Pontiac's Rebellion (also known as Pontiac's Conspiracy or Pontiac's War) was launched in 1763 by a loose confederation of Native Americans who were dissatisfied with British rule in the Great Lakes region following the French and Indian War (1754–1763). Warriors from numerous nations joined in an effort to drive British soldiers and settlers out of the region. The war is named after Odawa leader Pontiac, the most prominent of many indigenous leaders in the conflict.

The war began in May 1763 when Native Americans, alarmed by policies imposed by British General Jeffrey Amherst, attacked a number of British forts and settlements. Nine forts were destroyed, and hundreds of colonists were killed or captured, with many more fleeing the region. Hostilities came to an end after British Army expeditions in 1764 led to peace negotiations over the next two years. The Natives were unable to drive away the British, but the uprising prompted the British government to modify the policies that had provoked the conflict.

Warfare on the North American frontier was brutal; the killing of prisoners, the targeting of civilians, and other atrocities were widespread. In an incident that became well-known and frequently debated, British officers at Fort Pitt attempted to infect besieging Indians with blankets that had been exposed to smallpox. The ruthlessness of the conflict was a reflection of a growing racial divide between indigenous peoples and British colonists. The British government sought to prevent further racial violence by issuing the Royal Proclamation of 1763, which created a boundary between colonists and Natives.

Naming the war
The conflict is named after its most well-known participant, the Odawa leader named Pontiac. An early name for the war was the "Kiyasuta and Pontiac War," "Kiyasuta" being an alternate spelling for Guyasuta, an influential Seneca/Mingo leader. The war became widely known as "Pontiac's Conspiracy" after the 1851 publication of Francis Parkman's The Conspiracy of Pontiac. Parkman's book was the definitive account of the war for nearly a century and is still in print.

In the 20th century, some historians argued that Parkman exaggerated the extent of Pontiac's influence in the conflict, so it was misleading to name the war after him. Francis Jennings (1988) wrote that "Pontiac was only a local Ottawa war chief in a 'resistance' involving many tribes." Alternate titles for the war have been proposed, such as "Pontiac's War for Indian Independence," the "Western Indians' Defensive War" and "The Amerindian War of 1763." Historians generally continue to use "Pontiac's War" or "Pontiac's Rebellion," with some 21st century scholars arguing that 20th century historians had underestimated Pontiac's importance.

Origins

In the decades before Pontiac's War, France and Great Britain participated in a series of wars in Europe that involved the French and Indian Wars in North America. The largest of these wars was the worldwide Seven Years' War, in which France lost New France in North America to Great Britain. Most fighting in the North American theater of the war, generally called the French and Indian War in the United States, or the War of Conquest (French: Guerre de la Conquête) in French Canada, came to an end after British General Jeffrey Amherst captured French Montréal in 1760.

British troops occupied forts in the Ohio Country and Great Lakes region previously garrisoned by the French. Even before the war officially ended with the Treaty of Paris (1763), the British Crown began to implement policy changes to administer its vastly expanded American territory. The French had long cultivated alliances amongst indigenous polities, but the British post-war approach essentially treated the indigenous nations as conquered peoples. Before long, Native Americans found themselves dissatisfied with the British occupation.

Tribes involved

Indigenous people involved in Pontiac's War lived in a vaguely defined region of New France known as the pays d'en haut ("the upper country"), which was claimed by France until the Paris peace treaty of 1763. Natives of the pays d'en haut were from many different tribal nations. These tribes were linguistic or ethnic groupings of anarchic communities rather than centralized political powers; no individual chief spoke for an entire tribe, and no nations acted in unison. For example, Ottawas did not go to war as a tribe: Some Ottawa leaders chose to do so, while other Ottawa leaders denounced the war and stayed clear of the conflict.

The tribes of the pays d'en haut consisted of three basic groups. The first group was composed of tribes of the Great Lakes region: Ottawas, Ojibwes, and Potawatomis, who spoke Algonquian languages, and Hurons, who spoke an Iroquoian language. They had long been allied with French habitants with whom they lived, traded, and intermarried. Great Lakes Indians were alarmed to learn they were under British sovereignty after the French loss of North America. When a British garrison took possession of Fort Detroit from the French in 1760, local Indians cautioned them that "this country was given by God to the Indians."  When the first Englishman reached Fort Michilimackinac, Ojibwe chief Minavavana told him "Englishman, although you have conquered the French, you have not yet conquered us!"

The second group was made up of tribes from eastern Illinois Country, which included Miamis, Weas, Kickapoos, Mascoutens, and Piankashaws. Like the Great Lakes tribes, these people had a long history of close relations with the French. Throughout the war, the British were unable to project military power into the Illinois Country, which was on the remote western edge of the conflict. The Illinois tribes were the last to come to terms with the British.

The third group consisted of tribes of the Ohio Country: Delawares (Lenape), Shawnees, Wyandots, and Mingos. These people had migrated to the Ohio valley earlier in the century to escape British, French, and Iroquois domination. Unlike the Great Lakes and Illinois Country tribes, Ohio tribes had no great attachment to the French regime, though they had fought as French allies in the previous war in an effort to drive away the British. They made a separate peace with the British with the understanding that the British Army would withdraw. But after the departure of the French, the British strengthened their forts rather than abandoning them, and so the Ohioans went to war in 1763 in another attempt to drive out the British.

Outside the pays d'en haut, the influential Iroquois did not, as a group, participate in Pontiac's War because of their alliance with the British, known as the Covenant Chain. However, the westernmost Iroquois nation, the Seneca tribe, had become disaffected with the alliance. As early as 1761, Senecas began to send out war messages to the Great Lakes and Ohio Country tribes, urging them to unite in an attempt to drive out the British. When the war finally came in 1763, many Senecas were quick to take action.

Amherst's policies

General Jeffrey Amherst, the British commander-in-chief in North America, was in charge of administering policy towards American Indians, which involved military matters and regulation of the fur trade. Amherst believed that, with France out of the picture, the Indians would have to accept British rule. He also believed the Indians were incapable of offering any serious resistance to the British Army. Therefore, of the 8,000 troops under his command in North America, only about 500 were stationed in the region where the war erupted. Amherst and officers such as Major Henry Gladwin, commander at Fort Detroit, made little effort to conceal their contempt for Indians; those involved in the uprising frequently complained that the British treated them no better than slaves or dogs.

Additional Indian resentment came from Amherst's decision in February 1761 to cut back on gifts given to the Indians. Gift giving had been an integral part of the relationship between the French and the tribes of the pays d'en haut. Following an Indian custom that carried important symbolic meaning, the French gave presents (such as guns, knives, tobacco, and clothing) to village chiefs, who distributed them to their people. The chiefs gained stature this way, enabling them to maintain the alliance with the French. The Indians regarded this as "a necessary part of diplomacy which involved accepting gifts in return for others sharing their lands." Amherst considered this to be bribery that was no longer necessary, especially as he was under pressure to cut expenses after the war. Many Indians regarded this change in policy as an insult and an indication the British looked upon them as conquered people rather than as allies.

Amherst also began to restrict the amount of ammunition and gunpowder that traders could sell to Indians. While the French had always made these supplies available, Amherst did not trust Indians, particularly after the "Cherokee Rebellion" of 1761, in which Cherokee warriors took up arms against their former British allies. The Cherokee war effort had failed due to a shortage of gunpowder; Amherst hoped future uprisings could be prevented by limiting its distribution. This created resentment and hardship because gunpowder and ammunition helped Indians provide food for their families and skins for the fur trade. Many Indians believed the British were disarming them as a prelude to war. Sir William Johnson, the Superintendent of the Indian Department, warned Amherst of the danger of cutting back on presents and gunpowder, to no avail.

Land and religion
Land was also an issue in the coming of Pontiac's War. While the French colonists had always been relatively few, there seemed to be no end of settlers in the British colonies. Shawnees and Delawares in the Ohio Country had been displaced by British colonists in the east, and this motivated their involvement in the war. Indians in the Great Lakes region and the Illinois Country had not been greatly affected by white settlement, although they were aware of the experiences of tribes in the east. Dowd (2002) argues that most Indians involved in Pontiac's War were not immediately threatened with displacement by white settlers, and that historians have overemphasized British colonial expansion as a cause of the war. Dowd believes that the presence, attitude, and policies of the British Army, which the Indians found threatening and insulting, were more important factors.

Also contributing to the outbreak of war was a religious awakening which swept through Indian settlements in the early 1760s. The movement was fed by discontent with the British as well as food shortages and epidemic disease. The most influential individual in this phenomenon was Neolin, known as the "Delaware Prophet," who called upon Indians to shun the trade goods, alcohol, and weapons of the colonists. Melding Christian doctrines with traditional Indian beliefs, Neolin said the Master of Life was displeased with Indians for taking up the bad habits of white men, and that the British posed a threat to their very existence. "If you suffer the English among you," said Neolin, "you are dead men. Sickness, smallpox, and their poison [alcohol] will destroy you entirely." It was a powerful message for a people whose world was being changed by forces that seemed beyond their control.

Outbreak of war, 1763

Planning the war

Although fighting in Pontiac's War began in 1763, rumors reached British officials as early as 1761 that discontented American Indians were planning an attack. Senecas of the Ohio Country (Mingos) circulated messages ("war belts" made of wampum) calling for the tribes to form a confederacy and drive away the British. The Mingos, led by Guyasuta and Tahaiadoris, were concerned about being surrounded by British forts. Similar war belts originated from Detroit and the Illinois Country. The Indians were not unified, and in June 1761, natives at Detroit informed the British commander of the Seneca plot. William Johnson held a large council with the tribes at Detroit in September 1761, which provided a tenuous peace, but war belts continued to circulate. Violence finally erupted after the Indians learned in early 1763 of the imminent French cession of the pays d'en haut to the British.

The war began at Fort Detroit under the leadership of Pontiac and quickly spread throughout the region. Eight British forts were taken; others, including Fort Detroit and Fort Pitt, were unsuccessfully besieged. Francis Parkman's The Conspiracy of Pontiac portrayed these attacks as a coordinated operation planned by Pontiac. Parkman's interpretation remains well known, but later historians argued there is no clear evidence the attacks were part of a master plan or overall "conspiracy." Rather than being planned in advance, modern scholars believe the uprising spread as word of Pontiac's actions at Detroit traveled throughout the pays d'en haut, inspiring discontented Indians to join the revolt. The attacks on British forts were not simultaneous: most Ohio Indians did not enter the war until nearly a month after Pontiac began the siege at Detroit.

Early historians believed French colonists had secretly instigated the war by stirring up the Indians to make trouble for the British. This belief was held by British officials at the time, but subsequent historians found no evidence of official French involvement in the uprising. According to Dowd (2002), "Indians sought French intervention and not the other way around." Indian leaders frequently spoke of the imminent return of French power and the revival of the Franco-Indian alliance; Pontiac even flew a French flag in his village. Indian leaders apparently hoped to inspire the French to rejoin the struggle against the British. Although some French colonists and traders supported the uprising, the war was launched by American Indians for their own objectives.

Middleton (2007) argues that Pontiac's vision, courage, persistence, and organizational abilities allowed him to activate an unprecedented coalition of Indian nations prepared to fight against the British. Tahaiadoris and Guyasuta originated the idea to gain independence for all Indians west of the Allegheny Mountains, although Pontiac appeared to embrace the idea by February 1763. At an emergency council meeting, he clarified his military support of the broad Seneca plan and worked to galvanize other tribes into the military operation he helped to lead, in direct contradiction to traditional Indian leadership and tribal structure. He achieved this coordination through the distribution of war belts, first to the northern Ojibwa and Ottawa near Michilimackinac, and then to the Mingo (Seneca) on the upper Allegheny River, the Ohio Delaware near Fort Pitt, and the more westerly Miami, Kickapoo, Piankashaw, and Wea peoples.

Siege of Fort Detroit

Pontiac spoke at a council on the banks of the Ecorse River on April 27, 1763, about 10 miles (15 km) southwest of Detroit. Using the teachings of Neolin to inspire his listeners, Pontiac convinced a number of Ottawas, Ojibwas, Potawatomis, and Hurons to join him in an attempt to seize Fort Detroit. On May 1, he visited the fort with 50 Ottawas to assess the strength of the garrison. According to a French chronicler, in a second council Pontiac proclaimed:

It is important for us, my brothers, that we exterminate from our lands this nation which seeks only to destroy us. You see as well as I that we can no longer supply our needs, as we have done from our brothers, the French.... Therefore, my brothers, we must all swear their destruction and wait no longer. Nothing prevents us; they are few in numbers, and we can accomplish it.

On May 7, Pontiac entered Fort Detroit with about 300 men carrying concealed weapons, hoping to take the stronghold by surprise. The British had learned of his plan, however, and were armed and ready. His strategy foiled, Pontiac withdrew after a brief council and, two days later, laid siege to the fort. He and his allies killed British soldiers and settlers they found outside of the fort, including women and children. They ritually cannibalized one of the soldiers, as was the custom in some Great Lakes Indian cultures. They directed their violence at the British and generally left French colonists alone. Eventually more than 900 warriors from a half-dozen tribes joined the siege.

