The Indo-Pakistani War of 1971 or the Third India–Pakistan War was an armed conflict between India and Pakistan that occurred during the Bangladesh Liberation War in East Pakistan from 3 December 1971 to 16 December 1971.

On 22 November 1971, an Indian brigade, supported by armour, invaded East Pakistan, which had earlier descended into a civil war. The following day, Pakistan declared a state of emergency, and skirmishes of increasing intensity along the India-Pakistan border ensued.

In response, Pakistan opened the Western Front by launching air strikes on Indian air stations and commenced offensive operations into India from Kashmir in the north to Rajasthan in the south. Subsequently, the conflict escalated to all out war between India and Pakistan. The strikes led to India also declaring a state of emergency, and provided it justification to expand its military intervention in East Pakistan to an all-out offensive.

By 16 December, faced with an impossible strategic situation, the Pakistani military's Eastern Command signed a joint instrument of surrender in Dhaka. This marked the official end of the conflict in the Eastern Front, and the secession of East Pakistan as the new nation of Bangladesh. Approximately 93,000 Pakistani civilian, government, and military Prisoners of War were taken into Indian custody, including 45,000 to 81,000 uniformed personnel of the Pakistan Armed Forces along with some Bengali soldiers who had remained loyal to Pakistan. The remaining 10,324 to 12,500 prisoners were civilians, either family members of the military personnel or collaborators (Razakars).

Fighting on the Western Front was inconclusive, and officially ended with a ceasefire the day after the war ended in the East, though both sides attempted to recapture territory they lost to each other in a series of ceasefire violations.

It is estimated that members of the Pakistani military and supporting pro-Pakistani Islamist militias killed between 300,000 and 3,000,000 civilians in Bangladesh. As a result of the conflict, a further eight to ten million people fled the country to seek refuge in India.

During the 1971 Bangladesh war for independence, members of the Pakistani military and supporting pro-Pakistani Islamist militias called the Razakars raped between 200,000 and 400,000 Bangladeshi women and girls in a systematic campaign of genocidal rape.

Background

The Indo-Pakistani conflict was sparked by the Bangladesh Liberation War, a conflict between the traditionally dominant West Pakistanis and the majority East Pakistanis. The political tensions between East Bengal and West Pakistan had its origin in the creation of Pakistan as a result of the partition of India by the United Kingdom in 1947; the popular language movement in 1950; mass riots in East Bengal in 1964; and the mass protests in 1969. These led to the resignation of President Ayub Khan, who invited army chief General Yahya Khan to take over the central government. The geographical distance between the eastern and western wings of Pakistan was vast; East Pakistan lay over  away, which greatly hampered any attempt to integrate the Bengali and the Pakistani cultures.

To overcome the Bengali domination and prevent formation of the central government in Islamabad, the controversial One Unit programme established the two wings of East and West Pakistan. West Pakistanis' opposition to these efforts made it difficult to effectively govern both wings. In 1969, President Yahya Khan announced the first general elections and disestablished the status of West Pakistan as a single province in 1970, in order to restore it to its original heterogeneous status comprising four provinces, as defined at the time of establishment of Pakistan in 1947. In addition, there were religious and racial tensions between Bengalis and the multi-ethnic West Pakistanis, as Bengalis looked different from the dominant West Pakistanis.

The East Pakistan's Awami League leader Sheikh Mujibur Rahman stressed his political position by presenting his Six Points and endorsing the Bengalis' right to govern. The 1970 Pakistani general election, resulted in Awami League gaining 167 out of 169 seats for the East Pakistan Legislative Assembly, and a near-absolute majority in the 313-seat National Assembly, while the vote in West Pakistan was mostly won by the socialist Pakistan Peoples Party. The League's election success caused many West Pakistanis to fear that it would allow the Bengalis to draft the constitution based on the six-points and liberalism.

To resolve the crisis, the Admiral Ahsan Mission was formed to provide recommendations. Its findings were met with favourable reviews from the political leaders of West Pakistan, with the exception of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, the chairman of the Pakistan Peoples Party.

However, the military top brass vetoed the mission's proposal. Zulfikar Ali Bhutto endorsed the veto, and subsequently refused to yield the premiership of Pakistan to Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. The Awami League called for general strikes in the country. President Yahya Khan postponed the inauguration of the National Assembly, causing a disillusionment to the Awami League and their supporters throughout East Pakistan. In reaction, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman called for general strikes that eventually shutdown the government, and dissidents in the East began targeting the ethnic Bihari community, which largely supported West Pakistan.

In early March 1971, approximately 300 Biharis were slaughtered in riots by Bengali mobs in Chittagong alone. The Government of Pakistan used the "Bihari massacre" to justify its deployment of the military in East Pakistan on 25 March, when it initiated its military crackdown. President Yahya Khan called on the military – which was overwhelmingly led by West Pakistanis – to suppress dissent in the East, after accepting the resignation of Lieutenant-General Yaqub Ali Khan, the chief of staff of the East-Pakistani military.

Mass arrests of dissidents began and, after several days of strikes and non-cooperation, the Pakistani military, led by Lieutenant-General Tikka Khan, cracked down on Dhaka on the night of 25 March 1971. The government outlawed the Awami League, which forced many of its members and sympathisers into refuge in Eastern India. Mujib was arrested on the night of 25/26 March 1971 at about 1:30 am (as per Radio Pakistan's news on 29 March 1971) and taken to West Pakistan. Operation Searchlight, followed by Operation Barisal, attempted to kill the intellectual elite of the east.

On 26 March 1971, Major Ziaur Rahman of Pakistan Army declared the independence of Bangladesh on behalf of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman.

In April, the exiled Awami League leaders formed a government-in-exile in Baidyanathtala of Meherpur. The East Pakistan Rifles and Bengali officers in Pakistan's army, navy, and marines, defected to the rebellion after taking refuge in different parts of India. The Bangladesh Force, namely the Mukti Bahini, consisting of Niyomito Bahini (Regular Force) and Oniyomito Bahini (Guerilla Force), was formed under the retired colonel Mohammad Ataul Gani Osmani.
There was also a meeting between Prime Minister Gandhi and President Nixon in November 1971, where she rejected the US advice against intervening in the conflict.

India's involvement in Bangladesh Liberation War

After the resignations of Admiral S.M. Ahsan and Lieutenant-General Yaqub Ali Khan, the media correspondents began airing reports of the Pakistani military's widespread genocide against their Bengali citizens, particularly aimed at the minority Bengali Hindu population, which led to approximately 10 million people seeking refuge in the neighbouring states of Eastern India. The Indian government opened the East Pakistan–India border to allow the Bengali refugees to find safe shelter; the governments of West Bengal, Bihar, Assam, Meghalaya and Tripura established refugee camps along the border. The resulting flood of impoverished East Pakistani refugees strained India's already overburdened economy.

The Indian government repeatedly appealed to the international community for assistance, but failed to elicit any response, despite the External Affairs minister Swaran Singh meeting foreign ministers of other countries. Prime Minister Indira Gandhi on 27 March 1971 concluded that instead of taking in millions of refugees, it was economical to go to war against Pakistan, and expressed full support of her government for the independence struggle of the people of East Pakistan. On 28 April 1971, the Union cabinet ordered the Chief of the Army Staff General Sam Manekshaw to "Go into East Pakistan". Defected East Pakistan military officers and the elements of Indian Research and Analysis Wing (RAW) immediately started using the Indian refugee camps for recruitment and training of Mukti Bahini guerrillas that were to be trained against Pakistan.

By November 1971, the Indian military was providing direct fire against Pakistani troops and even made several incursions into Pakistani territory.

Indian authorities also attempted to carry on psychological warfare and keep up the morale of comrades in East Pakistan. The Swadhin Bangla Betar Kendra (Free Bangladesh Radio Centre), which had broadcast Major Rahman's independence declaration, was relocated from Kalurghat in East Pakistan to India after the transmission building was shelled by Pakistani Sabre jets on 30 March 1971. It resumed broadcasts on 3 April from Tripura, aided by the Indian Border Security Force. The clandestine station was finally shifted to Kolkata, where it was joined by a large number of Bangladeshi radio programmers, newscasters, poets, singers and journalists. Its jurisdiction was transferred to the provisional Bangladesh government-in-exile, and made its first broadcast on 25 May, the birth anniversary of poet Kazi Nazrul Islam (who would later be named Bangladesh's national poet). Among the Indian contributors to the radio station's nationalistic programmes was Salil Chowdhury. Akashvani Kolkata also actively took part in this effort.

India's official engagement with Pakistan

Objective

By the end of April 1971, Prime Minister Indira Gandhi had asked the Indian Army chief General Sam Manekshaw if he was ready to go to war with Pakistan. According to Manekshaw's own personal account, he refused, citing the onset of monsoon season in East Pakistan and also the fact that the army tanks were being refitted. He offered his resignation, which Gandhi declined. He then said he could guarantee victory if she would allow him to prepare for the conflict on his terms, and set a date for it; Gandhi accepted his conditions. In reality, Gandhi was well aware of the difficulties of a hasty military action, but she needed to get the military's views to satisfy her hawkish colleagues and the public opinion, which were critical of India's restraint.

