جبل عُكاش، جبل أسود يقع في وسط الجزيرة العربية، على يسار المسافر من القصيم إلى المدينة المنورة. وهو في ديار بني عمرو من حرب.

في الأساطير الشعبية
يقال: بأن طمية كانت من جبال المدينة فلما لمع البرق رأت جبل قطن وهو جبل احمر يقع قريبا من عقلة الصقور. فهامت بحبه وجاءت لتتزوج به فوجدت جبل عكاش وهو جبل اسود صغير قريب من موقعها الآن فتزوجت به ثم ولدت جبلا صغيراً أسود يقال له جبل ديم لايزال بهذا الاسم وبعد ذلك ركب قطن هضبة حمراء تسمى البكرة وجاء طمية بعد أن انفصلت عن عكاش.

يقول العرب أن جبل عُكاش هو زوج جبل طميّة، فسمكهما واحد، وهما يتناوحان. وفي الشعر العربي، قيل فيهما:

تَزَوَجَ عَكَاشٌ طَمِيَة بعدما *** تأيَم عَكَاشٌ، وكاد يشيبُ

المراجع

انظر أيضًا
 قائمة جبال السعودية

عكاش

جبل عكاش


Müstecep, Samsun ilinin Bafra ilçesine bağlı bir mahalledir.

Tarihçe
Mahallenin adı Münşecab adının zamanla halk arasında Müstecep'e dönüşmesidir

Coğrafya
Samsun iline 67, Bafra ilçesine 17 km. uzaklıktadır.

Nüfus

Dış bağlantılar

 Yerelnet

Bafra'nın mahalleleri

Müstecep, Bafra


O Lamiopsis temminckii é uma espécie de tubarão pertencente ao género Lamiopsis e à familia Carcharhinidae. Se encontra presente no norte do Oceano Índico, nas águas do Paquistão, Índia, Bangladesh, Myanmar e Tailândia. Alcança um tamanho máximo de 178 centímetros; machos amadurecem ao alcançar 137 centímetros e fêmeas 143. Habita zonas de plataforma continental em profundidades acima de 50 metros.

Lamiopsis
Peixes descritos em 1839

Lamiopsis temminckii


Sólo quiero caminar es el cuarto largometraje escrito y dirigido por Agustín Díaz Yanes, protagonizado por Diego Luna, Victoria Abril, Ariadna Gil, entre otros.

La película es una continuación de Nadie hablará de nosotras cuando hayamos muerto (1995) y podemos encontrar a Victoria Abril de nuevo en el papel de Gloria Duque.

Sinopsis
Gloria Duque (Victoria Abril), Aurora (Ariadna Gil), su hermana Ana (Elena Anaya) y Paloma (Pilar López de Ayala) han cometido un robo fallido, por el que Aurora está en la cárcel. Mientras tanto, unos traficantes mexicanos que acaban de llegar a España contratan como prostituta a Ana. Félix, el jefe de la banda, le propone casarse al instante e irse a vivir a México con él. Gabriel (Diego Luna), un hombre aparentemente frío, se encarga de los trabajos sucios de Félix, pero con la condición de no hacer nunca daño a una mujer. Gloria se va también a México para trabajar para la banda. Una vez allí, se da cuenta de lo desgraciada que es Ana, aunque viva en una jaula de oro. Sin embargo, entre tragos y palizas, ha ideado un plan para vengarse de Félix. Con la ayuda de Paloma, Aurora sale por fin de la cárcel y se une a sus amigas en México para llevar a cabo el peligroso plan.

Reparto
 Diego Luna (Gabriel)
 Victoria Abril (Gloria Duque)
 Ariadna Gil (Aurora Rodríguez)
 Pilar López de Ayala (Paloma Molina)
 Elena Anaya (Ana Rodríguez)
 José María Yazpik (Félix)
 Adrian Pardo (Horacio)
 Gustavo Sánchez Parra (Recepcionista de hotel)

Premios

Goya 2009

Medallas del Círculo de Escritores Cinematográficos de 2008

Referencias

Atresmedia Cine

Sólo quiero caminar


Hjemvendt er en dansk portrætfilm fra 2011 instrueret af Marianne Hougen-Moraga efter eget manuskript.

Handling
Filmen handler om den 40 år gamle Heine Sinkbæk Andersen, der grundet krigens psykisk traumatiske oplevelser i dag er en ensom mand. Heine bor i et stort hus ude på marken i Vestjylland. Han deler hverdagen med sine tre hunde og sin kat. Filmen beskriver Heines verden og om de sår, der kan komme på sindet efter at have været ude i ekstreme situationer, hvor vold, dødsfare, død og våben har været en del af virkeligheden.

Referencer

Eksterne henvisninger

Dokumentarfilm fra Danmark
Portrætfilm fra Danmark
Danske film fra 2011

Hjemvendt (dokumentarfilm)


La Bataille de Dorking (The Battle of Dorking: Reminiscences of a Volunteer) est un roman court de George Tomkyns Chesney publié en 1871. Il est à l'origine du genre de la  et est un précurseur important de la science-fiction. Écrit juste après la victoire prussienne dans la guerre franco-allemande, il décrit une invasion de la Grande-Bretagne par un pays inconnu (mais parlant allemand) désigné en termes confus tels que l'« autre puissance » ou l'« ennemi ».

L'auteur est capitaine dans les Royal Engineers et s'inquiète de l'état délabré des forces armées britanniques. Il utilise la fiction comme moyen de promouvoir ses opinions après que les lettres et le journalisme sur la question n'aient pas réussi à impressionner l'opinion publique. La guerre franco-allemande vient juste de démontrer la rapidité, la supériorité et l'adaptabilité de l'armée prussienne, ce qui signifie que la représentation de Chesney d'un envahisseur rapide et déterminé touche alors une corde sensible

Récit
L'histoire est narrée par un vétéran anonyme ayant participé à la bataille de Dorking. Il s'adresse à ses petits-enfants et raconte les évènements de l'invasion de la Grande-Bretagne, cinquante ans plus tôt.

Débutant quelque temps après un événement similaire à la guerre franco-prussienne, les inquiétudes grandissent avec la mobilisation des forces armées près des Pays-Bas. La Royal Navy est détruite par une arme miracle (appelée « moteurs fatals »), et une force d'invasion débarque soudainement près de Worthing dans le Sussex.

La démilitarisation et le manque de formation obligent l'armée à mobiliser des unités auxiliaires du grand public, dirigées par des officiers inefficaces et inexpérimentés. Les deux armées convergent à l'extérieur de Dorking dans le comté du Surrey, où la ligne britannique est coupée par l'avancée de l'ennemi et les survivants contraints de fuir.

L'histoire se termine avec la conquête de la Grande-Bretagne. La rançon que les vainqueurs imposent rend le pays démuni (une comparaison spéciale est faite avec la France, également humiliée, mais capable de se relever du coup en raison de sa richesse agricole et sa taille, plutôt que dans les colonies et le commerce). L'Empire britannique est démantelé, et Gibraltar et Malte passent dans le giron ennemi. Le Canada et les Antilles britanniques sont cédés aux États-Unis, et l'Australie, l'Inde et l'Irlande obtiennent leur indépendance. L'Irlande entre alors dans une longue guerre civile.

Historique des publications

La Bataille de Dorking est d'abord publiée sous forme de feuilleton dans Blackwood's Magazine, puis sous forme d'opuscule avant d'apparaître finalement sous forme de roman. Il connaît plusieurs éditions et suscite l'intérêt des militaires et des hommes politiques, ainsi que des lecteurs..

Il est cité dans un certain nombre de collections, dont : An Anthology of Victorian and Edwardian Imaginative Fiction Published Before 1914 (1975) de Michael Moorcock.

L'opuscule est dans le domaine public dans le monde entier, car l'auteur est décédé il y a plus de 100 ans.

Notes et références

Sources

Bibliographie

  (Kirkwood notes that Surrey was also to be the scene of the invasion in H. G. Wells' science fiction novel, The War of the Worlds (1898), whose alien invaders landed near Woking.)

Liens externes

Roman paru en 1871
Roman britannique du XIXe siècle
Roman court
Roman-feuilleton
Invasion dans la fiction

La Bataille de Dorking


Die Theaterstraße in Aachen wurde 1825 bis 1826 als Verbindung zwischen der Aachener Innenstadt und der damals selbstständigen Stadt Burtscheid nach Plänen von Johann Peter Cremer angelegt. Sie war die erste Straße, die den mittelalterlichen Stadtgrundriss Aachens durchbrach.

Namensgebung
Vor der Fertigstellung des Theaters wurde die noch im Bau befindliche Straße bis zur äußeren Stadtmauer zunächst bis 1833 provisorisch als Komödienstraße bzw. als Neustraße bezeichnet.
Nach der Einweihung des Theaters am unteren Ende der Straße erfolgte die Umbenennung in Theaterstraße. Die Verlängerung der Theaterstraße in Richtung Burtscheid wurde zunächst als Verbindungsweg, ab 1841 als Hochstraße bezeichnet.
Am 1. August 1915 wurden beide Straßen auf Beschluss der Stadtverordnetenversammlung in Hindenburgstraße umbenannt.

Nach Beendigung der Kampfhandlungen im Zweiten Weltkrieg in Aachen wurden am 1. Dezember 1944 durch eine Verwaltungsanordnung zahlreiche Straßen umbenannt, darunter auch die Hindenburgstraße, die seit dieser Zeit in ihrer Gesamtheit als Theaterstraße bezeichnet wird.

Archäologie

Bei der Anlage der Straße und der darauf folgenden Bebauung wurden an mehreren Stellen Reste der äußeren Stadtmauer und des Wirchsbongardstores entdeckt, das im Zuge der Trassierung der Theaterstraße großteils niedergelegt worden war. 1847 waren noch kleine Reste des Tores an der Einmündung der Wirichsbongardstraße erhalten. Bei Bauarbeiten im Jahr 1988 fand man auf dem Grundstück Theaterstraße 37–39 Reste der alten Stadtmauer mit der dazugehörigen Kontermauer sowie die östliche Mauer der Barbakane des um 1257 errichteten Wirichbongardstores.

Bei Ausschachtungsarbeiten für einen Neubau an der Ecke Theaterstraße/Wallstraße stieß man auf die Reste der Kontermauer der alten Stadtbefestigung. Eine kleine Hinweistafel am Haus Theaterstraße Nr. 42 und eine Markierung mittels grober Pflastersteine im Bürgersteig der Theater- und Wallstraße erinnert an den Verlauf der äußeren Stadtmauer. Auf der Parzellengrenze zwischen den Häusern Theaterstraße 31 und 33 wurde bei Bauarbeiten ein 43 Meter langes Stück der Stadtmauer gefunden.

Geschichte
Johann Peter Cremer plante die neue Straße als eine weit über die damaligen Stadtmauern hinausreichende Sichtachse. Grundlage dieser Trassierung war die Idee, den Aachener und Burtscheider Kurbezirk mit einer Allee repräsentativ zu verbinden. Die Anlage der Straße war in Cremers Planung in drei Abschnitte gegliedert. Die ursprünglichen Pläne, jeweils am Anfang und Ende der Straße sowie im Bereich des Durchbruchs durch die Stadtmauer große runde Plätze anzulegen, wurden verworfen und wichen einer einfacheren Straßenführung ohne Platzanlagen.
Der erste Planungsabschnitt reichte vom Theater bis zur äußeren Stadtmauer (heutige Einmündung Wallstraße / Schützenstraße). Die Straße wurde großzügig, breit und repräsentativ ausgebaut. Die offizielle Einweihung der Straße erfolgte am 2. November 1833 mit einer Truppenparade zu Ehren von Kronprinz Friedrich Wilhelm IV.
In der Folgezeit war die Theaterstraße aufgrund ihres geraden Verlaufes und der großen Breite häufig Schauplatz für Militärparaden, Prozessionen und Karnevalsumzüge.

Bebauung

Den ersten Bauantrag stellte Regierungs- und Forstrat Johann Wilhelm Steffens am 21. März 1826 für das Grundstück Komödienstraße 15. Bei der Erstbauung wurde auf der Südseite der Straße 1829 ein Quellvorbruch entdeckt, der eisenhaltiges Mineralwasser führte. Die Quelle wurde später ausgebaut, das Wasser als "Leuchtenrathsches Heilwasser" vertrieben und ein Kurhotel (Theaterstraße B1347, heute Theaterstraße 19) errichtet. Da die Wiederergänzungsrate der Quelle zu gering war, musste das Hotel nach zwanzig Jahren wieder schließen.
Nach dem Durchstich durch die ehemalige Stadtmauer verengte sich die Straße, was man im heutigen Erscheinungsbild noch beobachten kann. Ab dieser Stelle wurde die Straße zunächst als Verbindungsweg (nach Burtscheid) benannt. Für die Entwicklung des Bahnhofsviertels 1837 bis 1841 war die Theaterstraße eine wichtige Anbindung des Bahnhofs an die Innenstadt. Die Architektur der Straße erhielt durch die verkehrsgünstige Lage neue Impulse. Der Anteil der privaten Wohnhäuser ging schon Mitte des 19. Jahrhunderts zu Gunsten von repräsentativen Geschäfts- und Bankhäusern zurück. Nur noch wenige Häuser sind von der ursprünglichen Bebauung erhalten.