After receiving reinforcements, the British attempted to make a surprise attack on Pontiac's encampment. Pontiac was ready and defeated them at the Battle of Bloody Run on July 31, 1763. The situation remained a stalemate at Fort Detroit, and Pontiac's influence among his followers began to wane. Groups of Indians began to abandon the siege, some of them making peace with the British before departing. Pontiac lifted the siege on October 31, 1763, convinced that the French would not come to his aid at Detroit, and removed to the Maumee River where he continued his efforts to rally resistance against the British.

Small forts taken
In 1763, before other British outposts had learned of Pontiac's siege at Detroit, Indians captured five small forts in attacks between May 16 and June 2. Additional attacks occurred up until June 19.

Siege of Fort Pitt

Colonists in western Pennsylvania fled to the safety of Fort Pitt after the outbreak of the war. Nearly 550 people crowded inside, including more than 200 women and children. Simeon Ecuyer, the Swiss-born British officer in command, wrote that "We are so crowded in the fort that I fear disease… the smallpox is among us." Delawares and others attacked the fort on June 22, 1763, and kept it under siege throughout July. Meanwhile, Delaware and Shawnee war parties raided into Pennsylvania, taking captives and killing unknown numbers of settlers. Indians sporadically fired on Fort Bedford and Fort Ligonier, smaller strongholds linking Fort Pitt to the east, but they never took them.

Before the war, Amherst had dismissed the possibility that Indians would offer any effective resistance to British rule, but that summer he found the military situation becoming increasingly grim. He wrote the commander at Fort Detroit that captured enemy Indians should "immediately be put to death, their extirpation being the only security for our future safety." To Colonel Henry Bouquet, who was preparing to lead an expedition to relieve Fort Pitt, Amherst wrote on about June 29, 1763: "Could it not be contrived to send the small pox among the disaffected tribes of Indians? We must on this occasion use every stratagem in our power to reduce them." Bouquet responded that he would try to spread smallpox to the Indians by giving them blankets that had been exposed to the disease. Amherst replied to Bouquet on July 16, endorsing the plan.

As it turned out, officers at Fort Pitt had already attempted what Amherst and Bouquet were discussing, apparently without having been ordered by Amherst or Bouquet. During a parley at Fort Pitt on June 24, Captain Ecuyer gave representatives of the besieging Delawares two blankets and a handkerchief that had been exposed to smallpox, hoping to spread the disease to the Indians and end the siege. William Trent, the fort's militia commander, wrote in his journal that "we gave them two Blankets and an Handkerchief out of the Small Pox Hospital. I hope it will have the desired effect." Trent submitted an invoice to the British Army, writing that the items had been "taken from people in the Hospital to Convey the Smallpox to the Indians." The expense was approved by Ecuyer, and ultimately by General Thomas Gage, Amherst's successor.

Historian and folklorist Adrienne Mayor (1995) wrote that the smallpox blanket incident "has taken on legendary overtones as believers and nonbelievers continue to argue over the facts and their interpretation." Peckham (1947), Jennings (1988), and Nester (2000) concluded the attempt to deliberately infect Indians with smallpox was successful, resulting in numerous deaths that hampered the Indian war effort. Fenn (2000) argued that "circumstantial evidence" suggests the attempt was successful.

Other scholars have expressed doubts about whether the attempt was effective. McConnell (1992) argued the smallpox outbreak among the Indians preceded the blanket incident, with limited effect, since Indians were familiar with the disease and adept at isolating the infected. Ranlet (2000) wrote that previous historians had overlooked that the Delaware chiefs who handled the blankets were in good health a month later; he believed the attempt to infect the Indians had been a "total failure." Dixon (2005) argued that if the scheme had been successful, the Indians would have broken off the siege of Fort Pitt, but they kept it up for weeks after receiving the blankets. Medical writers have expressed reservations about the efficacy of spreading smallpox through blankets and the difficulty of determining if the outbreak was intentional or naturally occurring.

Bushy Run and Devil's Hole

On August 1, 1763, most of the Indians broke off the siege at Fort Pitt to intercept 500 British troops marching to the fort under Colonel Bouquet. On August 5, these two forces met at the Battle of Bushy Run. Although his force suffered heavy casualties, Bouquet fought off the attack and relieved Fort Pitt on August 20, bringing the siege to an end. His victory at Bushy Run was celebrated by the British; church bells rang through the night in Philadelphia, and King George praised him.

This victory was followed by a costly defeat. Fort Niagara, one of the most important western forts, was not assaulted, but on September 14, 1763, at least 300 Senecas, Ottawas, and Ojibwas attacked a supply train along the Niagara Falls portage. Two companies sent from Fort Niagara to rescue the supply train were also defeated. More than 70 soldiers and teamsters were killed in these actions, which colonists dubbed the "Devil's Hole Massacre," the deadliest engagement for British soldiers during the war.

Paxton Boys

The violence and terror of Pontiac's War convinced many Pennsylvanians that their government was not doing enough to protect them. This discontentment was manifested most seriously in an uprising led by a vigilante group known as the Paxton Boys, so-called because they were primarily from the area around the Pennsylvania village of Paxton (or Paxtang). The Paxton Boys turned their anger towards the Susquehannock and the Moravian Lenape and Mohican who lived peacefully in small enclaves near white Pennsylvanian settlements. Prompted by rumors that a raiding party had been seen at the Susquehannock village of Conestoga Town, a group of 50 or more Paxton Boys rode there on December 14, 1763 and murdered the six individuals they found there. Pennsylvania officials placed the remaining 14 Susquehannock in protective custody in Lancaster, but the Paxton Boys broke into the workhouse on December 27 and killed them. Governor John Penn issued bounties for the ringleaders, but none of the Paxton Boys were arrested.

The Paxton Boys then set their sights on the Moravian Lenape and Mohican, who had been brought to Philadelphia for protection. Several hundred Paxton Boys and their followers marched on Philadelphia in February 1764, but the presence of British troops and Philadelphia associators dissuaded them from committing more violence. Benjamin Franklin, who had helped organize the defense, negotiated with the Paxton leaders and brought an end to the crisis. Afterwards, Franklin published a scathing indictment of the Paxton Boys. "If an Indian injures me," he asked, "does it follow that I may revenge that Injury on all Indians?"

British response, 1764–1766
Indian raids on frontier settlements escalated in the spring and summer of 1764. The hardest hit colony was Virginia, where more than 100 settlers were killed. On May 26 in Maryland, 15 colonists working in a field near Fort Cumberland were killed. On June 14, about 13 settlers near Fort Loudoun in Pennsylvania were killed and their homes burned. The most notorious raid occurred on July 26, when four Delaware warriors killed and scalped a school teacher and ten children in what is now Franklin County, Pennsylvania. Incidents such as these prompted the Pennsylvania Assembly, with the approval of Governor Penn, to reintroduce the scalp bounties offered during the French and Indian War, which paid money for every enemy Indian killed above the age of ten, including women.

General Amherst, held responsible for the uprising by the Board of Trade, was recalled to London in August 1763 and replaced by Major General Thomas Gage. In 1764, Gage sent two expeditions into the west to crush the rebellion, rescue British prisoners, and arrest the Indians responsible for the war. According to historian Fred Anderson, Gage's campaign, which had been designed by Amherst, prolonged the war for more than a year because it focused on punishing the Indians rather than ending the war. Gage's one significant departure from Amherst's plan was to allow William Johnson to conduct a peace treaty at Niagara, giving Indians an opportunity to "bury the hatchet."

Fort Niagara treaty
From July to August 1764, Johnson conducted a treaty at Fort Niagara with about 2,000 Indians in attendance, primarily Iroquois. Although most Iroquois had stayed out of the war, Senecas from the Genesee River valley had taken up arms against the British, and Johnson worked to bring them back into the Covenant Chain alliance. As restitution for the Devil's Hole ambush, the Senecas were compelled to cede the strategically important Niagara portage to the British. Johnson even convinced the Iroquois to send a war party against the Ohio Indians. This Iroquois expedition captured a number of Delawares and destroyed abandoned Delaware and Shawnee towns in the Susquehanna Valley, but otherwise the Iroquois did not contribute to the war effort as much as Johnson had desired.

Two expeditions

Having secured the area around Fort Niagara, the British launched two military expeditions into the west. The first expedition, led by Colonel John Bradstreet, was to travel by boat across Lake Erie and reinforce Detroit. Bradstreet was to subdue the Indians around Detroit before marching south into the Ohio Country. The second expedition, commanded by Colonel Bouquet, was to march west from Fort Pitt and form a second front in the Ohio Country.

Bradstreet left Fort Schlosser in early August 1764 with about 1,200 soldiers and a large contingent of Indian allies enlisted by Sir William Johnson. Bradstreet felt that he did not have enough troops to subdue enemy Indians by force, and so when strong winds on Lake Erie forced him to stop at Fort Presque Isle on August 12, he decided to negotiate a treaty with a delegation of Ohio Indians led by Guyasuta. Bradstreet exceeded his authority by conducting a peace treaty rather than a simple truce, and by agreeing to halt Bouquet's expedition, which had not yet left Fort Pitt. Gage, Johnson, and Bouquet were outraged when they learned what Bradstreet had done. Gage rejected the treaty, believing that Bradstreet had been duped into abandoning his offensive in the Ohio Country. Gage may have been correct: the Ohio Indians did not return prisoners as promised in a second meeting with Bradstreet in September, and some Shawnees were trying to enlist French aid in order to continue the war.

Bradstreet continued westward, unaware his unauthorized diplomacy was angering his superiors. He reached Fort Detroit on August 26, where he negotiated another treaty. In an attempt to discredit Pontiac, who was not present, Bradstreet chopped up a peace belt Pontiac had sent to the meeting. According to historian Richard White, "such an act, roughly equivalent to a European ambassador's urinating on a proposed treaty, had shocked and offended the gathered Indians." Bradstreet also claimed the Indians had accepted British sovereignty as a result of his negotiations, but Johnson believed this had not been fully explained to the Indians and that further councils would be needed. Bradstreet had successfully reinforced and reoccupied British forts in the region, but his diplomacy proved to be controversial and inconclusive.

Colonel Bouquet, delayed in Pennsylvania while mustering the militia, finally set out from Fort Pitt on October 3, 1764, with 1,150 men. He marched to the Muskingum River in the Ohio Country, within striking distance of a number of Indian villages. Treaties had been negotiated at Fort Niagara and Fort Detroit, so the Ohio Indians were isolated and, with some exceptions, ready to make peace. In a council which began on October 17, Bouquet demanded that the Ohio Indians return all captives, including those not yet returned from the French and Indian War. Guyasuta and other leaders reluctantly handed over more than 200 captives, many of whom had been adopted into Indian families. Not all of the captives were present, so the Indians were compelled to surrender hostages as a guarantee that the other captives would be returned. The Ohio Indians agreed to attend a more formal peace conference with William Johnson, which was finalized in July 1765.

Treaty with Pontiac
Although the military conflict essentially ended with the 1764 expeditions, Indians still called for resistance in the Illinois Country, where British troops had yet to take possession of Fort de Chartres from the French. A Shawnee war chief named Charlot Kaské emerged as the most strident anti-British leader in the region, temporarily surpassing Pontiac in influence. Kaské traveled as far south as New Orleans in an effort to enlist French aid against the British.

In 1765, the British decided that the occupation of the Illinois Country could only be accomplished by diplomatic means. As Gage commented to one of his officers, he was determined to have "none our enemy" among the Indian peoples, and that included Pontiac, to whom he now sent a wampum belt suggesting peace talks. Pontiac had become less militant after hearing of Bouquet's truce with the Ohio country Indians. Johnson's deputy, George Croghan, accordingly traveled to the Illinois country in the summer of 1765, and although he was injured along the way in an attack by Kickapoos and Mascoutens, he managed to meet and negotiate with Pontiac. While Charlot Kaské wanted to burn Croghan at the stake, Pontiac urged moderation and agreed to travel to New York, where he made a formal treaty with William Johnson at Fort Ontario on July 25, 1766. It was hardly a surrender: no lands were ceded, no prisoners returned, and no hostages were taken. Rather than accept British sovereignty, Kaské left British territory by crossing the Mississippi River with other French and Native refugees.

Aftermath

The total loss of life resulting from Pontiac's War is unknown. About 400 British soldiers were killed in action and perhaps 50 were captured and tortured to death. George Croghan estimated that 2,000 settlers had been killed or captured, a figure sometimes repeated as 2,000 settlers killed.  The violence compelled approximately 4,000 settlers from Pennsylvania and Virginia to flee their homes. American Indian losses went mostly unrecorded, but it has been estimated at least 200 warriors were killed in battle, with additional deaths if germ warfare initiated at Fort Pitt was successful.

Pontiac's War has traditionally been portrayed as a defeat for the Indians,  but scholars now usually view it as a military stalemate: while the Indians had failed to drive away the British, the British were unable to conquer the Indians. Negotiation and accommodation, rather than success on the battlefield, ultimately brought an end to the war. The Indians had won a victory of sorts by compelling the British government to abandon Amherst's policies and create a relationship with the Indians modeled on the Franco-Indian alliance.