The news media's mood in Pakistan had also turned increasingly jingoistic and militaristic against East Pakistan and India when the Pakistani news media reported the complexity of the situation in the East, though the reactions from Pakistan's news media pundits were mixed. By the end of September 1971, a propaganda campaign, possibly orchestrated by elements within the Government of Pakistan, resulted in stickers endorsing "Crush India" becoming a standard feature on the rear windows of vehicles in Rawalpindi, Islamabad and Lahore; this soon spread to the rest of West Pakistan. By October, other stickers proclaimed Hang the Traitor in an apparent reference to Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. By the first week of December, the conservative print media outlets in the country had published jihad related materials to boost the recruitment in the military.

By November 1971, the Indian army conducted multiple incursions into East Pakistani territory and an Indian-Pakistani war seemed inevitable. The Soviet Union reportedly warned Pakistan against the war, which they termed as "suicidal course for Pakistan's unity." Despite this warning, in November 1971, thousands of people led by conservative Pakistani politicians marched in Lahore and across Pakistan, calling for Pakistan to "crush India". India responded by starting a massive buildup of the Indian Army on the western borders; the army waited until December, when the drier ground in the East made for easier operations and the Himalayan passes were closed by snow, preventing any Chinese intervention. On 23 November, President Yahya Khan declared a national state of emergency and told the country to prepare for war.

On the evening of 3 December, at about 17:40, the Pakistan Air Force (PAF) launched surprise pre-emptive strikes on eleven airfields in north-western India, including Agra, which was  from the border. At the time of the attack, the Taj Mahal had been camouflaged with lots of twigs and leaves and draped with burlap, because its marble glowed like a white beacon in the moonlight.

These pre-emptive strikes, known as Operation Chengiz Khan, were inspired by the success of Israeli Operation Focus in the Arab–Israeli Six-Day War. Unlike the Israeli attack on Arab airbases in 1967, which involved a large number of Israeli planes, Pakistan flew no more than 50 planes to India.

In an address to the nation on radio that same evening, Prime Minister Gandhi held that the air strikes were a declaration of war against India and the Indian Air Force (IAF) responded with initial air strikes the same night. These expanded to massive retaliatory air strikes the next morning.

This air action marked the start of all-out war; Gandhi ordered the mobilisation of troops and launched a full-scale invasion of East Pakistan. This involved Indian forces in coordinated air, sea and land assaults. The main Indian objective on the eastern front was to capture Dacca, and on the western front to contain Pakistani forces.

Naval hostilities and engagements

Navy NHQ staffers and commanders of the Pakistan Navy knew very well that unlike the 1965 war, the Navy was ill-prepared for the naval conflict with India. The Pakistan Navy was in no condition to fight an offensive war in deep water against the Indian Navy, and neither was it in a condition to mount a serious defence against Indian Navy's seaborne encroachment.

In the western theatre of the war, the Indian Navy's Western Naval Command under Vice admiral S.N. Kohli, successfully launched a surprise attack on Karachi port on the night of 4/5 December 1971 under the codename Trident. The naval attack involving the Soviet-built Osa missile boats sank the Pakistan Navy's destroyer  and minesweeper  while  was also badly damaged. Pakistani naval sources reported that about 720 Pakistani sailors were killed or wounded, and Pakistan lost reserve fuel and many commercial ships, thus crippling the Pakistan Navy's further involvement in the conflict. In retaliation, the Pakistan Navy submarines, , Mangro, and Shushuk, began their operations to seek out the major Indian warships. On 9 December 1971, Hangor sank , inflicting 194 Indian casualties, and this attack was the first submarine kill since World War II.

The sinking of INS Khukri was followed by another Indian attack on Karachi port on the night of 8/9 December 1971 under the codename Python. A squadron of Indian Navy's Osa missile boats approached the Karachi port and launched a series of Soviet-acquired Styx missiles, that resulted in further destruction of reserve fuel tanks and the sinking of three Pakistani merchant ships, as well as foreign ships docked in Karachi. The Pakistan Air Force did not attack the Indian Navy ships, and confusion remained the next day when the civilian pilots of Pakistan International, acting as reconnaissance war pilots, misidentified  and the air force attacked its own warship, inflicting major damages and killing several officers on board.

In the eastern theatre of the war, the Indian Eastern Naval Command, under Vice Admiral Nilakanta Krishnan, completely isolated East Pakistan by a naval blockade in the Bay of Bengal, trapping the Eastern Pakistan Navy and eight foreign merchant ships in their ports. From 4 December onwards, the aircraft carrier  was deployed, and its Sea Hawk fighter-bombers attacked many coastal towns in East Pakistan, including Chittagong and Cox's Bazar. Pakistan countered the threat by sending the submarine , which sank off Visakhapatnam's coast, due to an internal explosion, though whether this was triggered by Indian depth charges, diving to avoid them or some other reason has never been established.

Due to high number of defections, the Navy relied on deploying the Pakistan Marines, led by Rear Admiral Leslie Mungavin, where they had to conduct riverine operations against the Indian Army, but they too suffered major losses, mainly due to their lack of understanding of expeditionary warfare and the wet terrain of East Pakistan.

The damage inflicted on the Pakistan Navy stood at 7 gunboats, 1 minesweeper, 1 submarine, 2 destroyers, 3 patrol crafts belonging to the Pakistan Coast Guard, 18 cargo, supply and communication vessels; and large-scale damage inflicted on the naval base and docks in the coastal town of Karachi. Three merchant navy ships – Anwar Baksh, Pasni and Madhumathi – and ten smaller vessels were captured. Around 1900 personnel were lost, while 1413 servicemen were captured by Indian forces in Dacca. According to one Pakistani scholar, Tariq Ali, Pakistan lost half its navy in the war.

Air operations

After the attempted pre-emptive attack, the PAF adopted a defensive stance in response to the Indian retaliation. As the war progressed, the IAF continued to battle the PAF over conflict zones, but the number of sorties flown by the PAF decreased day–by–day. The IAF flew 4,000 sorties while the PAF offered little in retaliation, partly because of the paucity of non-Bengali technical personnel.

This lack of retaliation has also been attributed to the deliberate decision of the PAF's AHQ to cut its losses, as it had already incurred huge losses in the conflict in the liberation war in the East. The PAF avoided making contacts with the Indian Navy after the latter raided the port of Karachi twice, but the PAF did retaliate by bombing Okha harbour, destroying the fuel tanks used by the boats that had attacked.

In the east, No. 14 Squadron "Tail Choppers" was destroyed and its CO, Squadron Leader PQ Mehdi, was taken POW, putting Pakistan's air command in Dhaka out of commission. India thereby achieved total air superiority on the eastern front.

At the end of the war, PAF pilots made successful escapes from East Pakistan to neighbouring Burma; many PAF personnel had already left the East for Burma on their own before Dacca was overrun by the Indian military in December 1971.

Indian attacks on Pakistan

As the Indian Army tightened its grip in East Pakistan, the Indian Air Force continued with its attacks against Pakistan as the campaign developed into a series of daylight anti-airfield, anti-radar, and close-support attacks by fighter jets, with night attacks against airfields and strategic targets by Canberras and An-12s, while Pakistan responded with similar night attacks with its B-57s and C-130s.

The PAF deployed its F-6s mainly on defensive combat air patrol missions over their own bases, leaving the PAF unable to conduct effective offensive operations. The IAF's raids damaged one USAF and one UN aircraft in Dacca, while a RCAF DHC-4 Caribou was destroyed in Islamabad, along with the USAF's Beech U-8 owned by the US military's liaison chief Brigadier-General Chuck Yeager. Sporadic raids by the IAF continued against PAF forward air bases in Pakistan until the end of the war, and interdiction and close-support operations were maintained.

One of the most successful air raids by India into West Pakistan happened on 8 December 1971, when Indian Hunter aircraft from the Pathankot-based 20 Squadron, attacked the Pakistani base in Murid and destroyed 5 F-86 aircraft on the ground. This was confirmed by Pakistan's military historian, Air Commodore M Kaiser Tufail, in his book In The Ring and on Its Feet: Pakistan Air Force in the 1971 Indo-Pak War.

The PAF played a more limited role in the operations. They were reinforced by Mirages from an unidentified Middle Eastern ally (whose identity remains unknown). According to author Martin Bowman, "Libyan F-5s were reportedly deployed to Sargodha AFB, perhaps as a potential training unit to prepare Pakistani pilots for an influx of more F-5s from Saudi Arabia." The IAF was able to conduct a wide range of missions – troop support; air combat; deep penetration strikes; para-dropping behind enemy lines; feints to draw enemy fighters away from the actual target; bombing and reconnaissance. The PAF, which was solely focused on air combat, was blown out of the subcontinent's skies within the first week of the war. Those PAF aircraft that survived took refuge at Iranian air bases or in concrete bunkers, refusing to offer a fight.