Das bekannteste, das heutige Haus Matthéy (Theaterstraße 67, unter anderem Sitz des Deutsch-Französischen Kulturinstitutes) errichtete Adam Franz Friedrich Leydel 1834 für den Aachener Tuchhändler C. F. Deusner im klassizistischen Stil mit einem 6000 Meter2 großen Garten. Im Jahre 1880 übernahm der spätere Regierungsvizepräsident Robert von Görschen das Haus, das bis etwa 1945 im Besitz der Familie blieb und anschließend Eigentum des Tuchhändlers Teo Mattéy (1901–1989) wurde, der es später der Stadt Aachen übertrug. Leydel genehmigte auch die Entwürfe zu den Häusern Theaterstraße 48 und 52, Letzteres wurde 1977 abgebrochen. Vermutlich wurden beide viergeschossigen klassizistischen Wohnhäuser erst nach Leydels Tod errichtet.

Das Nachbarhaus Theaterstraße 69 errichtete der Aachener Privatbaumeister Andreas Hansen 1842. Nachdem es 1910 strukturell stark verändert worden war, konnte 1970 die alte Bauordnung nach alten Plänen wiederhergestellt werden.

Zahlreiche noch erhaltene Geschäftsgebäude entstanden im ausgehenden 19. und Anfang des 20. Jahrhunderts. Dazu zählt das 1888 bis 1889 vom Architekten Max Hasak errichtete Bankhaus der Reichsbank in der Theaterstraße 17. Das Gebäude wurde mit einer Werksteinfassade nach Vorbild der italienischen Renaissance versehen und zählt zu den frühen Bauwerken Hasaks, der über 30 Filialen für die Reichsbank erbaut hat.

Ein weiteres noch erhaltenes Geschäftshaus befindet sich in der Theaterstraße Nr. 9. Das von dem Architekten Eduard Linse im Jahr 1900 für die Bankgesellschaft Robert Suermondt & Cie. errichtete Bankhaus ist durch eine Putzfassade mit neobarocken Schmuckelementen gekennzeichnet.
Einige markante Geschäftsgebäude aus den 1920er Jahren haben sich erhalten, beispielsweise das Verlagsgebäude des Politischen Tageblattes (bis 1944) bzw. der Aachener Nachrichten (1945–1977) in der Theaterstraße Nr. 24–26. Der charakteristische Backsteinbau mit Werksteinverblendungen im Erdgeschoss aus dem Jahr 1928 wird ebenso wie das Gebäude Theaterstraße 22 dem Aachener Architekten Albert Dederichs zugeschrieben.

Das Eckhaus Bahnhofstraße/Theaterstraße 70–74 war der erste große Neubauprojekt nach dem Zweiten Weltkrieg. In dem Gebäude befand sich seit dem 8. März 1951 bis zum Umzug in das neue Verlagsgebäude an der Dresdner Straße im Jahr 1977 das Verlagshaus der Aachener Volkszeitung.

Zahlreiche Geschäfts- oder Privathäuser stehen ganz oder in Teilen unter Denkmalschutz.

Entwicklung des Wirtschafts- und Geschäftslebens

Die Theaterstraße war von Beginn an Wohnsitz zahlreicher gut situierter Aachener Bürger, Bankhäuser und Versicherungsgesellschaften, wie beispielsweise seit 1935 der Aachen-Leipziger Versicherungs AG in der Theaterstraße 9.

Ab Mitte des 19. Jahrhunderts siedelten sich dort zahlreiche renommierte Ateliers von Fotografen an, wie Carl Billotte, Eugen Westendorp und August Kampf.

Zahlreiche Bankgesellschaften wie die Reichsbank (Nr. 17), die Landesbank der Rheinprovinz, vormals Rheinische Girozentrale und Provinzialbank bzw. Aachener Verein zur Beförderung der Arbeitsamkeit, gegründet von David Hansemann (Nr. 2–4), das Bankgeschäft Probst & Co (Nr. 9), die Aachener Kreditbank (Nr. 12–14), das Bankhaus Allermann & Co., Städtische Sparkasse (Nr. 22), die Commerzbank bzw. die Aachener Bank für Handel und Gewerbe (Nr. 23) sowie die Aachener Bausparkasse (Nr. 92) hatten vor dem Krieg in der Theaterstraße ihren Sitz. Besonders während der belgischen Besatzung der Rheinlande nach dem Ersten Weltkrieg besaßen dort in den 1920er Jahren auch belgische und französische Banken Filialen, wie die Bank der Société Générale (Nr. 61) oder der Crédit Anversois (Nr. 1a). Auch gegenwärtig haben noch zahlreiche Banken und Bausparkassen dort ihren Sitz.

Im Jahr 1904 bezog die Aachener Industrie- und Handelskammer in der Theaterstrasse Nr. 6–8 ihren Geschäftssitz.

Zahlreiche große Industriegesellschaften wählten dort ihren repräsentativen Firmensitz, wie der Eschweiler Bergwerks-Verein (Nr. 11), die Westdeutsche Telefongesellschaft mbH. (Nr. 20), die Stolberger Zink AG (Nr. 37), die Siemens-Schuckertwerke (Nr. 106) sowie die Adam Opel AG, die in der Theaterstraße 77 über fast zwei Jahrzehnte ihren Ausstellungsraum für Fahrzeuge hatte. Auch der Technische Überwachungsverein hatte in der Theaterstrasse 90 seine Aachener Filiale.

Das größte Hotel Aachens Anfang des 20. Jahrhunderts war Emil Nagel's Hotel Kaiserhof an der Ecke Wallstraße. Es verfügte über 160 Zimmer, zwei große Festsäale für 1600 Personen, eine Weingroßhandlung und ein Bierrestaurant.

Im Vergleich zu anderen Straßen in Aachen gab es in der Theaterstraße traditionell nur wenige Einzelhandelsgeschäfte und Restaurants. Zu den berühmtesten zählte das Feinkosthaus Caspar Giani Theaterstraße 50 oder die Konditorei Fritz Forst, Theaterstraße 66. Während beide nicht mehr existieren, haben zwei Aachener Traditionsbetriebe bis heute einen langjährigen Firmensitz in dieser Straße: Juwelier Zaun (Nr. 69) und Nagel & Hoffbaur (Nr. 63–65).

Gegenwärtig ist die Theaterstraße Standort von zahlreichen Banken und Versicherungen, der Industrie- und Handelskammer (IHK) Aachen und dem Einzelhandelsverband (Nr. 63–65) sowie von Arztpraxen, gastronomischen Einrichtungen und Einzelhandelsgeschäften.

Denkmäler und Brunnen

Neben den erwähnten Baudenkmälern befinden sich in der Theaterstraße zwei Kunstwerke im öffentlichen Straßenraum. An der Ecke zur Vereinsstraße steht seit 1991 der von Manfred Bredohl und verschiedenen Künstlern des Weltkongresses der Schmiede in Baustahl gefertigte Friedensbrunnen.

Eine Brunnenanlage vor dem ehemaligen Direktionsgebäude der AachenMünchener zwischen Aureliusstraße und Borngasse wurde 2010 zurückgebaut.

In der Nähe der Stelle, wo sich der Straßenquerschnitt zwischen der ehemaligen Theater- und der Hochstraße verändert, wurde 1979 die Bronzeplastik eines sitzenden Mädchens von Clemens Pasch aufgestellt.

Siehe auch
 Liste der Straßen in Aachen-Mitte

Weblinks

 IHK Aachen
 Deutsch-Französisches Kulturinstitut

Einzelnachweise

Straße in Aachen
Innerortsstraße in Nordrhein-Westfalen
Straße in Europa
Urbaner Freiraum in Aachen

Theaterstraße (Aachen)


Gonzalo Fernando Mujica Benoit (Montevideo, 6 de junio de 1956) es un político uruguayo, actual representante nacional por el departamento de Montevideo. Exintegrante del Frente Amplio, desde 2005 hasta 2017 se desempeñó como representante nacional por el departamento de Montevideo en representación de esa fuerza política. El 16 de abril de 2018 adhirió al sector Todos del Partido Nacional, sector liderado por Luis Lacalle Pou, del cual se retiró el 12 de diciembre de 2020 para declararse independiente.

Biografía
Nació el 6 de junio de 1956 en Montevideo, en el barrio La Blanqueada, y fue el tercero de cuatro hijos de un matrimonio de ingenieros químicos. Cursó estudios primarios y secundarios en el mismo barrio, en la escuela N.º 88, y en el liceo N.º 8. Tiene dos hijos: Marcela y Joaquín.

Su actividad gremial comenzó en 1968, como delegado de la Asociación de Estudiantes del Liceo N.º 8, tarea que cumplió sin interrupciones hasta 1972.

Ingresó a la Facultad de Medicina en 1974, año en que fue detenido por primera vez, junto con el sacerdote Perico Pérez Aguirre, en un operativo de las Fuerzas Conjuntas.

Participó de la fundación en Las Piedras de la granja hogar «La Huella» en 1975, junto con un grupo de laicos y los sacerdotes Pérez Aguirre y Roberto García. Se retiró del hogar dos años después.

En 1976 comenzó su militancia clandestina en plena dictadura cívico-militar, en la Asociación de Estudiantes de Medicina. En su calidad de secretario de Organización de la Federación de Estudiantes Universitarios del Uruguay (FEUU), participó de la campaña clandestina por el No en el plebiscito de 1980. En 1981 fue detenido y condenado a seis años de prisión por la dictadura.

Fue liberado en noviembre de 1984. Ya en libertad fue nombrado miembro del Secretariado Ejecutivo de la FEUU, función que cumplió hasta noviembre de 1986. Entre 1986 y 2004 se desempeñó en la actividad privada.

En las elecciones nacionales de 2004 fue elegido representante nacional de Montevideo por la lista del Nuevo Espacio 99000 - Frente Amplio. Es el fundador de la Agrupación "Proyecto Nacional de Izquierda" (Lista 709), que integra el Espacio 609.

En su primera legislatura integró la Comisión de Hacienda y las Comisiones Especiales sobre Marco Cooperativo; Para el Seguimiento de la Situación Carcelaria; Para el Seguimiento de la Deuda Interna; e Investigadora de los Entes Autónomos.

En las elecciones nacionales de 2009 fue reelecto representante nacional de Montevideo por el Espacio 609 - Frente Amplio para la legislatura iniciada el 15 de febrero de 2010 y finalizada el 14 de febrero de 2015.

En ese segundo período en la Cámara de Representantes integró la Comisión de Hacienda hasta 2014, cuando pasó a integrar la Comisión de Constitución, Códigos, Legislación General y Administración, además de actuar durante toda la legislatura en la Comisión Especial con Fines Legislativos Vinculados al Lavado de Activos y Crimen Organizado.

Integra el Parlamento Latinoamericano (Parlatino) y es miembro de la Comisión de Seguridad Ciudadana, Combate y Prevención al Narcotráfico, Terrorismo y Crimen Organizado.

En las elecciones nacionales de 2014 fue elegido, por tercera vez consecutiva, diputado de Montevideo por el Espacio 609 del Frente Amplio para la legislatura que se instaló el 15 de febrero de 2015 y se extenderá hasta el 14 de febrero de 2020.

A fines de 2015 abandonó el Espacio 609 y se integró a Asamblea Uruguay, grupo liderado por el ministro de economía Danilo Astori.

En octubre de 2016 declaró que ya no coordinaría con la bancada de diputados del Frente Amplio, y votó a favor de establecer una comisión investigadora sobre negocios realizados con Venezuela.

Referencias

Políticos del Frente Amplio (Uruguay)
Políticos del partido Nacional (Uruguay)
Diputados de Uruguay por Montevideo
Nacidos en Montevideo

Gonzalo Mujica


A profisetinidina é um tipo de taninos condensados formados a partir de leuco-fisetinidina, a forma leucoantocianidina da fisetinidina. Wikipedia (inglês)

Referência

 Antioxidant activities of mangrove Rhizophora apiculata bark extracts, Afidah A. Rahima, Emmanuel Roccab, Jean Steinmetzb, M. Jain Kassima, M. Sani Ibrahima and Hasnah Osman, 2007

Profisetinidina


An Dieffenbachia seguine in uska species han Liliopsida nga syahan ginhulagway ni Nikolaus Joseph von Jacquin, ngan ginhatag han pagkayana nga asya nga ngaran ni Heinrich Wilhelm Schott. An Dieffenbachia seguine in nahilalakip ha genus nga Dieffenbachia, ngan familia nga Araceae. Waray hini subspecies nga nakalista.

Mga kasarigan

Mga sumpay ha gawas

Dieffenbachia

Dieffenbachia seguine


مُتْحَفُ عَجْمَان هو متحف بإمارة عجمان بالإمارات العربية المتحدة، إفتُتِحَ في 6 ذي القعدة 1411هـ، والموافق للعشرين من مايو 1991م. يضم متحف عجمان عدة أقسام تقدم لمحة جديرة بالإعجاب عن ماضي عجمان، بما في ذلك علم الآثار والمخطوطات والأزياء الشعبية والهدايا التذكارية وغيرها. والمعروضات في المتحف مشروحة باللغتين العربية والإنجليزية.

الموقع
يقع المتحف في وسط عجمان على الجانب الشرقي من الساحة المركزية في منطقة البستان مقابل سوق الذهب وسوق صالح التقليدي وعلى بعد 300 متر من محطة حافلات عجمان. المتحف على مسافة قريبة من كورنيش عجمان. دائرة التنمية السياحية في عجمان (ATDD) هي السلطة الرئيسية المكلفة بالتخطيط الاستراتيجي والتطوير والترويج لمتحف عجمان. تفرض دائرة تنمية السياحة في عجمان تشريعات وقواعد ولوائح تهدف إلى تطوير قطاع السياحة في عجمان، بالتعاون مع الجهات الحكومية الأخرى. القسم مسؤول عن الترويج لعجمان محلياً وإقليمياً ودولياً من خلال المؤتمرات والمعارض والحملات الترويجية.