Relations between British colonists and American Indians, which had been severely strained during the French and Indian War, reached a new low during Pontiac's War. According to Dixon (2005), "Pontiac's War was unprecedented for its awful violence, as both sides seemed intoxicated with genocidal fanaticism." Richter (2001) characterizes the Indian attempt to drive out the British, and the effort of the Paxton Boys to eliminate Indians from their midst, as parallel examples of ethnic cleansing. People on both sides of the conflict had come to the conclusion that colonists and natives were inherently different and could not live with each other. According to Richter, the war saw the emergence of "the novel idea that all Native people were 'Indians,' that all Euro-Americans were 'Whites,' and that all on one side must unite to destroy the other."

The British government also came to the conclusion that colonists and Indians must be kept apart. On October 7, 1763, the Crown issued the Royal Proclamation of 1763, an effort to reorganize British North America after the Treaty of Paris. The Proclamation, already in the works when Pontiac's War erupted, was hurriedly issued after news of the uprising reached London. Officials drew a boundary line between the British colonies and American Indian lands west of the Appalachian Mountains, creating a vast "Indian Reserve" that stretched from the Appalachians to the Mississippi River and from Florida to Quebec. By forbidding colonists from trespassing on Indian lands, the British government hoped to avoid more conflicts like Pontiac's War. "The Royal Proclamation," writes Calloway (2006), "reflected the notion that segregation not interaction should characterize Indian-white relations."

The effects of Pontiac's War were long-lasting. Because the Proclamation officially recognized that indigenous people had certain rights to the lands they occupied, it has been called a Native American "Bill of Rights," and still informs the relationship between the Canadian government and First Nations. For British colonists and land speculators, however, the Proclamation seemed to deny them the fruits of victory—western lands—that had been won in the war with France. This created resentment, undermining colonial attachment to the Empire and contributing to the coming of the American Revolution. According to Calloway, "Pontiac's Revolt was not the last American war for independence—American colonists launched a rather more successful effort a dozen years later, prompted in part by the measures the British government took to try to prevent another war like Pontiac's."

For American Indians, Pontiac's War demonstrated the possibilities of pan-tribal cooperation in resisting Anglo-American colonial expansion. Although the conflict divided tribes and villages, the war also saw the first extensive multi-tribal resistance to European colonization in North America, and the first war between Europeans and American Indians that did not end in complete defeat for the Indians. The Proclamation of 1763 ultimately did not prevent British colonists and land speculators from expanding westward, and so Indians found it necessary to form new resistance movements. Beginning with conferences hosted by Shawnees in 1767, in the following decades leaders such as Joseph Brant, Alexander McGillivray, Blue Jacket, and Tecumseh would attempt to forge confederacies that would revive the resistance efforts of Pontiac's War.

References

Notes

Citations

Sources

  Parkman's landmark 2-volume work, originally published in 1851, subsequently revised and often reprinted, has largely been supplanted by modern scholarship.

18th-century rebellions
Battles involving Native Americans
Colonial American and Indian wars
Odawa
Rebellions against the British Empire
Battles involving the Iroquois
Native American history of Illinois
Native American history of Indiana
Native American history of Michigan
Native American history of Ohio
Native American history of Pennsylvania
Native American history of Wisconsin
First Nations history in Ontario
Military history of Michigan
1760s in Canada
1760s in the Thirteen Colonies
Native American genocide

Pontiac's War


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Carne de cañón es una frase hecha que hace referencia a la persona o grupo de personas, normalmente pertenecientes a una muy baja posición social, a las que se expone sin miramientos a sufrir cualquier clase de daño, incluso la muerte. En su origen hace referencia a los soldados o tropa inconsideradamente expuesta a peligro de muerte.

La construcción del dicho carne de cañón hace referencia a los soldados de bajo rango -la carne- que son el alimento del fuego de los cañones enemigos.

Usos de la expresión Carne de cañón

Carne de cañón en el uso militar
El término, despectivo, se refiere a los militares -normalmente de bajo rango- que se expone sin miramientos al fuego enemigo a sabiendas de su clara inferioridad y deliberadamente, conociendo que se van a producir un número muy alto de muertes. Tal decisión presuponía un objetivo estratégico suficiente. Históricamente las jerarquías militares tradicionales estaban ocupadas por nobles y señores que les permitía tener una consideración utilitarista de la tropa. El término también se ha utilizado, peyorativamente, tanto para referirse a la infantería frente a otras fuerzas militares -artillería, fuerza aérea y marina- como a los soldados de bajo rango -normalmente de nuevo ingreso y sin experiencia- frente a los veteranos, más experimentados y resabiados.

Carne de cañón en la historia de la literatura

Shakespeare
El uso de la expresión se encuentra en el  en la obra Enrique IV, parte 1 de William Shakespeare, quien pone en boca de John Falstaff:

Chateaubriand
El escritor francés François-René de Chateaubriand usó la expresión "carne de cañón" en el folleto contra Napoleón de 1814 "De Buonaparte et des Borbones" en el que critica la actitud cínica hacia los reclutas, que prevaleció en el final del reinado de Napoleón:

Carne de cañón como sinónimo de proletariado

El término carne de cañón será utilizado como sinónimo de proletariado por las corrientes políticas de izquierdas y revolucionarias para referirse a la utilización de mano de obra barata de manera instrumental.
 Karl Marx, habla de carne de cañón en su obra El Capital refiriéndose a las cuadrillas de trabajo.<ref name=paraentenderaMarx>Edward Reiss, Santiago Jordán, Una guía para entender a Marx, 2000, Siglo XXI, ISBN 83-323-1033-6, pág. 39, del Texto Marx: Manuscritos de París, Vol 5, ed. OME -escritos de Marx y Engels- de Manuel Sacristán</ref> En sentido similar habla de Ejército industrial de reserva para referirse a la necesidad estructural del capitalismo de una población obrera sobrante o fuerza de trabajo desempleada que garantice las bajas condiciones salariales y de derechos laborales para que pueda existir la acumulación de capital. El texto donde aparece la expresión carne de cañón'', refiriéndose a los hijos de los campesinos que forman las cuadrillas de trabajo, es el siguiente :

 El neomalthusianismo de corte anarquista denuncia el problema de las familias numerosas pobres -que constituyen el grueso un proletariado mísero, hambriento y analfabeto-, y de su uso como carne de cañón, tanto para mantener tanto la infantería de los ejércitos como la mano de obra barata para las fábricas de la revolución industrial.

Referencias

Véase también
 Proletariado
 Perros de paja
 Ejército industrial de reserva
 Natalismo
 Camisa roja
 Neomalthusianismo
 Kamikaze
 Efecto stormtrooper

Enlaces externos
 Ser carne de cañón, en el Misterio de las palabras

Clasismo
Dichos populares
Militares
Personajes tipo
Pobreza
François-René de Chateaubriand

Carne de cañón


Marooned – Live es un álbum en vivo de Sodom. Fue grabado en Zeche Carl.

Lista de temas
 1. "Intro" – 0:35
 2. "Outbreak of Evil" – 2:51
 3. "Jabba the Hut" – 2:34
 4. "Agent Orange" – 5:31
 5. "Jesus Screamer" – 1:48
 6. "Ausgebombt" – 2:51
 7. "Tarred and Feathered " – 3:24
 8. "Abuse" – 1:33
 9. "Remember the Fallen" – 4:45
 10. "An Eye for an Eye" – 4:00
 11. "Tired and Red" – 5:06
 12. "Eat Me!" – 2:54
 13. "Die Stumme Ursel" – 3:20
 14. "Sodomized" – 2:47
 15. "Gomorrah" – 1:56
 16. "One Step over the Line" – 4:16
 17. "Freaks of Nature" – 2:53
 18. "Aber Bitte mit Sahne" – 5:17 (Cover Udo Jürgens)
 19. "Silence Is Consent" – 2:52
 20. "Wachturm/Erwachet" – 4:24
 21. "Stalinhagel" – 7:01
 22. "Fratricide" – 2:53
 23. "Gone to Glory" – 1:58

 "Fratricide" y "Gone to Glory" se registraron durante la prueba de sonido en los muelles de Hamburgo, 10 de mayo de 1994. Stalinhagel es una combinación de las canciones "Stalinorgel" y "Bombenhagel".

Créditos
 Tom Angelripper - Voz, bajo
 Andy Brings - Guitarra
 Atomic Steif - Batería

Álbumes de Sodom
Álbumes en vivo de 1994
Álbumes de thrash metal
Álbumes de SPV/Steamhammer Records
Álbumes en inglés

Marooned Live


විච්ජේදක වෛද්‍යවේදී විශේෂඥ වෛද්‍ය විද්‍යාවේ කොටසකි. මිනිස් සිරුරේ ඉන්ද්‍රියන් පටක, සිරුරු කොටස් (මරණ පරීක්ෂණ) දළ අන්වීක්ෂ අනුක ලෙස පරීක්ෂා කර රෝගය හදුන්වා ගන්නා අධ්‍යනයකි. ව්ච්ජේදක වෛද්‍යවරයෙකු වීමට වෛද්‍ය විද්‍යාල ඉගැනුම සම්පුර්ණ කර යෝජිත නේවාසික වැඩසටහන සම්පුර්ණ කර සහතික ලැබිය යුතුය. ඇමෙරිකාවේදී නම් ඇමෙරිකානු වෛද්‍ය වේදීන් මණ්ඩලය මගින් සහතික කරයි.

වෛද්‍යවේදය අනෙක් ප්‍රධාන ශාඛාව වන්නේ ඉහත කියු පරිදි ශායනික වෛද්‍යවේදයයි. ජීව තරල රසායනාගාර විශ්ලේෂණය මගින් රෝගය හදුනාගනී. වෛද්‍යවේදීන් බොහෝ දුරට විච්ජේදක හා ශායනික යන කොටස් දෙකම ඉගෙන ගනී. එය සාමාන්‍ය  වෛද්‍යවේදය නම් වේ. සත්ත්ව වෛද්‍යවේදය තුළින් මෙලෙසම වේ.

References
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Anatomical_pathology

වෛද්‍යවේදය

විච්ජේදක ව්‍යාධිවේදය


عملية ميناء أشدود كانت عملية انتحارية نُفِّذت في 14 مارس 2004 في ميناء أشدود بمدينة أشدود، إسرائيل رداً على استشهاد ثلاثة فلسطينيين برصاص إسرائيلي بالقرب من مستوطنة نتساريم بقطاع غزة.

العملية

تبنت العملية كلا من كتائب عز الدين القسام الجناح العسكري لحركة المقاومة الإسلامية (حماس) وكتائب شهداء الأقصى التابعة لحركة التحرير الفلسطيني (فتح)، والعملية نفذها نبيل إبراهيم مسعود من كتائب الأقصى ومحمد زهير سالم من كتائب القسام.

الأول فجر نفسه داخل الميناء قرب المخازن الكيمياوية في المنطقة فيما فجر الآخر نفسه بعد لحظات عند مدخله. وأوضح المراسل أن منفذي العملية يبلغان من العمر 18 عاما وقدما من مخيم جباليا في قطاع غزة مما يعني تمكنهما من تجاوز جميع العراقيل الأمنية الإسرائيلية. وقتل جراء تلك العملية 11 إسرائيلي وجرح 20 آخرين.

وقد سارعت إسرائيل إلى إعلان حالة التأهب القصوى عقب الهجوم ونشرت قواتها في تل أبيب وفي محيط الميناء الذي شوهدت مروحيات تجوب الميناء وفي الأراضي المتاخمة للأراضي الفلسطينية. وقد هرعت سيارات الإسعاف إلى مكان الحادث بينما طوقت قوات الأمن المنطقة. وكان هناك حالة من الفوضى والتخبط تسود المكان خصوصا في وسط الأجهزة الأمنية التي فتحت تحقيقا لمعرفة كيفية حدوث هذا الاختراق الأمني الخطير.

وقد اُتهم نزار ريان بأنه الممول والمسؤول المباشر عن تنفيذ تلك العملية.

تداعيات
من تداعيات تلك العملية أن أصدر شارون أمرا بتصفية عبد العزيز الرنتيسي الذي اغتيل بتاريخ 17 أبريل 2004.

المصادر

فلسطين في 2004
أحداث مارس 2004
أحداث مارس 2004 في آسيا
أسدود
تفجيرات انتحارية في 2004
تفجيرات حماس الانتحارية
حوادث إرهابية في إسرائيل في 2004
حوادث إرهابية منسوبة للمسلمين في 2004
ضحايا إسرائيليين في الانتفاضة الفلسطينية الثانية
عمليات القسام
عمليات انتحارية
عمليات مسلحة نفذها فلسطينيون
قتل جماعي في 2004
هجمات مسلحة نفذتها المجموعات المقاتلة الفلسطينية

عملية ميناء أشدود


Kirrane ist der Familienname folgender Personen:

 Danny Kirrane, britischer Schauspieler
 Jack Kirrane (1928–2016), US-amerikanischer Eishockeyspieler

Kirrane


O Partido dos Direitos e Liberdades (, abreviado HAK-PAR) é um partido político nacionalista curdo na Turquia.