India flew 1,978 sorties in the East and about 4,000 in Pakistan, while the PAF flew about 30 and 2,840 at the respective fronts. More than 80 per cent of IAF sorties were close-support and interdiction and about 45 IAF aircraft were lost.

Pakistan lost 60 to 75 aircraft, not including any F-6s, Mirage IIIs, or the six Jordanian F-104s which failed to return to their donors. The imbalance in air losses was explained by the IAF's considerably higher sortie rate and its emphasis on ground-attack missions.

Ground operations

The Indian army was better equipped than the Pakistanis and enjoyed significant numerical superiority over them.

When the conflict started, the war immediately took a decisive turn in favour of India and their Bengali rebel allies militarily and diplomatically. Pakistan launched a ground offensive on the western front. Major ground attacks were concentrated on the western border by the Pakistan Army, fighting together with the Pakistan Marines in the southern border, but the Indian Army was successful in penetrating into Pakistani soil. It eventually made some quick and initial gains, including the capture of around  of Pakistani territory; this land gained by India in Azad Kashmir, Punjab and Sindh sectors was later ceded in the Simla Agreement of 1972, as a gesture of goodwill Casualties inflicted to Pakistan Army's I Corps, II Corps, and Pakistan Marines' Punjab detachment were very high, and many soldiers and marines perished due to lack of operational planning and lack of coordination within the marine-army formations against Indian Army's Southern and Western Commands. By the time the war came to end, the army soldiers and marines were highly demoralised– both emotionally and psychologically– on the western front and had no will to put up a defensive fight against the approaching Indian Army soldiers.

The War Enquiry Commission later exposed the fact that for the Pakistan Army and Pakistan Marines, the arms and training of marines, soldiers and officers were needed at every level, and every level of command.

On 23 November 1971, the Indian Army conventionally penetrated to the eastern fronts and crossed East Pakistan's borders to join their Bengali nationalist allies. Contrary to the 1965 war, which had emphasised set-piece battles and slow advances, this time the strategy adopted was a swift, three-pronged assault of nine infantry divisions with attached armoured units and close air support that rapidly converged on Dacca, the capital of East Pakistan. Lieutenant General Jagjit Singh Aurora, the General Officer Commanding-in-Chief of the Indian Army's Eastern Command, led the full Indian thrust into East Pakistan. As the Indian Eastern Command attacked the Pakistan Eastern Command, the Indian Air Force rapidly destroyed the small air contingent in East Pakistan and put the Dacca airfield out of commission. In the meantime, the Indian Navy effectively blockaded East Pakistan.

The Indian campaign's "blitzkrieg" techniques exploited weaknesses in the Pakistani positions and bypassed opposition; this resulted in a swift victory. Faced with insurmountable losses, the Pakistani military capitulated in less than a fortnight and psychological panic spread in the Eastern Command's military leadership. Subsequently, the Indian Army encircled Dacca and issued an ultimatum to surrender in "30-minutes" time window on 16 December 1971. Upon hearing the ultimatum, the East-Pakistan government collapsed when the Lt-Gen. A.A.K. Niazi (Cdr. of Eastern Command) and his deputy, V-Adm. M.S. Khan, surrendered without offering any resistance. On 16 December 1971, Pakistan ultimately called for unilateral ceasefire and surrendered its entire four-tier military to the Indian Army– hence ending the Indo-Pakistani war of 1971.

On the ground, Pakistan suffered the most, with 8,000 killed and 25,000 wounded, while India had 3,000 dead and 12,000 wounded. The loss of armoured vehicles was similarly imbalanced and this finally represented a major defeat for Pakistan.

The Indian Army's improved performance following its defeat in the Sino-Indian War in 1962 boosted its morale and prestige.

Surrender of Pakistan Eastern Command in East Pakistan

Officially, the Instrument of Surrender of Pakistan Eastern Command stationed in East Pakistan, was signed between the Lieutenant General Jagjit Singh Aurora, the GOC-in-C of Indian Eastern Command and Lieutenant-General A.A.K. Niazi, the Commander of the Pakistan Eastern Command, at the Ramna Race Course in Dacca at 16:31Hrs IST on 16 December 1971. There was a problem over who would represent the Bangladesh government, as the three Bangladeshi battalion commanders - Lt Cols Shafiullah, Khaled Musharraf and Ziaur Rahman - were located too far away to be airlifted on time. The responsibility fell on the only armed forces officer available, Gp Capt AK Khondkar, chief of the newly formed BAF. As the surrender was accepted silently by Lieutenant-General Aurora, the surrounding crowds on the race course started shouting anti-Pakistan slogans, and there were reports of abuses aimed at the surrendering commanders of Pakistani military. Indian officers and an Indian diplomat, MEA joint secretary for Pakistan AK Ray, had to form a human chain around Lt Gen Niazi to protect him from being lynched.

Hostilities officially ended at 14:30 GMT on 17 December, after the surrender on 16 December, and India claimed large gains of territory in Pakistan (although pre-war boundaries were recognised after the war). The war confirmed the independence of Bangladesh.

Following the surrender, the Indian Army took approximately 90,000 Pakistani servicemen and their Bengali supporters as POWs, making it the largest surrender since World War II. Initial counts recorded that approximately 79,676 war prisoners were uniformed personnel, and the overwhelming majority of the war prisoners were officers – most of them from the army and navy, while relatively small numbers were from the air force and marines; others in larger number were serving in paramilitary units.

The remaining prisoners were civilians who were either family members of the military personnel or collaborators (razakars). The Hamoodur Rahman Commission and the POW Investigation Commission reports instituted by Pakistan lists the Pakistani POWs as given in the table below. Apart from soldiers, it was estimated that 15,000 Bengali civilians were also made prisoners of war.

Foreign reaction and involvement

United States and Soviet Union

The Soviet Union sympathised with the East Pakistanis, and supported the Indian Army and Mukti Bahini's incursion against Pakistan during the war, in a broader view of recognising that the secession of East Pakistan as Independent Bangladesh would weaken the position of its rivals— the United States and China. The Soviet Union gave assurances to India that if a confrontation with the United States or China developed, it would take counter-measures. This assurance was enshrined in the Indo-Soviet Treaty of Friendship and Cooperation signed in August 1971.

The Soviet Union accepted the Indian position that any resolution to the crisis in East Pakistan would have to be on terms acceptable to India and the Awami League, but the Indo-Soviet treaty did not mean a total commitment to the Indian stance, according to author Robert Jackson. The Soviet Union continued economic aid to Pakistan and made sympathetic gestures to Pakistan until mid-October 1971. By November 1971, the Soviet ambassador to Pakistan Alexei Rodionov directed a secretive message (Rodionov message) that ultimately warned Pakistan that "it will be embarking on a suicidal course if it escalates tensions in the subcontinent".

The United States stood with Pakistan by supporting it morally, politically, economically and materially when U.S. President Richard Nixon and his Secretary of State Henry Kissinger refused to use rhetoric in a hopeless attempt to intervene in a large civil war. The U.S. establishment had the impression that the Soviets were in an informal alliance with India, and the US therefore needed Pakistan to help to limit Soviet influence in South Asia. During the Cold War, Pakistan was a close formal ally of the United States and also had close relations with the People's Republic of China, with whom Nixon had been negotiating a rapprochement and where he intended to visit in February 1972. Nixon feared that an Indian invasion of Pakistan would mean total Soviet domination of the region, and that it would seriously undermine the global position of the United States and the regional position of America's new tactical ally, China. Nixon encouraged Iran to send military supplies to Pakistan. The Nixon administration also ignored reports it received of the "genocidal" activities of the Pakistani military in East Pakistan, most notably the Blood telegram, and this prompted widespread criticism and condemnation – both by the United States Congress and in the international press.

Then U.S. Ambassador to the United Nations, George H. W. Bush, introduced a resolution in the UN Security Council calling for a cease-fire and the withdrawal of armed forces by India and Pakistan. However, it was vetoed by the Soviet Union, and the following days witnessed the use of great pressure on the Soviets from the Nixon-Kissinger duo to get India to withdraw, but to no avail.

When Pakistan's defeat in the eastern sector seemed certain, Nixon deployed Task Force 74, led by the aircraft carrier , into the Bay of Bengal. Enterprise and its escort ships arrived on station on 11 December 1971. According to a Russian documentary, the United Kingdom also deployed a carrier battle group led by the aircraft carrier  to the Bay, on her final deployment.

On 6 and 13 December, the Soviet Navy dispatched two groups of cruisers and destroyers from Vladivostok; they trailed US Task Force 74 into the Indian Ocean from 18 December 1971 until 7 January 1972. The Soviets also had a nuclear submarine to help ward off the threat posed by the USS Enterprise task force in the Indian Ocean.

As the war progressed, it became apparent to the United States that India was going to invade and disintegrate Pakistan in a matter of weeks, therefore President Nixon spoke with the USSR General Secretary Leonid Brezhnev on a hotline on 10 December, where Nixon reportedly urged Brezhnev to restrain India as he quoted: "in the strongest possible terms to restrain India with which ... you [Brezhnev] have great influence and for whose actions you must share responsibility."