تاريخ المتحف

يقع المتحف في حصن من القرن الثامن عشر والذي كان يستخدم معقل الرئاسة (الزعامة) والسلطة السياسية في إمارة عجمان، وخط الدفاع الأول عنها، ووجود الأبراج بها ساعد على حماية أمن الإمارة.
إن هذا المعلم التاريخي حُوّل لمتحف بقرار من الشيخ حميد بن راشد النعيمي عضو المجلس الأعلى حاكم عجمان.

تاريخ الحصن
لم يُعرف بالتحديد العام الذي تم فيه إنشاء الحصن وإن كان يغلب على الظن أنه بني في أواخر القرن 18 م. وقد استعملت في بنائه المواد المحلية كحجارة البحر المرجانية والجص وتم تسقيفه بالجندل (جذوع أشجار تجلب من شرق أفريقيا) وقد تعرض الحصن عام 1820م مثل بقية القلاع والحصون في الإمارات الشمالية لقصف السفن الحربية البريطانية حيث تم تدميره فأعاد الشيخ راشد بن حميد الأول (1803م – 1838م)بنائه من جديد.

تعاقبت على الحصن عمليات الترميم والإضافة طوال القرنين التاسع عشر والعشرين حيث بقي مقراً للأسرة الحاكمة حتى عام 1907م حينما انتقل الشيخ راشد بن حميد النعيمي (1928 – 1981) إلى الإقامة بقصر الزاهر وتحول الحصن إلى مقر للقيادة العامة لشرطة عجمان للفترة من (1970 – 1981)، وفي أواخر عقد الثمانينيات من القرن 20م أمر صاحب السمو الشيخ حميد بن راشد النعيمي عضو المجلس الأعلى حاكم عجمان بإعادة ترميمه تمهيداً لتحويله إلى متحف لتراث الإمارات، وقد استغرقت عملية الترميم الأخيرة ثلاثة أعوام، وأشرف عليها مجموعة من الخبراء. وعندما تجُدد الحصن رمم برجين للرياح وبرجي مراقبة، يمكن رؤية بوابة ضخمة ومدفعان في مقدمة الحصن. يحكي المتحف عن التاريخ والتراث المحلي، ويسلط الضوء على جوانب مختلفة من الماضي. يضم متحف عجمان الذي يعرض أنماط الحياة والمهن التقليدية مجموعة ضخمة من القطع الأثرية والمخطوطات والأسلحة القديمة بالإضافة إلى عروض للممارسات الطبية والدينية.

ومن أشهر المعروضات مقبرة محفورة تم اكتشافها في منطقة المويهات، والتي تتميز بالفخار والمجوهرات الجنائزية التي يعود تاريخها إلى 3000 قبل الميلاد. والتي كانت في السابق قرية صيد، كما اعتمدت عجمان بشكل كبير على صيد اللؤلؤ وهناك قسم مخصص لما كان يومًا من أهم الأنشطة الترفيهية في المنطقة.

أقسام المتحف

الطابق الأرضي:
 الإدارة.
 القبر الأثريّ.
 بيوت الجريد.
 السفن.
 الغوص.
 الصيد البحري (واستخراج اللؤلؤ).
 إذاعة عجمان.
 الزراعة.
 المطبخ القديم.
 الصحراء.
 مخزن التمور.
 الطرب الشعبيّ.
 الطب الشعبي.
 قاعة الثقافة والتراث.
 السوق الشعبيّ.
 الألعاب الشعبيّة.
 الآثار.
 الوثائق والمخطوطات.
 المجلس.
 اليازرة.

وتوجد في السوق الشعبي محلات منها:

 تاجر اللؤلؤ.
 الطواش.
 التجارة والنقل البحري.
 محلات البقالة.
 محلات بيع التمور.
 الخبازون وصناعة الحلوى.
 العطار.
 الحلاق.
 الخياطة وتجارة الأقمشة.
 المقهى الشعبي.

هناك أشياء لم تُذكر في اللافتة التوضيحية للمتحف موجودة في الدور الأرضيّ وهي:

 الخيال.
 المدافع.
 سيارة الشيخ وهي من نوع لاند روفر (Land Rover).

الطابق الأول:

 غرفة الشيخ راشد.
 غرفة الهدايا التذكارية.
 الصور التاريخية.
 الأزياء التقليدية.
 الحرف النسائية.
 المطوعة.
 البارجيل.
 الشرطة والمحكمة.
 غرفة المعيشة.
 الأسلحة.

صور من المتحف

روابط خارجية

 موقع متحف عجمان

المراجع

تاريخ الإمارات العربية المتحدة
عجمان
متاحف تاريخية في الإمارات العربية المتحدة
متاحف حضارة
متاحف فنية ومعارض في الإمارات العربية المتحدة

متحف عجمان


L'incendie du 9 janvier 2022 dans le Bronx est survenu le matin du 9 janvier 2022 lorsqu'un incendie dans un gratte-ciel a tué dix-sept personnes, dont huit enfants, au  North West, Site 4, un immeuble d'appartements de grande hauteur dans l'arrondissement du Bronx à New York, aux États-Unis. Quarante-quatre personnes ont été blessées dont trente-deux avec leur pronostic vital engagé ont été envoyées dans cinq hôpitaux d'arrondissement différents. Quinze personnes étaient dans un état critique le lendemain de l'incendie.

Description
Il s'agit du troisième pire incendie résidentiel aux États-Unis en quatre décennies, et l'incendie le plus meurtrier à New York depuis l', qui s'est produit à proximité en 1990. L'incendie du Bronx a été également le deuxième incendie résidentiel majeur dans le nord-est des États-Unis en une semaine, survenu quatre jours après qu'un  de Philadelphie a fait 12 morts.

Les enquêteurs ont déterminé que l'incendie avait été causé par un appareil de chauffage défectueux qui avait pris feu. La fumée s'est propagée à travers le bâtiment en raison de deux portes à fermeture automatique défectueuses, causant des décès dans tout le bâtiment. Le feu était en grande partie confiné à un appartement; toutes les personnes tuées dans l'incendie sont mortes par inhalation de fumée, tandis qu'une douzaine de personnes gravement blessées ont été grièvement brûlées.

Notes et références

Article connexe
Histoire de New York

Janvier 2022 aux États-Unis
Incendie en 2022
Bronx
Bronx
2022 à New York

Incendie du 9 janvier 2022 dans le Bronx


Alþjóðaflugvöllur Shijiazhuang Zhengding (IATA: SJW, ICAO: ZBSJ) (kínverska: 石家庄正定国际机场; rómönskun: Shíjiāzhuāng Zhèngdìng Guójì Jīchǎng) er flughöfn Shijiazhuang, höfuðborgar Hebei héraðs í Alþýðulýðveldinu Kína. Hann þjónar sem mikilvæg samgöngumiðstöð fyrir Shijiazhuang og Hebei hérað.

Flugvöllurinn er staðsettur um 30 kílómetra norðaustur af miðborg Shijiazhuang, í bænum Xinchengpu, sem gefur honum nafn.

Shijiazhuang Zhengding flugvöllur var opnaður árið 1995 og var gerður að alþjóðaflugvelli árið 2008. Líkt og með marga aðra alþjóðaflugvelli Kína er enn verið er að stækka flugvöllinn. Byggð var önnur farþegarmiðstöð árið 2014 þannig að flugvöllurinn getur nú tekið við 20 milljón farþegum á ári og 250.000 tonnum af farmi. Hann mun einnig geta þjónað sem varaflugvöllur fyrir alþjóðaflugvöll Beijing borg. Hann er einnig einn fárra flugvalla í Kína sem Antonov An-225 getur starfað.

Árið 2018 fóru um 11.3 milljónir farþega um tvær farþegamiðstöðvar flugvallarins og 46 þúsund tonn af farmi.

Samgöngur við völlinn

Strætisvagnar og lestir tengja flughöfnina við miðborg Shijiazhuang og nærliggjandi borgir og svæði.

Með opnun háhraðlestarinnar Beijing – Guangzhou árið 2012, fékk flugvöllurinn eigin lestarstöð sem gerir hana mjög aðgengilega við nærliggjandi borgir og héruð.

Flugfélög

Flugvöllurinn er safnvöllur fyrir heimaflugfélagið Hebei Airlines og áhersluvöllur fyrir China United Airlines og Spring Airlines. Flugfélögin Hainan Airlines, Beijing Capital Airlines, og China United Airlines, eru einnig umfangsmikil á vellinum. Alls starfa þar 26 farþegaflugfélög og fimm flugfélög í vöruflutningum.

Flugleiðir

Flugvöllurinn býður meira en 32 flugleiðir til innlendra og erlendra borga. Flestir áfangastaðir eru innan Kína, en alþjóðaflug eru til 12 alþjóðlegra áfangastaða, meðal annars Moskvu, Siem Reap, Seúl og fleiri staða.

Tölfræði

Tenglar

 Shijiazhuang borg.
 Hebei hérað.
 Kínverskur vefur alþjóðaflugvallarins Shijiazhuang Zhengding
 Vefsíða Travel China Guide um Shijiazhuang Zhengding flugvöllinn.. Almennar upplýsingar, kort af flugvellinum, samgöngur almenningsvagna á flugvöllinn o.fl.

Heimildir

Flugvellir í Kína

Shijiazhuang Zhengding alþjóðaflugvöllurinn


Asya Futbol Konfederasyonu kısa adıyla AFC Asya'da futbolu organize eden ve yöneten kuruluştur. 1954'te Filipinler'in Manila kentinde kurulan kuruluşun bugünkü genel merkezi Malezya'nın başkenti Kuala Lumpur'dadır. Kulüpler düzeyinde AFC Şampiyonlar Ligi'ni düzenler.

Üyeler
Asya Futbol Konfederasyonuna 47 üye federasyon olup, bu üyeler dört bölgeye ayrılmıştır.

Orta ve Güney Asya
 Afganistan
 Bangladeş
 Bhutan

 Maldivler
 Nepal
 Özbekistan
 Pakistan
 Sri Lanka
 Tacikistan

Doğu Asya2

 Guam
 Güney Kore

 Japonya
 Kuzey Kore
 Kuzey Mariana Adaları1
 Makao
 Moğolistan

Güneydoğu Asya
 Avustralya
 Brunei
 Doğu Timor
 Endonezya
 Filipinler
 Kamboçya
 Laos
 Malezya
 Myanmar
 Singapur
 Tayland
 Tayvan
 Vietnam

Batı Asya
 Bahreyn

 Filistin
 Irak

 Katar
 Kuveyt
 Lübnan

 Suudi Arabistan
 Umman
 Ürdün
 Yemen

1: Yarı üye

AFC Dünya Kupası elemeleri
 1930 - Katılamadı
 1934 - Katılamadı
 1938 - Doğu Hint Adaları (Endonezya)
 1950 - Katılamadı (Hindistan elemelerden sonra çekildi.)
 1954 - Güney Kore
 1958 - Katılamadı
 1962 - Katılamadı
 1966 - Kuzey Kore
 1970 - İsrail (1994'ten sonra UEFA üyesi)
 1974 - Avustralya
 1978 - İran
 1982 - Kuveyt
 1986 -  Güney Kore, Irak
 1990 - Güney Kore, Birleşik Arap Emirlikleri
 1994 - Güney Kore, Suudi Arabistan
 1998 - Güney Kore, Japonya, Suudi Arabistan, İran
 2002 - Güney Kore, Japonya, Suudi Arabistan, Çin
 2006 - Güney Kore, Japonya, Suudi Arabistan, İran, Avustralya
 2010 - Güney Kore, Japonya, Kuzey Kore, Avustralya
 2014 - Güney Kore, Japonya, İran, Avustralya
 2018 - İran, Japonya, Güney Kore, Suudi Arabistan, Avustralya
 2022 - Katar, İran, Güney Kore, Japonya, Suudi Arabistan
Katılma
 11 kez: Güney Kore
 7 kez: Japonya
 6 kez: İran, Suudi Arabistan
 5 kez: Avustralya
 2 kez: Kuzey Kore
 1 kez: Endonezya, Kuveyt, Irak, Birleşik Arap Emirlikleri, Çin, Katar

Asya Futbol Konfederasyonu


Serrasalmus serrulatus, auch Piranha Encarnada, Caribe Cortador, Muda, Paña oder Highback Piranha genannt, ist eine Piranha-Art der Gattung Serrasalmus.

Beschreibung
Serrasalmus serrulatus sind kleine Piranhas die eine Körperlänge von 15 bis 20 cm SL (maximal bis zu 19 cm SL nach FishBase) erreichen. Typisch für die Art ist die orange Färbung der Wangen-, Humeral- (Schulter-) und der Analregion, der dunkle Humeralfleck (Schulterfleck), die Flecken auf dem Körper und der weiße Saum der Schwanzflosse (Caudale). Ihr Maul ist klein, die Bezahnung ähnlich der von Serrasalmus rhombeus und Serrasalmus elongatus, mit Ausnahme der fehlenden Zähne des Gaumenbeins (Palatine) und der niedrigeren, mittleren Spitzen der Frontzähne, die aber trotzdem noch hoch und scharf sind. Serrasalmus serrulatus hat eine hochrückige und seitlich abgeflachte Körperform. Im Laufe des Erwachsenenstadiums, entwickeln sie den charakteristischen hohen Rücken. Die grünlich blaue Färbung verliert sich zunehmend und verändert sich in silbrige bis graue Farbtöne.