Eleições

Eleições gerais

Eleições locais

Política da Turquia
Nacionalismo

Partido dos Direitos e Liberdades


أييوس بانتيليمون (Άγιος Παντελεήμων) هي مدينة في فلورينا في مقاطعة فوريا إلادا في اليونان.

يبلغ عدد سكانها حوالي 1151   نسمة.

مراجع

أماكن مأهولة في فلورينا (مقاطعة)
أمينتايو
مدن اليونان

أييوس بانتيليمون (فلورينا)


Das Haus Steinweg 22 ist ein denkmalgeschütztes Gebäude in der Stadt Quedlinburg in Sachsen-Anhalt.

Lage
Es befindet sich in der historischen Quedlinburger Neustadt an der Ecke von Steinweg und Reichenstraße und gehört zum UNESCO-Weltkulturerbe. Auf der anderen Seite der Reichenstraße befindet sich die gleichfalls denkmalgeschützte Börse.

Architektur und Geschichte
Die Fassade des 1750 gebauten Fachwerkhauses weist barocke Zierelemente auf. So findet sich die Form des Halben Manns und Zierausfachungen. In der Zeit nach dem Stadtbrand von 1797 erfolgte eine Erneuerung des Hauses im Stil des Klassizismus. Dabei kam es auch zu einer Erhöhung um einen Kniestock. Möglicherweise gleichzeitig kam es auch zum Einbau eines Ladengeschäfts, allerdings im Stil der Neogotik. Diese neogotische Ladengestaltung gehört zu den wenigen erhalten Beispielen ihrer Art. Das Vorderhaus ist unterkellert, der Wohnflügel zweigeschossig ausgeführt.

Am Ende des 20. Jahrhunderts befand sich im Vorderhaus eine Bäckerei. Seit deren Schließung ist das Haus unbewohnt und steht nach einer Zwangsversteigerung derzeit zum Kauf an. (Stand 2015) Die Wohnfläche beträgt rund 280 m².

Literatur
 Landesamt für Denkmalpflege Sachsen-Anhalt (Hrsg.): Denkmalverzeichnis Sachsen-Anhalt. Band 7: Falko Grubitzsch, unter Mitwirkung von Alois Bursy, Mathias Köhler, Winfried Korf, Sabine Oszmer, Peter Seyfried und Mario Titze: Landkreis Quedlinburg. Teilband 1: Stadt Quedlinburg. Fliegenkopf, Halle 1998, ISBN 3-910147-67-4, S. 250.

Einzelnachweise

Kulturdenkmal in Quedlinburg
Fachwerkhaus in Quedlinburg
Steinweg (Quedlinburg)
Reichenstraße (Quedlinburg)

Steinweg 22 (Quedlinburg)


Dera Bassi es un municipio de la India situado en el distrito de Sahibzada Ajit Singh Nagar (conocido como Mohali), en el estado de Punjab. Según el censo de 2011, tiene una población de 26 295 habitantes.

Geografía
Está ubicado a una altitud de 350 metros sobre el nivel del mar, a unos 20 km de la capital estatal, Chandigarh, en la zona horaria UTC +5:30.

Referencias

Localidades de Punyab (India)

Dera Bassi


Ziua Naksa (5 iunie 1967) (, Yawm an-Naksa adică "ziua răsturnării") este ziua anuală de comemorare a poporului palestinian cu privire la strămutările care au însoțit victoria Israelului în Războiul de Șase Zile din 1967. Ca urmare a războiului, Israelul a preluat controlul asupra Cisiordaniei și Fâșiei Gaza populate de palestinieni, care anterior au fost anexate de Iordania și controlate de Egipt.

Prima deplasare, cunoscută sub numele de Nakba, a avut loc în timpul și după războiul din Palestina din 1948. Acesta este marcat anual în ziua Nakba pe data de 15 mai.

Referințe

Războiul de Șase Zile
Istoria refugiaților palestinieni
Sărbătorile legale din statul Palestina

Ziua Naksa


Marijana Pažin-Ivešić (Mostar, 17. kolovoza 1981.), hrvatska slikarica i restauratorica iz Bosne i Hercegovine. Istaknuta po sakralnom slikarstvu.

Životopis
Rođena u Mostaru. Diplomirala na ALU Sveučilišta u Mostaru slikarstvo, u klasi prof. Ante Kajinić 2005.godine. Na istoj Akademiji završila poslijediplomski studij ARS SACRA 2007. godine. Izlagala je na 14 samostalnih i oko 70 skupnih izložbi u zemlji i inozemstvu.

U zemlji i inozemstvu izradila djela. Njene secco freske, oltarne slike, Križni putevi u Mostaru, Slipčićima kod Čitluka, Orašju kod Tuzle, sv. Leopolda Mandića u Maglaju, Konjicu, Čelebićima. Predstavljala je BiH na Bijenalu mladih 2010. godine. Autorica idejnog rješenje za dvije poštanske markice HP Mostar na temu flora i fauna.

Izvori

Vanjske poveznice
Flickr - Atelje Ivešić Slike i sakralne slike Marijane Pažin-Ivešić

Hrvatski slikari iz Bosne i Hercegovine
Životopisi, Mostar

Marijana Pažin-Ivešić


Gary Alan Sinise (d. 17 Mart 1955) Emmy ödüllü Amerikalı oyuncu ve yönetmen. 1994 yılında Forrest Gump adlı filmdeki rolüyle Oscar'a aday olan Sinise'ın, Truman adlı TV dizisindeki rolüyle kazandığı bir Altın Küre'si bulunmaktadır. Yeşil Yol, Forrest Gump ve Apollo 13 gibi filmlerde oynayan oyuncu, Moira Harris ile evlidir ve bu evliliğinden üç çocuğu vardır. 2004 yılından itibaren CSI: NY adlı dizide dedektif Mac Taylor'ı canlandıran Sinise aynı zamanda bas gitaristtir.

Filmografi

Sinema

Televizyon

Tiyatro

Kaynakça

Kullanılan kaynaklar

Dış bağlantılar
  TV.com / Gary Sinise
  İMDB / Gary Sinise
 Gary Sinise

1955 doğumlular
20. yüzyıl Amerikalı müzisyenleri
21. yüzyıl Amerikalı müzisyenleri
20. yüzyılda Amerikalı erkek oyuncular
21. yüzyılda Amerikalı erkek oyuncular
Amerikalı erkek sinema oyuncuları
Amerikalı erkek dizi oyuncuları
Amerikalı film yönetmenleri
Amerikalı bas gitaristler
Amerikalı televizyon yapımcıları
İtalyan asıllı Amerikalılar
Emmy Ödülü sahipleri
En İyi Erkek Mini Dizi veya Televizyon Filmi Oyuncusu Altın Küre Ödülü sahipleri
Obie Ödülü sahipleri
Ekran Oyuncuları Derneği Ödülü sahipleri
Yaşayan insanlar
En İyi Oyuncu Kadrosu SAG Ödülü sahipleri
Amerikalı erkek gitaristler
En İyi Yardımcı Erkek Oyuncu National Board of Review Ödülü sahipleri
National Board of Review Ödülü sahipleri
En İyi Yardımcı Erkek Oyuncu Saturn Ödülü sahipleri

Gary Sinise


Galerina autumnalis, Cortinariaceae familyasından ölümcül derecede zehirli bir mantar türü. İçerdiği alfa-amanotoksinler ölümle sonuçlabilen zehirlenmelere yol açar. Armillaria mellea (bal mantarı) ve çeşitli halüsinojen Psilocybe mantarlarına (özellikle Psilocybe cyanescens ve Psilocybe stuntzii) benzerliği zehirlenmelerin ana sebebidir.

Şapkası küçük, 1–4 cm, tümsek veya hafifçe düz, bazen çan şeklinde olabilir. Şekli düzgün, taze ve ıslakken yapışkan, diğer durumlarda kuru olabilir. Rengi genelde kahverengi veya turuncuya yakın olabilir. Spor izi kahverengidir.

2001 yılında yapılan bir çalışmada, görünümlerindeki farklara rağmen Galerina autumnalis, Galerina marginata , Galerina oregonensis, Galerina pseudomycenopsis, Galerina unicolor, ve Galerina venenata türlerinin aynı genetik yapıyı paylaştıkları, dolayısıyla hepsinin, en eski isimlendirme olan Galerina marginata ismi altında toplanabileceğini ortaya çıkarmıştır.

Cortinariaceae
Zehirli mantarlar
1789'da tanımlanan mantarlar

Galerina autumnalis


Theodora (Thora) Frederikke Marie Daugaard-Jensen (22. oktober 1874 i Storarden Sogn - 28. juni 1951 i Holstebro) var en dansk kvindesagsforkæmper, pacifist og redaktør. Daugaard styrede Kvindetoget (optog i forbindelse med kvinders valgret 5. juni 1915) i positionen som forretningsfører for Dansk Kvindesamfund.

Biografi
Som datter af Petrine Daugaard (1848-1925) og kro- og hotelejer Peder Johannes Jensen (1841-1903) er Thora født i Hesselholt, Storarden. Hun voksede op på Gæstgivergården i Storarden. Den 9. april 1900 skiftede Thora efternavn fra Jensen til Daugaard-Jensen . Hun blev uddannet translatør i 1903 og arbejdede som redaktør for forskellige kvindeblade. Daugaard-Jensen forblev single og flyttede i 1920 ind i nyopførte Clara Raphaels Hus.

Dansk Kvindesamfund

International fredsbevægelse

Clara Raphaels Hus

Redaktør
Af Tidens Kvinder og Vore Damer

Biograf - Grand Teatret

Anden Verdenskrig og flygtningebørn

Referencer

Eksterne henvisninger

Politisk involverede personer fra Danmark
Kvinderetsforkæmpere fra Danmark
Pacifister fra Danmark
Danskere i 1800-tallet
Danskere i 1900-tallet
Personer i Dansk Kvindebiografisk Leksikon
Personer i Dansk Biografisk Leksikon

Thora Daugaard


Earl Charles Slipher () a fost un astronom american. El a fost fratele astronomului Vesto Slipher.

Slipher s-a născut în . S-a alăturat echipei  în 1908 și a devenit un astronom planetar notabil, concentrându-se pe Marte. El a publicat Istoria fotografică a planetei Marte (1905-1961). În 1957, el a apărut în episodul "" din Disneyland, discutând posibilitatea existenței vieții pe Marte.

De asemenea, el a servit ca primar al Flagstaff, Arizona, din 1918 până în 1920, și mai târziu ca membru al legislaturii de stat din Arizona până în 1933.

Craterul Slipher pe Lună este numit după Earl și Vesto Slipher, ca și asteroidul 1766 Slipher, descoperit pe 7 septembrie 1962, de către .

Legături externe
 Biografie

Nașteri în 1883
Decese în 1964
Politicieni americani din secolul al XX-lea
Astronomi americani
Membri ai Camerei Reprezentanților statului Arizona
Eponime ale craterelor de pe Lună
Eponime ale asteroizilor

Earl C. Slipher


Afrika
 Aksumitisches Reich
 König: Nezool (ca. 450–ca. 500)

 Reich der Vandalen
 König: Hunerich (477–484)

Amerika
 Maya
 Palenque
 König: Casper II. (435–487)
 Tikal
 König: K'an-Ak (458–486)

Asien
 China
 Kaiser: Qi Wu Di (483–493)
 Nördliche Wei-Dynastie: Wei Xiaowendi (471–499)

 Iberien (Kartlien)
 König: Wachtang I. Gorgassali (452–502)

 Indien
 Gupta-Reich
 König: Budhagupta (476–495)
 Kadamba
 König: Mrigesa Varman (475–488)
 Pallava
 König: Nandi Varman I. (480–500)
 Vakataka
 König: Harishena (480–510)

 Japan
 Kaiser: Seinei (480–484)

 Korea
 Baekje
 König: Dongseong (479–501)
 Gaya
 König: Jilji (451–492)
 Goguryeo
 König: Jangsu (413–490)
 Silla
 König: Soji (479–500)

 Sassanidenreich
 Schah (Großkönig): Peroz I. (459–484)

Europa
 Britannien
 Kent
 König: Hengest (455–488)
 Sussex
 König: Ælle (477–um 500)

 Reich der Burgunden
 König: Chilperich II. in Valence (480–493)
 König: Godegisel in Genf (480–501)
 König: Godomar I. in Vienne (480–486)
 König: Gundobad in Lyon (480–516)

 Ostgotenreich
 König: Theoderich der Große (474–526)

 Reich des Odoaker
 König: Odoaker (476–493)
 Konsul: Anicius Acilius Aginantius Faustus iunior (483)

 Oströmisches Reich
 Kaiser: Zenon (474–491)

 Reich des Syagrius
 Herrscher: Syagrius (464–486/487)

 Rheinfranken
 König: Sigibert von Köln (483–509)

 Salfranken
 König: Chlodwig I. (482–511)

 Westgotenreich
 König: Eurich (466–484)

Religiöse Führer
 Papst: Simplicius (468–483)
 Papst: Felix II. (483–492)
 Patriarch von Konstantinopel: Akakios von Konstantinopel (471–489)

Liste der Staatsoberhäupter 483


Le mur géologique de Géromont est une échelle stratigraphique monumentale réalisée avec des roches extraites de carrières situées en Wallonie (Belgique).  Des roches représentatives de périodes géologiques s'étendant du Cambrien (540 millions d'années) au Quaternaire (actuel), se succèdent, par ordre chronologique, sur 54 mètres, à raison de un mètre pour dix millions d'années.  Le mur incliné suivant le pendage des couches de grès Famennien exploité par une ancienne carrière est adossé au versant sud de la vallée de l'Ourthe au nord de Comblain-la-Tour, sur la commune de Comblain-au-Pont.