After the war, the United States accepted the new balance of power and recognised India as a dominant player in South Asia; the US immediately engaged in strengthening bilateral relations between the two countries in the successive years. The Soviet Union, while being sympathetic to Pakistan's loss, decided to engage with Pakistan after sending an invitation through Rodionov to Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, who paid a state visit to the Soviet Union in 1972 to strengthen bilateral relations that continued over the years.

A 2019 study argues "that Nixon and Kissinger routinely demonstrated psychological biases that led them to overestimate the likelihood of West Pakistani victory" in the war, and that they overestimated "the importance of the crisis to broader U.S. policy. The evidence fails to support Nixon and Kissinger's own framing of the 1971 crisis as a contest between cool-headed realpolitik and idealistic humanitarianism, and instead shows that Kissinger and Nixon's policy decisions harmed their stated goals because of repeated decision-making errors."

China

During the course of the war, China harshly criticised India for its involvement in the East Pakistan crises, and accused India of having imperialistic designs in South Asia. Before the war started, Chinese leaders and officials had long been philosophically advising the Pakistan government to make peaceful political settlements with the East Pakistani leaders, as China feared that India was secretly supporting, infiltrating, and arming the Bengali rebels against the East Pakistani government. China was also critical of the Government of East Pakistan, led by its governor Lieutenant-General Tikka Khan, which used ruthless measures to deal with the Bengali opposition, and did not endorse the Pakistani position on that issue.

When the war started, China reproached India for its direct involvement and infiltration in East Pakistan. It disagreed with Pakistani President Yahya Khan's consideration of military options, and criticised East Pakistan Awami League politicians' ties with India. China reacted with great alarm when the prospects of Indian invasion of Pakistan and integration of Pakistan-administered Kashmir into their side of Kashmir, became imminent. US President Nixon encouraged China to mobilise its armed forces along its border with India to discourage the Indian assault, but the Chinese did not respond to this encouragement since the Indian Army's Northern Command was well prepared to guard the Line of Actual Control, and was already engaging and making advances against the Pakistan Army's X Corps in the Line of Control.

China did not welcome the break-up of Pakistan's unity by the East Pakistani politicians, and effectively vetoed the membership of Bangladesh when it applied to the United Nations in 1972. China objected to admitting Bangladesh on the grounds that two UN resolutions concerning Bangladesh, requiring the repatriation of Pakistani POWs and civilians, had not yet been implemented. Furthermore, China was also among the last countries to recognise the independence of Bangladesh, refusing to do so until 31 August 1975. To this date, its relations with Bangladesh are determined by the Pakistan factor.

Ceylon

Ceylon (modern-day Sri Lanka) saw the partition of Pakistan as an example for themselves and feared India might use its enhanced power against them in the future. The left-wing government of Sirimavo Bandaranaike following a neutral non-aligned foreign policy. As Pakistani aircraft could not fly over Indian territory, they would have to take a longer route around India and so they stopped at Bandaranaike Airport in Sri Lanka where they were refuelled before flying to East Pakistan. This decision did not strain relations between Ceylon and India.

Arab World
As many Arab countries were allied with both the United States and Pakistan, it was easy for Kissinger to encourage them to participate. He sent letters to both, the King of Jordan and the King of Saudi Arabia. President Nixon gave permission for Jordan to send ten F-104s and promised to provide replacements. F-86s from Saudi Arabia helped camouflage the extent of PAF losses, and some Libyan F-5s were reportedly deployed to Sargodha AFB, perhaps as a potential training unit to prepare Pakistani pilots for an influx of more F-5s from Saudi Arabia. In addition to these three countries, an unidentified Middle Eastern ally also supplied Pakistan with Mirage IIIs. However, other countries such as Syria and Tunisia were against interfering describing it as an internal matter of Pakistan.

Israel
Despite not having diplomatic relations at the time, Israel supplied India with armaments, ammunition, intelligence and training ahead of its intervention in East Pakistan, which has been described as a "surprising minor success" of India's efforts to garner international support. In July of 1971 Golda Meir, Israel's prime minister, got Israeli arms manufacturer Shlomo Zabludowicz to provide India and the Mukti Bahini with mortars, ammunition and instructors. Meir reportedly sought diplomatic ties with India in exchange, which were finally established in 1992 under P. V. Narasimha Rao.

Aftermath

Territorial changes
In the western front (present-day India-Pakistan border), both countries sparred indecisively. By the end of the war, although India had captured a larger quantity of territory than Pakistan, the majority of territory India held was mostly barren, sandy desert in Sindh which did not dent Pakistan's economy or harm its political standing in Sindh. On the other hand, although smaller in quantity, the Indian territory captured by Pakistan in Punjab had significantly greater economic value.

After the ceasefire on December 17, both sides attempted to take back lost territory. On December 17, India's 51 Para brigade launched a costly attack on a nameless sand dune occupied by a Pakistani platoon, which cost the Indian unit 21 killed and 60 wounded. In May 1972, as the snow melted, Pakistan attacked the Lipa Valley, where Indian forces fell back, suffering heavy casualties. Pakistan would launch similar attacks to regain lost territory at Minimarg Lake and Turtuk.

Subsequently, in 1972, India and Pakistan signed the Simla Agreement, after which both sides would retain territory they captured in Kashmir and demarcate the Line of Control, while the international border would return to its pre-war limits.

India
India successfully led a diplomatic campaign to isolate Pakistan. On state visits to the United Kingdom and France, Prime Minister Indira Gandhi convinced them to break with their ally the United States and block any pro-Pakistan resolution in the United Nations.

The victory also defined India's much broader role in foreign politics, as many countries in the world had come to realise – including the United States – that the balance of power had shifted to India as a major player in the region. In the wake of changing geopolitical realities, India sought to establish closer relations with regional countries such as Iran, which was a traditional ally of Pakistan. The United States itself accepted a new balance of power, and when India conducted a surprise nuclear test in 1974, the US notified India that it had no "interest in actions designed to achieve new balance of power."

In spite of the magnitude of the victory, India was surprisingly restrained in its reaction. Mostly, Indian leaders seemed pleased by the relative ease with which they had accomplished their goals—the establishment of Bangladesh and the prospect of an early return to their homeland of the 10 million Bengali refugees who were the cause of the war. In announcing the Pakistani surrender, Prime Minister Indira Gandhi declared in the Indian Parliament:

 Colonel John Gill of National Defense University, US, remarks that, while India achieved a military victory, it was not able to reap the political fruits it might have hoped for in Bangladesh. After a brief 'honeymoon' phase between India and Bangladesh, their relationship began to sour. The perceived Indian overstay revived Bangladeshi anxieties of Hindu control. Many were concerned that Mujib was permitting Indian interference in the country's internal matters and many in the Bangladeshi army resented his attachment with India. Whilst India enjoys excellent relations with Bangladesh during the Awami League tenures, relations deteriorated when the Bangladesh Nationalist Party assumed power. A 2014 Pew Research Center opinion poll found that 27% of Bangladeshis were wary of India. However, 70% of Bangladeshis held a positive view of India: while 50% of Bangladeshis held a positive view of Pakistan.

Pakistan
For Pakistan, the war was a psychological setback that came from a defeat at the hands of rival India. Pakistan lost half its population and a significant portion of its economy, and suffered setbacks to its geopolitical role in South Asia. In the post-war era, Pakistan struggled to absorb the lessons learned from the military interventions in the democratic system and the impact of the Pakistani military's failure was grave and long-lasting.

From the geopolitical point of view, the war ended in the breaking-up of the unity of Pakistan from being the largest Muslim country in the world to its politico-economic and military collapse that resulted from a direct foreign intervention by India in 1971. Pakistani policy-makers further feared that the two-nation theory had been disproved by the war, that Muslim nationalism had proved insufficient to keep Bengalis a part of Pakistan.

The Pakistani people were not mentally prepared to accept the magnitude of this kind of defeat, as the state media had been projecting imaginary victories. When the ceasefire that came from the surrender of East Pakistan was finally announced, the people could not come to terms with the magnitude of defeat; spontaneous demonstrations and massive protests erupted on the streets of major metropolitan cities in Pakistan. According to Pakistani historians, the trauma was extremely severe, and the cost of the war for Pakistan in monetary terms and in human resources was very high. Demoralized and finding itself unable to control the situation, the Yahya administration fell when President Yahya Khan turned over his presidency to Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, who was sworn in on 20 December 1971 as President with the control of the military.

The loss of East Pakistan shattered the prestige of the Pakistani military. Pakistan lost half its navy, a quarter of its air force, and a third of its army. The war also exposed the shortcomings of Pakistan's declared strategic doctrine that the "defence of East Pakistan lay in West Pakistan". Hussain Haqqani, in his book Pakistan: Between Mosque and Military notes,

In his book The 1971 Indo-Pak War: A Soldier's Narrative, Pakistan Army's Major General Hakeem Arshad Qureshi, a veteran of this conflict, noted:

After the war, the Pakistan Army's generals in the East held each other responsible for the atrocities committed, but most of the burden was laid on Lieutenant-General Tikka Khan, who earned notoriety from his actions as governor of the East; he was called the "Butcher of Bengal" because of the widespread atrocities committed within the areas of his responsibility. Unlike his contemporary Yaqub who was a pacifist and knew well of the limits of force, Tikka was a "soldier known for his eager use of force" to settle his differences.

