Milo Đukanović (, ; born 15 February 1962) is a Montenegrin politician who served as the President of Montenegro from 2018 to 2023, previously serving in the role from 1998 to 2002. He also served as the Prime Minister of Montenegro (1991–1998, 2003–2006, 2008–2010 and 2012–2016) and was the long-term president of the Democratic Party of Socialists of Montenegro, originally the Montenegrin branch of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia, which governed Montenegro alone or in a coalition from the introduction of multi-party politics in the early 1990s until its defeat in the 2020 parliamentary election. He is the longest-ruling contemporary politician in Europe, having held key positions in the country for over 33 years. However, he was defeated by the 36-year-old centrist former economy minister, Jakov Milatović, after the presidential run-off held on 2 April 2023.

When Đukanović first emerged on the political scene, he was a close ally of Slobodan Milošević during the anti-bureaucratic revolution (1988–1989) and the dissolution of SFR Yugoslavia (1991–1992). His cabinet actively participated in the siege of Dubrovnik (1991–1992). Đukanović supported Momir Bulatović's agreement on Lord Carrington's terms, which resulted in the 1992 Montenegrin independence referendum, where voters decided to remain in FR Yugoslavia. In 1996, however, Đukanović distanced himself from Milošević and the federal government, abandoning the traditional joint Serbian and Montenegrin vision in favour of Montenegrin nationalism, which supported the state independence and a separate Montenegrin identity. That led to the division of the party and the split of the Bulatović's pro-unionist faction. Shortly afterward, Đukanović defeated Bulatović in the 1997 presidential election by a thin margin. In 1999, he negotiated with Western countries in an attempt to limit airstrikes in Montenegro during the NATO bombing of Yugoslavia, while later Đukanović oversaw the implementation of the Deutsche Mark as the new currency in Montenegro, replacing the Yugoslav dinar.

Following the overthrow of Milošević (2000), he signed an agreement with the new Serbian government that led to the Constitutional Charter of Serbia and Montenegro (2003), which allowed for Montenegrin independence. Three years later, the 2006 independence referendum led to a formal separation from the state union and the proclamation of the new Constitution of Montenegro (2007). Đukanović has pursued NATO and EU accession policy, resulting in Montenegro's NATO membership in 2017. Over the course of his premiership and presidency, he oversaw the privatization of public companies to foreign investors and firms. Several corruption scandals of the ruling party triggered 2019 anti-government protests, while a controversial religion law sparked another wave of protests. For the first time in three decades, in the 2020 parliamentary election, the opposition won more votes than Đukanović's ruling party and its partners.

Some observers have described Đukanović's rule as authoritarian or autocratic, as well as a kleptocracy. His brother Aco Đukanović, the owner of Montenegro's first private bank, had the upper hand in privatisations, while his sister, the lawyer Ana Kolarevic, controlled the judiciary for a long time. DPS clientelist networks dominated all segments of social life, making party membership necessary to start a business or obtain a position in the administration. In 2020, the Freedom House classified Montenegro as a hybrid regime rather than a democracy, mentioning the years of increasing state capture, abuse of power, and strongman tactics employed by Đukanović. He is often described as having strong links to the Montenegrin mafia. Đukanović was listed among the twenty richest world leaders according to the British newspaper The Independent in May 2010, which described the source of his estimated £10 million wealth as "mysterious". In October 2021, Đukanović and his son Blažo were mentioned in Pandora Papers, linking them to two trusts on British Virgin Islands.

Early life
Đukanović was born in Nikšić on 15 February 1962, to Radovan and Stana Đukanović (). His given name is derived from that of a paternal relative who had fought alongside Đukanović's grandfather Blažo during World War I; the name was selected by Đukanović's paternal grandmother. Đukanović's paternal ancestors, members of the Ozrinići tribe who hailed from the village of Čevo, had settled in the Nikšić area following the Battle of Vučji Do in 1876. Prior to the birth of Đukanović's older sister Ana in 1960, Đukanović's father had worked as a judge in Bosnia and Herzegovina, before relocating to Nikšić with his family and taking up residence in the Đukanović family's ancestral village, Rastovac. Đukanović's mother was a nurse. His younger brother Aleksandar Đukanović (Aco) was born in 1965. Đukanović completed his primary and secondary education in Nikšić, before relocating to Titograd to attend Veljko Vlahović University's Faculty of Economics. He graduated in 1986 with a diploma in tourism studies. Đukanović was an avid basketball player in his youth.

Political career

Early activism
In 1979, while still in high school, Đukanović joined the Yugoslav Communist League (SKJ), the only political party allowed by law in the Yugoslavian one-party political system. His father Radovan was already an influential member within the party's Montenegrin branch, which initially opened many doors for him. By 1986, he was a presidency member of Socialist Youth Alliance's (SSO) Montenegrin branch as well as the presidency member of its federal-level parent organization.

As a member of the party's various youth bodies he quickly stood out from the pack, earning a nickname Britva ('Straight razor') for his direct and forceful rhetoric. Progressing steadily up the party ladder, by 1988 Đukanović became a member of the League's highest decision-making body, the Central Committee of the 13th Congress (CK SKJ). It turned out to be the committee's last sitting and he became its youngest member ever.

Within days in January 1989, the trio ousted Miljan Radović, the chairman of the Montenegrin Communist League and Božina Ivanović, the Presidents of the Presidency of Montenegro, replacing them with politically obedient confidants Veselin Vukotić and Branko Kostić, respectively. President of the Executive Council Vuko Vukadinović initially survived the coup d'etat, but within months he was on his way out as well, to be replaced with Radoje Kontić. Đukanović and the others galvanized public opinion within the republic by organizing workers and bussing them to the capital Titograd to protest in front of the Assembly.

First three terms as Prime Minister of Montenegro (1991–1998)
The 1990 Montenegrin parliamentary election in early December resulted in a remarkable victory for the League of Communists of Montenegro, who won 83 parliament seats out of the total 125. On 15 February 1991, Đukanović was, somewhat surprisingly, appointed Prime Minister of the first democratically elected government by President Momir Bulatović and with the blessing of Serbian President Slobodan Milošević.

Later in 1991, the Montenegrin Communist League finished its transformation into the Democratic Party of Socialists of Montenegro (DPS). Đukanović's office was secured after the 1992 parliamentary election. Held in December, they were called early due to the disintegration of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia and the formation of a new state entity, the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. In the elections, the DPS won an absolute majority, 46 seats out of the total 85.

Đukanović's government sent troops to fight seceding Croatia as he opposed the fallout of Yugoslavia caused by Slovenian independence and rebellions in other areas. Đukanović's cabinet actively participated in the siege of Dubrovnik from the autumn of 1991 until spring 1992, which resulted in the city suffering heavy structural damage. The surrounding area of Konavli also suffered due to looting raids. During this period Đukanović was one of the most vociferous hawks in the Montenegrin government. Some of his notable statements from this period include a proclamation about "starting to hate chess because of the šahovnica (the chequerboard Croatian coat-of-arms)".

Đukanović campaigned for the modification of the internal borders of the ex-Yugoslav republics saying: "it's time to once and for all establish the firmest border possible with Croatia, but it will be a border a lot more just and realistic than the existing one that was drawn-up by Bolshevik map makers".

On the domestic political front in 1992, Đukanović became involved in a fierce political clash with the pro-Croatian Montenegrin artist and activist, Jevrem Brković, which resulted in Brković's exile to Croatia, which lasted until 1998. On this occasion, Đukanović stated: "Every smart Montenegrin and every honest man in this land mentions the name of the traitor Jevrem Brković with hatred, who in pure vanity betrayed his people and knowingly spreads anti-Yugoslav speeches across Zagreb, while the Ustašas, again like in 1941, bleed the defenseless Serbian civilians."

Carrington's proposal and crises in 1992
The siege of Dubrovnik had enormous consequences for Yugoslavia's international standing. The European Economic Community invited Lord Carrington and representatives from Yugoslavia to negotiate the Carrington plan on 19 October 1991, in The Hague. Milošević rejected the proposal of a "loose federation of independent states", and preferred a centralized Yugoslavia with institutional powers in Belgrade. However, in open defiance to Milošević, Đukanović supported Momir Bulatović's agreement on Carrington's terms. Yet in a sharp turn, the Narodna Stranka (People's Party) called for an emergency session in the Montenegrin parliament, during which Bulatović was accused of treason. Đukanović defended Bulatović in the parliamentary hearing. As Bulatović's deputy, Đukanović was invited to negotiations with Milošević and Borisav Jović, after which a clause was added to the Carrington proposal such that a republic could decide to stay in Yugoslavia through a referendum. This resulted in the referendum on 1 March 1992, where voters in Montenegro decided to remain in Yugoslavia.

On 6 August 1992, a local warlord named Milika "Čeko" Dačević occupied police headquarters in Pljevlja after a vehicle used by his personal envoy was seized. In what quickly developed into an emergency, over half of the city's police surrendered to Dačević. As a result, Đukanović and Bulatović participated in negotiations with Dobrica Ćosić and Života Panić. One of Dačević's accomplices from Čajniče, Duško Kornjača, threatened to kill all of the Muslims in Pljevlja unless Dačević was released. During the meeting, Đukanović asked whether Montenegro could rely on the Army of Yugoslavia to protect the Muslims in Pljevlja. Đukanović and Bulatović ultimately negotiated the disarmament of Dačević's men. However, Pljevlja's Muslims were subject to multiple incidents up to 1995, particularly in the village of Bukovica where 6 Muslim inhabitants were killed from 1992.

Split from Yugoslav leadership
In November 1995, Đukanović and Svetozar Marović visited the Pentagon at the invitation of the United States, where they allegedly offered the Port of Bar as a logistics venue for international peacekeeping in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The meeting at the Pentagon was criticized by Yugoslavia's ruling parties at the time. The vice-chairman of the Serbian Radical Party, Milinko Gazdić, claimed that his party had proof that Đukanović and Marović were appealing to the United States for Montenegro's eventual secession from Yugoslavia. This did not deter Đukanović from visiting Bill Clinton during his re-election campaign for the 1996 presidential elections in the United States. Some of Đukanović's critics claimed that he discussed donating to Clinton's campaign that year.

Đukanović's communication with Milošević began to deteriorate after a disagreement on how to address the hyperinflation of the Yugoslav dinar in 1993. He then expressed opposition to the Dayton Agreement, which he criticized as being anti-Serb. In what was his most open criticism to date, he publicly blasted Milošević in an interview with the Belgrade weekly Vreme, calling him "a man of obsolete political ideas".

As a war of words erupted with Milošević and his wife Mira, Đukanović wrote a letter of support to the students demonstrating in the 1996–97 protests in Serbia. In a stark contrast, Momir Bulatović refused to attack Milošević. This set the stage for the split between Đukanović and Bulatović, whose partnership had stood remarkably strong up to that point. In spite of the initial disconnect in the DPS leadership, the party overwhelmingly won the 1996 parliamentary election.

On 10 March 1997, after a trip to Washington, D.C. for Montenegro's Trade Mission by the initiative of Ratko Knežević, The Washington Times published a letter allegedly written by Đukanović to congressmen Nick Rahall and Bruce Vento. Congressmen Rahall and Vento had traveled to Belgrade during the student protests, even appearing in a Zajedno opposition meeting. A week after The Washington Times publication, Politika ran the letter on its front page on 18 March, adding the title: "Milo Đukanovic continues endeavoring to break up FR Yugoslavia and Serbia." Even though the letter did not actually mention Montenegrin secession, Đukanović denied writing the letter and said it was a forgery.

Another development which further distanced Đukanović from Milošević and Bulatović was his friendship with Vukašin Maraš, with whom he worked in the Automotive Association of Yugoslavia as a secondary job. On 28 July 1994, customs inspector Pavle Zelić informed the Federal Assembly of Yugoslavia that approximately 4–5 million DM was found in boxes in AMSJ's office, and that he was not given a chance to count the money. In 1997, DT Magazin published a story reporting that the money was a part of a laundering operation involving the importing of cigarettes, whisky, oil, and other scarce goods during the sanctions against Yugoslavia, although most of the report could not be proven with the exception of the fact that the customs had been terminated after an agreement with Montenegrin customs chief Radosav Sekulić, Maraš, Đukanović, and Ana Begović. The AMSJ affair was one of the early points in the breakup of Đukanović's affair with Bulatović.