Genèse
L'idée naquit lors d'une rencontre de Paolo Gasparotto, sculpteur sur pierre et murailleur avec Camille Ek, professeur de géologie à l'université de Liège en 2004.

Ce projet a tout d'abord été soutenu par l'Agence de Développement Local (ADL) de Comblain-au-Pont, par le Centre d'interprétation de la Pierre de Sprimont, et l'asbl "Les découvertes de Comblain" qui assure depuis 2016 la gestion et l'encadrement de cette œuvre pédagogique.

Grâce à cette bonne collaboration entre différentes administrations, des acteurs associatifs, des entreprises d'extraction et la participation de nombreux bénévoles, l'idée est en cours de concrétisation (2022).

Localisation
Le mur est édifié sur la pente d'un versant sud de la vallée de l'Ourthe près des haldes d'une carrière abandonnée.  Il s'agit du site d'une ancienne carrière souterraine de grès à Géromont, hameau carrier de Comblain-au-Pont.  On y extrayait du grès Famennien (psammite) destiné à la production de pavés et de pierres de construction.  C'est un site de grand intérêt biologique.  On y recense, entre autres, de nombreux chiroptères qui ont trouvé refuge dans les anciennes carrières souterraines de ce versant bien exposé.  Non loin du mur, se trouve le bâtiment du "Centre d'interprétation de la chauve-souris".

Composition pétrographique
Le lourd ensemble des strates rocheuses est retenu par une bêche: il s'agit d'une butée située à sa base et destinée à résister à l'effort horizontal de glissement du talus. L'ouvrage est composé d'une succession de bancs de blocs de roches disposés à la manière d'un  mur de pierre sèche sur une épaisseur d'environ cinquante centimètres.  À l'exception d'une couche de roche magmatique (le porphyre de Quenast), il est composé de roches sédimentaires  qui se sont déposées au cours des pérégrinations de l'Ardenne au fil des temps géologiques.  La région se déplaça du cercle polaire antarctique à sa latitude actuelle et fût tantôt submergée, tantôt émergée, parfois même au sommet d'une montagne.  La succession des roches racontent cette histoire.

Paléozoïque (Primaire)

Durant l'ère paléozoïque, la Wallonie, située en bord de plaque tectonique, a connu deux orogenèses : l'orogenèse calédonienne et l'orogenèse varisque ou hercynienne qui a donné le Massif ardennais.  Ces deux orogenèses expliquent le pendage important de certaines strates rocheuses qui se sont déposées à l'horizontale lorsque la région était submergée avant son soulèvement.  Par exemple, les dalles du site d'escalade de Tilff qui date du Frasnien.

Cambrien

La couche du Cambrien est composée de quartzites et de phyllades.  Il s'agit de roches détritiques, indurées, peu carbonatées, accumulées au fond d'un bassin sédimentaire marin relativement profond, sous forme de turbidites (roches sédimentaires mises en place à la suite d'un écoulement de sédiments le long d'une pente sous-marine).  On trouve en Wallonie, six massifs calédoniens.  Les roches du mur proviennent du Groupe de Deville du  , extraite à Lasnenville et Hourt, et du Groupe de Revin, où un éboulement à Trois-Ponts a fourni de la matière à bon compte.  Le Cambrien ayant duré 40 millions d'années, cette période occupe les 4 premiers mètres du mur.

Ordovicien

Au cours de l'Ordovicien, de l'argile s'est ensuite déposé formant du schiste et des phyllades que l'on retrouve sur le pourtour du Massif de Stavelot.  C'est dans cette couche que l'on extrait les ardoises qui recouvrent les toits ardennais et parfois aussi des moellons utilisés pour les murs ainsi que le célèbre coticule de Vielsalm des pierres à aiguiser.

Silurien

Le Silurien connaît également des dépôts sédimentaires mais c'est également de cette période que datent les roches magmatiques que l'on trouve en Belgique.  C'est donc par du porphyre venant des carrières de Quenast (Brabant wallon) que cette couche est représentée.  On en a fait des pavés que l'on retrouvait dans toutes les villes de Belgique. Cette roche concassée résistante à l'abrasion fournit aussi le ballast des chemins de fer belges et les granulats des routes asphaltées.

Dévonien

Le Dévonien est constitué de plusieurs étages : le Lochkovien, le Praguien, l'Emsien, l'Eifélien, le Givétien, le Frasnien, le Famennien.  On y trouve des cailloux arrondis provenant de l'érosion de la Chaîne calédonienne cimentés par des minéraux lors de la diagenèse (recristallisation, induration) de la roche et formant un poudingue.  Une transgression marine entraîne la formation de schistes et de calcaires.  Des pierres que l'on peut polir avec un beau fini comme le marbre noir de Golzinne à Mazy et le marbre rouge de Vodelée, non loin de Philippeville, dans la Calestienne. Il ne s'agit pas ici de marbre au sens géologique strict, terme désignant une roche métamorphique, mais au sens ornemental: une roche prenant un beau poli.  C'est de cette période que date la Calestienne, une étroite bande de terrains calcaires de 2 à 10 km de large et de 130 km de long serpentant en Fagne-Famenne de la région de Chimay à celle de Remouchamps et dans laquelle on trouve de nombreuses grottes.

Carbonifère

Le Carbonifère est également constitué de plusieurs étages : le Tournaisien (calcaire très riche en silice amorphe dont l'usage comme granulats du béton est proscrit en raison de leur réaction expansive au contact des alcalins du ciment) et le Viséen (qui forment le Dinantien actuellement repris dans le Mississippien) suivis du Namurien, du Westphalien et du Stéphanien (qui forment le Silurien).
À cette époque, la Wallonie traverse l'Équateur et la végétation est luxuriante.  Nous lui devons les mines de charbon, exploitées dès le Moyen Âge là où le charbon affleure en surface comme à Liège et dans le Hainaut et plus tard dans le sous-sol (galeries situées à plus de  de profondeur) de Campine où les premières veines de charbon furent découvertes en 1901 grâce aux sondages réalisés par le géologue belge André Dumont (1847 – 1920).  À noter que les iguanodons de Bernissart, bien que découverts dans une mine de charbon ne datent pas de cette période, ils vécurent bien plus tard, au Crétacé.

Permien

Lors du Permien la région s'éloigne de l'Équateur et le cycle des saisons se retrouve rétabli.  Le fer présent dans les roches est alternativement dissous par les eaux météoritiques s'infiltrant dans le sous-sol pauvre en oxygène (Fe, forme réduite plus soluble) et précipité en surface (Fe, forme oxydée ~ 100 fois moins soluble) sous forme d'oxyde ferriques ().  Les oxydes de Fe(III) donnent une couleur rouge caractéristique aux roches de cette période.  On les retrouve souvent sous forme de poudingue contenant des galets roulés provenant de l'érosion de la Chaîne hercynienne.  Les échantillons de roches du Permien proviennent de la carrière de la Warche à Bévercé.

Mésozoïque (Secondaire)

Triasique

Jurassique

Crétacée

Cénozoïque (Tertiaire et Quaternaire)

Notes et références

Bibliographie

 Pierres et marbres en Wallonie. Reconnaissance et genèse, Frédéric Boulvain et Francis Tourneur, Académie royale de Belgique, 2016 .

Voir aussi

 Géologie de la Belgique
 Histoire de la Terre
 Marbres et pierres de Wallonie
 Pierre bleue (calcaire)
 Stratigraphie
 Lit (géologie)
 Lit (taille de pierre)

Liens externes

Comblain-au-Pont
Géologie de la Belgique
Industrie extractive
Monument
Mur symbole
Patrimoine géologique
Pétrographie
Pierre à bâtir
Pierre naturelle
Stratigraphie

Mur géologique de Géromont


Nonconformiștii, (Revolutionary Road), este o dramă anglo-americană a regizorului Sam Mendes  din 2008. Scenariul este scris de Justin Haythe bazat pe romanul omonim al scriitorului American Richard Yates, care a apărut în 1961, acesta fiind primul său roman. Filmul îi reunește în distribuție pe cei trei, Leonardo DiCaprio, Kate Winslet și Kathy Bates, care au jucat împreună în filmul lui James Cameron  Titanic (1997). Winslet a primit pentru acest film Globul de Aur pentru cea mai bună actriță de dramă.

Rezumat

Acțiunea filmului se petrece în anul 1955 Statele Unite având ca temă speranțele și dorințele unei familii încrezătoare în sine, Frank și April Wheeler, care s-au cunoscut cu câțiva ani în urmă la o petrecere.
Amândoi renunță la viața de la oraș, pentru ca cei doi copii ai lor să crească într-o suburbie din Conecticut. Pentru aceasta ei cumpără o casă pe Revolutionary Road. Familia Wheelers recunosc ei înșiși că sunt altfel decât vecinii lor din cartier, așa numitul Revolutionary Hill Estate. Treptat căsnicia lor începe să intre în criză.

Distribuție
 Leonardo DiCaprio - Frank Wheeler
 Kate Winslet - April Wheeler
 Ryan Simpkins - Jennifer Wheeler
 Ty Simpkins - Michael Wheeler
 Kathy Bates - Mrs. Givings
 Richard Easton - Mr. Givings
 Michael Shannon - John Givings
 Kathryn Hahn - Milly Campbell
 David Harbour - Shep Campbell
 Zoe Kazan  - Maureen Grube

Referințe

Legături externe

Filme dramatice
Filme din 2008
Filme în limba engleză
Filme americane
Filme britanice
Filme BBC
Filme DreamWorks Pictures
Ecranizări de romane americane
Filme regizate de Sam Mendes
Filme Paramount Vantage

Nonconformiștii (film)


WakuWaku Japan යනු ආසියාවේ ප්‍රේක්ශකයන් වෙනුවෙන් විකාශනය වන ජපන් රූපවාහිනී චැනලයක් වේ. ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ දී Dialog TV චැනල් අංක 117 සහ Peo TV චැනල් අංක 183 ඔස්සේ මෙම චැනලය නැරඹිය හැකිය.

ඉතිහාසය
WakuWaku Japan ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ ප්‍රථම ජපන් භාෂා චැනලය ලෙස Dialog TV හා එක්ව 2016 ඔක්තෝබර් 7 වන දින විකාශය ආරම්භ කරන ලදී.

මූලාශ්‍ර

WakuWaku Japan


An Pitcairnia funkiae in uska species han Liliopsida nga ginhulagway ni Michael A. Spencer ngan Lyman Bradford Smith. An Pitcairnia funkiae in nahilalakip ha genus nga Pitcairnia, ngan familia nga Bromeliaceae.

Mabibilngan ini ha Costa Rica. Waray hini subspecies nga nakalista.

Mga kasarigan

Pitcairnia

Pitcairnia funkiae


Fúsi er íslensk kvikmynd frá 2015 eftir Dag Kára.

Leikarar
 Gunnar Jónsson sem Fúsi
 Ilmur Kristjánsdóttir sem Sjöfn
 Sigurjón Kjartansson sem Mörður
 Margrét Helga Jóhannsdóttir sem Fjóla
 Franziska Una Dagsdóttir sem Hera
 Arnar Jónsson sem Rolf
 Þórir Sæmundsson sem Elvar

Tenglar

Íslenskar kvikmyndir
Kvikmyndir frumsýndar 2015

Fúsi (kvikmynd)


1997 සිංගර් අකායි කුසලානය 1997 අප්‍රේල් 3-11 අතර එක්සත් අරාබි එමීර් රාජ්‍යයේ සාජා හිදී පැවැත්විණි. ජාතික කණ්ඩායම් තුනක් සහභාගී වූහ. එනම් පකිස්ථානය, ශ්‍රී ලංකාව සහ සිම්බාබ්වේ .

1997 සිංගර් අකායි කුසලානය ආරම්භ වූයේ ද්විත්ව රවුන්ඩ් රොබින් තරගාවලියකින් වන අතර එහිදී සෑම කණ්ඩායමක්ම අනෙක් කණ්ඩායම් දෙවරක් ක්‍රීඩා කළහ. අවසන් තරඟය සඳහා ප්‍රමුඛ කණ්ඩායම් දෙක සුදුසුකම් ලැබීය. මෙම තරඟාවලිය සදහා ඇමරිකානු ඩොලර් 40,000 ජයග්‍රහණය කිරීමට ශ්‍රී ලංකාව සමත් විය. අනුශූරයන් වූ පාකිස්තානය ඇමරිකානු ඩොලර් 25,000 ක් සහ සිම්බාබ්වේ ඩොලර් 10,000 ක් දිනා ගත්හ.

