceyhan ilçesine bağlı bir mahalledir.

Tarihçe
Mahallenin adı, 1928 yılına ait Türkçe kaynaklarda Çiftlikât olarak geçmektedir. Günümüzde ise Çiftlikler adıyla köy statüsünü sürdürmektedir.

Coğrafya ve ulaşım
Adana il merkezine 55 km, Ceyhan ilçesine 7 km uzaklıktadır.

Nüfus

Altyapı bilgileri

Kaynakça

Dış bağlantılar
 Yerelnet

Ceyhan'ın mahalleleri

Çiftlikler, Ceyhan


Sassoumbroum (auch: Sassanbouroum, Sassoumbouroum, Sossom Bouroum, Tsatsoumbroum) ist eine Landgemeinde im Departement Magaria in Niger.

Geographie

Lage und Gliederung

Sassoumbroum liegt in der Großlandschaft Sudan und grenzt im Süden und Westen an den Nachbarstaat Nigeria. Die Nachbargemeinden in Niger sind Dan-Barto, Kourni und Yaouri im Norden sowie Kwaya und Yékoua im Osten.

Bei den Siedlungen im Gemeindegebiet handelt es sich um 47 Dörfer, 63 Weiler und ein Lager. Der Hauptort der Landgemeinde ist das Dorf Sassoumbroum. Es liegt auf einer Höhe von . Auf den Weiler Mursugunu Peulh erhebt auch die Nachbargemeinde Kourni Anspruch.

Im Gemeindegebiet hat das Trockental Korama seinen Ursprung. Außerdem verläuft das Trockental Goulbi May Farou durch Sassoumbroum. Beim Dorf Tchédia erstreckt sich das 250 Hektar große Waldschutzgebiet Forêt classée de Tchédia.

Klima
In Sassoumbroum herrscht trockenes Wüstenklima vor. Die Niederschlagsmessstation im Hauptort liegt auf  Höhe und wurde 1962 in Betrieb genommen.

Geschichte
Sassoumbroum entwickelte sich in den 1920er Jahren zu einem wirtschaftlich bedeutenden regionalen Zentrum. Die Landgemeinde Sassoumbroum ging als Verwaltungseinheit 2002 im Zuge einer landesweiten Verwaltungsreform aus dem westlichen Teil des Kantons Magaria hervor.

Bevölkerung
Bei der Volkszählung 2012 hatte die Landgemeinde 78.163 Einwohner, die in 11.193 Haushalten lebten. Bei der Volkszählung 2001 betrug die Einwohnerzahl 40.769 in 6395 Haushalten.

Im Hauptort lebten bei der Volkszählung 2012 6125 Einwohner in 908 Haushalten, bei der Volkszählung 2001 3960 in 620 Haushalten und bei der Volkszählung 1988 2915 in 473 Haushalten.

In ethnischer Hinsicht ist die Gemeinde ein Siedlungsgebiet von Daurawa, Fulbe und Damagarawa. Die Hausa-Untergruppe Damagarawa betreibt vor allem Ackerbau und die Fulbe sind auf Agropastoralismus spezialisiert.

Politik
Der Gemeinderat (conseil municipal) hat 20 gewählte Mitglieder. Mit den Kommunalwahlen 2020 sind die Sitze im Gemeinderat wie folgt verteilt: 6 MPN-Kiishin Kassa, 6 PNDS-Tarayya, 5 PSD-Bassira, 1 CPR-Inganci, 1 MDEN-Falala und 1 RDR-Tchanji.

Jeweils ein traditioneller Ortsvorsteher (chef traditionnel) steht an der Spitze von 44 Dörfern in der Gemeinde, darunter dem Hauptort.

Wirtschaft und Infrastruktur

Die Gemeinde liegt in jener schmalen Zone entlang der Grenze zu Nigeria, die von Tounouga im Westen bis Malawa im Osten reicht und in der Bewässerungsfeldwirtschaft für Cash Crops betrieben wird. Im Hauptort ist ein Gesundheitszentrum des Typs Centre de Santé Intégré (CSI) vorhanden. Es verfügt über ein eigenes Labor und eine Entbindungsstation. Der CEG Sassoumbroum ist eine allgemein bildende Schule der Sekundarstufe des Typs Collège d'Enseignement Général (CEG). Beim Centre de Formation aux Métiers de Sassoumbroum (CFM Sassoumbroum) handelt es sich um ein Berufsausbildungszentrum.

Weblinks

Einzelnachweise

Ort in Niger
Zinder (Region)
Ort in Afrika

Sassoumbroum


Æðplöntur (latína: Tracheophyta; enska: Vascular plants) eða háplöntur eru hópur plantna sem eiga það sameiginlegt að hafa trjákennda vatnsflutningsvefi með ligníni. Æðplöntur hafa líka sáldvef sem sér um að flytja ljóstillífunarafurðir um plöntuna.

Æðplöntur eru stærsti hópur plantna með um 300.000 þekktar tegundir. Meðal núlifandi æðplantna eru blómplöntur, berfrævingar, burknar, elftingar og jafnar.

Sumar frumstæðar plöntur, t.d. Rhyniophyta, höfðu æðstrengi sem ekki voru fullmótaðir. Þær teljast til æðplantna en til að greina þær frá hefur vísindaheitið Eutracheophyta verið notað yfir æðplöntur þar sem þær þróunarfræðilega elstu hafa verið greindar frá.

Tilvísanir

Plöntur

Æðplöntur


Identitetsloven, identitetsprincippet eller de uskelnelige størrelsers identitet er et logisk princip, som påpeger, at objekter ikke kan være numerisk forskellige på samme tid med at dele identiske kerneegenskaber.

Med andre ord påpeger princippet, at selv-identiske objekter må være uadskillelige fra dem selv. De må, så længe man opfatter dem som værende individuelle objekter, være dem selv uden også at være adskilte fra dem selv.

Identitetsloven er et af de tre klassiske grundprincipper inden for logikken. De to andre er henholdsvis den udelukkede midte og kontradiktionsprincippet.

Traditionelt set anses Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz for at være den første der formulerede identitetsloven. Dette skete i Diskurs om Metafysik, der er en afhandling, hvor Leibnitz formulerer sine tanker om forudsætningerne for det værende.

Identitetsloven er tæt forbundet med et andet princip, som Leibniz formulerede i samme værk, kaldt 'Leibniz' lov' eller 'de identiske størrelsers uskelnelighed'. Dette princip påpeger omvendt, at objekter, der både fremstår numerisk forskellige og på samme tid har identiske kerneegenskaber, må være en og samme ting.

For at forstå hvad der menes med dette, så kan man se på Superman og Klark Kent (Supermans alter ego): Der er en numerisk forskel på de to, men begge har identiske kerneegenskaber og er, som et resultat af dette, én og samme person.

En opsummeret forskel på de to principper kan ses på denne måde:
 Identitetsloven hævder, at numerisk forskellighed indbefatter kvalitativ forskellighed.
 Leibniz' lov hævder, at kvalitativ forskellighed indbefatter numerisk forskellighed.

Se også
 Argumentationsteori

Referencer

Logik

Identitetsloven