In a more serious affair, in January 1996, Đukanović and Maraš met with MI6 agent Joseph "Joe" Busby in Hotel Yugoslavia in Belgrade, where the idea of Montenegro declaring independence from the state union with Serbia was first mentioned to a foreign representative.

On at least two occasions, in 1996 and in May 1997, Bulatović requested the resignation of Maraš. Instead, Đukanović kept Maraš as a security assistant to the Ministry of Internal Affairs. Maraš initiated Operation Ljubović, an overnight raid of the Ljubović hotel in Podgorica five days before the 1997 election in which Đukanović ran, incriminating Bulatović's campaign of recruiting racketeers. Those arrested were released after the election and relieved of all charges by 2002.

Bulatović's actual departure from the DPS took place on 11 July 1997, when the DPS GO ("Glavni odbor") committee held a closed doors session, selecting Milica Pejanović-Đurišić to replace Bulatović as the party president. The party split had enormous implications, ultimately setting the stage for a confrontation between Đukanović and Bulatović inevitable. This manifested in the 1997 Montenegrin presidential election held in October, which Đukanović won by a thin margin. Clinton envoy Robert Gelbard testified about meeting Đukanović before and after the election in front of the U.S. Senate during the "Prospects for Democracy in Yugoslavia" hearings on 29 July 1999. Initially demanding greater autonomy, Đukanović and his supporters advocated Montenegrin nationalism, which supported independence and a separate Montenegrin identity. The key point for an active change of policy towards independence is the deprivation of Montenegro's federal rights by the Milošević federal regime.

Presidency during the Kosovo War

Shortly after his inauguration in 1998, Đukanović told Gelbard and some foreign ambassadors about his vision of an independent Montenegro in the Gorica villa. Đukanović said that Gelbard and the ambassadors disagreed with him at the time, as they preferred Đukanović to work with the opposition in Belgrade.

On 24 March 1999, NATO began bombing Yugoslavia. During the bombings, Jean-David Levitte claimed that Đukanović asked Bill Clinton for airstrikes to remove Milošević. Curious about Levitte's claim, Jacques Chirac called Đukanović to ask if the Clinton requests were true. Đukanović told Chirac that "every bomb that fell in Montenegro threatened to weaken my government." Chirac subsequently contacted Clinton and arranged limitations on airstrikes in Montenegro. Shortly after the bombings ceased, Đukanović oversaw the implementation of the Deutsche Mark as the new currency in Montenegro, replacing the Yugoslav Dinar.

In a speech in June 2016, Đukanović told an audience that "1999 was a year of critical importance for the choice of an independent Montenegrin way. That meaning the rejection of the self-destructive war with NATO, and secondly, the implementation of the Deutsche Mark a few months later."

Transition from Yugoslavia

In June 2000, he apologised to Croatia for the Montenegrin participation in the siege of Dubrovnik, saying: "On my own behalf and on behalf of all the citizens of Montenegro I want to apologise to all citizens of Croatia, particularly in Konavli and Dubrovnik for all the pain and material damage inflicted by any member of the Montenegrin people."

After the overthrow of Milošević, Đukanović faced a dilemma as he no longer could use Milošević's international standing to argue for Montenegro's independence from Yugoslavia. In early 2002, Đukanović was subject to an investigation on international cigarette trafficking by the public prosecutor Giuseppe Scelsi of Bari. Simultaneously, he was involved in negotiations ahead of the Belgrade agreement, and Javier Solana tried persuading him to abstain from independence at least temporarily and that Montenegro should remain in Yugoslavia. After the meetings with Solana, Đukanović signed the Belgrade Agreement on 14 March 2002, in addition to the signatures of Filip Vujanović, Zoran Đinđić, Vojislav Koštunica, and Miroljub Labus. The agreement led to the Constitutional Charter of Serbia and Montenegro. It mandated that after a period of three years, Montenegro could hold a referendum on the question of independence. In a bid to prolong his executive powers, Đukanović and Prime Minister Vujanović agreed a job-swap that same year. Đukanović did not run for president in the 2002 election and Vujanović replaced him as the DPS candidate. On 25 November 2002, Đukanović resigned as president, several months before the end of his term, in order to become Prime Minister again. Vujanović, who had resigned as prime minister at the start of the month to become Speaker of the Montenegrin Parliament, was sworn in as acting president. Đukanović took office as prime minister on 8 January 2003. Vujanović succeeded him as president on 22 May 2003.

The 2006 Montenegrin independence referendum resulted in Montenegro declaring independence from the state union with Serbia. After the declaration of independence, Montenegro's Parliament appointed Đukanović as the first Minister of Defense. Đukanović also acted as the president of the National Council for Sustainable Growth, a member of the Council for European Integration, and the president of the Agency for Promotion of Foreign Investment's managing board. After independence had been achieved, Đukanović's brand of Montenegrin nationalism was no longer useful.

Resignation and first retirement (2006–2008)
On 3 October 2006, it was announced that Đukanović was stepping down as prime minister, despite the victory of his Coalition for a European Montenegro in the September 2006 parliamentary election, although he would remain leader of the Democratic Party of Socialists. On 4 October, he endorsed Željko Šturanović as his successor. The choice of Šturanović was considered a compromise between Đukanović and Svetozar Marović, as Đukanović's first candidate was Igor Lukšić, the Minister of Finance.

Đukanović formally ceased to be the Prime Minister on 10 November 2006, as the new Government was elected by Parliament of Montenegro. He cited his reasons for stepping down as "being tired of politics", and wishing to try himself out as a businessman. Đukanović served as a member of Parliament from October 2006 to February 2008. He announced that he might be willing to run in the April 2008 presidential election but eventually decided against it, allowing Vujanović to easily win a second term.

Đukanović headed the proclamation of the new Constitution of Montenegro on 22 October 2007. He received support from almost all DPS municipal boards and committees. Since 2006, Đukanović has opened five private businesses, the latest called Global Montenegro on 25 February 2008, and bought actions in his brother's bank, altogether amassing property worth millions of euros. His other four companies are: Universitas, Capital Invest, Primary Invest, and Select Investments.

Fifth term as prime minister (2008–2010)

On 20 February 2008, President Vujanović nominated Đukanović as prime minister after Šturanović resigned due to illness. He was accordingly elected as prime minister on 29 February 2008. His party won the 2009 parliamentary election.

From 2008, Đukanović's time in the office was marked with advancing EU and NATO integration processes, in which Montenegro mostly went ahead of its neighbors. In the meantime, on 9 October 2008, Montenegro recognized Kosovo's independence, becoming the fourth former Yugoslav republic to recognize Kosovo. In the 2009 parliamentary election, Đukanović's coalition again won a majority of seats.

Montenegro submitted its application for EU membership in December 2008. On 22 July 2009, EU Enlargement Commissioner Olli Rehn handed over the commission's Questionnaire to Đukanović in Podgorica and on 9 December 2009, Đukanović delivered to Rehn Montenegro's replies to the commission's Questionnaire in Brussels. Later that year Montenegro achieved visa liberalisation with the EU. On 1 May 2010, the Stabilisation and Association Agreement (SAA) entered into force. On 17 December 2010, Montenegro became an official EU candidate. As for Montenegro's NATO accession bid, the Allies decided to grant its request to join the Membership Action Plan (MAP) in December 2009.

Resignation and second retirement (2010–2012)
After giving indications he would step down once the European Union granted official candidate status to Montenegro's membership application, which it did on 17 December 2010, Đukanović resigned as prime minister on 21 December 2010. His party's leadership proposed Deputy Prime Minister and Finance Minister Igor Lukšić to lead the new government. Lukšić was confirmed as the new prime minister by the Parliament of Montenegro on 29 December 2010.

Just like when he stepped down last time, Đukanović again retained the DPS party chairmanship. Furthermore, he did not rule out possible future campaigns for public office, including a 2013 run for President of Montenegro or a run for another tenure as prime minister.

Sixth term as prime minister (2012–2016)

After the parliamentary election on 14 October 2012, Đukanović informed President Vujanović that he was capable of forming a government. His cabinet was approved by Parliament on 4 December 2012 and Đukanović returned to the office of Prime Minister on the same day. Together with Viktor Orbán of Hungary, Đukanović was a runner-up to Vladimir Putin for the Organized Crime and Corruption Reporting Project's 2014 "Person of the Year in Organized Crime" award, recognizing "the person who does the most to enable and promote organized criminal activity." He later won the award in 2015.

In 2016, following 2016 Montenegrin parliamentary election, Đukanović retired for a third time and stepped down as Prime Minister. However, he still remained the leader of DPS.

Re-election to presidency (2018)

In 2018, it was announced Đukanović would be his party's candidate for the 2018 presidential election. It was the second time Đukanović ran for president, the last time having been in the controversial 1997 election. He won the election by a large margin, as opposition parties by and large campaigned for independent campaign Mladen Bojanić.

In 2020, the Freedom House reported that years of increasing state capture, abuse of power, and strongman tactics employed by Đukanović have tipped his country over the edge – for the first time since 2003, Montenegro is no longer categorized as a democracy and became a hybrid regime.

2020 election

For the first time in three decades and for the first time since the introduction of multi-party politics in Montenegro, the opposition won more votes than Đukanović's ruling DPS. The OSCE and the ODIHR announced in preliminary findings that the 2020 elections were competitive and held in a highly polarized atmosphere especially regarding issues of church and national identity. They further concluded the election date had not been held in accordance with the Constitution, there had been no independent campaign coverage, and the ruling party had profited unjustifiably through widespread abuse of office and state resources.

On 1 September 2020, Đukanović accused Serbian President Aleksandar Vučić and Belgrade-based media of interfering in the internal politics of Montenegro, as well of alleged trying to revive a "Greater Serbia policy".

Economic policy
Its economic policy is focused on the development of tourism and privatisation. The Tivat shipyard, which was the pride of the Yugoslav navy, was bought by Canadian billionaire Peter Munk after Montenegro's independence and converted into a marina for rich foreigners. The Podgorica aluminium smelter – the country's only major industry – was sold in 2005 to Russian businessman Oleg Deripaska, who also joined forces with British banker Jacob Rothschild and French oligarch Bernard Arnault in a project to build "a new Monaco" on the shores of the Adriatic. Much of the former military land has been sold to investors, including the children of Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev and Egyptian billionaire Samih Sawiris, who are building a luxury complex and residences. Criminal networks have also taken advantage of the frenetic development of tourist activities and invested in hotel, casino and leisure park projects. The Splendid Hotel, the most emblematic of these constructions, hosted the lavish weddings of the children of Montenegro's most powerful "godfather", Branislav Mićunović, in the presence of the country's elites.

Privatisation has encouraged corruption and enriched those close to the government. Thus, according to Milka Tadić Mijović, president of the Centre for Journalistic Investigation, "those at the top take the biggest share of the corruption. Over the past thirty years, most of the state-owned companies have been privatised in a covert way. Ðukanović and his family have become the richest people in the country. His brother Aleksandar, who was unemployed, controls the capital of the largest financial institution in Montenegro, Prva Banka. His sister Ana, who was a judge during the privatisations, owns one of the biggest law firms. A foreign investor who does not want to have problems will be well advised to use the services of this firm.

This policy has also contributed to reinforcing regional disparities and social inequalities. Unemployment rises to 36.6% in the northern part of the country, compared to 3.9% in the coastal region, while a quarter of the population lives below the poverty line (2018).

Timeline
The chart below shows a timeline of the offices held by Đukanović and the Montenegro status. The left bar shows president and all prime ministers terms of Đukanović, and the right bar shows the country status of Montenegro at that time.

Controversies

Allegations of tobacco smuggling
In July 2003, the prosecutor's office in Naples linked Đukanović with an organised crime racket worth billions of euros. Đukanović called a press conference in Podgorica to deny the allegations as a "loathsome political trick", aimed at criminalising him and his country. Djukanovic has long been dogged by suspicions that he was involved in tobacco smuggling in Italy.

On 16 April 2003, the Judge for Preliminary Inquiries in Naples rejected the Antimafia Commission's request for a warrant for Đukanović's arrest, claiming him to be immune from arrest as Prime Minister of Montenegro. The commission had been investigating him for some time, since at least May 2002 and had further requested his arrest as a precautionary measure.

The case was appealed to the Naples Court of Review, which ruled in Đukanović's favor. Besides claiming his immunity, he was described as not socially dangerous as well as ignorant that he was committing crimes. The case was then once again appealed, to the Court of Cassation (Corte di Cassazione). On 28 December 2004, this court ruled in favor of the Antimafia Commission. It argued that as Montenegro was not a sovereign state, Đukanović had no diplomatic immunity.