Vorkommen
Das Hauptverbreitungsgebiet liegt im Amazonasbecken. Die Art kommt auch in seinen Nebenflüssen wie z. B. dem Rio Xingu vor. Fänge dieser Spezies wurden auch aus Brasilien und Peru berichtet. Auch im Rio Atacavi in Venezuela wurde S. serrulatus gefangen. Funde im Rio Essequibo (Guyana) sind nicht eindeutig nachgewiesen. Nach einer Neubewertung der Aufzeichnungen von Perugia (1891) kommt die Art im Río de la Plata Einzugsgebiet und im restlichen Argentinien nicht vor.

Lebensweise
Serrasalmus serrulatus lebt vornehmlich in den Überschwemmungswäldern des Amazonas. Sie gehört zu den Fischarten der Weiß- und Schwarzwasserflüsse am zentralen Amazonas. Die Spezies ernährt sich sowohl von Früchten (z. B. Samen von Burdachia prismatocarpa), deren Mesocarp/Pericarp sie entfernen, bevor sie den Samen aufknacken, als auch von Fleischstücken aus lebenden Fischen. Wie einige andere Piranha-Arten beißt auch Serrasalmus serrulatus Flossenteile und Flossen aus anderen Fischarten heraus und verzehrt diese. Die Ernährungsgewohnheiten variieren in Regen- und Trockenzeit. Während Samen überwiegend während der Regenzeit in den überfluteten Wäldern aufgenommen werden, ernährt sich Serrasalmus serrulatus während der Trockenzeit carnivor.

Forschungsgeschichte
Serrasalmus serrulatus wurde als Pygopristis serrulatus in Cuvier und Valenciennes Histoire naturelle des poissons erstbeschrieben. Die Beschreibung basierte auf einem 6 Zoll (15,2 cm) langen Exemplar vom Forschungsreisenden François Louis Nompar de Caumont de Laporte, Graf von Castelnau aus dem brasilianischen Amazonas.

Literatur
 Michael Goulding: The Fishes and the Forest, Explorations in Amazonian Ecology. University of California Press, 1981, ISBN 978-0520041318.

Anmerkungen und Einzelnachweise

Sägesalmler
Serrasalmidae

Serrasalmus serrulatus


"A Design for Life" is a single by Welsh band Manic Street Preachers from their fourth studio album, Everything Must Go (1996). Released on 15 April 1996, the song peaked and debuted at number two on the UK Singles Chart.

Origins
The title was inspired by the debut Joy Division EP, An Ideal for Living. The opening line of the song 'Libraries gave us power' was inspired by a legend engraved over the entrance to the former library in Pillgwenlly, Newport, 15 miles from the band's home town of Blackwood in Wales: 'Knowledge is Power'. The next line, 'then work came and made us free', refers to the German slogan  that featured above the gates of Nazi concentration camps and which had been used previously by the band in their song "The Intense Humming of Evil" on the album The Holy Bible.

The song explores themes of class conflict and working class identity and solidarity, inspired by the band's strong socialist convictions. Speaking in 2017, Nicky Wire explained that he "was sick to death with the patronisation of the working class. We're not just Jeremy Kyle – we did build libraries. My dad was a miner". Its video exemplifies this theme further. Various slogans promoting compliance and domesticity clash with scenes of fox hunting, Royal Ascot, a polo match and the Last Night of the Proms representing what the band saw as class privilege.

The song was the first to be written and released by the band following the disappearance of figurehead Richey Edwards the previous year. Interviewed in 2014 by NME for their "Song Stories" video series, singer and guitarist James Dean Bradfield recalled that the lyric had been a fusion of two sets of lyrics – "Design for Life" and "Pure Motive" – sent to him from Wales by bassist Nicky Wire, while he was living in Shepherd's Bush. The music was written "in about ten minutes" and Bradfield felt a sense of euphoria with the result. The song was credited with having "rescued the band" from the despair felt after the disappearance of Edwards, with Wire describing the song as "a bolt of light from a severely dark place". The band approached Mike Hedges to be involved in producing the song after hearing McAlmont & Butler's string-laden single "Yes", which Hedges had worked on.

Release
The single reached number two on the UK Singles Chart on 27 April 1996 and was the first in a run of five consecutive releases to be top-10 hits. It spent a total of 14 weeks on the chart, with seven weeks in the UK top 40, being the best performing single by the band, along with "Your Love Alone Is Not Enough". It has achieved platinum status in the UK (600,000 copies). With "A Design for Life" the band also began a run of 11 years where all their singles charted within the top 20 in the UK until 2007, when "Indian Summer" from Send Away the Tigers broke the run by peaking at number 22. The song peaked at number 48 in New Zealand and at number 50 in Australia. In both countries, it only charted for one week. In Ireland, it charted in the top 20, reaching number 17.

The CD single also included the songs "Mr Carbohydrate", "Dead Passive" and "Dead Trees and Traffic Islands", while the cassette included a live version of "Bright Eyes". As part of Record Store Day 2016, 2000 copies were released on 12" vinyl in a copper sleeve.

Critical reception
British magazine Music Week rated the song five out of five, picking it as Single of the Week. They wrote, "The Manics' return is a lush but stirring epic and their most commercial single to date. Mike Hedge's production has brought a more radio-friendly sound to the band and this looks like being their biggest hit yet."

Legacy
The song is referred to in the song "Slide Show" (alongside Beck's "Devils Haircut" and Oasis' "Wonderwall") on Travis' 1999 album, The Man Who: "'Cause there is no design for life, There's no devil's haircut in my mind, There is not a wonderwall to climb or step around".

In May 2007 NME magazine placed "A Design for Life" at number 30 in its list of  "50 Greatest Indie Anthems Ever". In October 2011 NME placed it at number 75 on its list of "150 Best Tracks of the Past 15 Years".

On 18 June 2009 the band were invited to officially open the new £15m Cardiff Central Library, unveiling a plaque inscribed with the words to the opening line of the song. At the event, Wire spoke about how his experience with libraries had partly inspired the song. The Cardiff Arms Park Male Voice Choir performed a version of the song, in front of the band, which Nicky Wire described as "spine tingling".

Wire later said in an interview with The Guardian that the occasion had been a great honour for the band: "For us, it seemed like a chance to give something back to Wales. Seeing one of our lyrics – "Libraries gave us power", from A Design for Life – inscribed on the opening plaque was in its own way as affecting as playing the Millennium Stadium."

In August 2016, American music publication Spin Magazine ranked "A Design for Life" at number 31 of the "96 Best Alternative Rock Songs of 1996.

Music video
The video was directed by Pedro Romhanyi. It is particularly closely connected to the song's theme and depicts the band playing on an indoor stage in an apparently cold industrial location. Vintage advertising slogans, extolling capitalist ideals, are shown on screen or projected onto the walls and are reflected in archive footage mainly from the 1950s.

Track listings
All music was composed by James Dean Bradfield and Sean Moore; all lyrics were written by Nicky Wire except where noted.

UK CD1; Australian CD and cassette single
 "A Design for Life" – 4:20
 "Mr Carbohydrate" – 4:14
 "Dead Passive" – 3:20
 "Dead Trees and Traffic Islands" (music and lyric James Dean Bradfield, Sean Moore, Nicky Wire) – 3:43

UK CD2
 "A Design for Life" – 4:20
 "A Design for Life" (Stealth Sonic Orchestra version) – 4:48
 "A Design for Life" (Stealth Sonic Orchestra instrumental version) – 4:35
 "Faster" (vocal mix) (music: James Dean Bradfield, Sean Moore; lyric: Nicky Wire, Richey Edwards) – 5:46

UK cassette single
 "A Design for Life" – 4:20
 "Bright Eyes" (live version) (Mike Batt) – 3:14

UK, European, and US 12-inch single (2016)
A1. "A Design for Life" – 4:48
A2. "Dead Trees and Traffic Islands" – 3:43
B1. "A Design For Life" (Stealth Sonic Orchestra remix) – 4:20
B2. "Mr Carbohydrate" – 4:14

Charts

Weekly charts

Year-end charts

Certifications

References

External links
 acoustic version James Dean Bradfield, August 2013 at walesonline.co.uk

Manic Street Preachers songs
1996 singles
1996 songs
Britpop songs
Epic Records singles
Music videos directed by Pedro Romhanyi
Songs written by James Dean Bradfield
Songs written by Nicky Wire
Songs written by Sean Moore (musician)
Works about socialism

A Design for Life


تعد منظومة مكتبات مصرالعامة من أكبر المكتبات العامة في مصر ومن أفضلها على الإطلاق، فهي واحدة من المشروعات الثقافية الرائدة في مصر، وهي نتاج تعاون دولي مصري ألماني مشترك يضم ثلاثة أطراف هي:-

-وزارة الثقافة المصرية ممثلة في صندوق التنمية الثقافية.

-مؤسسة برتلسمان الألمانية وهي مؤسسة أهلية ألمانية تعمل في مختلف مجالات الخدمة العامة بما فيها مجال المكتبات العامة.

- جمعية مصر للثقافة وتنمية المجتمع (جمعية الرعاية المتكاملة سابقاً) وهي مؤسسة أهلية مصرية.

وتم افتتاح الفرع الرئيسي بالجيزة يوم الإثنين 21 مارس 1995 ومنذ هذا التاريخ وتضطلع المكتبة بمفهوم جديد في تقديم الخدمات المكتبية لمجموعة كبيرة من السكان بمصر، وقد انعكس هذا التفاعل الإيجابي بين المكتبة والجمهور.

يقع مبنى مكتبة مصر العامة في مكان متميز يطل على النيل بحي الدقي بمحافظة الجيزة، كما أنه يتميز بقربه من جامعة القاهرة والكليات التابعة لها والمعاهد العليا والمتاحف الفنية والمدارس الابتدائية والإعدادية الخاصة والحكومية.

ويقع المبنى في ثلاثة طوابق على مساحة 600 متر مربع، تحيطه حديقة مزدهرة على مساحة 2000 متر مربع، وهو في الأصل «فيلا» مميزة ذات طراز معماري خاص، وقد تم تهيئتها لكي تفي بحاجة المكتبة، من حيث المساحات المناسبة للقاعات، وكفاءة التهوية والتكييف، وجودة الإضاءة بالاعتماد على الإضاءة الطبيعية، والأثاث المناسب من ناحيتي الشكل والأداء.

اعداد/مياده محمد طارق

أهداف المكتبة وفلسفتها

منذ افتتاح مكتبة مصر العامة وتعتمد فلسفتها على وضع المستفيد في أولويات اهتمامها، وتوجيه أنشطة المكتبة ووسائلها الثقافية لتلبية احتياجات المستفيدين بعد قياس احتاجاتهم.

ويمكن تلخيص أهداف المكتبة في الأهداف التالية:-

- تشجيع الأفراد من جميع الأعمار والطبقات الاجتماعية لتنمية معارفهم والاستفادة من المواد الثقافية المتاحة بالمكتبة.- إتاحة أوعية معلومات (الكتب، المجلات، المواد السمع بصرية مثل الفيديو وغيرها) تواكب الاهتمام بالتعليم الذاتي.

- فتح قنوات للأنشطة الثقافية والتسلية.

-إنشاء والحفاظ على نموذج للمكتبة العامة التي يقبل عليها المستفيدين والموجهة وفق احتياجاتهم في مصر، ونقل تلك الخبرات للمسئولين عن المكتبات العامة الأخرى.

-التعاون مع مؤساسات المجتمع الثقافية والتعليمية للارتقاء بمهارات استخدام الحاسب الآلي والإنترنت وتنميتها لدى مختلف فئات المجتمع.

 مبنى المكتبة الرئيسية وتجهيزاته

يقع مبنى مكتبة مصر العامة في مكان متميز يطل على النيل بحي الدقي بمحافظة الجيزة، كما أنه يتميز بقربه من جامعة القاهرة والكليات التابعة لها والمعاهد العليا والمتاحف الفنية والمدارس الابتدائية والإعدادية الخاصة والحكومية.

ويقع المبنى في ثلاثة طوابق على مساحة 600 متر مربع، تحيطه حديقة مزدهرة على مساحة 2000 متر مربع، وهو في الأصل «فيلا» مميزة ذات طراز معماري خاص، وقد تم تهيئتها لكي تفي بحاجة المكتبة، من حيث المساحات المناسبة للقاعات، وكفاءة التهوية والتكييف، وجودة الإضاءة بالاعتماد على الإضاءة الطبيعية، والأثاث المناسب من ناحيتي الشكل والأداء.

 الفهرس الآلي للمكتبة

تستخدم مكتبة مصرالعامة النظام الآلي المتكامل للمكتبات «سيمفوني» وهو نظام معياري عالمي متعدد اللغات يسمح باستخدام اللغة العربية بجانب اللغة الإنجليزية. يتيح النظام عددًا من الوظائف المكتبية مثل التزويد والفهرسة وضبط الدوريات والتقارير، وأهمها وظيفة البحث في فهرس المكتبة على الخط المباشر والمعروفة بـ «أوباك OPAC».Online Public Access Cataloging

ويستطيع المستفيد استخدام الفهرس الآلي للمكتبة من داخل المكتبة أو من أي مكان في العالم من خلال موقع المكتبة على شبكة الإنترنت: www.mpl.org.eg. ويستخدم الباحث في العادة فهرس المكتبة للبحث عن عنوان معين أو عن وعاء لمؤلف معين أو الأوعية المتاحة بالمكتبة لأحد المؤلفين، أو الأوعية المتاحة في أحد الموضوعات... الخ.يقوم الباحث بكتابة المصطلح المطلوب في المكان المخصص، يكون المصطلح إمّا كلمة مفتاحية Key Word أو رأس موضوع Subject Heading أو اسم المؤلف Author Name أو عنوان الوعاء Title أو بيانات النشر Publishing أو رمز التصنيف Classification. كما يتيح البحث المركب استخدام أدوات البحث المنطقي Or, And, Not وغيرها من أدوات الربط الأكثر تعقيدًا. بعد إدخال مصطلح البحث وطلب التنفيذ يظهر أمام الباحث قائمة مختصرة ببيانات الأوعية المتاحة بالمكتبة، تتضمن هذه القائمة رقم الطلب، وعنوان الوعاء، واسم المؤلف، وبيان موقف إعارة (الوعاء) الكتاب أو الإسطوانة المدمجة، وموعد انتهاء مدة استعارته وإعادته للمكتبة، وعند اختيار التفاصيل الكاملة للوعاء تظهر باقي البيانات وتتضمن رقم الطبعة، وبيانات النشر (مدينة النشر، اسم الناشر، وتاريخ النشر)، وعنوان السلسلة، ومكان وجود الوعاء (المكتبة الرئيسية، أو الفرعية، أو كليهما)، والمصطلحات الموضوعية الدالة على الكتاب، وبيانات النُسخ وموقف إعارة كل نسخة.(12)

فروع المكتبة

فروع القاهرة الكبرى
1- الفرع الرئيسى بالجيزة - الدقى: الدقى -4 ش جمال حمدان من شارع النيل 21 مارس 1995.