මෙම තරඟාවලියේ ප්‍රතිලාභීන් වූයේ වකාර් යූනිස් සහ සයීඩ් අහමඩ් ඇමරිකානු ඩොලර් 35,000 බැගින් ලබා ගත් අතර අස්ලාම් කොඛාර්, ඊස්රාර් අලි සහ සුල්ෆිකාර් අහමඩ් ඇමරිකානු ඩොලර් 10,000 බැගින් ලබා ගත්හ.

සංචිත

තරග

කණ්ඩායම් අධියර

අවසාන තරගය

මේවාද බලන්න

 සාජා කුසලානය

යොමුව

ක්‍රිකට්
ශ්‍රී ලංකාව තුළ ක්‍රිකට්

සිංගර් අකායි කුසලානය 1996–97


Kassem Mohammad Istanbouli, conocido artísticamente como Kassem Istanbouli (Líbano, 14 de julio de 1986) es un actor y director de teatro libanés de madre palestina.

Carrera artística
Ha trabajado como actor en la serie televisiva Foyer Albert del director Bruno Tobbal en el año 2008, y más recientemente, en el año 2011, en la serie Alghalibon del director Basil Alkhatib, ambas en el Líbano.

En el cine, participó como actor en los largometrajes 33 days, rodado en Irán en el año 2010 por el director Jamal Chorjh, y Et maintenant on vait ou? rodado por la directora Nadine Labaki en el año 2011 en el Líbano. Ha dirigido y participado como actor en el cortometraje Death Road, rodado en el Líbano en el año 2011.

Obras teatrales
Sus principales trabajos teatrales hasta la fecha han sido:

 Picnic in the field, adaptación de la obra del escritor español Fernando Arrabal a la situación vivida durante la guerra civil del Líbano en clave de comedia trágica y que resultó premiada por el Ministerio de Cultura del Líbano en el Festival Universitario del año 2009,  esta obra fue representada en Siria y Líbano en el año 2010.

 Koum Yaba, monodrama en clave de comedia trágica basado en la obra del escritor Salman Natour sobre la historia de Palestina desde 1.948 hasta nuestros días y que nació para ser representado por las calles del Líbano y de Gaza en el año 2010, habiendo sido representado también en el Centro Autogestionado La Tabacalera de Lavapiés de Madrid, España, en mayo de 2011.

 Hawamish obra producida por el Centro para la Rehabilitación de Víctimas de la Tortura en Líbano, KIAM, y que es un manifiesto contra la violencia hacia las mujeres.

 El Tribunal del Pueblo, obra representada en el año 2010 en las calles de Beirut reclamando el pleno reconocimiento a la ciudadanía de las mujeres del Líbano.

 Experiencia del Mural, obra basada en un poema mesopotámico del  que trabaja los símbolos y las emociones del poema a través de la danza y la música árabe tradicional y que fue seleccionada por el Festival Internacional de Teatro Clásico de Almagro, España, como finalista del Concurso Almagro Off para su representación el 10 de julio de 2011.

 Zanka Zanka, un recorrido por las revoluciones árabes ocurridas en el año 2011 en clave de sátira, y que ha sido representada en el Líbano.

Referencias

Bibliografía
 Cendrero, Ana: Kassem Istanbouli: Pasión por el teatro. Periódico digital Cuentamealgobueno. 26 de septiembre de 2011
 PNN: Istanbouli teatro presenta con éxito la obra Muros en España. 3 de septiembre de 2012
 Palestinalibre.org: La voz de Istanbouli Theatre vuelve a Europa: Kassem Istanbouli

Enlaces externos
 Chillanense: Director libanés Kassem Istanbouli participará en ENTEPACH. Chillán, 2014

Actores del Líbano
Directores de teatro

Kassem Istanbouli


Richard Olding Hynes (* 29. November 1944 in Nairobi, Kenia) ist ein britisch-US-amerikanischer Molekularbiologe, der sich insbesondere mit der Zelladhäsion befasst.

Leben

Hynes ist der Sohn eines Süßwasser-Ökologen und einer Physiklehrerin. Er studierte Biochemie an der Universität Cambridge mit dem Bachelor-Abschluss 1966 und dem Master-Abschluss 1970. Er wurde 1971 am Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT) in Biologie promoviert. 1971 bis 1974 war er Research Fellow des Imperial Cancer Research Fund in London.

Ab 1975 war er Assistant Professor und ab 1983 Professor für Biologie am MIT, seit 2002 als Daniel K. Ludwig Professor for Cancer Research. 1991 bis 2001 war er dort Direktor des Center for Cancer Research and Development. 1989 bis 1991 leitete er die Biologie Fakultät des MIT. Er ist am MIT in der Fakultät für Biologie und am David H. Koch Institute of Integrative Cancer Research. Seit 1988 ist er auch Forscher am Howard Hughes Medical Institute und seit 2004 assoziiertes Mitglied des Broad Institute des MIT.

Als Forscher des Imperial Cancer Research Fund in London Anfang der 1970er Jahre untersuchte er, was die Oberfläche von Krebszellen von normalen Zellen unterscheidet und fand das Zelladhäsionsmolekül Fibronektin, das bei normalen Zellen vorhanden war, aber nicht bei Krebszellen. Später entdeckte er eine weitere Gruppe von Proteinen, die eine wichtige Rolle bei der Zelladhäsion spielen, die Integrine: sie koppeln nach außen zum Beispiel an die Fibronektine, die die äußere Matrix bilden, und nach innen sowohl an Teile des Zytoskeletts als auch an das Signalsystem der Zelle. Er untersuchte die Rolle des Zelladhäsionssystems und von Defekten darin bei Krebs (und der Bildung von Metastasen und Angiogenese beim Krebs), bei weißen Blutkörperchen, bei denen ein Defekt der bei der Infektionsabwehr wichtigen Zellankopplungsmechanismen zu Entzündungen führt, und in der Blutgerinnung, wo Defekte in der Zell-Zell-Kopplung zur Thrombose führen können. Selectine spielen bei Blutgerinnung und Entzündungen (weißen Blutkörperchen) eine besondere Rolle und sind Gegenstand der Forschung im Labor von Hynes. Er untersuchte die Folge von genetischen Fehlern im Zelladhäsionssystem an Mausstämmen in seinem Labor. Eine häufig beobachtete Folge waren Defekte bei der Angiogenese. Sein Labor untersuchte auch, welche der schätzungsweise 2000 bis 3000 menschlichen Gene (5–10 % des Genoms bei Säugern), die bei der Zelladhäsion eine Rolle spielen, eine aktive Rolle bei der Krebsentstehung spielen und identifizierte einige von diesen. Sie untersuchen auch die evolutionäre Entwicklung dieses Gensystems (Adhesome).

1997 erhielt er den Gairdner Foundation International Award, 2007 den Pasarow Award und 2022 den . 1982 war er Guggenheim Fellow. Er ist Fellow der Royal Society, der National Academy of Sciences und deren Institute of Medicine, der American Academy of Arts and Sciences und der American Association for the Advancement of Science. Er war 2000 Präsident der American Society for Cell Biology.

Richard O. Hynes ist britischer und US-amerikanischer Staatsbürger.

Weblinks
 Webseite am MIT
 Weitere Webseite am Koch Institute des MIT
 Porträt beim HHMI

Einzelnachweise

Molekularbiologe
Hochschullehrer (Massachusetts Institute of Technology)
Mitglied der Royal Society
Fellow der American Association for the Advancement of Science
Mitglied der National Academy of Sciences
Mitglied der American Academy of Arts and Sciences
Träger des Canada Gairdner International Award
Träger des Albert Lasker Award for Basic Medical Research
Brite
US-Amerikaner
Geboren 1944
Mann

Richard O. Hynes


Warren B. Offutt (* 13. Februar 1928 in Brooklyn, New York; † 20. September 2017 in Cloudcroft, New Mexico) war ein US-amerikanischer Ingenieur, Amateurastronom und Asteroidenentdecker.

Im Zeitraum zwischen 1996 und 1997 entdeckte er an seinem privaten W & B-Observatorium in Cloudcroft in New Mexico insgesamt 16 Asteroiden.

Seine Beobachtung des später Sycorax benannten Uranusmonds trug wesentlich zur genauen Bahnbestimmung desselben bei.

Der Asteroid (7639) Offutt wurde anlässlich seines 70. Geburtstags nach ihm benannt.

Einzelnachweise

Literatur
 Lutz D. Schmadel: Dictionary of Minor Planet Names. 5th ed. Springer, Berlin 2003, ISBN 3-540-00238-3 (engl.) [Voransicht bei Google Book Search]

Astronom (20. Jahrhundert)
Astronom (21. Jahrhundert)
Person als Namensgeber für einen Asteroiden
US-Amerikaner
Geboren 1928
Gestorben 2017
Mann
Amateurastronom

Warren B. Offutt


CasaPound Italia (kurz CPI) ist eine neofaschistische Bewegung und ehemalige Partei in Rom, die sich als nationalistisch und sozial versteht. Sie hat seit 2003 ihr Hauptquartier in einem besetzten Gebäude im XV. Rione. Der Name bezieht sich auf den amerikanischen Schriftsteller Ezra Pound, einen Anhänger Mussolinis. Die Bewegung hat nach eigenen Angaben derzeit ca. 20.000 Mitglieder (2017), die sich "Faschisten des dritten Millenniums" nennen. CasaPound pflegt enge Kontakte zur rechtsextremen Szene in Europa und hat für viele Aktivisten Vorbildcharakter. Am 26. Juni 2019 gab der Parteivorsitzende Gianluca Iannone bekannt, dass sich die CasaPound in Form einer politischen Partei auflöst und zu ihrem ursprünglichen Status als soziale Bewegung zurückkehrt.

Geschichte
Die Ursprünge von CasaPound reichen in das Jahr 2003 zurück, als nach Angaben der Bewegung ein leerstehendes Gebäude im römischen Migrantenquartier Esquilino in der Nähe des Bahnhofs Roma Termini wegen der hohen Mieten, wie es hieß, besetzt wurde. An der Aktion waren Personen der Gruppierungen Movimento Politico Occidentale, Meridiano Zero und Fiamma Tricolore beteiligt, allesamt Vertreter der äußersten Rechten in Italien. Man benannte das sechsstöckige Mietshaus in der Via Napoleone III nach dem antisemitischen, antiamerikanischen und rassistischen Dichter Ezra Pound, einem Anhänger Mussolinis. Das Gebäude ist heute innen geprägt von faschistischen Parolen und Bildern. Außerdem leben mehrere Familien dort. Damals an der Aktion beteiligt war auch der derzeit amtierende Präsident der CasaPound, Gianluca Iannone. Er war zuvor als neofaschistischer Aktivist und Skinhead aktiv. Seine Intention war es, dem durch radikale Linke besetzten Centri Sociali etwas entgegenzusetzen. Anleihen nahm er auch bei der globalisierungskritischen Bewegung Disobbedienti.

Nachdem CasaPound von der Partei Fiamma Tricolore ausgeschlossen wurde, was auf interne Streitigkeiten zurückzuführen war, baute sie ihre eigenen Strukturen auf. Dazu wurden ab 2004/05 weitere Räumlichkeiten in der Hauptstadt besetzt, darunter auch Lokalitäten und Buchhandlungen (angeboten werden u. a. faschistische, geschichtsrevisionistische, NS-verherrlichende Schriften), wie 2008 den außer Dienst gestellten Bahnhaltepunkt Olimpico-Farnesina. In der Folge dehnte CasaPound seinen Wirkbereich auf andere Städte Italiens bis nach Sizilien aus. Gegenwärtig hat sie 13 regionale Organisationen an ca. 50 Standorten des Landes. 2006 wurde eine Schüler- und Studentenorganisation namens Blocco Studentesco gegründet, die ebenfalls überregional agiert. CasaPound formierte eigene Print- und Rundfunkformate und ist mittlerweile stark in den Sozialen Netzwerken vertreten. 2012 demonstrierten in Rom ca. 6.000 Anhänger der CasaPounds gegen Banken und Regierung.

2012 erhielt sie den Status einer Partei. An den Parlamentswahlen in Italien 2013 nahm CasaPound Italia mit Simone di Stefano als Spitzenkandidat teil. Obwohl CasaPound durchaus kommunalpolitisch Mandatsträger aufweisen kann – man trat 2010 auf offenen Listen der Il Popolo della Libertà (PDL) von Silvio Berlusconi an –, ist es ihr bisher nicht gelungen, landesweit Fuß zu fassen. Die besten Ergebnisse erreichte sie in Latium (0,79 Prozent) und in Bozen (1,7 Prozent). Kommunalpolitisch kam sie im selben Jahr auf lediglich 0,61 Prozent und blieb damit hinter den selbstgesteckten Erwartungen zurück. Sie wurde im rechtsextremen Milieu von der Fratelli d'Italia – Alleanza Nazionale und La Destra auf die Plätze verwiesen. Bei den Parlamentswahlen in Italien 2018 erreichte CasaPound 0,95 % der Stimmen, bei der Landtagswahl in Südtirol 2018 0,9 %.

CasaPound hat mittlerweile den Status der Gemeinnützigkeit und kann sich so über Spenden finanzieren. Nach eigenen Angaben sind heute (2017) über 20.000 Personen Mitglied bei CasaPound. Nach Informationen des Historikers Volker Weiß wird das Zentrum "von der Stadtverwaltung geduldet und der römischen Polizei im Zweifelsfall beschützt."