After the independence referendum, Đukanović's lawyer, Enrico Tuccillo, said that "The referendum has confirmed the premise of the Prime Minister, Milo Đukanović, about the sovereignty of Montenegro: therefore no doubt can now remain about the immunity, granted to heads of state and of government, which Đukanović enjoyed and enjoys."

On 27 March 2008, Đukanović made a low-profile visit to the prosecutor's office in Bari. He was questioned for six-and-a-half hours and answered about 80 prosecutor's questions regarding the accusations against him. On this occasion, Đukanović's lawyer said that he had written evidence proving that, at the time when his client submitted the request to give a statement to the Italian prosecution authorities in Bari, he did not occupy any public office whatsoever and, therefore, had no intention of hiding behind immunity in the first place. In April 2009, the prosecution authorities finally dropped the case against Đukanović.

According to court documents, "Montenegro has been a haven for illegal trafficking, where criminals acted with impunity, while the ports of Bar and Kotor were used as logistic bases for motor boats, with protection which was guaranteed by the government." In December 2009, Francesco Forgione, a former Italian MP who led the Italian Parliament's Anti-Mafia Commission from 2006 to 2008, published a book titled Mafia Export which cited the Montenegrin mafia and Djukanovic as one of the organisers of international cigarette smuggling between 1994 and 2000. By 2000, the illegal trade was worth several billion dollars annually, according to EU and US agencies.

Pandora Papers and malversation
Đukanović was featured in the Pandora Papers, a leak of financial documents which were published in early October 2021. It was reported that Đukanović and his son Blažo have been passing money to offshore accounts since 2012, when they established secret asset management agreements behind a network of companies in more than five countries. He and his son established two trusts namely the Victoria Trust and Capecastel Trust. Đukanović admitted that he founded Victoria Trust while he was not a public office holder, that he had no business transactions or open bank accounts, and he claimed that at the end of the year, he transferred the ownership of his trust to Blažo. Đukanović's cabinet also stated that this leak is "a part of series of attempts to discredit Đukanović and his family members" and that the trusts only existed "on paper". Similar to this case, Đukanović previously denied owning businesses in other countries.

Prime Minister Zdravko Krivokapić called for investigation of Đukanović's family, while the Foreign Affairs Minister Đorđe Radulović commented on this situation by saying that "Đukanović misused his diplomatic passport when opening his private companies". Đukanović was also mentioned in an money laundering affair in which Rezart Taçi intervened with Đukanović for a transfer from the "president's bank".

Smears against journalists
Đukanović has a track record of attacking critical journalists and media outlets, smearing them as a "media mafia", claiming they are linked to organised crime, and calling them "rats", "monsters", "enemies of the state".

Anti-government riots

In 2015, the investigative journalists' network OCCRP has named Milo Đukanović "Person of the Year in Organized Crime". The extent of Đukanović's corruption led to street demonstrations and calls for his removal.

Several thousand protesters demanding the resignation of Milo Đukanović and the formation of an interim government marched in the centre of the capital Podgorica on the evening of 25 October 2015. Montenegrin police fired tear gas at opposition supporters, while chasing away the demonstrators with armored vehicles.

Sandžak
Muamer Zukorlić stated that Milo Đukanović previously promised that Bosniaks will have their autonomy within Montenegro, but that he went on to break their deal and that therefore his "conscience is not clear".

Religion law

As of December 2019 Montenegrin parliament proclaimed a controversial religion law which de jure transfers the ownership of church buildings and estates from the Serbian Orthodox Church in Montenegro to the Montenegrin state. In February 2020 Đukanović called the citizens protesting against the newly proclaimed religion law "a lunatic movement". The religion law is seen as a major factor in Đukanović and the DPS' defeat during the 2020 elections.

Cetinje enthronement crisis

After it was announced that the enthronement ceremony of Joanikije Mićović of the Serbian Orthodox Church as the Metropolitan of Montenegro and the Littoral would be held in Cetinje, the Church's  ecclesiastical seat, on 5 September 2021, Đukanović called for the ceremony to be held elsewhere and stated that he would be present at the protest that day unless this was done. On 26 August, he chaired a session of the Defence and Security Council with all top officials of Montenegro attending. The Council session addressed the "security challenges caused by the announced enthronement of the Metropolitan of Montenegro and the Littoral" and urged "all socio-political actors" to keep peace and respect the Constitution and laws. On 4 September, on the eve of the scheduled enthronement, Đukanović arrived in the town of Cetinje along with some of his DPS colleagues. Both the Metropolitan and the Patriarch were flown to Cetinje by helicopter and then led into the monastery by heavily armed riot police holding bulletproof vests over their bodies to protect them, as riot police used tear gas to disperse protesters who hurled rocks and bottles at them and fired guns into the air. No fewer than 20 people were injured and police arrested more than a dozen people, including the security advisor to Đukanović, Veselin Veljović.

Following the enthronement, Đukanović, called it the government's Pyrrhic victory and "a great embarrassment of the Serbian Church and the government of Montenegro"; he later elaborated saying that the enthronement came as another one in a series of episodes in the renewed offensive of Serbian nationalism on Montenegro, the Krivokapić administration being "in the service of the Church of Serbia, which is an instrument for implementing the "Greater Serbia project", the official state policy of Belgrade". Montenegrin officials accused Đukanović and his party of an "attempted coup" following the riots. On 22 September, the Montenegrin parliament launched an inquiry to the Constitutional Court to rule if Đukanović had violated constitutional articles by backing the protesters. The Constitutional Court ultimately judged him not guilty on 4 February 2022.

Honours and awards
 Albanian National Flag Order received on 12 July 2016.
 Collar of the National Order of Merit of Paraguay on 23 December 2018.
 Grand Cross of the Order of San Marino received on 4 March 2022.

See also
List of youngest state leaders since 1900

References

Bibliography

External links

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1962 births
Secretaries of the Presidency of the Central Committee of the League of Communists of Montenegro
Members of the Central Committee of the 13th Congress of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia
Democratic Party of Socialists of Montenegro politicians
League of Communists of Montenegro politicians
Living people
Politicians from Nikšić
Presidents of Montenegro
Prime Ministers of Montenegro
University of Montenegro Faculty of Economics alumni
Montenegrin independence activists
Montenegrin nationalists
People named in the Pandora Papers
Defence ministers of Montenegro
21st-century Montenegrin politicians

Milo Đukanović


Ana Whiterose (5 de fevereiro de 2001) é uma cantora e escritora suíça.

Biografia
Anastacia Gaillard nasceu em 5 de fevereiro de 2001, em Montreux na Suíça. Seu pai é suíço-italiano, e sua mãe é russa.

O primeiro sucesso musical de Ana Whiterose ocorreu durante a competição Kids Voice Tour em 2016, onde ela chegou até às finais.

Carreira
Em 2019, Ana assinou com a gravadora independente suíça The Hana Road Music Group. No mesmo ano, ela lançou seu primeiro single "Behind the Moon". Ela entrou na parada de rádio suíça #62 e se tornou a "Canção do Dia" em uma das maiores estações de rádio suíças SRF3 .

O single "Wanted to Tell You" chamou a atenção da imprensa como o Cosmopolitan e OK!. o que a fez ser divulgada amplamente na mídia.

Em 2021 O videoclipe de Ana Whiterose para seu single "Breaking" ganhou exibições de prata no Berlin Music Video Awards 2021. Os seguintes artistas foram incluídos na mesma categoria: Alan Walker, David Guetta, Divulgação e muitos outros.

Discografia

Pessoas vivas
Nascidos em 2001
Cantoras da Suíça

Ana Whiterose


Anthony Michael Georgiou (født 24. februar 1997) er en cypriotisk fodboldspiller der spiller for Tottenham Hotspur.

Eksterne henvisninger

Fodboldspillere fra Tottenham Hotspur F.C.

Anthony Georgiou


Finski bejzbol (fin. pesäpallo, često zvan i pesis) je momčadski šport u kojemu se loptica udara palicom. Osnovni cilj igre je postići što više bodova (eng. run). Bod (run) se postiže protrčavanjem kroz tri baze (fin. pesä) kretanjem po redu od prve, preko druge do treće i konačne "kućne" baze. Finski bejzbol bio je demonstracijski šport na XV. Olimpijskim igrama u Helsinkiju 1952. godine. Šport se smatra nacionalnim športom u Republici Finskoj.

Povijest

Šport je osmislio finski sportaš Lauri Pihkala - Tahko dvadesetih godina dvadesetog stoljeća tako što je bio inspiriran američkim bejzbolom. Kroz godine, šport se je mijenjao i postajao sve popularniji. Dokaz popularnosti športa izvan Finske je taj da se svakih par godina održava svjetsko prvenstvo na kojemu se uz Finsku natječu Indija, Švicarska, Švedska, Australija (uz nju i reprezentacija Južne Australije), Njemačka, Estonija, SAD, Japan i Nepal. Prvo svjetsko prvenstvo održalo se 1992. godine u Helsinkiju, a na svakom prvenstvu do sad prvak je bila Finska.

Oprema

Lopta
Lopta ima opseg između 215 i 225 milimetara. Masa lopte za muške utakmice je između 155 i 165 grama. Masa lopte za ženske utakmice je između 130 i 140 grama. Masa lopte za dječje utakmice je između 90 i 100 grama.

Palica
Palica mora biti prekrivena materijalima poput plastike, tekstilne vrpce ili sličnog proizvoda zbog ojačavanja same palice.

Rukavica
Rukavicu koja je odobrena od strane PPL-a (Finskog saveza finskog bejzbola) mogu koristiti fielding igrači da lakše uhvate i kontroliraju loptom. Korištenje neke druge vrste opreme za hvatanje lopte nije dozvoljeno.

Kaciga
Zaštitna kaciga koja je odobrena od strane PPL-a mora biti korištena u službenim utakmicama u kojima se igra loptom za muške utakmice. Pitcher (hrv. bacač) i outfielderi obrambene ekipe ne moraju nositi kacigu. Svi ostali fielderi, batter (hrv. udarač) i runneri (hrv. trkači) moraju nositi kacigu. U službenim utakmicama u kojima se igra loptom za ženske utakmice svi infielderi, batter (hrv. udarač) i runneri (hrv. trkači) moraju nositi kacigu. Kada igrač/ica ne nosi kacigu kada je to propisano bit će kažnjen/a. U slučaju obrambenog igrača: prvi puta dobiva se obavijest, a svako sljedeće kršenje pravila bit će upozoreno. U slučaju napadačkog igrača/ice: njegovi/njeni postupci u igri bit će poništeni i protiv ekipe bit će dosuđen tehnički out. Napadački igrač/ica mora pravilno nositi kacigu prije korištenja palice (prije nego pitcher (hrv. bacač) je ostvario pravo bacanja). Ako kaciga nenamjerno padne s glave, runner (hrv. trkač) može nastaviti igru sve dok nije postigao svoj konačni cilj.

Glavno pravilo koje se odnosi na opremu
Potrebno je da glavni sudac zabrani korištenje bilo kakve opreme koja krši pravila, te one koja je bila bitno izmijenjena ili koja se smatra potencijalno opasnom.

Pravila

Teren

Teren za igranje finskog bejzbola jedna je od stvari u kojem se šport razlikuje od američkog bejzbola. Plate (hrv. ploča) je tvrda kružna ploča s debljinom između 3 i 5 centimetara i promjera od 60 centimetara. Gornja površina ploče mora biti jednako vodoravna i podignuta između 3 i 5 centimetara i promjera od 60 centimetara. Ploča mora biti čvrsto fiksirana u zemlju. Prednji luk home base-a (hrv. kućne baze) može biti opremljen lučno oblikovanom pločom izrađenom od šperploče. Lučna ploča mora biti udubljena u zemlju do njene razine. Granica kućne baze na strani terena je ravna crta. Sigurnost napadačkog igrača, kao i položaj obrambenog igrača na kućnoj bazi odlučeno je po ravnoj crti baze. Prednji luk samo se primjenjuje za utvrđivanje pravilnosti udarca: udarac kod kojeg se prvo dotakne prednji luk ili područje terena između luka i crte kućne baze je foul. Područje terena sadrži kućnu bazu i područje koje ju okružuje uključujući uzdužne linije i stražnju liniju. Područje treba biti okruženo sa svih strana s otvorenim prostorom od najmanje 10 metara širine. Svaka baza na terenu ima svoju vlastitu sigurnu zonu. Granične crte moraju biti nacrtane gašenim vapnom, kredom ili nekim drugim očito vidljivim (bijelim) materijalom. Širina graničnih crta je 10 centimetara. Sučevo područje je sigurno područje prve baze.