2- فرع الزيتون: 4 ش عمر المختار - امام مركز شباب الأميرية 23 مارس 1999.

3- فرع الزاوية الحمراء: 31 مارس 2014.

الفروع الإقليمية
4-فرع الوادي الجديد: 16 أكتوبر 2003.

5- فرع بورسعيد: 22 مارس 2004.

6- فرع المنصورة: 26 يونيو 2005.

7- فرع دمياط: 8 أبريل 2005.

8- فرع الغردقة: 23 أغسطس 2005.

9- فرع الأقصر: 19 مايو 2007.

10- فرع دمنهور: 7 مايو 2009.

11- فرع الإسماعيلية: 24 يونيو 2010.

12- فرع الزقازيق: أكتوبر 2012.

13- فرع بنها:24 فبراير 2013.

14- فرع مرسي مطروح 24 مارس 2015

15- فرع المنيا: 28 مايو 2016

فروع جاري تجهيزها
 فرع أسيوط فرع دمنهور 2 فرع بور فؤاد فرع كفر الزيات

مصادر
 الموقع الإلكتروني لمكتبة مصر العامة

ثقافة وفن
مكتبات عامة
مكتبات في مصر

مكتبة مصر العامة


Gemma Steel (* 12. November 1985 in Leicester) ist eine britische Langstreckenläuferin.

Bei den Crosslauf-Europameisterschaften 2010 in Albufeira kam sie auf den 27. Platz.

2011 belegte sie bei den Crosslauf-Weltmeisterschaften in Punta Umbría den 54. Platz und gewann den Great Birmingham Run. Bei den Crosslauf-EM in Velenje gewann sie Bronze in der Einzelwertung und Gold mit der britischen Mannschaft.

2012 siegte sie beim Great Ireland Run.

Persönliche Bestzeiten

 5000 m: 15:47,21 min, 11. Juni 2011, Watford
 10-km-Straßenlauf: 32:06 min, 15. April 2012, Dublin
 Halbmarathon: 1:12:21 h, 23. Oktober 2011, Birmingham

Weblinks

 Athletenporträt bei The Power of Ten

Langstreckenläufer (Vereinigtes Königreich)
Brite
Geboren 1985
Frau

Gemma Steel


S.O.S me estoy enamorando (lit. S.O.S Estou me Apaixonando) é uma telenovela mexicana produzida por Lucero Suárez para Televisa e foi exibida pelo Las Estrellas de 6 de setembro de 2021 a 16 de janeiro de 2022, substituindo Esta historia me suena Vol.4 e sendo substituída por Amor dividido. É uma adaptação da novela argentina El sodero de mi vida.

É protagonizada por Irán Castillo e Daniel Arenas e antagonizada por Marcelo Córdoba, Juan Martín Jáuregui, Alejandro Ibarra, Pierre Angelo e Adriana Montes de Oca e com atuações estelares de Jorge Salinas, Ana Patricia Rojo, Lourdes Reyes, Rocío de Santiago, Jorge Trejo, Alejandro Ibarra, Pedro Prieto e Pierre Louis; e dos primeiros atores César Évora, Nuria Bages, Yolanda Ventura e Óscar Bonfiglio.

Produção
As gravações começaram no dia 31 de maio e estreará em 6 de setembro no horário das 18h30 p.m mx. A trama Substituiu a quarta temporada de Esta historia me suena, que estreou no dia 26 de julho.

Enredo
Alberto Muñoz (Daniel Arenas) deve salvar a gráfica que sua família possui há várias gerações e deve chegar a um acordo com seus "novos" sócios. O negócio, que parecia favorável, logo desmorona porque os sócios têm outros planos para o terreno onde fica a loja. As coisas complicam-se quando Alberto se apaixona por Sofia Fernández (Irán Castillo), filha de um dos sócios. O vínculo entre eles é profundo, mas eles devem superar muitos obstáculos para se tornarem felizes.

Elenco
 Irán Castillo - Sofia Fernández Ávila
 Daniel Arenas - Alberto Muñoz-Cano
 Jorge Salinas - Vicente Ramos
 César Évora - Leopoldo Fernández
 Nuria Bages - Delia Muñoz-Cano
 Marcelo Córdoba - Omar Kattan
 Ana Patricia Rojo - Inés Paredes Nava de Fernández
 Yolanda Ventura - Elsa Ávila de Fernández
 Juan Martín Jáuregui - Diego Miranda
 Alejandro Ibarra - Orlando Maqueto
 Pierre Angelo - Raúl Peralta
 Candela Márquez - Mónica Muñoz-Cano
 Lourdes Reyes - Leonor Muñoz-Cano
 Norma Lazareno - Eugenia Campoamor Berúmen
 Magda Karina - Martha
 Arturo Carmona - El Teniente Pedro
 Carmen Becerra - Victoria
 Carlos Bracho - Estanislao
 Luis Gatica - el hija de Bárbara
 Sachi Tamashiro - Verónica
 Benjamín Rivero - Enrique "Quique" Muñoz-Cano

Audiência

Anexo: Episódios de S.O.S Me Estoy Enamorando

Em seu primeiro capítulo a trama foi vista por 2.5 milhões de espectadores, sendo a atração mais vista no horário.. Em seu segundo capítulo a trama cresceu e foi vista por 2.7 milhões de espectadores, continuando como a atração mais no horário . Bateu recorde em seu terceiro capítulo, quando foi vista por 2.8 milhões de espectadores

Após seu terceiro capítulo, a trama passou a perder público. No capítulo exibido no dia 23 de setembro bateu seu recorde negativo, sendo vista apenas por 2.1 milhões de espectadores.. Voltou a bater recorde negativo no capítulo exibido em 15 de outubro, nesse dia a trama foi vista apenas por 1.9 milhões de espectadores

Registrou um novo recorde no episódio exibido em 04 de novembro, quando foi vista por 2.9 milhões de espectadores . Voltou a repetir esse índice no episódio exibido em 17 de novembro e 22 de novembro, quando cravou 2.9 milhões de espectadores .

Obteve um novo recorde foi no capítulo exibido no dia 23 de novembro, quando foi vista por 3.1 milhões de espectadores. Voltou a repetir esse índice no capítulo exibido em 08 de novembro.

No capítulo exibido em 07 de janeiro, registrou um novo recorde e foi vista por 3.4 milhões de espectadores.

Em sua última semana a trama registrou um novo recorde de audiência, no capítulo exibido em 12 de janeiro a trama foi vista por 3.6 milhões de espectadores.

Em seu último capítulo (exibido em um domingo), a trama produzida por Lucero Suárez finalizou com 3.3 milhões de espectadores, sendo a maior audiência do dia .

!Artigos novos
Telenovelas do México
Telenovelas em espanhol
Telenovelas da Televisa da década de 2020

S.O.S me estoy enamorando


أسعار النفط 1000 تطلق على سعر خام غرب تكساس الوسيط (الخام الخفيف المتداول في بورصة نيويورك التجارية أو مزيج برنت المتداول على بورصة انتركونتيننتال)، سعر برميل من النفط يختلف من مكان لآخر اعتمادا على عدة عوامل، مثل الثقل النوعي أو API، ومحتواه من الكبريت، ومكان استخراجه.

الطلب على النفط يعتمد اعتمادا كبيرا على نمو الاقتصاد العالمي، ويقول بعض الاقتصاديين أن ارتفاع أسعار النفط لها أثر سلبي كبير على النمو العالمي.

منظمة البلدان المصدرة للبترول (أوبك) تشكلت للحفاظ على سعر النفط عند مستوى يحقق الفائدة لجميع أعضائها.

التاريخ

الأسعار مؤخرا
كانت الأسعار في يناير 1999 قد وصلت إلى حاجز متدني حيث بلغت 16 دولارا (الأسعار في كامل المقال بالدولار لكل برميل من النفط)، بعد زيادة إنتاج النفط من العراق وتزامن مع الأزمة المالية الآسيوية، مما أدى إلى تراجع الطلب،

ثم زادت الأسعار بسرعة، لأكثر من الضعف بحلول سبتمبر 2000 فبلغت 35 دولارا، ثم انخفضت مرة أخرى حتى نهاية عام 2001، ثم اتجهت إلى الزيادة بشكل متطرد، وبلغت 40-50 بحلول سبتمبر 2004، وفي أكتوبر 2004 ارتفع سعر النفط الخام الخفيف للعقود الآجلة متجاوز 53 دولارا في عقود تسليم نوفمبر و 55 دولارا في عقود ديسمبر.

ارتفعت أسعار النفط الخام إلى مستوى قياسي فوق 60 دولارا في يونيو 2005، واستمر هذا الاتجاه في أوائل أغسطس 2005، وارتفعت العقود الآجلة لنحو 65 دولارا، كما واصل الطلب على البنزين ارتفاعه على الرغم من ارتفاع الأسعار، وصل سعر النفط الخام وصل إلى ذروته في يوليه 2006 فحقق أكثر من 77 دولارا، وفي ديسمبر 2006 بلغ نحو 63 دولارا.

وفي سبتمبر 2007، تجاوز خام تكساس حاجز 80 دولارا، عوامل متعددة تسببت في ارتفاع هذه الأسعار، منها أن زيادة إنتاج أوبك كانت أقل من المتوقع، انخفاض أسعار الأسهم في الولايات المتحدة بأقل من توقعات الخبراء، والتغيرات في السياسات النفطية الاتحادية، وتعرض ستة من خطوط الأنابيب لهجوم من قبل مجموعة يسارية في المكسيك، وفي أكتوبر 2007 ارتفع الخام الاميركي الخفيف فوق 90 دولارا للمرة الأولى، بسبب مزيج من حدة التوتر في شرق تركيا وانخفاض قيمة الدولار.

يناير 2008، بلغ متوسط سعر برميل النفط خلال تلك السنة 94 دولار وفق إحصائية منظمة أوبك وتأرجح سعر النفط خلال ههذه السنة.

توازن السوق
أسعار النفط مثل أسعار جميع السلع، تخضع لتقلبات كبيرة مع مرور الوقت، وخاصة تلك المرتبطة بدورة الأعمال التجارية فعند زيادة الطلب على سلعة مثل النفط بشكل يتجاوز قدرة الإنتاجية، فإن السعر السعر سوف يرتفع بشكل حاد جدا لان كلا من الطلب والعرض غير مرن إلى حد بعيد في المدى القصير، فمستهلكوا النفط قد يصدموا من ارتفاع أسعار النفط بشكل كبير، ولكن عاداتهم تحدد استهلاكهم له، وهي تأخذ وقتا للتكيف، غير أن كلا من الشركات والأفراد عليهم معرفة سبل لخفض استهلاك النفط كاستجابة لارتفاع الأسعار، وارتفاع الأسعار تشجع الاستثمارات الجديدة في ايجاد مصادر جديدة.

وعندما يتجاوز العرض الطلب، من جهة أخرى، ينبغي أن تنهار الأسعار حتى تصبح التكلفة الحدية للإنتاج أكبر من السعر، فتبدأ آبار البترول بالإغلاق لانها أصبحت غير اقتصادية، على الأقل مؤقتا، فيقل المعروض بالتالي ويزداد السعر من جديد.

مواضيع ذات علاقة
 حظر النفط (1967)
 أزمة النفط (1973)
 أزمة الطاقة (1979)
 وفرة النفط (1980)
 ارتفاع أسعار النفط (1990)

مراجع

أزمات الطاقة
اقتصاديات النفط
تسعير
نفط
أسواق النفط والغاز

سعر النفط


Die Corgoň liga 2012/13 war die 26. Spielzeit der höchsten Spielklasse im Fußball der Slowakei und die 20. Spielzeit seit 1993. Sie wurde am 13. Juli 2012 mit der Begegnung zwischen dem Titelverteidiger MŠK Žilina und der Aufsteiger TJ Spartak Myjava eröffnet und endete am 26. Mai 2013.

Modus
Die zwölf Teams spielten dreimal gegeneinander. Jede Mannschaft absolvierte 33 Spiele.

Mannschaften

Abschlusstabelle

Kreuztabelle

Torschützenliste

Weblinks
 Tabelle auf soccerway.com
 Fortuna Liga auf natipuj.eu/sk

Einzelnachweise

2012 13
Fußballsaison 2012/13

Corgoň liga 2012/13


Eldon Township ist der Name folgender Townships:

in den Vereinigten Staaten:
 Eldon Township (North Dakota)

in Kanada:
 Eldon Township (Ontario)

Eldon Township


An Gelidocalamus tessellatus in uska species han Liliopsida nga ginhulagway ni Tai Hui Wen ngan Chao Chien Chang. An Gelidocalamus tessellatus in nahilalakip ha genus nga Gelidocalamus, ngan familia nga Poaceae. Waray hini subspecies nga nakalista.