Lieutenant-General A. A. K. Niazi commented on Tikka's actions: "On the night between 25/26 March 1971, General Tikka struck. Peaceful night was turned into a time of wailing, crying and burning. General Tikka let loose everything at his disposal as if raiding an enemy, not dealing with his own misguided and misled people. The military action was a display of stark cruelty more merciless than the massacres at Bukhara and Baghdad by Chengiz Khan and Halaku Khan ... General Tikka ... resorted to the killing of civilians and a scorched earth policy. His orders to his troops were: 'I want the land and not the people'". Major-General Rao Farman wrote in his table diary: "Green land of East Pakistan will be painted red," which has been interpreted to mean that he planned to massacre Bengalis. Farman said the entry was not expressing a thirst for blood, but concern that East Pakistan's future could be the red flag of Communism.

Major reforms were carried out by successive governments in Pakistan after the war. To address the economic disparity, the National Finance Commission system was established to equally distribute the taxation revenue among the four provinces, the large-scale nationalisation of industries and nationwide census were carried out in 1972. The Constitution was promulgated in 1973 that reflected this equal balance and a compromise between Islamism and Humanism, and provided guaranteed equal human rights to all. The military was heavily reconstructed and heavily reorganised, with President Bhutto appointing chiefs of staff in each inter-service, contrary to C-in-Cs, and making instruction on human rights compulsory in the military syllabus in each branch of inter-services. Major investments were directed towards modernising the navy. The military's chain of command was centralized in Joint Staff Headquarters (JS HQ) led by an appointed Chairman Joint Chiefs Committee to coordinars military efforts to safeguard the nation's defence and unity. In addition, Pakistan sought to have a diversified foreign policy, as Pakistani geostrategists had been shocked that both China and the United States provided limited support to Pakistan during the course of the war, with the US displaying an inability to supply weapons that Pakistan needed the most.

In January 1972, Pakistan under Bhutto launched the clandestine development of nuclear weapons with a view to "never to allow[ing] another foreign invasion of Pakistan."

Bangladesh

As a result of the war, East Pakistan became an independent country, Bangladesh, as the world's fourth most populous Muslim state on 16 December 1971. West Pakistan, now just Pakistan, secured the release of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman from the Headquarter Prison and allowed him to return to Dacca. On 19 January 1972, Mujib was inaugurated as the first President of Bangladesh, later becoming the Prime Minister of Bangladesh in 1974.

On the brink of defeat in around 14 December 1971, the media reports indicated that the Pakistan Army soldiers, the local East Pakistan Police they controlled, razakars and the Shanti Committee carried out systematic killings of professionals such as physicians, teachers, and other intellectuals, as part of a pogrom against the Bengali Hindu minorities who constituted the majority of urban educated intellectuals.

Young men, especially students, who were seen as possible rebels and recruiters were also targeted by the stationed military, but the extent of casualties in East Pakistan is not known, and the issue is itself controversial and contradictory among the authors who wrote books on the pogrom; the Pakistani government denied the charges of involvement in 2015. R.J. Rummel cites estimates ranging from one to three million people killed. Other estimates place the death toll lower, at 300,000. Bangladesh government figures state that Pakistani forces aided by collaborators killed three million people, raped 200,000 women and displaced millions of others.

According to authors Kenton Worcester, Sally Bermanzohn and Mark Ungar, Bengalis themselves killed about 150,000 non-Bengalis living in the East. There had been reports of Bengali insurgents indiscriminately killing non-Bengalis throughout the East; however, neither side provided substantial proofs for their claims and both Bangladeshi and Pakistani figures contradict each other over this issue. Bihari representatives in June 1971 claimed a higher figure of 500,000 killed by Bengalis.

In 2010, the Awami League's government decided to set up a tribunal to prosecute the people involved in alleged war crimes and those who collaborated with Pakistan. According to the government, the defendants would be charged with crimes against humanity, genocide, murder, rape and arson.

According to John H. Gill, there was widespread polarisation between pro-Pakistan Bengalis and pro-liberation Bengalis during the war, and those internal battles are still playing out in the domestic politics of modern-day Bangladesh. To this day, the issue of committed atrocities and pogroms is an influential factor in the Bangladesh–Pakistan relations.

Impact

Pakistan: War Enquiry Commission and War prisoners

In the aftermath of the war, the Pakistani Government constituted the War Enquiry Commission, to be headed by Chief Justice Hamoodur Rahman, who was an ethnic Bengali, and composed of the senior justices of the Supreme Court of Pakistan. The War Enquiry Commission was mandated with carrying out thorough investigations into the intelligence, strategic, political and military failures that causes the defeat in the war.

The War Commission also looked into Pakistan's political and military involvement in the history of East Pakistan that encompasses 1947–71. The First War Report was submitted in July 1972, but it was very critically opined and penned on political misconducts of politicians and the military interference in national politics. Written in moral and philosophical perspective, the First Report was lengthy and provided accounts that were unpalatable to be released to the public. Initially, there were 12 copies that were all destroyed, except for the one that was kept and marked as "Top Secret" to prevent the backlash effects on the demoralised military. In 1976, the Supplementary Report was submitted, which was the comprehensive report compiled together with the First Report; this report was also marked as classified.

In 2000, the excerpts of the Supplementary Report were leaked to a political correspondent of Pakistan's Dawn, which the Dawn published together with India Today. The First Report is still marked as classified, while the Supplementary Report's excerpts were suppressed by the news correspondents. The War Report's supplementary section was published by the Pakistan Government, but it did not officially hand over the report to Bangladesh despite its requests.

The War Report exposed many military failures, from the strategic to the tactical–intelligence levels, while it confirmed the looting, rapes and the unnecessary killings by the Pakistan military and their local agents. It laid the blame squarely on Pakistan Army generals, accusing them of debauchery, smuggling, war crimes and neglect of duty. The War Commission had recommended public trial of Pakistan Army generals on the charges that they had been responsible for the situation in the first place and that they had succumbed without a fight, but no actions were ever taken against those responsible, except the dismissal of chiefs of the Pakistan Army, Pakistan Air Force, Pakistan Navy, and decommissioning of the Pakistan Marines.

The War Commission, however, rejected the charge that 200,000 Bengali girls were raped by the Pakistan Army, remarking, "It is clear that the figures mentioned by the Dacca authorities are altogether fantastic and fanciful," and cited the evidence of a British abortion team that had carried out the termination of "only a hundred or more pregnancies". The Commission also claimed that "approximately 26,000 persons (were) killed during the action by the Pakistan military"
Bina D'Costa states that the War Commission was aware of the military's brutality in East Pakistan, but "chose to downplay the scale of the atrocities committed."

The second commission was known as Indo-Pakistani War of 1971 Prisoners of War Investigation, conducted solely by the Pakistani government, that was to determine the numbers of Pakistani military personnel who surrendered, including the number of civilian POWs. The official number of the surrendered military personnel was soon released by the Government of Pakistan after the war was over.

India: Indo-Pakistani summits

On 2 July 1972, the Indo-Pakistani summit was held in Simla, Himachal Pradesh, India where the Simla Agreement was reached and signed between President Zulfikar Ali Bhutto and Prime Minister Indira Gandhi. The treaty provided insurance to Bangladesh that Pakistan recognised Bangladesh's sovereignty, in exchange for the return of the Pakistani POWs. Over the next five months, India released more than 90,000 war prisoners, with Lieutenant-General A.A.K. Niazi being the last war prisoner to be handed over to Pakistan.

The treaty also gave back more than 13,000 km2 of land that the Indian Army had seized in Pakistan during the war, though India retained a few strategic areas, including Turtuk, Dhothang, Tyakshi (earlier called Tiaqsi) and Chalunka of Chorbat Valley, which was more than 804 km2. The Indian hardliners, however, felt that the treaty had been too lenient to President Bhutto, who had pleaded for leniency, arguing that the fragile stability in Pakistan would crumble if the accord was perceived as being overly harsh by Pakistanis and that he would be accused of losing Kashmir in addition to the loss of East Pakistan. As a result, Prime Minister Gandhi was criticised by a section in India for believing Bhutto's "sweet talk and false vows", while the other section claimed the agreement to be successful, for not letting it to fall into "Versailles Syndrome" trap.

In 1973, India and Pakistan reached another compromise when both countries signed a trilateral agreement with Bangladesh that actually brought the war prisoners, non-Bengali and Pakistan-loyal Bengali bureaucrats and civilian servants to Pakistan. The Delhi Agreement witnessed the largest mass population transfer since the Partition of India in 1947.

Bangladesh: International Crimes Tribunal

In 2009, the issue of establishing the International Crimes Tribunal began to take public support. The tribunal was formally established in 2010 to investigate and prosecute suspects for the genocide committed in 1971 by the Pakistan Army and their local collaborators, Razakars, Al-Badr and Al-Shams during the Bangladesh Liberation War.