Ekipe
Ekipe se sastoje od najviše dva trenera i najviše dvanaest igrača, od kojih devet mogu biti aktivni tijekom obrane. Tijekom napada, devet igrača i dodatni batteri (hrv. udarači) (tzv. džokeri) mogu sudjelovati u igri. Ekipa može koristiti tri različita džokera kao udarače tijekom svakog napada.

Trajanje
Jedna utakmica se sastoji od dva poluvremena, a svako poluvrijeme ima četiri inninga (hrv. izmjena). Poluvrijeme je završeno kada jedna ekipa odnese pobjedu u istom. Pobjeda u poluvremenu se postiže tako da jedna ekipa postigne više runova kada je u napadu. Ako svaka ekipa odnese pobjedu u jednom poluvremenu, igra se odlučuje tako da se ide u produžetke, tj. u dodatno poluvrijeme koje se sastoji od jednog inninga i ako je potrebno posebnog raspucavanja. Tijekom jednog inninga obadvije ekipe izmjenjuju igranje napada (eng. batting) i obrane (eng. fielding).

Obrana i napad
Obrambena ekipa ima devetero igrača na terenu. Napadačka ekipa može koristiti tri džokera (označene udarače) tijekom jednog half-inninga (polovice jednog inninga) uz devetero igrača koji su u regularnom redu udaranja. Napadačka ekipa može nastaviti udarati sve dok tri igrača nisu izbačena ili sve dok je jedna runda udaranja završena bez najmanje dva osvojena runa.

Udarač i bacač se sastaju na kućnoj bazi na suprotnim stranama kružne ploče. Pravilno bacanje je kada se lopta baci izravno iznad ploče na visinu od najmanje jedan metar preko glave bacača.

Udarač ima pravo na tri strikea kod svojeg nastupa s palicom. Fair hit (hrv. valjani udarac) ga ne prisiljava da napreduje jer on može iskoristiti sva tri strikea dok nastupa s palicom prije nego što postane trkač. Bacanje se računa kao strike ako udarač zamahne palicom na loptu ili ako glavni sudac dosudi da je bacanje pravilno. Ako bacač pruži loše bacanje lopte, udarač ima pravo na hodanje do prve baze samo ako je teren prazan. Ako nema trkača na terenu, spomenuti trkač može hodati do sljedeće baze za drugo loše bacanje. Loše bacanje je dosuđeno ako lopta ne padne na ploču, ako je lopta prenisko bačena ili ako bacač učini nešto što nije prema pravilima.

Udarac je foul ako lopta prvo dodirne tlo terena izvan granica. Udarač ili trkači ne mogu napredovati dalje na foul udarcu. Ako fielderi dobiju kontrolu nad loptom prije nego ona dotakne tlo terena, udarac je uhvaćen i svi trkači koji su pokušali napredovati dalje su uhvaćeni. Igrači koji su uhvaćeni su maknuti s terena, ali se ne računaju kao outsi.

Nakon što udarač postane trkač, on mora pokušati sigurno doći do prve baze. Trkač sigurno dolazi na bazu tako što dodirne prostor baze prije nego što je lopta bačena fielderu na bazi. Ako lopta dođe prva do baze, trkač je onda izbačen s terena. Udarač je isto izbačen ako je njegov treći strike foul udarac. Trkač na bazi je prisiljen napredovati dalje ako sljedeći trkač sigurno stigne na istu bazu.

Napadačka ekipa osvaja bod (run) kada se trkač sigurno vrati na kućnu bazu nakon što je prošao kroz sve tri field baze. Ako udarač napreduje do treće baze na svojem fair (hrv. pravilnom) udarcu osvaja home run. On tada može ostati na trećoj bazi i pokušati osvojiti bod opet kao obični trkač tako što će doći na kućnu bazu kasnije tijekom igre.

Izvori

Vanjske poveznice
 Službene stranice Finskog saveza finskog bejzbola
 Službene stranice Superpesis lige
 Službene stranice Švicarskog saveza finskog bejzbola
 Službene stranice Indijskog saveza finskog bejzbola

Športovi
Šport u Finskoj

Finski bejzbol


Lana Škrgatić (Zagreb, 9. studenog 1980.), umjetničkog imena Lana.S, je hrvatska glazbenica, multiinstrumentalistica, kantautorica i glazbena pedagogica. Pofesorica je glazbene kulture i dramske umjetnosti u Američkoj međunarodnoj školi u Zagrebu. Školovala se u Londonu na Purcell School of Music i u Glasgowu na Royal Scottish Academy of Music and Drama. Osnivačica je ženskog glazbenog sastava C.U.R.E., povremena članica grupe Crvena jabuka te nekadašnja članica rock skupine Zabranjeno pušenje.

Životopis
Škrgatić je rođena i odrasla u Zagrebu, a školovala se u Ujedinjenom Kraljevstvu. S pet navršenih godina krenula je u dječji zbor Trešnjevački mališani, a njen talent ubrzo je prepoznao voditelj skupine te joj povjerio solo izvedbu pjesme "Bubamaro", koja je objavljena na albumu "Mi smo djeca vesela" 1987. godine.

Počela je svirati klavir sa šest godina, a s 11 godina odlazi u London gdje dobiva stipendiju za glazbenu školu/internat The Purcell School of Music, te tamo ostaje do kraja mature. U to vrijeme bila je flautistica u orkestru London Youth Orchestra (1997. – 1999). Godine 1998. je osvojila je prvo mjesto na klaviru na glazbenom natjecanju North London Music Competition. Sljedeće godine u Londonu igra ulogu Nensi u mjuziklu "Oliver Twist".
S 18 godina (1999.) dobiva stipendiju za glazbenu akademiju The Royal Scottish Academy of Music and Drama u Glasgowu. Za vrijeme studija svirala je flautu u Glasgow Royal Academy Orchestra. Diplomirala je 2003. godine.

Nakon studija, Škrgatić se vraća u Zagreb i angažira se u zboru Kazališta Komedija. U kolovozu 2005. godine počinje raditi kao profesorica glazbene kulture u Američkoj međunarodnoj školi u Zagrebu.

Od 2005-2015 gradi svoju karijeru u školi, vodi mnoge predstave i suraduje s raznim sastavima i u glazbenim prokektima.

U rujnu 2015. godine Škrgatić postaje članica sarajevske rock skupine Zabranjeno pušenje u kojoj svira saksofon, flautu, klavijature i pjeva prateći vokal. Kao članica Pušenja prvi put se pojavila u video spotu za pjesmu "Klasa optimist", s albuma "Radovi na cesti" (2013.), koji je prikazan u ljeto 2016. godine. Škrgatić daje svoje doprinos angažmanom na jedanaestom studijskom albumu Šok i nevjerica (2018.). U studenom 2019. godine Škrgatić napušta Zabranjeno pušenje i počinje raditi na svojem samostalnom projektu Lana.S, suraduje s grupom Crvena jabuka i nastavlja voditi ženski glazbeni sastav C.U.R.E. U ožujku 2021, Škrgatić potpisuje ugovor s diskografakom kućom Croatia Records.

Diskografija
Zabranjeno pušenje
 Šok i nevjerica (2018.)
 Live in Skenderija Sarajevo 2018 (2022.)

Crvena jabuka
Nocturno (2020)

Izvori

Članovi sastava Zabranjeno pušenje
Hrvatski pijanisti
Hrvatski rock-glazbenici
Hrvatski klavijaturisti
Životopisi, Zagreb

Lana Škrgatić


Beat Kuşağı New York'ta bir araya gelen ve daha sonra batı yakası kardeşliğine katılan bir grup Amerikan şairleri ve yazarlarından oluşmuştur. Bu hareket 1950 ve 60'lı yıllarda belirgin hale gelmiştir. Beat Kuşağı doğaçlama, tutkulu diyalog, açık cinsellik ve uyuşturucu deneyimleriyle ilgilenmiştir. Çalışmaları bunlara yansımış ve sonrasında yerleşik edebi dergilere sızmaya başlamıştır. Beat Kuşağının post modern edebiyata etkisi yadsınamaz. 1950'li yıllarda konformist bir hayatı yücelten ABD toplumunun değerlerine karşı olan bu yazarların en önemlilerinden biri olarak kabul edilen Jack Kerouac aynı zamanda "Beat Kuşağı" terimini de öneren ilk isimdir.

Beat Kuşağının Tarihsel Kökenleri

29 Bunalımı sürecinde, demiryolu inşaatlarında çalışan işçiler, demiryolları bittikten sonra yeni işler bulma amacıyla kaçak olarak bindikleri trenlerle Amerika'yı bir uçtan uca dolaşmaya başladılar. 29 Bunalımının getirdiği ekonomik küçülmeden ötürü,o dönemde ancak geçici ve karın tokluğuna, çiftliklerde iş bulunabiliyordu. Hayatta kalmak için sürekli eyalet değiştirerek, farklı hasat dönemlerine yetişmek gerekliydi. Bu mevsimlik işçiler, öyküleriyle Beat Kuşağının esin kaynağı oldular. Amaçsız demiryolu yolculukları geleneğinin ilk izleri Jack London eserlerinde görülür.

Beat Kuşağı'nın ortaya çıkışı, sonu gelmeyen yolculuklara ve yer değiştirmelere dayanır. 1940'larda, New York'taki Columbia Üniversitesi'nde bir edebi toplulukta tanışan bir grup öğrenci, Büyük Bunalım sonrası işsizlerin demiryollarına düşmesi gibi amaçsızca otostopla Amerika'yı dolaşmaya başladı. Gittikleri her eyalette yeni insanlarla tanıştılar ve adı henüz konulmasa da sisteme, geleneğe ve alışıldık yaşam biçimlerine muhalif bir kitle oluşmaya başladı. New York merkez olmak üzere, Denver ve San Francisco'da toplandılar. Grup içerisinde sanatın çok farklı dallarıyla ilgilenenler varsa da, Beat Kuşağı en çok edebiyat alanındaki çalışmalarıyla öne çıkacaktı. Jack Kerouac'ın Yolda romanı ve Allen Ginsberg'in Uluma şiiri dönemin en çok tanınan eserleri oldu. Beat Kuşağı'nın sanatta hiçbir akıma doğrudan bağlanmadığı görülebilir. Sanatsal üretim teknikleri olarak, popüler biçimleri kullanmazlar. Beat romanlarının ortaya çıkar çıkmaz büyük tepkiyle karşılanıp sansürlenmesi, uyandırdıkları dehşetten kaynaklanmıştır. Beat Kuşağı yazarlarının ve şairlerinin ilk eserleri, alışılmadık üsluplarından ve içeriklerinden ötürü sansürlendiler. 1950'li yıllarda bu nedenle onlarca dava açıldı, birçok eser ancak büyük oranda sansürlendikten sonra yayımlanabildi.

Beat Kuşağı'nın felsefi açıdan özünü varoluşçulukta bulmaktayız. Dostoyevski, Nietzsche, Kafka, Heidegger, Sartre, Camus gibi isimler düşünsel alanda bu fikirleri ilk işleyenler oldular. 20. yüzyılın dinmek bilmeyen bunalımları ve iki dünya savaşı, adı koyulamayan bir şeyin ortaya çıkmasına neden olmuştu. "yabancılaşma", "özgürleşme" ve "bulantı" gibi sözcüklerle tanımlanabilecek bu şey, Beat Kuşağı'nda sonsuz "yaşam coşkusu" olarak vücut bulacaktı.

60'lı Yıllarda Beat Kuşağı

1960'lara girilirken Beat Hareketi, Amerikan yer altı gençliğinin öncüsü haline gelmiş ve müzikten sinemaya, şiirden romana her alanda etkisini göstermeye başlamıştı. 60'ların öne çıkan müzisyenleri Beat Kuşağı'ndan ciddi anlamda etkilendiler. The Doors, Bob Dylan, The Rolling Stones, The Beatles, Pink Floyd gibi gruplar yaptıkları deneysel çalışmalarla Beat Kuşağı'nın gelenek yıkıcı-muhalif karakterinin müzikteki temsilcileri oldular. Mülkiyetsizlik-aidiyetsizlik gibi değerleri merkezine koyan hippiler doğrudan Beat Kuşağı'nın derin etkisi altındaydılar. Amerika'daki 68 hareketleri de eylem pratiğinde Beat Kuşağı'nın tavrına yakın bir duruş sergilemektedir.