Kulturkampf

Vertreter der CasaPound bezeichnen sich in Abgrenzung zur etablierten Rechten selbst als "Faschisten des dritten Jahrtausends". Alte Versatzstücke werden modelliert und neu gestaltet. Man versucht den Faschismus als Lebensstil anzupreisen und besetzt dabei bewusst auch eher linke Themen. Es wird eine Art "Kulturkampf von Rechts" betrieben. Dabei orientiert sich die Bewegung an der französischen Nouvelle Droite. Bekämpft werden die Werte der Moderne, die auf die Französische Revolution zurückgehen.

Als Signe wählte sie eine stilisierte schwarz-weiße Schildkröte ("Tartaruga") mit einem achteckigen Panzer. Ein Buch des neofaschistischen Theoretikers Gabriele Adinolfi, ehemals Rechtsterrorist, sollte als Vorlage dienen. CasaPound gibt für das Oktogon aus Öffentlichkeitsgründen verschiedene Interpretationsansätze an. Koch bewertet dies als "Segeln unter einer falschen Flagge". Anhänger der Bewegung tragen bei Aktionen gewöhnlich einheitliche Kleidung.

CasaPound erinnert in seinem Auftreten einerseits an das Imperium Romanum und das Mussolini-Stadtviertel Esposizione Universale di Roma. Man verwerte den einst avantgardistischen Futurismus der ersten Hälfte des 20. Jahrhunderts, dessen Begründer Filippo Tommaso Marinetti ein Weggefährte Mussolinis war. Der "Turbodynamismus" der Bewegung – eine Art Synthese von Politik und ästhetischer Gewalt – spare allerdings die "reflexiven Momente" aus und beschränke sich "auf eine habituelle Kopie", so Weiß.

Andererseits versucht man den Symbolwert der 68er-Bewegung zu vereinnahmen. CasaPound instrumentalisiert Namen und Bilder von Persönlichkeiten aus dem Kultur- und Politikbereich wie Jack Kerouac, Giuseppe Impastato, Rino Gaetano, Carmelo Bene, Bobby Sands, Che Guevara, Edén Pastora Gómez und Subcomandante Marcos. Ferner nimmt die Bewegung Anleihen aus der Popkultur (Comics, Romane, Filme, Anime usw.). Dort gehe es oft um "Kämpfer, die außerhalb des Gesetzes und der bestehenden Moral stehen". Sehr beliebt sind bestimmte Filme wie zum Beispiel Sie leben von John Carpenter, 300 von Zack Snyder und Fight Club von David Fincher. Nicht zuletzt benutzt man alternative Jugendkultur (Hip-Hop, Streetart u. a.) für die eigenen Zwecke. Es finden gar eigene Wettbewerbe statt. Auf dem Weblog Zentropa, das zum Netzwerk von CasaPound gehört, werden einschlägige – in rechtsextremen Kreisen verbreitete – Marken wie Thor Steinar und Erik and Sons beworben.

Größere Bedeutung im Musikbereich hat der italienische Rechtsrock. Als offizielle Band von CasaPound fungiert ZetaZeroAlfa, dessen Sänger der Präsident Iannone ist.

Blocco Studentesco

Um Interessenten leichter an die faschistische Ideologie heranführen zu können, gründete CasaPound 2006 eine Schüler- und Studentenorganisation, den Blocco Studentesco. Dieser nimmt auch an entsprechenden Wahlen teil, so zog er 2009 erfolgreich mit 100 Vertretern in die Schülerparlamente ein. Sein Logo zeigt einen weißen Blitz mit Kreis auf schwarzem Grund; es orientiert sich an der Fahne der British Union of Fascists von Oswald Mosley aus den 1930er Jahren.

Demonstrationen und Umzüge sind eine gängige Aktionsform unter den Heranwachsenden der Bewegung. Es werden Veranstaltungen wie Flashmobs, Hard Bass und Happenings organisiert, die dann über Youtube und andere soziale Medien abrufbar gemacht werden.

Die Jugendorganisation tritt mitunter überaus aggressiv auf, so kam es 2008 auf der Piazza Navona in Rom zu einer Straßenschlacht zwischen bewaffneten Faschisten und linken Studenten. Der öffentliche Widerstand ist allerdings im Vergleich zu den europäischen Nachbarn marginal.

Aktivitäten
CasaPound hat den Anspruch eine nationalistische und soziale Einrichtung zu sein. Insbesondere Wohnraum soll nach dem Konzept Mutuo Sociale bezahlbar bleiben. Dabei orientiert sie sich am Manifest von Verona, dem Gründungsdokument der faschistischen Italienischen Sozialrepublik der 1940er Jahre. Die Bewegung hat sich Sport-, Kultur- und Sozialangebote auf die Fahnen geschrieben. Diese Angebote orientieren sich an Mussolinis Opera Nazionale Dopolavoro (vgl. Kraft durch Freude der Nationalsozialisten) mit dem Ziel letztlich "Raum- und Deutungshoheit" zu erlangen. So werden etwa Eishockey, Bergwanderungen und Kampfsportarten angeboten. Auch habe man gute Kontakte in die Fußballszene und beeinflusst die dortige Ultra-Bewegung. 2013 organisierte CasaPound gemeinsam mit der russischen Organisation White Rex des Rechtsextremisten Denis Nikitin ein "Nationales Kampfsportturnier" in Rom, unter den Anwesenden waren Neonazis wie Andy Knape, Bundesvorsitzender der Jungen Nationaldemokraten, und Rechtsrockbands.

Nach dem Erdbeben von L'Aquila 2009 engagierten sich die Aktivisten in vorhandenen Freiräumen als Helfer. Bis heute leisten sie Arbeit im Zivilschutz, im medizinischen Bereich (Blutspenden, Sorgentelefon etc.) und im Umweltschutz. Gleichzeitig agitiert man unverhohlen gegen das Rote Kreuz und Gewerkschaften, denen man Tatenlosigkeit vorwirft. CasaPound gründete zur besseren Koordination eine eigene Gewerkschaft, die Blocco dei Lavoratori Unitario, die allerdings bisher relativ erfolglos blieb.

Wiederholt solidarisierte man sich mit Erich Priebke, einem ehemaligen SS-Führer und Nazi-Kriegsverbrecher, der 2013 im Hausarrest verstarb. Abgeordnete von CasaPound nehmen regelmäßig an Gedenkveranstaltungen zu Ehren Mussolinis in Predappio teil.

Aktionsfelder
Zu den wichtigsten Aktionsfeldern des modernisierten Faschismus von CasaPound gehören u. a.:
 antikapitalistischer, nationalrevolutionärer Aktivismus gegen Wirtschaft und Staat
 Kritik am internationalen Finanzkapitalismus / Antisemitische Verschwörungstheorien
 Ausgrenzung und Übergriffe auf den politischen Gegner und Minderheiten (Juden, Roma, Ausländer und Homosexuelle)
 Bewahrung der italienischen Identität: Ethnopluralismus / Einwanderungsstopp
 reaktionäres antifeministisches Frauenbild / fundamentalistischer Katholizismus

Wirkung
Laut Spiegel Online soll CasaPound die "ideologische Heimat" des Attentäters Gianluca Casseri gewesen sein, der am 13. Dezember 2011 in Florenz zwei senegalesische Straßenhändler erschoss, drei weitere verletzte und anschließend auf der Flucht vor der Polizei Selbstmord beging. CasaPound distanzierte sich von dem Attentäter.

Vertreter der europäischen alten und neuen Rechten zeigten Interesse an CasaPound und der Identitären Bewegung, so Koch. Die Idee eines Bildungs- und Kulturzentrums innerhalb der rechten Bewegung wurde in Deutschland von der NPD aufgegriffen. Ebenfalls positiv aufgenommen wurde das Konzept bei den Freien Kameradschaften und den Autonomen Nationalisten, die bereits vorher mit den "National befreiten Zonen" ähnliche Ideen entwickelten. CasaPound übt darüber hinaus auch Einfluss auf Vertreter der neuen Rechten in Deutschland aus, etwa die Zeitschriften Blaue Narzisse um Felix Menzel und die Sezession um Götz Kubitschek.

CasaPound wird in der Rubrik Rechtsextremismus des Verfassungsschutzberichts 2013 des Bundesministeriums des Innern genannt. Verschiedene Landesämter für Verfassungsschutz und das Dokumentationsarchiv des österreichischen Widerstandes (DÖW) klassifizieren die CasaPound aufgrund ihrer Kontakte ins europäische Ausland ebenfalls als rechtsextrem bzw. neofaschistisch.

Laut dem Mailänder Zeithistoriker Roberto Chiarini (2013) zählt CasaPound zu "den bekanntesten und aktivsten Gruppen" des italienischen Faschismus im außerparlamentarischen Raum der letzten zwei Jahrzehnte. Der britische Faschismusforscher Aristotle Kallis (2014) nennt CasaPound als ein Beispiel für Splittergruppen der radikalen Rechten, die sich durch lose Organisationsstrukturen, ein radikales Anti-System-Profil und nicht selten konspirative und gewalttätige Aktionen auszeichnen.

Zentropa
Der Weblog Zentropa wird zum Netzwerk von CasaPound gerechnet. Er ist eher jugendlich und subkulturell gestaltet. Im Jahr 2006 veröffentlichten die Aktivisten dort ein Manifest. Koch bezeichnet Gabriele Adinolfi als "Spiritus rector" der Seite. Es werden Inhalte zur "Konservativen Revolution", zu verschiedenen europäischen Faschistenführern und zu neurechten Theoretikern verbreitet.

Literatur
Monografien
 Daniele Di Nunzio, Emanuele Toscano: Dentro e fuori Casapound. Capire il fascismo del Terzo Millennio. Armando Editore, Rom 2011, ISBN 978-88-6081-926-0.
 Heiko Koch: Casa Pound Italia. Mussolinis Erben. Unrast, Münster 2013, ISBN 978-3-89771-536-3.
Beiträge in Sammelbänden
 Anna Castriota, Matthew Feldman: An overview of language and ideology in Italy's CasaPound Movement. In: Matthew Feldman, Paul Jackson (Hrsg.): Doublespeak. The Rhetoric of the Far Right since 1945. ibidem, Stuttgart 2014, ISBN 978-3-8382-6554-4, S. 223 ff.
 Matthew Feldman, Andrea Rinaldi: 'Penny-wise…'. Ezra Pound's Posthumous Legacy to Fascism. In: Paul Jackson, Anton Shekhovtsov (Hrsg.): The Post-War Anglo-American Far Right. A Special Relationship of Hate. Palgrave Macmillan, Basingstoke 2014, ISBN 978-1-137-39619-8, S. 39 ff.
 Daniele Di Nunzio, Emanuele Toscano: Taking Everything Back. CasaPound A Far Right Movement in Italy. In: Antimo L. Farro, Henri Lustiger-Thaler (Hrsg.): Reimagining Social Movements. From Collectives to Individuals. Ashgate Publishing Farnham 2014, ISBN 978-1-4094-0104-9, S. 251 ff.
 Emmanuel Godin: The European extreme right. In search of respectability?. In: Nathan Hall, Abbee Corb, Paul Giannasi, John G. D. Grieve (Hrsg.): The Routledge International Handbook on Hate Crime. Routledge, New York 2015, ISBN 978-0-415-81890-2, S. 138 ff. (CasaPound, S. 146–147)
Artikel mit Peer Review
 Emanuele Toscano, Daniele Di Nunzio: Casapound movement. individual affirmation in struggles against Democracy. In: Rassegna Italiana di Sociologia 53 (2012) 4, S. 631–660.
 Pietro Castelli Gattinara, Caterina Froio, Matteo Albanese: The appeal of neo-fascism in times of crisis. The experience of CasaPound Italia. In: Fascism 2 (2013), S. 234–258.
 Pietro Castelli Gattinara, Caterina Froio: Discourse and Practice of Violence in the Italian Extreme Right. Frames, Symbols, and Identity-Building in CasaPound Italia. In: International Journal of Conflict and Violence 8 (2014) 1, S. 154–170.
 Phillip Becher: Mobilisierungspraxen der extremen Rechten am Beispiel von Casa Pound Italia. Casa Pound – ein "gemeinsames Haus" für Europas Neofaschisten?. In: PROKLA. Zeitschrift für kritische Sozialwissenschaft 48 (2018) 3, S. 459–473.
Weitere Fachartikel
 Volker Weiß: Neofaschismus in Italien. Popkulturell anschlussfähig. In: Frankfurter Rundschau, 3. November 2010. (ehemalige Online-Version)
 Patrick Gensing: Das "Casa Pound" – Vorbild für deutsche Neonazis. publikative.org, 14. Dezember 2011.
 Jan-Christoph Kitzler: Italien: Casa Pound – Faschismus für das 3. Jahrtausend?. Dossier Rechtsextremismus, Bundeszentrale für politische Bildung, 24. März 2014.