Long-term consequences
 Steve Coll, in his book Ghost Wars, argues that the Pakistan military's experience with India, including Pervez Musharraf's experience in 1971, influenced the Pakistani government to support jihadist groups in Afghanistan even after the Soviets left, because the jihadists were a tool to use against India, including bogging down the Indian Army in Kashmir.
 Writing about the war in Foreign Affairs magazine, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto stated "There is no parallel in contemporary history to the cataclysm which engulfed Pakistan in 1971. A tragic civil war, which rent asunder the people of the two parts of Pakistan, was seized by India as an opportunity for armed intervention. The country was dismembered, its economy shattered and the nation's self-confidence totally undermined." This statement of Bhutto has given rise to the myth of betrayal prevalent in modern Pakistan. This view was contradicted by the post-War Hamoodur Rahman Commission, ordered by Bhutto himself, which in its 1974 report indicted generals of the Pakistan Army for creating conditions which led to the eventual loss of East Pakistan and for inept handling of military operations in the East.

Military awards

Battle honours
After the war, 41 battle honours and 4 theatre honours were awarded to units of the Indian Army; notable among them are:

 East Pakistan 1971 (theatre honour)
 Sindh 1971 (theatre honour)
 Jammu and Kashmir 1971 (theatre honour)
 Punjab 1971 (theatre honour)
 Basantar River
 Bogra
 Chachro
 Chhamb
 Defence of Punch
 Dera Baba Nanak
 Gadra City
 Harar Kalan
 Hilli
 Longewala
 Parbat Ali
 Poongli Bridge
 Shehjra
 Shingo River Valley
 Sylhet

Gallantry awards
For bravery, a number of soldiers and officers on both sides were awarded the highest gallantry award of their respective countries. Following is a list of the recipients of the Indian award Param Vir Chakra, Bangladeshi award Bir Sreshtho and the Pakistani award Nishan-E-Haider:

India
Recipients of the Param Vir Chakra:
 Lance Naik Albert Ekka (Posthumously)
 Flying Officer Nirmal Jit Singh Sekhon (Posthumously)
 Major Hoshiar Singh
 Second Lieutenant Arun Khetarpal (Posthumously)

Bangladesh
Recipients of the Bir Sreshtho:
 Captain Mohiuddin Jahangir (Posthumously)
 Lance Naik Munshi Abdur Rouf (Posthumously)
 Sepoy Hamidur Rahman (Posthumously)
 Sepoy Mostafa Kamal (Posthumously)
 ERA Mohammad Ruhul Amin (Posthumously)
 Flight Lieutenant Matiur Rahman (Posthumously)
 Lance Naik Nur Mohammad Sheikh (Posthumously)

Pakistan

Recipients of the Nishan-E-Haider:
 Major Muhammad Akram (Posthumously)
 Pilot Officer Rashid Minhas (Posthumously)
 Major Shabbir Sharif (Posthumously)
 Sarwar Muhammad Hussain (Posthumously)
 Lance Naik Muhammad Mahfuz (Posthumously)

Civilian awards
On 25 July 2011, Bangladesh Swadhinata Sammanona, the Bangladesh Freedom Honour, was posthumously conferred on former Indian Prime Minister Indira Gandhi.

R. M. Muzumdar - IOFS officer. Second Indian Director General of the Indian Ordnance Factories. He was awarded the Padma Bhushan by the Government of India, in 1973, in the Civil service category, for his contributions during the Indo-Pakistani War of 1971.

O. P. Bahl, an IOFS officer. Former Additional Director General Ordnance Factories and Member of the Ordnance Factory Board. Received Padma Shri, in 1972 in the civil-service category for his efforts during the war.

On 28 March 2012, President of Bangladesh Zillur Rahman and the Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina conferred Bangladesh Liberation War Honour and Friends of Liberation War Honour to 75 people, six organisations, Mitra Bahini and the people of India at a special ceremony at the Bangabandhu International Conference Centre, Dhaka. This included eight heads of states: former Nepalese President Ram Baran Yadav, the third King of Bhutan Jigme Dorji Wangchuck, former Soviet General Secretary Leonid IIyich Brezhnev, former Soviet head of state Nikolai Viktorovich Podgorny, former Soviet Prime Minister Alexei Nikolaevich Kosygin, former Yugoslav President Marshal Josip Broz Tito, former UK Prime Minister Sir Edward Richard George Heath and former Nepalese Prime Minister Bishweshwar Prasad Koirala. The organisations include the BBC, Akashbani (All India Radio), International Committee of the Red Cross, United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, Oxfam and Kolkata University Shahayak Samiti.

The list of foreign friends of Bangladesh has since been extended to 568 people. It includes 257 Indians, 88 Americans, 41 Pakistanis, 39 Britons, 9 Russians, 18 Nepalese, 16 French and 18 Japanese.

In media

Films
 Hindustan Ki Kasam, a 1973 Bollywood war film directed by Chetan Anand about Operation Cactus Lilly.
 Aakraman, 1975 Bollywood film set during this war featuring a romantic love triangle.
 Border, a 1997 Bollywood war film directed by J.P.Dutta. This movie is an adaptation from real life events that happened at the Battle of Longewala fought in Rajasthan (Western Theatre).
 16 December, 2002 film directed by Mani Shankar.
 1971 – Prisoners of War, a 2007 Bollywood war film directed by Amrit Sagar. Set against the backdrop of a prisoner-of-war camp in Pakistan, it follows six Indian prisoners awaiting release after their capture in the 1971 India-Pakistan war.
 The Ghazi Attack, a 2017 war film directed by Sankalp Reddy. It is based on the sinking of PNS Ghazi during the war.
 1971: Beyond Borders, a 2017 Indian war drama film written and directed by Major Ravi.
 Raazi, 2017 fictional spy film set before the events of war about the detection of plan to deploy PNS Ghazi
 Romeo Akbar Walter, 2019 spy film.
 Bhuj: The Pride of India, 2021 action film set during the war.

Short films
 Mukti: Birth of a Nation, a 2017 short film directed by Manu Chobe depicts the negotiations between Major General J. F. R. Jacob and Lieutenant General A. A. K. Niazi over the Pakistani Instrument of Surrender.

Miniseries/Dramas
 PNS Ghazi, an Urdu (Pakistani) drama based on sinking of , ISPR

See also

 Bangladesh Liberation War
 Post–World War II air-to-air combat losses
 List of aerial victories during the Indo-Pakistani War of 1971
 Indo-Pakistani War of 1965
 Separatist nationalism in Pakistan
 Muslim nationalism in South Asia
 Pakistani nationalism
 Conservatism in Pakistan
 Socialism in Pakistan
 Bangladesh Forces
 Timeline of the Bangladesh War
 Radcliffe Line
 Pakistan and state-sponsored terrorism
 India and state-sponsored terrorism
 United States–Pakistan relations before 1990
 Soviet Union-Pakistan relations before 1990
 Tridev Roy
 Operation Searchlight\Barisal
 Riverine Warfare
 Protest of 1969 in Pakistan
 Pakistan Air Force in East Pakistan
 Pakistan news media in Indo-Pakistani war of 1971
 International Crimes Tribunal (Bangladesh)
 Indian Army in East Pakistan
 Pakistan-Afghanistan relations
 1971 Winter POWs/MIA Investigations, Pakistan
 Pakistan military deployments in other countries
 Pakistan and weapons of mass destruction

General
 History of Bangladesh
 History of Myanmar
 List of conflicts in Asia

References

Further reading

 Hayes, Jarrod.   "Securitization, social identity, and democratic security: Nixon, India, and the ties that bind." International Organization 66.1 (2012): 63-93.online

 Warner, Geoffrey.  "Nixon, Kissinger and the breakup of Pakistan, 1971." International Affairs 81.5 (2005): 1097-1118.

External links
 Video of General Niazi Surrendering
 A complete coverage of the war from the Indian perspective
 An Atlas of the 1971 India – Pakistan War: The Creation of Bangladesh by John H. Gill
 Actual conversation from the then US President Nixon and Henry Kissinger during the 1971 War – US Department of State's Official archive.
 Indian Army: Major Operations
 Pakistan: Partition and Military Succession USA Archives
 Pakistan intensifies air raid on India BBC
 A day by day account of the war as seen in a virtual newspaper.
 The Tilt: The U.S. and the South Asian Crisis of 1971.
 16 December 1971: any lessons learned? By Ayaz Amir – Pakistan's Dawn
 India-Pakistan 1971 War as covered by TIME
 Indian Air Force Combat Kills in the 1971 war (unofficial), Centre for Indian Military History
 Op Cactus Lilly: 19 Infantry Division in 1971, a personal recall by Lt Col Balwant Singh Sahore
 All for a bottle of Scotch, a personal recall of Major (later Major General) C K Karumbaya, SM, the battle for Magura

Indo-Pakistani wars
Bangladesh Liberation War
1971 in India
Conflicts in 1971
History of East Pakistan
Anti-Pakistan sentiment
Wars involving Bangladesh
Wars involving Pakistan
Wars involving India
Post-independence history of Pakistan
Separatism in Pakistan
History of the Indian Army
Research and Analysis Wing
Foreign intervention
Dissolutions of countries
December 1971 events in Asia
Attacks in Bangladesh

Indo-Pakistani War of 1971


සඳෙහි ඇති වීම සඳහා යාන්ත්‍රණ කිහිපයක් යෝජනා කර ඇත. සඳෙහි ඇති වීම සිදු වන්නට ඇත්තේ වසර බිලියන 4.527 +  0.010 පෙර එනම් සෞරග්‍රහමණ්ඩලය ඇති වීමෙන් වසර මිලියන 30-50කට පමණ පසුව බවට විශ්වාස කරයි.