Beatnikler, Buda'yı ve meditasyonu Amerika'ya tanıttılar. Hayatın monoton ilişki setlerini sürdürmekten ibaret hale geldiği ve bireyin üretim ilişkilerinin devamlılığını sağlama adına bir araç haline getirildiği bir sistemde, psikolojik anlamda büyük yıkımların görülmesi kaçınılmazdı. Zenginleşen Amerika'da alım gücü ne denli yükselse de Amerikalılar, pembe bir düşün parçası olmadıklarını; maddi alım gücünün mutluluğu satın almaya yetmediğini anlamaya başlamışlardı. Beat Kuşağının gençlik üzerindeki büyük etkisi bu arayıştan doğmaktadır. Beatnikler, gençliği özgürleştirdiler ve insanları kurgulanmış yaşam biçimlerinin ötesine davet ettiler. 60'ların ikinci yarısında on binlerce gencin akın akın Hindistan'a doğru yola çıkması, Batı'nın sıkıcı sınırlarından topluca kaçış anlamına geliyordu ve başkaldırının doğrudan eyleme dönüşmüş biçimiydi. Bu dönemde Jim Morrison "Dünyayı istiyoruz, hemen şimdi istiyoruz" diyerek, arayışın ne denli büyük olduğunu göstermekte ve daha fazla beklenemeyeceğini ifade etmektedir.

Beat Kuşağı ve Yol
Beat Kuşağı yazarları ve şairleri, alışıldık edebiyatçıların ötesinde bir kişiliğe sahiptiler. Onlar için edebiyat hareket halindeyken, yolda üretilen bir şeydi. İçlerinde bazıları ise bir şeyler yazmak yerine hayatlarını romanlara yaklaştırmayı tercih ettiler. Bir Beat gibi yaşayan Jim Morrison da 27'sine dek yapılabilecek her türlü çılgınlığı yaparak ölümü kucaklamayı seçer. Peki "yol" neden Beat Kuşağı için böylesine kutsal bir anlam kazanmıştır? Bunun birkaç nedeni vardır. Yol, sonu gelmeyen arayışın simgesidir ve Beat Kuşağının felsefi özü olan Zen, dinamik meditasyon yöntemleriyle bu anlamı bulma üzerine kuruludur. Oysa anlam bir hedef olamaz. Anlam arayışın kendisindedir. Bu coşku onları Kuzey Afrika'ya, Viyana'ya, İstanbul'a, Uzakdoğu'ya, Paris'e ve dünyanın en uç köşelerine dek götürür.

Başlıca Beat Kuşağı Eserleri

Jack Kerouac'ın Yolda (On the Road, 1957) ve Zen Kaçıkları (Dharma Bums, 1958), Allen Ginsberg'in Uluma (Howl, 1956) ve William S. Burroughs'un Çıplak Şölen (Naked Lunch, 1959) adlı eserleri bu akımın ilk ve önemli yapıtlarındandır.

Kuşağın yazarlarının seçilmiş metinlerinin yer aldığı Beat Kuşağı Antolojisi ve Allen Ginsberg'in Uluma (Howl, 1956) 6.45 Yayın ve Sel Yayınları ortak basımıyla çıkmıştır.

Kaynakça

Dış bağlantılar
 Beat Kuşağıyla ilgili edebi ve tarihsel içerikli Türkçe site

Beat Kuşağı


Matvey Matveyevich Gusev () ( in Vyatka, Russia– in Berlin, Germany) was a Russian astronomer who worked at Pulkovo Observatory near St. Petersburg from 1850 to 1852 and then at Vilnius Observatory.

In 1860 he founded the first scientific journal dedicated to math and physics in Russia: Vestnik matematicheskikh nauk (). He became the director of the Vilnius Observatory in 1865.

He was first to prove the non-sphericity of the Moon, concluding in 1860 that it is elongated in the direction of the Earth. He is considered one of the pioneers in using photography in astronomy, having taken pictures of the moon and the sun - including sunspots - while at the Vilnius observatory.

He died in Berlin, Germany in 1866. A major crater on Mars is named Gusev crater after him, and it is famed as the landing site of the Mars Exploration Rover Spirit.

References

1826 births
1866 deaths
Astronomers from the Russian Empire
Russian scientists

Matvey Gusev


H.C. Ørsted Gymnasiet er et teknisk gymnasium (HTX) med fokus på teknologi og naturvidenskab. Gymnasiet blev etableret i 2015 og er en sammenlægning af Ballerup Tekniske Gymnasium, Frederiksberg Tekniske Gymnasium og Lyngby Tekniske Gymnasium. Gymnasiets navn er inspireret af den danske naturvidenskabsmand H.C. Ørsted.

Afdelinger
De tre afdelinger er alle en del af Technical Education Copenhagen.

Kongens Lyngby
H.C. Ørsted Gymnasiet i Kongens Lyngby er med sine ca. 750 elever den største af de tre afdelinger og tilbyder ti forskellige studieretninger.

Ballerup
Gymnasiet i Ballerup er den mindste af de tre HTX-afdelinger. Gymnasiet har ca. 300 elever og tilbyder seks forskellige studieretninger.

Frederiksberg
H.C. Ørsted Gymnasiet på Frederiksberg har ca. 400 elever. Gymnasiet Vi arbejder bl.a. sammen med Niels Bohr Instituttet.

Studieretninger på H.C. Ørsted Gymnasiet
 Kommunikation/it A med design B, samfundsfag B eller matematik A: Målrettet kommunikation, PR og branding, billedbehandling, filmproduktion, copyright og sociale medier
 Kommunikation/it A og programmering B
 Matematik A og programmering B: Net-sprog, fri software, matematiske modeller og eksperimenter, innovation, algoritmer og spiludvikling
 Bioteknologi A og matematik A: Differentialligninger, biologiske systemer, DNA-forskning, stamceller, genmodificering og ølbrygning
 Bioteknologi A og idræt B
 Matematik A og fysik A: Atomfysik, analytisk mekanik, DNS's helixstruktur, Newton og Einsteins verdensbilleder, videnskabshistorie og paradigmer
 Teknologi A og design B: Innovation, kroppen, designprocesser, sundhed og fødevarer, idéudvikling, kommunikation, form og funktion
 Matematik A og kemi A: Miljø, energi, kemi i lægemidler, kroppen, produkter og naturen
 Matematik A og geovidenskab A: Vejr og klima, jordens udviklingsprocesser og historie, natur- og samfundsmæssige faktorer og vandreressourcer

Teknikfag
Afdelingen i Lyngby udbyder 5 forskellige Teknikfag, som er projektbaserede A fag, der gennemføres på et enkelt år.

 Digital Design og Udvikling (DDU)
 Byggeri og energi (Byg)
 El og energi (El)
 Proces (PLS)
 Træ: Faget minder om Byggeri og energi, og er specielt for afdelingen, som er det eneste sted, der udbyder gymnasiefaget.

Tekniske gymnasier i Danmark
Uddannelsesinstitutioner i København
Gymnasiet
Etableret i 2015

H.C. Ørsted Gymnasiet


Abrucena , İspanya'nın on yedi özerk bölgesinden en kalabalık ikinci bölge olan Endülüs'e bağlı; İspanya'nın güneyinde bulunan Almería eyaletine bağlı belediye. 2009 yılındaki nüfusu; 1,341 kişidir.

Nüfus

Kaynak: INE (Spain)

Dış bağlantılar
  Abrucena - Diputación Provincial de Almería

Abrucena


An Bambusa concava in uska species han Liliopsida nga ginhulagway ni Wan Tao Lin. An Bambusa concava in nahilalakip ha genus nga Bambusa, ngan familia nga Poaceae.

Mabibilngan ini ha Hainan. Waray hini subspecies nga nakalista.

Mga kasarigan

Bambusa

Bambusa concava


Die Isla de las Muñecas ( für Insel der Puppen oder Puppeninsel) ist eine Insel in Mexiko-Stadt. Auf der gesamten Insel sind Hunderte verstümmelte Spielzeugpuppen in den Bäumen aufgehängt. Sie sollten ursprünglich den Geist eines Mädchens vertreiben, das angeblich nahe der Insel ertrunken war. Heute ist die gruselige Insel eine Touristenattraktion.

Lage
Früher befand sich im Süden des Kerns der heutigen Mexiko-Stadt ein flacher endorheischer See, der Lago de Xochimilco, der die ursprüngliche Heimat des Axolotls war. Er wurde durch Entwässerungsmaßnahmen weitgehend trockengelegt. Das Gebiet ist heute ein Netz von Kanälen im Stadtbezirk Xochimilco, circa 23 Kilometer von der Stadtmitte entfernt, und die aus dem See entstandene Moorlandschaft ist ein Naturschutzgebiet.

Die Landstücke zwischen den Kanälen bilden unzählige kleine Inseln, die nur durch schmale Wasseradern voneinander getrennt sind. Eine dieser Inseln, etwa in der Form eines Dreiecks von rund 150 Metern Seitenlänge, wird die Isla de las Muñecas genannt. Bis zur touristischen Erschließung seit Ende der 1990er-Jahre war sie bis auf eine Person unbewohnt.

Die Erschaffung des Puppenkultes

Einziger Bewohner der Insel war bis zu seinem Tod 2001 der Blumenzüchter und Fischer Julián Santana Barrera. Seinen Erzählungen nach ist vor dem Ufer der Insel 1951 ein kleines Mädchen ertrunken. Ihre Leiche wurde auf die Insel gespült und von Santana gefunden. Er geriet in Panik und fühlte sich ab diesem Zeitpunkt von dem Geist des Mädchens verfolgt. Angeblich seien ihre Schreie und ihre Forderung nach Spielzeug ständig hörbar gewesen. Santana sammelte weggeworfene Puppen, die er in den Kanälen fand, um den Geist des Mädchens damit zu beruhigen. Als diese aber nicht wie von ihm erwartet verschwanden, begann er damit, sie zu verstümmeln und als Abschreckung für den Geist in die Bäume zu hängen. Fast 1000 Puppen, teilweise ohne Augen oder Gliedmaßen, hängte er bis zu seinem Tod in die Bäume.

Julián Santana Barrera ertrank 2001 an derselben Stelle, an der er genau 50 Jahre zuvor das tote Mädchen gefunden hatte, nach manchen Aussagen, weil er betrunken war, nach anderen, weil er einen Herzinfarkt erlitten hatte.

Touristenattraktion
Die Insel wird häufig von den einheimischen Festlandbewohnern als Ort für Mutproben genutzt. Die meisten Puppen bewegen sich mit dem Wind in den Bäumen und suggerieren so, lebendig zu sein. Jugendliche müssen zum Beweis ihrer Unerschrockenheit eine Nacht auf der Insel verbringen. Sie erweiterten die Puppensammlung und hängten immer neue gruselige Gestalten in die Bäume.

Seit Mitte der 1990er Jahre wurde die Insel wegen der schockierenden Dekoration auch bei Touristen immer beliebter. Während Santana selbst nur Geschenke und kein Geld von interessierten Touristen annahm, wurde das Gebiet nach seinem Tod touristisch erschlossen. Heute gibt es mehrmals täglich kostenpflichtige Bootsausflüge zu der Insel und für das Betreten der Insel wird Eintritt verlangt. Einziger Bewohner ist heute Anastacio Santana, der Neffe des verstorbenen Julián Santana Barrera.

Medienrezeption
Der Kurzfilm Muñecas von Jorge Michael Grau aus dem Episodenfilm México Bárbaro – Grausame Legenden (2014) spielt auf der Isla de las Muñecas.

Siehe auch
 Callejón de Aguacate

Literatur

Weblinks

 Offizielle Website
 Grusel-Tour in Mexiko: Insel der Zombie-Puppen. Ausführlicher Artikel auf Spiegel Online.de abgerufen am 13. November 2013

Einzelnachweise

Geographie (Mexiko-Stadt)
Insel (Mexiko)
Insel (Nordamerika)
Flussinsel
Sammlung
Puppen
Kultstätte
Totenkult
Exorzismus
Gespenst
Moderne Sage
Passageritus
Schutzgebiet (Umwelt- und Naturschutz) in Mexiko

Isla de las Muñecas


Arsenal M23 er en maskinpistol, der blev produceret i små serier i 1920'erne. Ingeniør Johannes Teiman var hoveddesigneren. Der blev produceret ca. 600 våben, hvoraf nogle blev solgt til Letland og i anden halvdel af 1930'erne til Spanien, hvor de blev brugt under den spanske borgerkrig på den republikanske side.