Weblinks

 Website von CasaPound Italia (italienisch)
 Website von Blocco Studentesco (italienisch)
Reportagen
 Gustav Hofer et al.: "Casa Pound" – Kulturzentrum der Rechtsextremen. Reportage, Arte Journal, 26. März 2010.
 Giulia Basile: Mussolinis Enkel – "Casa Pounds" rechte Jugendzentren in Italien. Kulturzeit (3sat), 7. März 2011.
 Hans-Jürgen Schlamp:  Rechtsextreme in Italien – Die entfesselte Gewalt der Neofaschisten. Spiegel Online, 6. Mai 2019

Einzelnachweise

Organisation (Rechtsextremismus)
Faschistische Partei
Partei (Italien)
Faschistische Organisation (Italien)
Neofaschismus
Hausbesetzung
Gegründet 2003
Verein (Rom)
Esquilino (Rione)

CasaPound Italia


Aloys Boller (* 8. Februar 1825, in Freiburg, Schweiz; † 28. Juli 1882, Worms) war ein deutscher Bildhauer und Steinmetz des späten Klassizismus und des Historismus.

Leben
Boller kam aus dem schweizerischen Freiburg im Üechtland. Sein Vater, Peter Joseph Nikolaus Boller, besaß das Wormser Heimatrecht, seine Mutter Anna, geb. Stempfel, war Schweizerin. Aloys Boller erhielt wohl eine Ausbildung als Steinmetz, denn 1843 beantragte er bei der Wormser Stadtverwaltung ein Wanderbuch. Mit dem spätklassizistische Denkmal für die Veteranen der Napoleonischen Kriege auf dem alten Friedhof Worms (heute Albert-Schulte-Park) gelang ihm als 23-Jähriger 1848 der berufliche Durchbruch.

Aloys Boller gehörte von 1864 bis zu seinem Tode dem Wormser Stadtrat an.

Er war mit Karoline Dorothea, geb. Schwind, (1836–1910) verheiratet. Sie hatten einen Sohn, Aloys Boller II. (1860–1899).

Die Eheleute sind auf dem Wormser Hauptfriedhof Hochheimer Höhe bestattet und haben dort das aufwändigste und prächtigste Grabmal, das aus dem 19. Jahrhundert erhalten ist. Es wurde kapellenartig, in neugotischem Stil errichtet. Eine Marmorbüste von Aloys Boller steht zentral als optischer Mittelpunkt in dem Bauwerk. Die Büste wurde von seinem Sohn, Aloys Boller II., gefertigt, der den Vater im Geschäft unterstützte und dieses nach seinem Tod weiterführte. 1918 befand sich der Betrieb in der Hand von Heinrich Groll.

Die Nachkommen von Aloys Boller nahmen den Familiendoppelnamen Schwind-Boller an und die Familie ist noch heute existent.

Werk
Aloys Boller besaß eigene Steinbrüche für roten und weißen Sandstein sowie für Kapuzinerstein in der Pfalz und betrieb in Worms eine Steinmetz- und Bildhauerwerkstätte. Von hier aus belieferte er Rheinhessen, Starkenburg, Pfalz und das nördliche Baden mit seinen Produkten, vornehmlich Grabsteinen. Seine signierten Werke sind heute zumeist Kulturdenkmäler nach den Denkmalschutzgesetzen der jeweiligen Bundesländer, in denen sie heute liegen. Der Firmensitz befand sich in der Karmeliter Straße.

Nach seinem Erfolg mit dem Veteranendenkmal in Worms ließen sich auch die Veteranen im pfälzischen Grünstadt 1852 ein gleiches, jedoch gusseisernes Denkmal im dortigen Peterspark errichten, so dass das von Boller entworfene Monument heute in doppelter Ausführung, jedoch in unterschiedlichem Material existiert. Das Grünstadter Denkmal wurde in Einzelteilen bei der Firma Gienanth in Eisenberg gegossen.

Neben der Bildhauerei war die Firma von Aloys Boller auch im Bauhandwerk aktiv. Sie fertigte und vertrieb weiter Mühlsteine aus weißem Neckartenzlinger Sandstein. Um 1888 war der Bildhauer- und Steinmetzbetrieb bereits zu einer solchen Größe angewachsen, dass er eine eigene Betriebskrankenkasse besaß.

Literatur

 Berthold Forster: Kulturhistorischer Rundgang in Gernsheim; in Gernsheimer Anzeigenblatt Nr. 46. vom 12. November 1998

 Fritz Reuter: Karl Hofmann und "das neue Worms": Stadtentwicklung und Kommunalbau 1882–1918. Selbstverlag der Hessischen Historischen Kommission Darmstadt und der Historischen Kommission für Hessen, 1993, ISBN 3-88443-180-3, S. 369 und 473.
 Irene Spille (Bearbeiterin): Kulturdenkmäler in Rheinland-Pfalz. Denkmaltopographie Bundesrepublik Deutschland. Band 10: Stadt Worms. Werner, Worms 1992, ISBN 3-88462-084-3
 Ferdinand Werner: Der Bahnhof und seine Folgen. Von der Karmelitergasse zur Kaiser-Wilhelm Straße – Bürgerliches Bauen in Worms 1850-1914. In: Der Wormsgau. 33/2017 (2018), S. 127–192 (hier der Abschnitt: Das Grabsteinlager von Aloys Boller, S. 144–146).

Weblinks
 Webseite zu Kunstdenkmälern in Bensheim (mit Hinweis auf ein aufwändiges Grabmal der Familie Müller, gefertigt von Aloys Boller)
 Datenseite zu Aloys Boller

Anmerkungen

Einzelnachweise

Bildhauer (Deutschland)
Bildhauer des Klassizismus
Bildhauer des Historismus
Bildender Künstler (Worms)
Deutscher
Schweizer
Geboren 1825
Gestorben 1882
Mann

Aloys Boller


Tozan Alkan (d. 1963), Türk şair ve çevirmendir.

Galatasaray Lisesi ve Boğaziçi Üniversitesi İşletme Bölümü mezunudur. İstanbul Üniversitesi Yabancı Diller Bölümü'nde okutmandır. PEN Yazarlar Derneği, Türkiye Yazarlar Sendikası, Edebiyatçılar Derneği ve ÇEVBİR üyesidir.

Victor Hugo, Oscar Wilde, William Blake, Emily Dickinson, D. H. Lawrence, Lord Byron, Anatole France, Philippe Soupault, Tristan Tzara ve Charles Baudelaire gibi pek çok şair ve yazarlardan çevirileri vardır.

Sana Şehir Gelecek adlı kitabıyla Behçet Aysan Şiir Ödülü ve Metin Altıok Şiir Ödülüne layık görüldü.

Eserleri
 Zaman ve Maske (2003)
 Kalbin Akşamüzerleri (2005)
 Rüzgâr (2007)
 Şairin Günah Defteri (2008)
 Sana Şehir Gelecek (2011)

Çevirileri
 Dada Manifestoları ve Seçme Şiirler (Tristan Tzara)
 Abydos'lu Nişanlı Kız (Lord Byron)
 Büyü (W. B. Yeats)
 Fanfarlo (Charles Baudelaire)
 Reading Hapishanesi Baladı (Oscar Wilde)
 Cehennem Kuşu (Victor Hugo)
 1789 Fransız Devrimi Şarkıları
 Kehanet Kitapları (William Blake)
 Aşktan Daha Derin (D. H. Lawrence)
 Masumiyet ve Deneyim Şarkıları (William Blake)
 Denizde Gece (Victor Hugo)
 Galatalı Bir Şair (Andre Chenier)
 Balthasar (Anatole France)
 Denize Doğru (Alfonsina Storni)

1963 doğumlular
Behçet Aysan Şiir Ödülü sahipleri
Boğaziçi Üniversitesinde öğrenim görenler
Galatasaray Lisesinde öğrenim görenler
Metin Altıok Şiir Ödülü sahipleri
Yaşayan insanlar
Türk çevirmenler
20. yüzyıl Türk şairleri
21. yüzyıl Türk şairleri
Fransızcadan Türkçeye çeviri yapanlar
İngilizceden Türkçeye çeviri yapanlar

Tozan Alkan


Le technoféminisme explore le rôle que joue le genre dans la technologie.

Il est souvent examiné sous le prisme de l'intersectionnalité, un terme créé par Kimberlé Crenshaw qui analyse les relations entre diverses identités, telles que la race, le statut socio-économique, la sexualité, le genre. Cependant, de nombreuses universitaires, tels que Lori Beth De Hertogh, Liz Lane, Jessica Oulette, ainsi qu'Angela Haas, ont dénoncé le manque de recherches technoféministes, en particulier dans le contexte de la recherche technologique globale.

L'une des principales préoccupations du technoféminisme est la relation entre les normes historiques et sociétales et la conception et la mise en œuvre de la technologie. Les universitaires technoféministes travaillent activement pour éclairer les inégalités souvent impensées qui sont ancrées dans les systèmes et trouver des solutions pour les combattre. Elles étudient également comment la technologie peut être utilisée à des fins positives, en particulier pour les groupes marginalisés.

Notion

Historique

Sélection de travaux

Judy Wajcman

L'ouvrage TechnoFeminism de la sociologue Judy Wajcman — paru en 2004 — a pour sujet la relation entre genre et technologies ; il présente en outre une lecture féministe de la relation femme-machine. Cet ouvrage est considéré comme majeur dans la formation de la technoscience féministe en tant que domaine de recherches.

Selon un article à propos de cet ouvrage paru dans lAmerican Journal of Sociology, Wajcman soutient que « les analyses de tout, des systèmes de transit aux frottis pap, doivent inclure une conscience technoféministe des positions souvent différentes des hommes et des femmes en tant que concepteurs, opérateurs de fabrication, vendeurs, acheteurs, profiteurs et utilisateurs incarnés de ces technologies ».

Angela Haas
Le travail d'Angela Haas est centré sur le technoféminisme en tant que prédécesseur de la « recherche sur la rhétorique culturelle numérique », son domaine de recherche. Les interactions entre ces deux domaines ont conduit les chercheurs à analyser le caractère intersectionnel de la technologie et comment cette intersectionnalité aboutit à des outils qui ne servent pas tous les utilisateurs.

Haas s'intéresse également à la manière dont les groupes marginalisés interagissent avec les technologies numériques.

Les domaines spécifiques de son analyse incluent notamment comment la révélation d'aspects de l'identité d'une personne influence sa capacité à exister en ligne. Bien que parfois les espaces numériques ne s'adressent pas aux groupes marginalisés, un exemple est l'idée qu'une personne qui s'identifie comme homosexuelle est perçue comme « sexuelle dans toutes les situations », ce qui modifie la façon dont la communauté en ligne dont elle fait partie interagit avec elle.

Cependant, parfois, la technologie peut être renouvelée pour servir les femmes et les groupes marginalisés. Haas utilise l'exemple du vibrateur pour prouver ce point. Alors qu'il est désormais associé à l'autonomisation des femmes, l'outil était à l'origine utilisé pour contrôler les femmes souffrant d'« hystérie ».

De Hertogh, Liz Lane et Jessica Ouellette
Lori Beth De Hertogh, Liz Lane et Jessica Ouellette ont travaillé à partir de travaux académiques existants en les plaçant dans le contexte spécifique de la revue Computers and Composition. Dans leur travail, les chercheuses ont analysé les fréquences d'apparition du terme « technoféminisme » et des mots associés dans cette revue. Malheureusement, les occurrences étaient limitées, ce qui a conduit les chercheuses à appeler à une utilisation accrue du terme « technoféminisme » dans les documents scientifiques et à une accroître les analyses intersectionnelles dans la littérature technologique grand public.

Kerrie Elise Hauman
Kerrie Hauman explore des thèmes technoféministes dans sa thèse de doctorat et discute spécifiquement de la façon dont le féminisme existe dans les espaces numériques. En utilisant l'exemple du blog « Feministing », destiné aux personnes qui s'investissent dans « l'activisme féministe », Hauman applique divers cadres rhétoriques (tels que la « rhétorique sur invitation » —  — et les écologies rhétoriques — rhétorical ecologies — pour comprendre comment les plateformes en ligne peuvent faire avancer les initiatives de justice sociale à certains égards, mais promouvoir l'exclusion des groupes défavorisés dans d'autres.

Mélanie Kill
Melanie Kill, professeure adjointe d'anglais à l'Université du Maryland, College Park, enseigne régulièrement sur l'intersection de la technologie et des identités. Un cours, intitulé « Rhétorique numérique : technoféminisme », utilise une variété de projets et d'activités pour analyser des thèmes technoféministes dans les matériaux académiques, les plateformes en ligne et d'autres entités numériques. Le cours invite également les étudiants et les étudiantes à considérer les dynamiques de pouvoir derrière la création et l'utilisation de la technologie, et comment ces dynamiques ont un impact sur les groupes marginalisés.

Notes et références

Voir aussi

Liens connexes
 Cyberféminisme

Bibliographie

Intersectionnalité
Féminisme
Technologie

Technoféminisme


Manicaria, rod palmi smješten u vlastiti tribus Manicarieae., dio potporodice Arecoideae. Sastoji se od dvije vrste iz tropske Ameriken od Gvatemale i Belizea na jug do Brazila i Perua .

Vrste
 Manicaria martiana Burret
 Manicaria saccifera Gaertn.

Izvori

Arecoideae

Manicaria