විඛණ්ඩන  සිද්ධාන්තය

මුල් කාලීන විශ්වාසයන් යෝජනා කළේ සඳ පෘථිවි කබලෙන් කේන්ද්රාපසාරී බලය නිසා බිඳී ගිය කොටසක් බවයි. එලෙස එම කොටස ඉවත් වීම නිසා පැසිපික් සයුර සෑදී ඇති බවට එමඟින් කියවේ. කෙසේ නමුත් මෙම අදහස සඳහා පෘථිවිය අධික අවස්ථිති භ්රමණයක් තිබිය යුතු අතර එය එසේ වුවද එම ක්රියාවලිය නිසා සඳෙහි කක්ෂය පෘථිවියෙහි සමක තලය ඔස්සේ ගමන් කළ යුතුය. එමනිසා මෙය සිදු විය නොහැක.

ග්රහණ සිද්ධාන්තය

වෙනත් විශ්වාසයන් කියා සිටින්නේ සඳ වෙනත් ස්ථානයක ඇති වී පසුව පෘථිවියෙහි ගුරුත්වය මඟින් ග්රහණය කරගෙන ඇති බවයි. කෙසේ නමුත් එවැනි යාන්ත්රණයක් ක්රියාත්මක වීම සඳහා අවශ්ය වන තත්ව සේ පිළිගැනෙන අසලින් ගමන් ගන්නා සඳෙහි ශක්තිය විනාශ කිරීම සඳහා වූ  ව්යාප්ත වූ පෘථිවි වායු ගෝලයක් යන තත්වය සිදු විය නොහැකි දෙයකි.

සම - ඇති වීම් සිද්ධාන්තය

සම ඇතිවීම් කල්පිතය යෝජනා කර සිටින්නේ සඳ සහ පෘථිවිය එකම තැන දී එකම අවස්ථාවේ දී ආදි කල්පිත උපවයන තැටියෙන් ඇති වු බවයි. සඳ ඇති වී තිබෙන්නේ සූර්යා වටා අනෙකුත් ග්රහලෝක ඇති වූවා මෙන්ම ප්රොටෝ පෘථිවිය වටකර තිබූ පදාර්ථවලිනි. සමහරෙක් යෝජනා කර සිටින්නේ එම කල්පිතය සඳෙහි ලෝහ යකඩ හායනය පැහැදිලි කිරීමට අපොහොසත් වන බවයි.

මෙම සියළු කල්පිතවල විශාල අඩු ලුහුඬුකමක් වන්නේ ඒවාට පෘථිවි චන්ද්ර පද්ධතියේ අධික කෝණික ගම්යතාවයට හේතු ඉදිරිපත් කිරීමට නොහැකි වීමයි.
විශාල ගැටුම් සිද්ධාන්තය

වර්තමානයේ පවතින කල්පිතය වන්නේ පෘථිවි චන්ද්ර පද්ධතිය නිර්මාණය වූයේ විශාල ගැටුමක ප්රතිඵලයක් ලෙසින් යන්නයි. ප්රමාණයෙන් අඟහරු තරම් වන (තෙයියා ලෙස හඳුන්වන) වස්තුවක් ප්රොටෝ පෘථිවියෙහි ගැටී එමඟින් උපවයනය හරහා චන්ද්රයා නිර්මාණය වීමට ප්රමාණවත් තරම් පදාර්ථ අවට කක්ෂයට එකතු විය. උපවයනය යනු ග්රහලෝක වස්තු නිර්මාණය වීමේ ක්රියාවලියක් වන අතර විශාල ගැටුම් සියළු ග්රහලෝකවලට පාහේ බලපෑම් එල්ල කර ඇත. මෙම විශාල ඝට්ටනය ආදර්ශණය කරන පරිගණක අනුහුරුකරණ චන්ද්ර පෘථිවි පද්ධතියේ කෝණික ගම්යතාවයේ මිනුම්වලින් මෙන්ම චන්ද්ර හරයේ කුඩා ප්රමාණයෙන් ද යුක්තය. මෙම සිද්ධාන්තය සම්බන්ධ නොවිසඳූ ගැටළු වන්නේ ප්රොටෝ පෘථිවියෙහි හා තෙයියා හි සාපේක්ෂ ප්රමාණයන් හා සඳ නිර්මාණය වීමට මෙම වස්තු දෙකෙන් කෙතරම් ද්රව්ය දායක වුණි ද යන්නයි.

චන්ද්ර මැග්මා සයුර

විශාල ගැටුම් අවස්ථාවේ දී හා පසුව සිදු වූ පෘථිවි කක්ෂයේ වූ වස්තුවල නැවත උපවයනය වීම අතරතුර හටගත් විශාල ශක්ති ප්රමාණයේ ප්රතිඵලයක් ලෙස සඳෙන් විශාල කොටසක් ද්රව බවට පත් වූ බව විශ්වාස කෙරේ. මෙම කාලයේ දී සඳෙහි ද්රව බවට පත් වූ පිටත කොටස මැග්මා සයුර ලෙස හඳුන්වන අතර එහි ගැඹුර 500km සිට සම්පූර්ණ චන්ද්ර අරය දක්වාම විහිදෙන බවට ඇස්තමේන්තු කර තිබිණි.

මැග්මා සයුර සිසිල් වීමත් සමඟ එය ආංශිකව ස්පටීකරණය හා කොටස් බවට පත් වීම සිදු විය. එමඟින් ජ්යාමිතිකව එකිනෙකට වෙනස් කබොලකට හා මැන්ටලයකට මඟ පෑදීය. මැන්ටලයකට  olivine, Clinopyroxene හා orthopyroxene යන ඛනිජවල අවලම්භනය වීමෙන් හා ගිල්වීමෙන් තැනී ඇති බවට විශ්වාස කෙරේ. මැග්මා සයුරෙන් ¾ක් පමණ ස්පටීකරණය වී අවසන් වූ විට Anorthite ඛනිජය එහි අඩු ඝනත්වය නිසා මතුපිට මතට අවලම්භනය වී හා පාවී කබොල සාදා ඇත.

මැග්මා සයුරෙන් අවසානයට ස්පටීකරණය වූ ද්රව කබොල හා මැන්ටලය අතර පිරවුම බවට පත් වන්නට ඇත. එහි අසංඝත හා තාප නිපදවන මූලද්රව්ය අධික ප්රමාණයක් අඩංගු විය හැක. මෙම ජෛව රාසයනික සංරචකය KREEP (පොටෑසියම් (K), පෘථිවියෙහි දුලභ මූලද්රව්ය (REE) හා පොස්පරස් (P) )  ලෙස හඳුන්වන අතර සඳෙහි ළඟ පැත්තේ වූ Oceanus procellarum හා mare imbrium හි වැඩි ප්රමාණයක් අයත් වන කුඩා භූ ගෝලීය ප්රදේශයක් වන Procellarum KREEP terrane තුළ පිහිටා ඇති බව පෙනේ.

ස‍ඳෙහි - ආරම්භය හා භූ විද්‍යාත්මක පරිණාමනය


The Texas House of Representatives is the lower house of the bicameral Texas Legislature. It consists of 150 members who are elected from single-member districts for two-year terms. There are no term limits. The House meets at the State Capitol in Austin.

Leadership
The leadership for the 88th Legislature is as follows:

The Speaker of the House is the presiding officer and highest-ranking member of the House. The Speaker's duties include maintaining order within the House, recognizing members during debate, ruling on procedural matters, appointing members to the various committees and sending bills for committee review.

The Speaker pro tempore is primarily a ceremonial position, but does, by long-standing tradition, preside over the House during its consideration of local and consent bills.

Unlike other state legislatures, the House rules do not formally recognize majority or minority leaders. The unofficial leaders are the Republican Caucus Chairman and the Democratic House Leader, both of whom are elected by their respective caucuses.

Composition

Republicans currently hold a majority of seats in the House.

Texas' districts are an example of gerrymandering.