Brug
 Estland
 Letland
 Spanien

Maskinpistoler
Våben fra Estland

Arsenal M23


A Nanotoxicologia é o estudo da toxicidade das nanopartículas.

Devido ao tamanho pequeno dessas partículas e, das pesquisas ainda recentes que apresentam resultados pouco conclusivos , há muitos debates sobre os efeitos causados no organismo e no ecossistema que as nanopartículas (NPs) podem acarretar.

Métodos de identificação da toxicidade das nanopartículas

Estudos In Vitro
Os ensaios in vitro (expressão em latim que significa "em vidro") são realizados em laboratório e estudam a eficácia de nanomateriais fora de um organismo vivo. Geralmente, a pesquisa é feita analisando culturas celulares, tecidos ou órgãos.

Esse método é vantajoso devido a eliminação de variáveis inerentes ao organismo sob exposição às condições estressantes. Portanto, proporciona o controle absoluto sobre o ambiente em que o teste é realizado.

Além do mais, com relação a ética e a moral, é mais aceito os estudos in vitro, em razão da exposição desses seres a estudos toxicológicos e possíveis resultados adversos durante o processo.

Estudos In Vivo
Os ensaios in vivo (expressão em latim que significa "dentro do vivo") são realizados dentro de um organismo vivo ou no tecido desse organismo. E, assim como os estudos in vitro, tem por finalidade verificar a toxicidade de nanomateriais.

Diferente dos estudos in vitro, o método in vivo é eficaz devido a observação absoluta das nanopartículas no organismo.  Em geral, é possível analisar o comportamento desde a entrada do nanomaterial até atingir seu objetivo, no entanto, entre esses procedimentos é possível verificar se houve reações a mais ou desvios de resultados. Portanto, por conta dessas possíveis variantes de resultado, é necessário ressaltar que os testes in vitro para verificar a toxicidade devem ser realizados antes dos testes in vivo.

Mesmo na utilização de organismos vivos e com uma análise detalhada do processo, podem haver resultados distintos, devido ao tipo de organismo utilizado e do teste aplicado.  Não só isso, mas como já citado, o organismo vivo pode ter interferência do meio externo (estresse, fatores naturais do animal, etc.).

Vias de exposição
Alguns estudos indicam que as NPs, presente uma vez no organismo humano, podem se translocar para órgãos ou tecidos distantes da sua área de entrada. As NPs também possuem longa duração, sendo classificadas como biopersistentes e bioacumulativos  no organismo, em especial em órgãos como os pulmões, o cérebro e o fígado.  A toxicidade não está totalmente fundamentada, mas parece ser primariamente expressa através de uma capacidade de causar a inflamação.

Contato Dérmico
A exposição dérmica é inevitável com diversos tratamentos medicamentosos e aplicação de cremes (protetores solares e outros) já disponíveis para comércio. Portanto a pele se torna um dos caminhos mais fáceis para a entrada das NPs.

A epiderme impede a entrada de partículas micrométricas, mas essa barreira é ineficaz para nanopartículas. Abaixo da camada dérmica é rica em sangue e macrófagos, vasos linfáticos, células dendríticas e terminações nervosas. Assim, as partículas que são absorvidas sob as diferentes camadas da pele são prontamente transportadas em diferentes sistemas circulatórios.

Inalação
Nanopartículas dispersas no ar podem entrar no corpo através de nossas vias respiratórias. Após a inalação, as nanopartículas se depositam em todo o trato respiratório (do nariz aos pulmões).

O tamanho das NPs facilita na sua passagem sobre a região alveolar dos pulmões e a entrar no sistema sanguíneo e no linfático. Elas podem sofrer biotransformação nas células pulmonares e acabar sendo dessorvida do corpo através da excreção.

Partículas menores que 10mm acabam adsorvidas nos pulmões e podem ser transferidas para diferentes partes do corpo, como os rins. Essas substâncias são então parcial ou completamente removidas do corpo pela escada rolante mucociliar e fagocitose.

Partículas insolúveis depositadas nos pulmões podem desencadear várias reações toxicológicas neste local. Eles podem até ser canalizados para outras partes do corpo, como fígado, baço, etc. Métodos como escadas rolantes mucociliares e fagocitose por macrófagos alveolares são utilizados para evitar a toxicidade dessas nanopartículas insolúveis. No entanto, os mecanismos de defesa pulmonar entram em ação, pois essas abordagens não controlam a propagação da toxicidade, o que acaba levando a danos ao tecido pulmonar.

Ingestão
A toxicidade pelo trato gastrointestinal pode ser por ingestão direta de alimentos contaminados, de bebidas tóxicas ou após deglutição de inalados.

As células epiteliais do estômago são destinadas à absorção e, portanto, qualquer elemento tóxico pode ser facilmente absorvido. No entanto, existem vários fatores que governam essa taxa de absorção (tamanho, forma, concentração ou dosagem, pH do meio, etc.).

Estudos mostram que nanopartículas carregadas positivamente ficam presas no muco carregado negativamente, e as partículas carregadas negativamente são facilmente ingeridas dentro da camada de muco. Por outro lado, o tamanho das partículas foi novamente considerado um fator de controle necessário. Observou-se que a taxa de absorção é proporcional ao diâmetro da partícula; quanto maior o diâmetro, mais tempo leva para completar o processo de ingestão.

Fatores que afetam a toxicidade das partículas

Tamanho e Área de Superfície
A área de superfície e o tamanho da nanopartícula são fatores que estão inversamente ligados. Portanto, quanto menor o tamanho, maior a área de superfície que, consequentemente, apresenta maior reatividade. A partir disso, está cada vez mais evidente que o tamanho reduzido à escala nanométrica apresenta propriedades físico-químicas distintas do seu estado microscópico.

Um ponto importante do tamanho das nanopartículas é que quanto menor um material ou partícula, mais fácil de adentrar em tecidos, órgãos, etc. Esse aspecto merece bastante atenção em razão da possível interação entre biomoléculas e células, podendo então, haver a formação de uma bionanointerface.

Em relação às características de superfície, as nanopartículas podem ter carga positiva, neutra ou negativa. Com isso, para maior entendimento é necessário ressaltar que a membrana dos mamíferos tem carga de superfície negativa . Sendo assim, as NPs catiônicas, por ter uma diferença na composição, podem apresentar liberação de citocinas ou outros mediadores devido a uma resposta rápida do sistema imunológico aos corpos estranhos. Por outro lado, as NPs aniônicas, pela semelhança na composição, entram mais facilmente no meio intracelular, sendo reconhecidas pela sua citotoxicidade.

Outra característica é a "coroa protética"  que consiste em proteínas adsorvidas à superfície das NPs. Este fenômeno ocorre em maior extensão para partículas altamente carregadas (cargas positiva ou negativa). As NPs envolvidas por coroa proteica induzem uma maior resposta imunitária, já que as proteínas séricas e plasmáticas aumentam a absorção fagocitária.

Estabilidade
Nanopartículas quimicamente estáveis, como os metais nobres, se apresentam menos relevantes a incidentes quando comparadas a outros compostos mais reativos. Já as mais reativas, como as de carbono e de óxidos de metais, apontam uma maior tendência a formar aglomerados, tornando-as ainda mais reativas e tóxicas.

Morfologia
A morfologia da partícula afeta significativamente no mecanismo de captação celular. Os nanomateriais têm diferentes formas, como esferas, filamentos, planares, tubos, etc.

A forma da NPs desempenha um papel crítico na indução de toxicidade apenas quando ingerida dentro do ambiente celular. Alguns estudos mostram a influência da forma das partículas na interação da membrana celular. Foi observado que partículas semelhantes a agulhas causam ruptura da membrana celular durante a absorção.

Referências

Nanotoxicologia


J. S. (James Shaver) Woodsworth (July 29, 1874 – March 21, 1942) was a Canadian Methodist minister, politician, and labour activist. He was a pioneer of the Canadian Social Gospel, a Christian religious movement with social democratic values and links to organized labour. A long-time leader and publicist in the movement, Woodsworth served as an elected member of the federal parliament from 1921 until his death in 1942. In 1932, he helped to found the Co-operative Commonwealth Federation (CCF), a socialist political party which was the predecessor to the New Democratic Party (NDP).

While studying at Oxford, he became interested in social welfare, and upon his return to Canada as a minister of the Methodist Church he preached the Social Gospel to the poor and the working classes of Manitoba. As the superintendent of the All People's Mission in Winnipeg and the secretary of the Canadian Welfare League he focused on investigating social conditions, worked with immigrants, and campaigned for social welfare.

Woodsworth's focus on social issues and inequality led him to become active in the political labour movement in Canada. He led the protest campaign following the brutal police action which caused one person to be killed during the Winnipeg General Strike in 1919 and helped to organize the Manitoba Independent Labour Party (ILP). He ran and was elected to the House of Commons as a member of the ILP in 1921. In 1932 during the Great Depression, Woodsworth and the ILP along with other socialist and labour groups founded the Co-operative Commonwealth Federation (CCF), with Woodsworth as its leader. The CCF, Canada's first widely successful socialist party, evolved into today's New Democratic Party. Woodsworth influenced many of Canada's contemporary social programs including social assistance, pensions and medicare.

Childhood and early ministry
The oldest of six children, Woodsworth was born on Applewood Farm in Etobicoke, Ontario, to Esther Josephine Shaver and James Woodsworth.  His father was a Methodist minister, and his strong faith was a powerful factor in shaping his later life. His grandfather, Harold Richard Woodsworth, had opposed William Lyon Mackenzie in the 1837 Rebellions. The Woodsworth family moved to Brandon, Manitoba, in 1882, where his father became a Superintendent of Methodist Missions in western Canada.  Following in his father's footsteps, Woodsworth was ordained as a Methodist minister in 1896 and spent two years as a circuit preacher in Manitoba before going to study at Victoria College in the University of Toronto and at Oxford University in England. While studying at Oxford University in 1899, he became interested in social welfare work.  During his stay, the Second Boer War broke out, and Woodsworth was immersed in discussions about the moral values of imperialism. In 1902, following his return to Canada, he took a position as minister at Grace Church in Winnipeg, and, in 1903, he married Lucy Staples.

In this role, he worked with the poor immigrants in Winnipeg and preached the social gospel that called for the Kingdom of God "here and now" and was concerned with "... the welfare and behaviour of the individual in this world." It was not long, however, before Woodsworth became restless as a minister. He had difficulty accepting Methodist dogma, and questioned the wisdom of the Church's emphasis on individual salvation without considering the social context in which an individual lived. In a statement of explanation presented to the Manitoba Methodist Church Conference in 1907, he cited concerns with matters such as baptism, tests for those entering the Church, and fasting as a religious exercise. He tendered his resignation, but it was refused and he was offered the opportunity to assume the Superintendency of All People's Mission in Winnipeg's North End. For six years he worked with the poor and immigrant families, and during this time, he wrote and campaigned for compulsory education, juvenile courts, the construction of playgrounds, and other initiatives in support of social welfare.

Social activism
As a mission worker, Woodsworth had the opportunity to see first hand the appalling circumstances in which many of his fellow citizens lived, and began writing the first of several books decrying the failure to provide workers with a living wage and arguing for the need to create a more egalitarian and compassionate social order.

In 1909, his Strangers Within Our Gates was published, followed in 1911 by My Neighbour.  In Strangers Within Our Gates, Woodsworth elaborated on concerns related to immigration, and expressed sympathy for the difficulties new immigrants to Canada faced but also offered eugenic interpretations of human abilities and worth based on race. The organization of the book reflects Woodsworth's "hierarchy," with early chapters focusing on Great Britain, the United States, Scandinavians, Germans, and later chapters focusing on Italians, "Levantine races," and "Orientals," concluding with a chapter entitled "The Negro and the Indian."

In 1913, Woodsworth left All People's to accept an appointment as Secretary of the Canadian Welfare League. During this time, he travelled extensively throughout the three Canadian prairie provinces, investigating social conditions, and writing and speaking on his findings. By 1914, he had become a socialist and an admirer of the British Labour Party.