Mga kasarigan

Gelidocalamus

Gelidocalamus tessellatus


කළුතර ධම්මානන්ද හිමි (බුද්ධංගල ලොකු හාමුදුරුවෝ) (1927 දෙසැම්බර් 27 - 2014 පෙබරවාරි 16) මෙරට වැඩවිසූ කීර්තිමත් බෞද්ධ භික්ෂූන් වහන්සේ නමකි. උන්වහන්සේ අම්පාර පිහිටි බුද්ධංගල ආරණ්‍ය සේනාසනයේ නිර්මාතෘවරයානන් වහන්සේ ලෙස සැළකේ.

මුල් අවධිය
කලක් ථේරීය පරම්පරාවේ මහණ උපසම්පදාව සොයමින් සැරිසැරූ බව කියන ධම්මානන්ද හිමි, ශ්‍රී ලංකා රාමඤ්ඤ මහ නිකායේ උත්තම මහා පුරුෂයන්ගේ උපාධ්‍යාචාරී සහ ආචාර්ය්‍යත්වයෙන් 1964 මැයි මස 20 වන දින ථේරවාදී ක්‍රමයට සසුනට එකතු විය.

අනතුරුව දිගාමඩුලු දිස්ත්‍රික්කයේ 26 ජනපදය හරහා ගල්තලාවකින් සමන්විත ඝන වනාන්තයෙන් වැසුණු ඉපැරණි නටඹුන් සහිත බුද්ධංගල ආරණ්‍ය සේනාසනයට වැඩම කරන ලදී. එවකට කොටි ත්‍රස්ථවාදීන්ගේ බලපෑමට යටත්ව තිබූ මෙම සේනාසනය තුල පුරා වසර 50 ක් මුළුල්ලේ වැඩ වසමින් උන්වහන්සේ, සේනාසනයෙහි උන්නතිය වෙනුවෙන් විශාල මෙහෙවරක් සිදුකරන ලදී.

අපවත් වීම
කළුතර ධම්මානන්ද නාහිමිපාණන් වහන්සේ 2014 පෙබරවාරි 16 වැනිදා අපවත් වූ අතර, අපවත් වන විට උන්වහන්සේ 86 වැනි වියෙහි පසුවිය.

ආශ්‍රිත

බාහිර සබැඳි

1927 උපත්
ශ්‍රී ලාංකික භික්ෂූහූ
බෞද්ධ භික්‍ෂූහු

කළුතර ධම්මානන්ද හිමි


සංස්කෘත භාෂාවෙන් වූ සාහිත්‍යය වේද සදහා ආරම්භවන අතර ඉන්දියාවේ වානේ යුගයේ සංස්කෘත මහා කාව්‍යය සමග ඉදිරියට ගලායයි. ආදි සම්භව්‍යය සංස්කෘත සාහිත්‍යයේ ස්වර්ණමය යුගය මුල් මධ්‍යතන යුගය දක්වා ඈතට දිවයයි. ( දළ වශයෙන් 3 – 8 සියවස් AD) 1100 AD වලින් පසු හීන වී යාමට පෙර 11 වන සියවසේදී සාහිත්‍යමය නිර්මාණවල යම් වර්ධනයක් පෙන්වන ලදී. එය නැවත ඇති කිරීම සඳහා දීර්ඝ කාලීන උත්සාහයන් ක්‍රියාත්මක වේ. උදාහරණ ලෙස රචනා තරග පවත්වන මුළු ඉන්දියානු සංස්කෘත උත්සවය දැක්විය හැකිය.

ආගමික සාහිත්‍යයවල බහුල භාවිතය මගින් ( වි‍ශේෂයෙන් හින්දු ආගම ) හා බොහොමයක් නූතන ඉන්දියානු භාෂා ඍජුවම මෙන් ව්‍යුත්පන්න වූ බවට හෝ අධික බලපෑමකට ලක් වූ බවට වූ සාක්ෂි මගින් හෙළිවන්නේ සංස්කෘත භාෂාව හා එහි සාහිත්‍යය ඉන්දියානු සංස්කෘතියේ විශාල වැදගත් කමක් උසුලන බවයි. එම නිසා එය යුරෝපීය සංස්කෘතියේ ග්‍රීක හා ලතින් සාහිත්‍යයවලින් වෙනස් වේ.

සංස්කෘත සාහිත්‍යය


QY Puppis (QY Pup / HD 63302 / HR 3026 / HIP 38031) es una estrella variable en la constelación de Puppis, la popa del Argo Navis. Se encuentra aproximadamente a 1850 años luz de distancia del sistema solar.

QY Puppis es una supergigante naranja de tipo espectral K2Iab.
Tiene una temperatura superficial de 4304 ± 34 K y una luminosidad bolométrica —que incluye una importante cantidad de energía emitida en el infrarrojo— casi 2500 veces mayor que la del Sol.
Tiene un radio 420 veces más grande que el radio solar, lo que equivale a 1,96 UA; si estuviese en el lugar del Sol su superficie se extendería más allá de la órbita de Marte.
Su metalicidad —abundancia relativa de elementos más pesados que el helio— es superior a la del Sol en un 32% ([Fe/H] = +0,12).
Tiene una masa aproximada 6,2 veces mayor que la masa solar.

QY Puppis es una variable semirregular de clase SRD, entre las que se cuenta R Puppis, en esta misma constelación.
El brillo de QY Puppis varía entre magnitud aparente +6,24 y +6,71, no existiendo período conocido.

Véase también
 Lista de estrellas variables

Referencias

Supergigantes
Estrellas variables
Variables semirregulares
Constelación de Puppis

QY Puppis


Movatnet er en sø i Førde kommune i Vestland fylke i Norge. I østenden af søen ligger en landbugsskoele under Mo og Jølster videregående skole. E39 krysser vannet ved Sunde, et av udbygningsområdene i Førde kommune.

Movatnet er en af vandene som er med i fiskekonkurrencen Sunnfjord aurefiskefest, og er et godt fiskevand for ørred.

Søer i Vestland

Movatnet (Førde)


Kiyotaka Miyoshi (født 10. juli 1985) er en tidligere japansk fodboldspiller.

Han har spillet for flere forskellige klubber i sin karriere, herunder Shimizu S-Pulse.

Eksterne henvisninger

Fodboldspillere fra Japan

Kiyotaka Miyoshi


The Florida group (Sp.: grupo Florida) was an avant-garde literary-artistic group created in the 1920s in Buenos Aires, known by their embracing slogan "art for art's sake". The name refers to Florida Street, the location of a favored meeting point, the Richmond tea room.

The group was identified with the magazines Proa and Martín Fierro, the latter named after the long poem Martín Fierro, generally considered the greatest work of nineteenth-century Argentine literature. The group is also often referred to as the Martín Fierro group (Sp. "grupo Martín Fierro").

Members

Among the best-known members of the Florida group were Oliverio Girondo, Norah Lange, Ricardo Güiraldes, Norah Borges, Péle Pastorino, Francisco Luis Bernárdez, Leopoldo Marechal, Conrado Nalé Roxlo, and Raúl González Tuñón.

Güiraldes was something of a father figure to many Florida members; already a major figure, he spent the 1920s writing his masterpiece Don Segundo Sombra and studying Hindu philosophy. He died in 1927, while planning a trip to India.

Nicolás Olivari, who co-founded the more political Boedo group, later became a member of the Florida group. The fiercely independent Roberto Arlt met with both groups on an irregular basis, but committed to none.

Tendencies

Eventually, the group evolved into two branches, the Florida meeting in Downtown Buenos Aires at the Galeria Pacifico, with an artistic and literary agenda following feminist approach, and the Boedo meeting in the Offshores of the city at the futbol stadium of Club Atletico San Lorenzo, with predominantly male attendants with a socio-political agenda following an avant-garde labour approach.

Jorge Luis Borges was not a regular in Florida meetings, but was a frequent contributor to Proa and Martín Fierro. Actually, Borges claimed that the entire Florida-Boedo rivalry was a pointless imitation of European fashions and that he should indeed belong to Boedo because of geography (he lived at that time in Bulnes Street, the name Boedo Street takes after it crosses Rivadavia Avenue).

Arturo Cancela suggested in a letter to Martín Fierro that both sides merge under the common name of "Schools of Floredo street" and name Manuel Gálvez as president, as he lived on Pueyrredón street, equidistant from both groups. By 1930, all the involved parties had concluded that the perceived rivalry was no longer an issue. Girondo (for Florida) and Castelnuovo (for Boedo) wrote newspaper articles to that effect.

Members' prosecution: military coup & the Peronist Party

After the 1930 military coup that launched the "Infamous Decade", the Florida constituency gravitated towards Victoria Ocampo's Sur magazine, which thrived in spite of the ever-deteriorating state of Argentine politics — until the advent of Peronism in 1945.

During the 1960s and 1970s, left-wing and Peronist Argentine commentators identified "the Florida Group" to be a Liberalist Euro-centered movement mainly following the British and French avant-garde, cataloguing it with many of the perceived illnesses of Argentine society such as ignoring the aspirations and culture of the lower classes (which Peronism would articulate), looking towards Europe for inspiration, and being out of touch with any kind of productive work. González Tuñón alone was excepted from this treatment, because of the social themes of his poetry.

References

External links
 "The Florida & Boedo Groups" by Dotro, Carlos. (text in Spanish) Los grupos de Florida y Boedo: Lo estético y lo social, El Muro revista Cultural de Buenos Aires.

Argentine literature

Florida group


Washington Park is a community area on the South Side of Chicago which includes the 372 acre (1.5 km) park of the same name, stretching east-west from Cottage Grove Avenue to the Dan Ryan Expressway, and north-south from 51st Street to 63rd. It is home to the DuSable Museum of African American History.  The park was the proposed site of the Olympic Stadium and the Olympic Aquatics Center in Chicago's bid to host the 2016 Summer Olympics.

It and surrounding neighborhoods have gone through notable and often turbulent racial transitions.

History

In the mid-to-late 19th century, a large number of Irish and German railroad workers and meatpackers made Washington Park home. There was a sprinkling of African American residents in the working-class district south of Garfield Boulevard/55th Street. Affluent American-born European Americans settled the wide north-south avenues that provided a direct route into the Loop  to the north. Cable cars, the Chicago 'L' and wide boulevards contributed to late 19th century prosperity. The wide avenues, especially Grand Boulevard (now named Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. Memorial Drive), provided popular locations for mansions and grand apartments built by many wealthy Chicagoans.

The park in this community area was named for President George Washington in 1880. In the 1920s, the University of Chicago created the community area system of city subdivision with the current names that continue to be used today. The community areas although not formally adopted by the United States Census Bureau are largely consistent with census tract boundaries. The Washington Park community area and its census tracts have been unchanged.

Changing demographics

A turn-of-the-20th-century housing construction boom along with increases in the African American population of the midwest during the Great Migration resulted in the movement of lower-income and predominantly African American Chicagoans southward. Soon, the European-American inhabitants mostly left the area, in a phenomenon often termed "white flight". The transition was rapid and marked with conflicts such as the Race Riot of 1919. Some white Protestants left to form an exclusive residential community in the South Shore community area. In 1906 they formed the South Shore Country Club, which excluded Black people and Jews from membership.

The area rapidly changed from European American to African-American in the 1920s. By 1930, the population was only 7.8% white. By 1960, the population was 0.5% white. From 1950 to 2000 the total population of the neighborhood declined from 57,000 to 14,146. This population decline is partly due to initiatives of the Chicago Land Clearance Commission, who acted under the 1955 Amendment to the Blighted Areas Redevelopment Act, which allowed redevelopment authorities that acquired land by condemnation or otherwise to redevelop such lands for non-residential uses. A good example of the Land Clearing commission activities is the Lake Meadows Park to the north of Washington Park. The failure of the evolution of industry and commerce in the community, the above-mentioned white flight and land redevelopment for non-residential use combined lead to population decline.

Religion
Religion and worship are cornerstones of the South Side communities. The nearby hub of Bronzeville at 47th and Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. Drive (known as King Drive and formerly Grand Boulevard) was a cultural hub of the neighborhood that fostered a cultural identity. In keeping with the racial transformation, the cultural and religious institutions, including those of Irish Catholics, Greek Orthodoxy and the Jewish faith, converted to African American institutions.

Structures
The neighborhood once contained many public housing complexes including about a third of the nation's largest, the Robert Taylor Homes. The Taylor homes have been demolished because of the socioeconomic problems that they perpetuated. The area has minimal industry or commerce at the current time. The other property on the NRHP in the area is the Schulze Baking Company Plant.

The DuSable Museum of African American History, founded in 1961, moved to Washington Park in 1973. It is a Washington Park landmark and one of the largest African American museums in the country.

Namesakes
Several nearby regions and institutions use Washington Park in their name. Immediately to the south, Washington Park Subdivision exists where Washington Park Race Track once stood. One city block to the north, Washington Park Court District is a neighborhood that has become a Chicago Landmark.

In literature and culture
The Washington Park neighborhood has been the setting for works of popular literature. James T. Farrell's Studs Lonigan trilogy is set in Washington Park. In Richard Wright's novel Native Son, Bigger Thomas drives the drunken Jan Erlone and Mary Dalton around Washington Park, as the two embrace. In addition to hosting the DuSable Museum, the park hosts Fountain of Time, the world's earliest concrete finished art work.