In 1916, during World War I, he was asked to support the National Services Registration, better known as conscription. As church ministers were being asked to preach about the duty of men to serve in the military, Woodsworth decided to publish his objections. As a pacifist, he was morally opposed to the Church being used as a vehicle of recruitment, and was fired from his position with the Bureau of Social Research, where he was working at the time. In 1917, he received his final pastoral posting to Gibson's Landing, British Columbia. Woodsworth resigned from the Church in 1918 because of its support of the war. "I thought that as a Christian minister, I was a messenger of the Prince of Peace", he is quoted as saying. His resignation was accepted.

Political involvement in BC
Woodsworth and his family remained in British Columbia, where, despite his slight stature, he took work as a stevedore. He joined the union, helped organize the Federated Labour Party of British Columbia, and wrote for a labour newspaper.

Winnipeg General Strike
In 1919, he set out on a tour of Western Canada, arriving in Winnipeg just as the Winnipeg General Strike was happening. He immediately began presenting addresses at strike meetings.

The Royal Canadian Mounted Police and Winnipeg "special constables" charged into a crowd of strikers demonstrating in the centre of Winnipeg, killing two people and injuring 30, on Black Saturday, June 21, 1919. Woodsworth led the campaign of protest against this action.

The editor of the strike bulletin Western Labour News was arrested and charged with seditious libel. Woodsworth took over the duties and after just a week he too was arrested and charged with the same thing. Oddly, his seditious libel took the form of quoting from the Bible Isaiah 10:1 "Woe unto them that decree unrighteous decrees..." and from Isaiah 65:21,22 (KJV). He was released on bail after five days' imprisonment, and the charges were never filed. (Other strike leaders served a year's imprisonment for their activities.)

His involvement in the strike further established Woodsworth's credentials with the labour movement and propelled him to a twenty-year tenure in the House of Commons as a Winnipeg MP. They also affirmed his belief in the importance of social activism.

Political activism in BC, then in Winnipeg
Woodsworth briefly returned to British Columbia in 1920 to run as a Federated Labour Party candidate in Vancouver in the provincial election. He received 7444 votes, but was not elected. He then returned to Winnipeg.

He became involved in organizing the Manitoba Independent Labour Party (ILP), a replacement for the locally based moderate Dominion Labour Party. The ILP had a platform modelled on that of the British Labour Party, with the slogan "Human Needs before Property Rights."

In December 1921, Woodsworth was elected to the House of Commons in the riding of Winnipeg Centre under the banner of the Independent Labour Party. This district was abolished before the next election, being rolled into the new Winnipeg North Centre.  He served in the House of Commons for the next 20 years, until his death.

The first bill he proposed concerned unemployment insurance. Even though he was informed by the Clerk of the House of Commons that bills involving federal spending had to be presented by the government, he nonetheless continued to press his case for better labour legislation.

He also pursued constitutional reform but was unsuccessful in attempt to have Single Transferable Vote system adopted for federal elections.  In 1936, the government set up a committee to discuss constitutional reforms (but the First past the post electoral system was not replaced).

Woodsworth was an unflagging advocate for the worker, the farmer, and the immigrant.

In 1929, Woodsworth was a keynote speaker at the annual conference of the Student Christian Movement of Canada, a fledgling social justice movement founded in 1921, and inspired Stanley Knowles, then 21, who later became ordained and helped found the New Democratic Party.

Rejecting violent revolution and any association with the new Communist Party of Canada, Woodsworth became a master of parliamentary procedure and used the House of Commons as a public platform. He at first sat beside the Progressive Party of Canada. He was a leader of the radical farmer-and-labour Ginger Group. This group's activities led to the 1932 founding of the first country-wide democratic socialist party, the CCF.

When the Canadian Liberal Party only had minority government following the 1925 election, Woodsworth bargained his vote in the House for a promise from the Liberal government to enact an old age pension plan. Introduced in 1927, the plan is the cornerstone of Canada's social security system.

In 1932, Woodsworth toured Europe as a member of the League of Nations Assembly in Geneva.

Formation of the CCF

After most of the world went into the Great Depression, Woodsworth and the ILP joined with various provincial farmer, labour and socialist groups in 1932 to found a new socialist party, the Co-operative Commonwealth Federation (CCF). Woodsworth was its first leader. Woodsworth said: "I am convinced that we may develop in Canada a distinctive type of Socialism. I refuse to follow slavishly the British model or the American model or the Russian model. We in Canada will solve our problems along our own lines."

In 1933, the CCF became the official opposition in British Columbia. In 1934, the party achieved the same result in Saskatchewan. One of its founding groups, the UFA, was government in Alberta.

In the 1935 election, seven CCF Members of Parliament were elected to the House of Commons. (None of the UFA MPs were re-elected.) The CCF received 8.9 percent of the popular vote. The CCF, however, was never able to seriously challenge Canada's party system, which was then dominated by the Liberals and Conservatives. In particular, the enormous prestige of the long-time Liberal Prime Minister, William Lyon Mackenzie King, prevented the CCF from displacing the Liberals as the main party of the left, as had happened with the socialist parties in Britain, Australia and New Zealand.

In 1939, many CCF members opposed Woodsworth's opposition to Canada's entry into World War II. During the debate on the declaration of war, Mackenzie King said: "There are few men in this Parliament for whom I have greater respect than the leader of the Co-operative Commonwealth Federation. I admire him in my heart, because time and again he has had the courage to say what lays on his conscience, regardless of what the world might think of him. A man of that calibre is an ornament to any Parliament."

Nevertheless, Woodsworth was almost alone in his opposition to the war. He was the only Member of Parliament to vote against the bill, and his days as a party leader were over.

He was re-elected to the House on 26 March 1940, but suffered a stroke in the fall and, over the next 18 months, his health deteriorated. He died in Vancouver, British Columbia in early 1942, and his ashes were scattered in the Strait of Georgia.

Woodsworth's daughter, Grace MacInnis, followed in his footsteps as a CCF politician.

Woodsworth's legacy
Woodsworth strongly influenced Canadian social policy, and many of the social concepts he pioneered are represented in contemporary programs such as social assistance, pensions, and medicare, which are deemed to be fundamentally important in Canadian society today. While the party for which he was central founder, today called the New Democratic Party, has largely abandoned Woodsworth's vision of a socialist Canada, Woodsworth's memory is still held in great respect within the party as well as across Canada.

Woodsworth College of the University of Toronto, and J. S. Woodsworth Secondary School in Ottawa, Ontario (closed in 2005), are named after him. The 18-storey Woodsworth condominiums in downtown Toronto are named after him. There is also a J.S. Woodsworth Senior Public School in Scarborough, Toronto. In Winnipeg a chrome coloured sixteen-story Manitoba provincial office building built in 1973 is named after him, with a sculptured bronze bust honoring revealed in 1974 to honor his 100th birthday. The Ontario Woodsworth Memorial Foundation merged with the Douglas-Coldwell Foundation in 1987.

The Woodsworth home at 60 Maryland Street in Winnipeg, Manitoba is now the location of the  Centre for Christian Studies. CCS purchased Woodsworth House from the Woodsworth Historical Society in 1998, with a commitment to keep the Woodsworth name and to continue to display photographs of Woodsworth and reminders of his commitment to the social gospel and social justice.

In 2004, a CBC contest rated Woodsworth as the 100th Greatest Canadian of all time.

In October 2010, the town of Gibsons, British Columbia announced that it would be naming a street in a new subdivision after Woodsworth. Woodsworth lived in Gibsons for a short time, beginning in 1917. A Woodsworth street exists in Burnaby, but not in Gibson.

Electoral history

Archives
There is a J.S. Woodsworth fonds at Library and Archives Canada. Archival reference number is R5904.

Further reading

References

External links
Douglas-Coldwell Foundation biography
Saskatchewan NDP History
University of Toronto J.S. Woodsworth Tour
Civilization.ca (now historymuseun.ca) - The History of Canada's Public Pensions
Grace MacInnis' personal recollections
Woodsworth, James Shaver: National Historic Person. Parks Canada.
James Shaver Woodsworth 1874-1942 Manitoba Heritage Council Commemorative Plaques

1874 births
1942 deaths
Canadian activists
Canadian Christian socialists
Canadian Christian pacifists
Canadian democratic socialists
Canadian Methodist ministers
Canadian political party founders
Canadian political philosophers
Canadian political writers
Co-operative Commonwealth Federation MPs
Ginger Group MPs
Labour candidates in the 1926 Canadian federal election
Labour MPs in Canada
Members of the House of Commons of Canada from Manitoba
Methodist socialists
Methodist pacifists
NDP and CCF leaders
People from Etobicoke
Persons of National Historic Significance (Canada)
Politicians from Toronto
Politicians from Winnipeg
University of Toronto alumni
Writers from Toronto
Writers from Winnipeg
People of the Winnipeg general strike
Canadian anti–World War I activists

J. S. Woodsworth


A 75.ª edição da Volta à Romandia foi uma corrida de ciclismo em estrada por etapas que se celebrou entre 26 de abril 1 de maio de 2022 na Suíça com início na cidade de Lausana e final na população de Villars-sur-Ollon. O percurso constou de 5 etapas e um prólogo sobre uma distância total de 712,46 quilómetros.

A corrida fez parte do circuito UCI WorldTour de 2022, calendário ciclístico de máximo nível mundial, sendo a décimo oitava corrida de dito circuito e foi vencida pelo russo Aleksandr Vlasov do Bora-Hansgrohe. Completaram o pódio, como segundo e terceiro classificado respectivamente, o suíço Gino Mäder do Bahrain Victorious e o alemão Simon Geschke do Cofidis.

Equipas participantes
Tomaram parte na corrida 20 equipas: 18 de categoria UCI WorldTeam, 1 UCI ProTeam convidado pela organização e a seleção nacional da Suíça. Formaram assim um pelotão de 137 ciclistas dos que acabaram 116. As equipas participantes foram:

Percurso
O Volta à Romandia dispôs de seis etapas divididas num Prólogo na primeira etapa, três etapas em media montanha, uma etapas de montanha, e uma contrarrelógio individual na última etapa, para um percurso total de 712,46 quilómetros e 12 578 metros de desnivel positivo.

Desenvolvimento da corrida

Prólogo

1.ª etapa

2.ª etapa

3.ª etapa

4.ª etapa

5.ª etapa

Classificações finais
 As classificações finalizaram da seguinte forma:

Classificação geral

Classificação dos pontos

Classificação da montanha

Classificação dos jovens

Classificação por equipas

Evolução das classificações

Ciclistas participantes e posições finais

UCI World Ranking
O Volta à Romandia outorgou pontos para o UCI World Ranking para corredores das equipas nas categorias UCI WorldTeam, UCI ProTeam e Continental. As seguintes tabelas são o barómetro de pontuação e os dez corredores que obtiveram mais pontos:

Referências

Ligações externas
 Sitio site oficial

2022
UCI WorldTour de 2022
Desporto na Suíça em 2022

Volta à Romandia de 2022


Michael J. Kelloway, dit Mike Kelloway, (né le  à Glace Bay) est un homme politique canadien. Il représente la circonscription de Cape Breton—Canso depuis 2019 sous la bannière du parti libéral.

Biographie
En 2019, Kelloway se porte candidate pour le parti libéral dans Cape Breton—Canso, une circonscription que le parti tient depuis 2000. Dans une lutte serrée, il défait le conservateur Alfie MacLeod, un député provincial, et garde l'Île du Cap-Breton dans la colonne de son parti en tandem avec la victoire de Jaime Battiste dans la circonscription voisine de Sydney—Victoria.

Résultats électoraux

Références

Voir aussi
 Cape Breton—Canso

Naissance en Nouvelle-Écosse
Naissance en septembre 1970
Député du Parti libéral du Canada
Député fédéral canadien provenant de la Nouvelle-Écosse

Mike Kelloway


Baile Mhic Íre [] (anglisiert: Ballymakeery oder: Ballymakeera) ist ein Dorf im Tal des Flusses An Sulán (anglisiert: Sullane River) im Westen der Grafschaft Cork, Irland. Es liegt in der Gaeltacht von Múscraí Thiar (anglisiert: West Muskerry). Die Umgangssprache ist wie im benachbarten Baile Bhuirne der Munster-Dialekt des Irischen. Offiziellen Status hat deshalb nur der irische Name Baile Mhic Íre. Die Einwohnerzahl von Baile Mhic Íre wurde beim Census 2016 mit 427 Personen ermittelt.

In der Nähe befinden sich drei Oghamsteine.

Einzelnachweise

Ort im County Cork

Baile Mhic Íre


La isla o islas Voronina (en ruso: Острова Воронина Ostrov Voronina) es un grupo aislado de dos islas del Ártico, una isla más grande y la otra isla muy estrecha situada en su parte norte, separadas tan solo por un estrecho de 3 km de ancho.