Additionally, the aforementioned adjacent Washington Park Subdivision has been the subject of notable literature. The conditions of this neighborhood are described in a section of Black Metropolis by St. Clair Drake and Horace Roscoe Cayton.

The play Raisin in the Sun was inspired by Lorraine Hansberry's time in the neighborhood after her father won the repeal of restrictive covenants. The Hansberry house, the red brick three-flat at 6140 S. Rhodes Avenue which they bought in 1937, is up for landmark status before the Chicago City Council's Committee on Historical Landmarks Preservation.

Notable people
 Jesse Binga (1865–1950), founder of the first privately owned African American bank in Chicago. He moved to the then-white neighborhood in 1917.
 Chief Keef (born 1995), rapper and record producer.
 Grover C. Nash (1911–1970), aviator and first Black pilot to fly mail for the United States Postal Service. He resided at 6109 South Calumet Avenue at the time of his feat.
 Cecil A. Partee (1921–1994), 31st and 33rd President of the Illinois Senate. He resided at 6032 South Michigan Avenue while serving as a member of the Illinois House of Representatives.
 Deval Patrick (born 1956), 71st Governor of Massachusetts (2007-2015). He was raised in Washington Park.
 Harry Mark Petrakis (1923–2021), novelist known for depictions of Greek-American life. He was a childhood resident of Washington Park.
 Melvin Van Peebles (1932–2021), actor, filmmaker, playwright, novelist and composer. He was a childhood resident of the Washington Park community area at 58th and Calumet.

See also

Washington Park (Chicago park)

Notes

External links

Official City of Chicago Washington Park Neighborhood Map
Chicago Park District: Washington Park
Washington Park Quality-of-Life Neighborhood Planning

Community areas of Chicago
South Side, Chicago
Neighborhoods in Chicago
Populated places established in 1880
1880 establishments in Illinois

Washington Park (community area), Chicago


Champiocolax, rod crvenih algi u porodici Champiaceae,dio reda Rhodymeniales. Postoje dvije priznate vrste; tipična s karipske obale Kolumbije, i druga uz obalu Južne Australije i Victorije.

Vrste
 Champiocolax lobatus Womersley
 Champiocolax sarae Bula-Meyer

Izvori

Vanjske poveznice

Champiaceae

Champiocolax


Kosmos 2448, ruski navigacijski satelit (globalno pozicioniranje) iz programa Kosmos. Vrste je GLONASS-M (Glonass br. 728, Uragan M br. 728).
Lansiran je 25. prosinca 2008. godine u 08:49 s kozmodroma Bajkonura (Tjuratam) u Kazahstanu. Lansiran je u srednje visoku orbitu oko planeta Zemlje raketom nosačem Proton-K/DM-2 8K72K. Orbita mu je 19117 km u perigeju i 19142 km u apogeju. Orbitna inklinacija mu je 64,10°. Spacetrackov kataloški broj je 33468. COSPARova oznaka je 2008-067-C. Zemlju obilazi u 675,71 minutu. Pri lansiranju bio je mase kg.

Još dva Glonassa lansirana su u ovoj misiji. Više dijelova iz ove misije odvojilo se, oni koji su neko vrijeme kružili u niskoj orbiti vratili su se u atmosferu, a neki i dalje kruže u srednjoj i visokoj orbiti.

Izvori
Heavens-above (engl.)
NASA (engl.)
Planet4589.org Tablični prikaz podataka o satelitima (engl.)

Vanjske poveznice
Glonass  (rus.)
Glonass Constellation Status (engl.)
N2YO.com Search Satellite Database (engl.)
Celes Trak SATCAT Format Documentation (engl.)
Kunstman  Satellites in Orbit (engl.)

Sateliti Kosmos

Kosmos 2448


Debye se poate referi la:
 Peter Debye, fizician olandez;
 Debye (unitate de măsură), unitate de măsură pentru momentul electric dipolar în sistemul CGS;
 30852 Debye, un asteroid.

Debye (dezambiguizare)


Dirch går køkkenvejen er en dansk reklamefilm fra 1962 med instruktion og manuskript af Werner Hedman.

Handling
Generalkonsulinden har til sit middagsselskab tilkaldt en kok, som skal forberede bouillabaise, omelet surprise, sprængt and og dessert. Dirch Passer dukker op - en halv time før gæsterne ankommer - og sætter fut under gryderne.

Referencer

Eksterne henvisninger

Danske film fra 1962

Reklamefilm

Dirch går køkkenvejen


Jerome Francis Ehlers (Perth,  — Sydney, ) foi um ator e roteirista .

Biografia
Nascido em 1958 na cidade de Perth, Austrália Ocidental, Ehlers estudou Artes na Universidade da Austrália Ocidental em meados da década de 1970 e graduou-se no Instituto Nacional de Artes Dramáticas (NIDA) em 1987. Atuou no palco com as principais companhias teatrais de Sydney, incluindo a Sydney Theatre Company, Company B, Bell Shakespeare e The Ensemble e também participou de várias produções do festival Shakespeare in the Park.

Ele desenvolveu uma longa carreira no cinema e na televisão. Ganhou destaque com o telefilme The Bangkok Hilton (1989), no qual contracenou com Nicole Kidman, e, a partir de então, interpretou vários personagens que geralmente vivem em conflito com a lei. Fez parte do elenco principal das telesséries Glad Rags e Crownies, além de aparecer em episódios de A Country Practice, Time Trax, Frontier, The Starter Wife, Packed to the Rafters, Rake, entre outras produções. No cinema, participou de longas-metragens como Two Hands, Ned Kelly e The Marine. Nos últimos anos, dedicou-se à escrita e roteirizou After the Rain (2000), um filme australiano no qual também desempenhou um pequeno papel na tela. Seu último trabalho cinematográfico foi o longa Drive Hard, estrelado por John Cusack e filmado em Queensland.

Vida pessoal e morte
Ehlers tinha quatro irmãos. Era casado com Elly Bradbury e teve dois filhos, chamados Jackson e Ethan. Ele morreu pacificamente cercado pela família em Sydney em 9 de agosto de 2014, aos 55 anos, após uma batalha de dez anos contra o câncer. Seu corpo foi cremado.

Reconhecimento
Em 2014, Ehlers foi reconhecido como parte do Quadro de Honra na cerimônia anual do Sydney Theatre Awards, que concedeu-lhe o Prêmio Lifetime Achievement.

Filmografia parcial

Cinema

Televisão

Bibliografia

Atores da Austrália
Atores de teatro
Atores de televisão da Austrália
Roteiristas da Austrália
Naturais de Perth (Austrália Ocidental)
Alunos da Universidade da Austrália Ocidental
Mortes por câncer

Jerome Ehlers


هي لعبة مثل مبارزة الوحوش تنقسم الاوراق إلى قسمين اوراق القوة والمخلوقات وتنقسم إلى خمسة عناصر:
 1 الضوء
2الماء
3 الطبيعة
4 الظلام
 5 النار.
لديك خمسة دروع إذا دمرت وهجمت مباشره تخسر كل ورقه يوجد رقم عليها أقصى اليمين لاتستطيع استدعاه إلى إذا كان هناك عدد ارقم في منطقة الامانا (وهي اوراق توضع خلف الوحوش وتستطيع استدعا أي ورقه إلى منطقة الامانا واراق المانا)هناك وحوش تسمى متحوله وهي ان تحول وحش إلى آخر من أقوى وحوش اللعبة 1 التنين المجنح الخارق الحضرة النار القوه15000 2 الكديس ملك الاضواء الشمسية الحضرة الضوء القوه12500 3 بلوم سيد الموت الحضرة الظلام القوة 12000 4 فارس المياه العذبة الحضارة الماء القوه14000 5 العملاق حارس الشجرة العملاقة القوه13000 صدر انمي ومانجا اوراقه نادره وخاصه في الوطن العربي

مسلسلات أنمي

ديول ماسترز


Pardah or purdah (from Hindi-Urdu , , meaning "curtain") is a religious and social practice of female seclusion prevalent among some Muslim and Hindu communities. It takes two forms: physical segregation of the sexes and the requirement that women cover their bodies so as to cover their skin and conceal their form. A woman who practices purdah can be referred to as  or . The term purdah is sometimes applied to similar practices in other parts of the world.

Practices that restricted women's mobility and behavior existed among all religious groups since ancient times and intensified with the arrival of Islam. By the 19th century, purdah became customary among Hindu elites. Purdah was not traditionally observed by lower-class women.

Physical segregation within buildings is achieved with judicious use of walls, curtains, and screens. A woman's withdrawal into purdah usually restricts her personal, social and economic activities outside her home. The usual purdah garment worn is a burqa, which may or may not include a yashmak, a veil to conceal the face. The eyes may or may not be exposed.

Married Hindu women in parts of Northern India observe purdah, with some women wearing a ghoonghat in the presence of older male relations on their husbands' side; Muslim women observe purdah through the wearing of a burqa.

Purdah has been rigorously observed under the Taliban in Afghanistan, where women are forced to observe complete purdah at all times while in public. Only close male family members and other women are allowed to see them out of purdah. In other societies, purdah is often only practised during certain times of religious significance.

Etymology
The word purdah is derived from the Hindi-Urdu word pardā., which itself is derived from the Persian (pardeh,پرده) From Middle Persian pltk''' (pardag), ultimately from Proto-Indo-European *pel- ("to cover, wrap; hide, cloth").

History

Pre-Islamic origins

In ancient Indian society, "practices that restricted women's social mobility and behavior" existed but the arrival of Islam in India "intensified these Hindu practices, and by the 19th century purdah was the customary practice of high-caste Hindu and elite communities throughout India."

Although purdah is commonly associated with Islam, many scholars argue that veiling and secluding women pre-dates Islam; these practices were commonly found among various groups in the Middle East such as Druze, Christian, and Jewish communities. For instance, the burqa existed in Arabia before Islam, and the mobility of upper-class women was restricted in Babylonia, Persian, and Byzantine Empires before the advent of Islam. Historians believe purdah was acquired by the Muslims during the expansion of the Arab Empire into modern-day Iraq in the 7th century C.E and that Islam merely added religious significance to already existing local practices of the times.

 Later history
Muslim rule of northern India during the Mughal Empire influenced the practice of Hinduism, and the purdah spread to the Hindu upper classes of northern India. The spread of purdah outside of the Muslim community can be attributed to the tendency of affluent classes to mirror the societal practices of the nobility; poor women did not observe purdah. Lower-class women in small villages often worked in fields, and therefore could not afford to abandon their work to be secluded. During the British colonial period in India, purdah observance was widespread and strictly adhered to among the Muslim minority.

In modern times, the practice of veiling and secluding women is still present in mainly Islamic countries, communities and South Asian countries. However, the practice is not monolithic. Purdah takes on different forms and significance depending on the region, time, socioeconomic status, and local culture. It is most commonly associated with some Muslim communities in Afghanistan and Pakistan, along with Saudi Arabia. Purdah has been more recently adopted in northern Nigeria, especially in areas affected by the Boko Haram uprising. It is also observed by Rajput clans of India and Pakistan as a social practice regardless of religion.

Rationale

Protection and subjugation

Some scholars argue that the purdah was initially designed to protect women from being harassed, but later these practices became a way to justify efforts to subjugate women and limit their mobility and freedom. However, others argue that these practices were always in place as local custom, but were later adopted by religious rhetoric to control female behavior.

Respect

Proponents of the practice view purdah as a symbol of honor, respect, and dignity. It is seen as a practice that allows women to be judged by their inner beauty rather than physical beauty.

Economic

In many societies, the seclusion of women to the domestic sphere is a demonstration of higher socioeconomic status and prestige because women are not needed for manual labor outside the home.

In Pakistan, upper and middle-class women in towns wear burqas over their normal clothes in public. The burqa is the most visible dress in Pakistan. It is typically a tent-like garment worn over the ordinary clothes and is made of white cotton. Many upper-class women wear a two-piece burqa which is usually black in colour but sometimes navy blue or dark red. It consists of a long cloak and a separate headpiece with a drop-down face veil. Some educated urban women no longer wear the burqa. The burqa is also not worn by rural peasant women who work in the fields. In rural areas only elite women wear burqas. Purdah is still common in the rural elite and urban middle class, but not among rural farmers.

Individual motivations

The rationales of individual women for keeping purdah are complex and can be a combination of motivations, freely chosen or in response to social pressure or coercion: religious, cultural (desire for authentic cultural dress), political (Islamization of the society), economic (status symbol, protection from the public gaze), psychological (detachment from public sphere to gain respect), fashion and decorative purposes, and "empowerment" (donning veils to move in public spaces controlled by men).

Examples of purdah

The following reminiscence from C.M. Naim describes the evolution of purdah during the first third of the 20th century among the sharif or genteel people of Avadh, United Provinces, British India:
The word 'Hijab' is relatively new for me. It was not a part of my vocabulary as I was growing up. I learned it much later, when I began to read literary and religious Urdu texts. ... The relevant word that I learned growing up was purdah. And I learned the word and its many meanings in the observed practice of the various female members of my middle-class family in Bara Banki, a small town in north India.

For Ammi, my grandmother, purdah meant almost never venturing out of the house. On the rare occasions when she did, it was always an elaborate ritual. Visiting a family in the neighbourhood – only on the occasion of some tragedy, ... she used a doli. The little stool slung from a pole that two men carried would be brought to our back door – the door to the zanana or the ladies' section – and the two carriers would step away behind the curtain wall. Ammi would wrap herself in a white sheet and squat on the flat stool, and a heavy custom-made cover would be thrown over her and the doli. The two bearers would then come back and carry the doli away on their shoulders. ... When Ammi traveled in my father's car, she covered herself the same way, while the back seat of the car where she sat was made completely invisible by pieces of cloth hung across the windows.