La isla principal es de unos 9 km de largo y 6 km de ancho y está cubierto con vegetación de tundra y hielo. El islote del norte es estrecho, de unos 5 km de longitud y poco más de 500 metros de ancho. Estas islas se encuentran en el noreste del Mar de Kara, a unos 130 km al oeste de Severnaya Zemlya y 72 km al noreste de las islas Kirov.

El mar que rodea a estas dos islas solitarias está cubierto de hielo en el invierno y hay numerosos témpanos de hielo incluso en el verano, que dura apenas dos meses. El clima es tan gélido que hay años en que en la latitud de la isla de Voronina las aguas que rodean el mar de Kara no se derriten y se mantienen congeladas durante todo el verano.

Este grupo de islas pertenece al Krai de Krasnoyarsk, división administrativa de la Federación Rusa. Voronina es también una zona de distribución para los osos polares y forma parte del refugio de vida silvestre Gran Reserva Natural del Ártico, la mayor reserva natural del Ártico ruso.

Las Islas Voronina llevan el nombre del capitán de la Armada Soviética Vladimir Voronin. Ya que Voronina es un genitivo ruso, la combinación "Islas Voronina" es técnicamente incorrecta. Aun así, ese nombre se ha popularizado y su uso se ha extendido de esta forma por décadas y en muchos mapas y atlas moderno. Islas Voronin, que sería la forma gramaticalmente correcta de nombrar a estas islas, se utiliza muy raramente.

Referencias

 Localización
 Datos geográficos
 Reserva natural (en inglés)

Voronina

Isla Voronina


Sadıklar, Antalya ilinin Akseki ilçesine bağlı bir mahalledir.

Tarihçe
Köy ismini Hacı Sadık Aksekiden alır; ama mahallenin geçmişi hakkında kesin bir bilgi yoktur.

Coğrafya
Antalya iline 140 km, Akseki ilçesine 21 km uzaklıktadır.

Toroslara sırtını yaslamış olan mahallenin çevresi tamamen dağlıktır. Devişdolu (Derviş yolu) olarak adlandırılan bölgede Kalıngür ormanı; Muru olarak adlandırılan ve Karakaya olarak adlandırılan bölgede ormanlık vardır. Ayrıca, Çoğran dağı da ormanlıktan ibarettir.

Bölge karstik yapı olması nedeniyle birçok yeraltı mağarasına sahiptir. İnilebilen değerleriyle Koyungöbedi mağarası Türkiye'nin en derin mağaralarından biridir. Mağara derinliği 209 metredir.

Nüfus

Dış bağlantılar
Sadıklar, Akseki mahallesi Yerelnet 'de

Akseki'nin mahalleleri

Sadıklar, Akseki


Sunds Seahawks Floorball Club er en dansk floorballklub med hjemmebane i S/I Multicenter Sunds i Sunds. Klubben har hold i den bedste danske liga på herresiden.

Klubben blev stiftet den 10. marts 1995, og har en fjerdeplads i 2017 som sit plads resultat i Floorballligaen. Derudover blev klubben i 2018 danske pokalmestre.

Referencer

Eksterne henvisninger
Officiel hjemmeside

Floorballklubber fra Danmark
Sport i Sunds
Etableret i 1995
Herning Kommune

Sunds Seahawks


The Worshipful Company of Water Conservators is one of the Livery Companies of the City of London.

In 1988, some members of the Select Society of Sanitary Sludge Shovelers (5S), who were also members of the Institution of Water and Environmental Management (IWEM; chartered in 1995, now CIWEM), founded the Guild of Water Conservators. It was recognised as a company in 1994. Its petition for livery was granted by the Court of Aldermen with effect from 2000.

The Water Conservators' Company ranks 102nd in the order of precedence of the City Livery Companies.

The supporters of the Company's coat of arms consist of a beaver and an otter. Each of them is holding a golden shovel to recognise the part played by the British chapter of the 5S (whose badge is a golden shovel) in the formation of the guild.

The Company's church is St Mary-at-Hill.

References

External links
Worshipful Company of Water Conservators website

Water Conservators
1994 establishments in England
Water management


بيشوب  هي إحدى مدن مقاطعة إنيو، كاليفورنيا. تم إعطاءها لقب مدينة في 6 مايو، 1903.

التركيبة السكانية
حدّد مكتب تعداد الولايات المتحدة بيانات التركيبة السكانية لبيشوب في تعداد الولايات المتحدة. في ما يلي، التركيبة السكانية حسب تعدادي 2000 و2010.

تعداد عام 2000
بلغ عدد سكان بيشوب 3,575 نسمة بحسب تعداد عام 2000، وبلغ عدد الأسر 1,684 أسرة وعدد العائلات 832 عائلة مقيمة في المدينة. في حين سجلت الكثافة السكانية . وبلغ عدد الوحدات السكنية 1,867 وحدة بمتوسط كثافة قدره .
وتوزع التركيب العرقي للمدينة بنسبة 84.62% من البيض و0.20% من الأمريكيين الأفارقة و2.04% من الأمريكيين الأصليين و1.26% من الأمريكيين ذوي الأصول الآسيوية و0.03% من سكان جزر المحيط الهادئ و6.49% من الأعراق الأخرى و5.37% من عرقين مختلطين أو أكثر و17.37% من الهسبانيون أو اللاتينيون من أي عرق.

بلغ عدد الأسر 1,684 أسرة كانت نسبة 27.9% منها لديها أطفال تحت سن الثامنة عشر تعيش معهم، وبلغت نسبة الأزواج القاطنين مع بعضهم البعض 33.5% من أصل المجموع الكلي للأسر، ونسبة 11.8% من الأسر كان لديها معيلات من الإناث دون وجود شريك،  بينما كانت نسبة 4.1% من الأسر لديها معيلون من الذكور دون وجود شريكة وكانت نسبة 50.6% من غير العائلات. تألفت نسبة 44.2% من أصل جميع الأسر من عدة أفراد يعيشون في نفس المنزل ونسبة 19.1% كانت تتألف من شخص يعيش بمفرده يبلغ من العمر 65 عاماً أو أكثر. وبلغ متوسط حجم الأسرة المعيشية 2.08، أما متوسط حجم العائلات فبلغ 2.93.

بلغ العمر الوسطي للسكان 39.9 عاماً. وكانت نسبة 24.2% من القاطنين تحت سن الثامنة عشر، وكانت نسبة 7.3% بين الثامنة عشر والرابعة والعشرين عاماً، ونسبة 26.3% كانت واقعةً في الفئة العمرية ما بين الخامسة والعشرين والرابعة والأربعين عاماً، ونسبة 22.7% كانت ما بين الخامسة والأربعين والرابعة والستين، ونسبة 17.5% كانت ضمن فئة الخامسة والستين عاماً فما فوق. يوجد لكل 100 أنثى 93.4 ذكر، ويوجد لكل 100 أنثى في الثامنة عشر من عمرها فما فوق 92.0 ذكر.

بلغ متوسط دخل الأسرة في المدينة 27,338 دولارًا، أما متوسط دخل العائلة فبلغ 34,423 دولارًا. وكان متوسط دخل الذكور 23,433 دولارًا مقابل 24,545 دولارًا للإناث. وسجل دخل الفرد الخاص بالمدينة 17,660 دولارًا. وكانت نسبة 14% من العائلات ونسبة 16.3% من السكان تحت خط الفقر، وكان من هؤلاء نسبة 23% تحت سن الثامنة عشر ونسبة 6% في الخامسة والستين من العمر وما فوق.

تعداد عام 2010
بلغ عدد سكان بيشوب 3,879 نسمة بحسب تعداد عام 2010، وبلغ عدد الأسر 1,748 أسرة وعدد العائلات 854 عائلة مقيمة في المدينة. في حين سجلت الكثافة السكانية . وبلغ عدد الوحدات السكنية 1,926 وحدة بمتوسط كثافة قدره .
وتوزع التركيب العرقي للمدينة بنسبة 73.91% من البيض و0.57% من الأمريكيين الأفارقة و2.35% من الأمريكيين الأصليين و1.57% من الأمريكيين ذوي الأصول الآسيوية و0.03% من سكان جزر المحيط الهادئ و18.64% من الأعراق الأخرى و2.94% من عرقين مختلطين أو أكثر و30.94% من الهسبانيون أو اللاتينيون من أي عرق.

بلغ عدد الأسر 1,748 أسرة كانت نسبة 28.5% منها لديها أطفال تحت سن الثامنة عشر تعيش معهم، وبلغت نسبة الأزواج القاطنين مع بعضهم البعض 32.8% من أصل المجموع الكلي للأسر، ونسبة 10.4% من الأسر كان لديها معيلات من الإناث دون وجود شريك،  بينما كانت نسبة 5.7% من الأسر لديها معيلون من الذكور دون وجود شريكة وكانت نسبة 51.1% من غير العائلات. تألفت نسبة 43.9% من أصل جميع الأسر من عدة أفراد يعيشون في نفس المنزل ونسبة 16.5% كانت تتألف من شخص يعيش بمفرده يبلغ من العمر 65 عاماً أو أكثر. وبلغ متوسط حجم الأسرة المعيشية 2.16، أما متوسط حجم العائلات فبلغ 3.07.

بلغ العمر الوسطي للسكان 38.9 عاماً. وكانت نسبة 23.8% من القاطنين تحت سن الثامنة عشر، وكانت نسبة 7.7% بين الثامنة عشر والرابعة والعشرين عاماً، ونسبة 26.1% كانت واقعةً في الفئة العمرية ما بين الخامسة والعشرين والرابعة والأربعين عاماً، ونسبة 26.6% كانت ما بين الخامسة والأربعين والرابعة والستين، ونسبة 15.8% كانت ضمن فئة الخامسة والستين عاماً فما فوق. وتوزع التركيب الجنسي للسكان بنسبة 50% ذكور و50% إناث.

المناخ
يظهر الجدول التالي التغييرات المناخية على مدار السنة لبيشوب:

أعلام

 نورمان كلايد
 روبرت ويليام وود
 تريفور دونوفان
 روبرت براي
 سارة كونراد
 بيني مكوي
 أندرو بويد
 كريستوفر سانتانا
 هال غريغ
 ماثيو وليامز

مراجع

بيشوب
أماكن مأهولة أسست في 1903
أوينز فالي
تأسيسات سنة 1903 في كاليفورنيا
مدن في مقاطعة إنيو (كاليفورنيا)
مدن كاليفورنيا

بيشوب (كاليفورنيا)


La saison 2021 de l'équipe cycliste Direct Énergie est la vingt-deuxième de cette équipe.

Préparation de la saison 2020

Sponsors et financement de l'équipe
Le principal sponsor de l'équipe est Direct Énergie. Le conseil départemental de la Vendée continue à soutenir l'équipe, ainsi que Harmonie mutuelle et Akéna Vérandas.

Arrivées et départs

Objectifs

Déroulement de la saison

Effectif

Stagiaires
À partir du

Encadrement

Bilan de la saison

Victoires

Sur route

|-
|24/01/2021 || Grand Prix de Valence ||  || 08 1.2 ||  Lorrenzo Manzin
|-
|02/05/2021 ||  du Tour des Asturies ||  || 06 1.1 ||  Pierre Latour
|-
|05/05/2021 ||  du Tour du Rwanda ||  || 05 2.1 ||  Valentin Ferron
|-
|09/05/2021 ||  du Tour du Rwanda ||  || 05 2.1 ||  Cristian Rodríguez
|-
|09/05/2021 || Classement général du Tour du Rwanda ||  || 05 2.1 ||  Cristian Rodríguez
|-
|15/08/2021 || Grand Prix Jef Scherens ||  || 06 1.1 ||  Niccolò Bonifazio
|}

Résultats sur les courses majeures
Les tableaux suivants représentent les résultats de l'équipe dans les principales courses du calendrier international dans lesquelles l'équipe bénéficie d'une invitation (les cinq classiques majeures et les trois grands tours). Pour chaque épreuve est indiqué le meilleur coureur de l'équipe, son classement ainsi que les accessits glanés par Direct Énergie sur les courses de trois semaines.

Classiques

Grands tours

Classement UCI

Notes et références

Notes

Références

Liens externes

Équipe cycliste en France
Équipe cycliste en 2020
Cyclisme en France en 2020

Saison 2021 de l'équipe cycliste Total Direct Énergie