Apa, my mother, belonged to the next generation. She used a burqa. Hers was a two piece 'modern' outfit, as opposed to the one-piece – derisively called 'the shuttlecock' by my sisters – that was preferred by the older or more conservatively spirited in the family. I also remember that the older generation's burqas were usually white, while the new burqas were always black.

Apa's burqa' consisted of a skirt and a separate top throw – one that covered her from the head to the thighs. The two pieces allowed for easier movement of both arms and legs. The top had a separate veil hanging over the face, which Apa could throw back in the company of women, e.g. while traveling in the ladies compartment on a train, or hold partly aside to look at things more closely when she went shopping. Apa wore a burqa all her life, except of course when she went to Mecca for Hajj. There she wore the same sheets of ihram that Ammi had to  earlier. Like all women pilgrims then and now, she too exposed her face to everyone's sight but not her hair.

... I should not neglect to mention that in those days – I'm talking about the Forties – it was considered improper even for Hindu ladies of certain classes to be seen in public with their hair and faces uncovered, particularly the married women. They never wore a burqa – that was for Muslims alone. Instead, they used a shawl, a plain white sheet, or the palloo of their saris to cover what was not for strangers to see. They too lived in houses that had separate women's quarters. Their daughters traveled to school daily in a covered wagon that was pushed by two men, just like their Muslim counterparts. (The school was exclusively for girls and had a very high wall surrounding it.)

A different form of veiling, the ghoonghat, is found among some married Hindu women in rural North India. A fold of the sari is drawn over the face when the woman is in the presence of older male in-laws or in a place where there is likelihood of meeting them, e.g. the in-laws' village. It is not worn otherwise, for example, when visiting her mother's home or in a location far from the in-laws' village. Hindu women in other parts of India—south, east, west (below Gujarat)—do not veil themselves.

For both Hindu and Muslim women in the eastern part of the Indian state of Uttar Pradesh, having a "separate women's quarters within the house" is commonplace among families who can afford it.

Conduct and seclusion

Another important aspect of purdah is modesty for women, which includes minimizing the movement of women in public spaces and interactions of women with other males. The specific form varies widely based on religion, region, class, and culture. For instance, for some purdah might mean never leaving the home unless accompanied by a male relative, or limiting interactions to only other women and male relatives (for some Muslims) or avoiding all males outside of the immediate family (for some Hindus). For Muslims, seclusion begins at puberty while for Hindus, seclusion begins after marriage.

Effects

Psychology and health

By restricting women's mobility, purdah results in the social and physical isolation of women. Lack of a strong social network places women in a position of vulnerability with her husband and her husband's family. Studies have shown that in conservative rural Bangladeshi communities, adherence to purdah is positively correlated with the risk of domestic violence. The restriction on women's mobility limits their ability to access health care and family planning services, especially for unmarried girls. In rural Pakistan, unmarried women and girls had trouble accessing healthcare facilities even in their own villages due to purdah; all types of women had difficulty accessing facilities outside of their villages because they had to be accompanied. Along the same vein, studies of women's contraceptive use in Bangladesh shows that women with decreased observance of purdah and increased mobility are more likely to use contraceptives.

Economic participation

By restricting women's mobility, purdah places severe limits on women's ability to participate in gainful employment and to attain economic independence. The ideology of purdah constricts women in the domestic sphere for reproductive role and places men in productive role as breadwinners who move through public space. However, due to economic needs and shifts in gender relations, some women are compelled to break purdah to gain income. Across countries, women from lower socioeconomic backgrounds tend to observe purdah less because they face greater financial pressures to work and gain income. Studies show that "it is the poorest, most desperate families that, given the opportunity, are more willing to stress purdah norms and take the social risks entailed when women engage in wage or self-employment. For instance, rural women in Bangladesh have been found to be less concerned with propriety and purdah, and take up work where available, migrating if they need to. They take up work in a variety of sectors from agriculture to manufacturing to the sex trade. However, other studies found that purdah still plays a significant role in women's decisions to participate in the workforce, often prohibiting them from taking opportunities they would otherwise. The degree to which women observe purdah and the pressures they face to conform or to earn income vary with their socioeconomic class.

Political participation

Social and mobility restrictions under purdah severely limit women's involvement in political decision-making in government institutions and in the judiciary. Lack of mobility and discouragement from participating in political life means women cannot easily exercise their right to vote, run for political office, participate in trade unions, or participate in community level decision-making. Women's limited participation in political decision-making therefore results in policies that do not sufficiently address needs and rights of women in areas such as access to healthcare, education and employment opportunities, property ownership, justice, and others. Gender imbalance in policy-making also reinforces institutionalization of gender disparities.

Influences on purdah
Governmental policies on purdah

In Tunisia and formerly Turkey, religious veiling is banned in public schools, universities, and government buildings as a measure to discourage displays of political Islam or fundamentalism.Abdelhadi, Magdi Tunisia attacked over headscarves, BBC News, September 26, 2006. Accessed February 2013. Turkey reversed the long-standing ban in 2013. In western Europe, veiling is seen as symbol of Islamic presence, and movements to ban veils have stirred great controversy. For instance, since 2004 France has banned all overt religious symbols in schools including the Muslim headscarf. In Pakistan, India, and Bangladesh where the word purdah is primarily used, the government has no policies either for or against veiling.

Islamization
Nations such as Pakistan have been swinging to more conservative laws and policies that use rhetoric of following Islamic law, sometimes termed Islamization. The ideology is reinforcing traditional culture, traditional women's roles in the domestic sphere, and the need to protect women's honor. The result is policies that reinforce cultural norms that limit female mobility in the public sphere, promotion of gender segregation, and institutionalization of gender disparities.

Women's movements

Women have been engaging in efforts to challenge the gender inequality resulting from purdah. For instance, women in Pakistan have organized trade unions and attempt to exercise their right to vote and influence decision making. However, their opponents accuse these women of falling for the pernicious influence of Westernization and turning their backs on tradition.

In Bengal, feminist activism dates back to the 19th century. For instance, Begum Rokeya and Faizunnesa Choudhurani played a significant role in emancipating Bengali Muslim women from purdah.

Globalization and migration
Globalization and Muslim women returning from diasporas has influenced Pakistani women's purdah practice in areas outside of religious significance. One major influence is the desire to be modern and keep up with the latest fashions, or refusal to do so as a source of autonomy and power. Simultaneously, due to modernization in many urban areas, purdah and face-veiling are seen as unsophisticated and backwards, creating a trend in less strict observance of purdah.

For the Muslim South Asian diaspora living in secular non-Muslim communities such as Pakistani-Americans, attitudes about purdah have changed to be less strict. As it pertains to education and economic opportunities, these immigrant families hold less conservative views about purdah after moving to America; for the daughters who do choose to wear the veil, they usually do so out of their own volition as a connection to their Islamic roots and culture.

Controversy around women's agency

Purdah as protection

Some scholars argue that purdah was originally designed to protect women from being harassed and seen as sexual objects. In contemporary times, some men and women still interpret the purdah as a way to protect women's safety while moving in public sphere. Observing purdah is also seen as a way to uphold women's honor and virtuous conduct. However, critics point out that this view engages victim-blaming and places the onus of preventing sexual assault on women rather than the perpetrators themselves.

Purdah as oppression

Purdah has repeatedly been criticized as oppression of women by limiting female autonomy, freedom of movement, and access to resources such as education, employment, and political participation. Some scholars such as P. Singh and Roy interpret purdah as a form of male domination in the public sphere, and an "eclipse of Muslim woman's identity and individuality". According to scholars such as Elizabeth White, "purdah is an accommodation to and a means of perpetuating the perceived differences between the sexes: the male being self-reliant and aggressive, the female weak, irresponsible, and in need of protection". Geraldine Books writes "in both cases [of spatial separation and veiling], women are expected to sacrifice their comfort and freedom to service the requirements of male sexuality: either to repress or to stimulate the male sex urge".

When purdah is institutionalized into laws, it limits opportunity, autonomy, and agency in both private and public life. The result is policies that reinforce cultural norms that limit female mobility in the public sphere, promotion of gender segregation, and institutionalization of gender disparities.

Sometimes reactions to purdah adherence can become violent. For instance, in 2001 in Srinagar, India, four young Muslim women were victimized by acid attacks for not veiling themselves in public; similar threats and attacks have occurred in Pakistan and Kashmir.

Purdah as empowerment
The revival of purdah in modern times is sometimes perceived as a statement for progressive gender relations. Some women wear veils and head coverings as a symbol for protection and freedom of mobility. They perceive purdah as an empowerment tool, to exercise their rights to access public space for education and economic independence. For instance, in rural Bangladeshi villages, women who wear the burkha were found to have higher social participation and visibility, which overall contributes to an increase in women's status.

 In popular culture and media

 Books
"Secluded Women" is criticism of Purdah system by first Muslim feminist and social reformer Bengali writer Rokeya Sakhawat Hossain (1880–1932). Sultana's Dream is a 1905 feminist utopian story written by Hossain. It depicts a feminist utopia (called Ladyland) in which women run everything and men are secluded, in a mirror-image of the traditional practice of purdah. Traditional stereotypes such as "Men have bigger brains" and women are "naturally weak" are countered in Sultana's Dream with logic such as "an elephant also has a bigger and heavier brain" and "a lion is stronger than a man" and yet neither of them dominates men.

 Bibliography

 Alibhai-Brown, Yasmin. Refusing the Veil: (Provocations). United Kingdom, Biteback Publishing, 2014.

See also

Andaruni
Awrah
Chador
Harem
Hijab by country
Kithaab
Sex segregation and Islam
Terem (Russia)
Women in Islam
Women in Pakistan

References

Further reading

Dr. Anuj. The Neo Purdah System Culture. The Neo - Purdah System Cult
 Chowdhry, Prem. The veiled women: Shifting gender equations in rural Haryana, 1880–1990 (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1994)
 Lamb, Sarah. White saris and sweet mangoes: Aging, gender, and body in North India (Univ of California Press, 2000)
 Minturn, Leigh. Sita's daughters: Coming out of purdah: The Rajput women of Khalapur revisited (Oxford University Press, 1993)
 Nanda, Bal Ram, ed. Indian Women: From Purdah to Modernity (Stosius Incorporated/Advent Books Division, 1990.)
 Vyas, Sugandha Rawat, and Pradeep Kumar. "From Sultanate Period Till Date: An Estimate Of Role and Status of Muslim Women in India." Journal of Indian Research (2014) 2#3 pp: 9–14.

 Historiography
 Johnson, Helen. "Purdah" in Eleanor B. Amico, ed., Readers Guide to Women's Studies'' (1998) pp 484–5

Purdah


Bridget Jones - På randen af fornuft er en romantisk komediefilm instrueret af Beeban Kidron fra 2004, baseret på Helen Fielding' roman af samme navn. Den har Renée Zellweger i hovedrollen som Bridget Jones. Det er efterfølgeren til Bridget Jones' dagbog (2001).

Medvirkende
 Renée Zellweger som Bridget Jones
 Colin Firth som Mark Darcy
 Hugh Grant som Daniel Cleaver
 Shirley Henderson som Jude
 Gemma Jones som Palm Jones
 Lucy Joyce som Constance
 Sally Phillips som Shazza
 James Callis som Tom
 Jim Broadbent som Colin Jones
 Jacinda Barrett som Rebecca

Eksterne henvisninger

Britiske film fra 2004
Film baseret på bøger

Bridget Jones - På randen af fornuft (film)


Războiul celor O Mie de Zile a fost un război civil din Columbia purtat între 17 octombrie 1899 și 21 noiembrie 1902; la început, bătălia s-a dat între Partidul Liberal și guvernul Partidului Național condus de președintele Manuel Antonio Sanclemente, care a fost învins pe 31 iulie 1900 de către José Manuel Marroquín Ricaurte, reprezentant al Partidului Conservator, în alianță cu liberalul Aquileo Parra. De atunci, și în ciuda acestei alianțe, războiul va continua între liberali și conservatorii istorici. Acest război a fost caracterizat printr-o confruntare neconvențională între guvernul militar (la început naționalist, mai târziu, conservator) bine organizat, și o armată prost pregătită și anarhică de gherile liberale.

Separarea și formarea statului Panama

Conflictul a dus la victoria Partidului Conservator, devastarea economică a națiunii, mai mult de o sută de mii de morți, dispariția Partidului Național și crearea condițiilor pentru o ulterioară separare a Panama (care la acel moment era unul din departamentele Columbiei) în noiembrie 1903. Schimbarea bruscă cauzată de abrogarea Constituției de la Rionegro din 1863 (care consolida modelul federal) și adoptarea Constituției centraliste din 1886 (adoptată sub mandatul lui Rafael Núñez) și violentele încercări de cooptare a conservatorilor istorici prin Marroquín, precum și interesele liberalilor de a-și recâștiga puterea, au fost principalele cauze ale războiului.

Conflict panamerican
A fost un conflict internațional, care s-a extins parțial în țările vecine, cum ar fi Ecuador și Venezuela, în care s-au dus lupte între forțele columbiene și ecuadoriene și/sau venezuelene care susțineau pe columbienii aflați în conflict. Alte națiuni, cum ar fi cele ale Guatemalei, ale Salvadorului și ale Nicaraguei, au fost susținute de liberali și de conservatori cu arme și provizii. Statele Unite ale Americii au intervenit și ele în acțiunile militare în Panamá, o flotă americană garantând securitatea istmului după tratatul Mallarino-Bidlack din 1846.

Referințe

Războaie civile

Războiul celor O Mie de Zile