List of current representatives

Notable past members
 Eligio (Kika) De La Garza, II, first Mexican-American to represent his region in the US House and the second Mexican-American from Texas to be elected to Congress (1965–1997).
 Ray Barnhart, Federal Highway Administrator (1981–1987)
 Anita Lee Blair, first blind woman elected to a state legislature
 Jack Brooks, U.S. House of Representatives (1953–1995)
 Dolph Briscoe, Governor of Texas (1973–1979)
 Frank Kell Cahoon, Midland County oilman and representative from 1965 to 1969; only Republican member in 1965 legislative session
 Joaquin Castro, U.S. Representative (2013–present)
 Tom DeLay, U.S. Representative (1985–2006) and House Majority Leader (2003–2005)
 John Nance Garner, U.S. Representative (1903–1933), Speaker of the House (1931–1933), and Vice President of the United States (1933–1941)
 O.H. "Ike" Harris, Dallas County representative from 1963 to 1965; state senator (1967–1995)
 Sarah T. Hughes, United States district court judge
 Robert Dean Hunter, former executive vice president of the Independent Colleges and Universities of Texas
 Suzanna Hupp, House of Representatives (1997–2007), survived the Luby's shooting, went on to champion individual gun ownership and carry rights.
 Kay Bailey Hutchison, U.S. Senator (1993–2013)
 Ray Hutchison, husband of Kay Bailey Hutchison
 Eddie Bernice Johnson, first Black woman ever elected to public office from Dallas, first woman in Texas history to lead a major Texas House committee (the Labor Committee), and the first registered nurse elected to Congress.
 Samuel Ealy Johnson, Jr., father of President Lyndon B. Johnson (1963–1969)
 Dan Kubiak, representative from Rockdale known for his support of public education
 Mickey Leland, U.S. House of Representatives (1979–1989), died in a plane crash.
 Charles Henry Nimitz (1826–1911) Born in Bremen. In 1852, built the Nimitz Hotel in Fredericksburg, which now houses the National Museum of the Pacific War. Grandfather of United States Fleet Admiral Chester Nimitz. Elected to the Texas Legislature 1890.
 Rick Perry, longest serving Governor of Texas, (2000–2015) and former U.S. Secretary of Energy (2017–2019).
 Colonel Alfred P.C. Petsch (1925–1941) Lawyer, legislator, civic leader, and philanthropist. Veteran of both World War I and World War II.
 Sam Rayburn, U.S. Representative (1913–1961) and longest served Speaker of the House (1940–1947, 1949–1953, 1955–1961)
 Coke R. Stevenson, Governor of Texas (1941–1947)
 Sarah Weddington, attorney for "Jane Roe" for the 1973 Roe v. Wade case in the U.S. Supreme Court
 Ferdinand C. Weinert, coauthored bill to establish the Pasteur Institute of Texas, authored resolution for humane treatment of state convicts, coauthored the indeterminate sentence and parole law. Also served as Texas Secretary of State
 Charlie Wilson, U.S. House of Representatives (1973–1996), subject of the book and film Charlie Wilson's War

Officials

Speaker of the House
The Speaker of the House of Representatives has duties as a presiding officer as well as administrative duties. As a presiding officer, the Speaker must enforce, apply, and interpret the rules of the House, call House members to order, lay business in order before the House and receive propositions made by members, refer proposed legislation to a committee, preserve order and decorum, recognize people in the gallery, state and hold votes on questions, vote as a member of the House, decide on all questions to order, appoint the Speaker Pro Tempore and Temporary Chair, adjourn the House in the event of an emergency, postpone reconvening in the event of an emergency, and sign all bills, joint resolutions, and concurrent resolutions. The administrative duties of the Speaker include having control over the Hall of the House, appointing chair, vice-chair, and members to each standing committee, appointing all conference committees, and directing committees to make interim studies.

Chief Clerk
The Chief Clerk is the head of the Chief Clerk's Office which maintains a record of all authors who sign legislation, maintains and distributes membership information to current house members, and forwards copies of legislation to house committee chairs. The Chief Clerk is the primary custodian of all legal documents within House. Additional duties include keeping a record of all progress on a document, attesting all warrants, writs, and subpoenas, receiving and filing all documents received by the house, and maintaining the electronic information and calendar for documents. When there is a considerable update of the electronic source website, the Chief Clerk is also responsible for noticing House members via email.

Committee structure
The committee structure below is valid for the 88th Legislature (numbers in parentheses are the number of committee members; under House rules 1/2 of each committee's membership is determined by seniority and the remaining 1/2 by the Speaker of the House, excluding Procedural Committees the membership of which are wholly chosen by the Speaker).
 Agriculture and Livestock (9)
 Appropriations (27)
 Subcommittee on Articles I, IV & V
 Subcommittee on Article II
 Subcommittee on Article III
 Subcommittee on Articles VI, VII & VIII
 Subcommittee on Strategic Fiscal Review
 Business & Industry (9)
 Calendars (11)
 Community Safety (select)
 Corrections (9)
 County Affairs (9)
 Criminal Jurisprudence (9)
 Culture, Recreation & Tourism (9)
 Defense & Veterans' Affairs (9)
 Elections (9)
 Energy Resources (11)
 Environmental Regulation (9)
 General Investigating (5)
 Health Care Reform (select)
 Higher Education (11)
 Homeland Security & Public Safety (9)
 House Administration (11)
 Human Services (9)
 Insurance (9)
 International Relations & Economic Development (9)
 Judiciary & Civil Jurisprudence (9)
 Juvenile Justice & Family Issues (9)
 Land & Resource Management (9)
 Licensing & Administrative Procedures (11)
 Local & Consent Calendars (11)
 Natural Resources (11)
 Pensions, Investments & Financial Services (9)
 Public Education (13)
 Public Health (11)
 Redistricting (15)
 Resolutions Calendars (11)
 State Affairs (13)
 Transportation (13)
 Urban Affairs (9)
 Ways & Means (11)
 Youth Health & Safety (select)

In addition to these committees, there are also six joint committees composed of members of both the State House and Senate:

 Criminal Justice Legislative Oversight
 Legislative Audit Committee
 Legislative Budget Board
 Legislative Reference Library Board
 Sunset Advisory Commission
 Texas Legislative Council

Past composition

See also

 Texas Senate

Notes

References

External links

 District map – Texas Department of Transportation

.
State lower houses in the United States

Texas House of Representatives


تيناكس  هو العلامة التجارية لشركة توهو تيناكس المملوكة لشركة تيجين لألياف الكربون.

الخصائص

الخصائص الميكانيكية
 كثافة منخفضة مقارنة بالمعادن.
 مقاومة شد عالية و معامل مرونة مرتفع.
 مقاومة جيدة للتعب.
 مقاوم للاهتراء ولا يحتاج للتزليق.

الخصائص الحرارية
 معامل تمدد خراري خطي منخفض.
 ثباتية أبعاد جيدة.
 مقاومة عالية لتغير الخواص الميكانيكية مع الحرارة.
 ناقلية حرارية منخفضة عند درجات الحرارة المنخفضة جدا.

الخصائص الكهربائية والكهرومغناطيسية
 ناقلة للتيار الكهربائي وقادرة على درأ الأمواج الكهرومغناطيسية، كما تتميز بنفاذية ممتازة للأشعة السينية.

الخائص الكيميائية والفيزياكيميائية
ثباتية كيميائية جيدة ومقاومة ممتازة للحموض والقلويات والمذيبات لأنواعها المختلفة.

المراجع

اقرأ أيضا
 تيجين
 توهو تيناكس

وصلات خارجية
 الموقع الرسمي لتوهو تيناكس

ألياف اصطناعية
مواد مؤلفة

تيناكس (نسيج)


Ruin es el segundo álbum de la banda metalcore Architects y el primero en participar Sam Carter, el vocalista actual, y Alex "Ali Dino" Dean, el actual bajista.
Estilísicamente, este álbum representa un cambio menor. El sonido mathcore en Nightmares es reemplazado por un metalcore más fluido, con estructuras más simples pero manteniendo los apectos del primer álbum, como los cambios de ritmo, los riffs técnicamente proficentes y la voz gritada. En este álbum, se escuchan más melodías y voces limpias con mayor frecuencia que en el anterior álbum.

Lista de canciones

Personal
Los nombres que aparecen en la lista son los acreditados en el propio disco.

Architects
Sam Carter — Voz
Tom Searle (†) — Guitarra
Tim Hillier-Brook Guitarra
Alex "Ali Dino" Dean Bajo
Dan Searle — Batería

Músicos adicionales
Nicholas Worthington — Voces adicionales (pista 12)

Personal adicional
Architects – producción
John Mitchell – producción, ingeniería, mezclado
Ben Humphreys – producción, ingeniería
Tim Turan – masterizado
Greg Below – A&R
Seldon Hunt – portada

Referencias

Álbumes de 2007
Álbumes de Architects
Álbumes de metalcore
Álbumes de mathcore
Álbumes en inglés

Ruin (álbum)


Karl August von Hohenstock (* 1723 in Brandenburg; † 16. April 1788) war ein königlich-preußischer Generalmajor und zuletzt Chef des Husaren-Regiments Nr. 5. Er war Besitzer der Güter Gurren, Klimken und Dombrowken.

Leben
Er entstammt einem bürgerlichen Haus in Brandenburg und war zunächst einfacher Husar im Husaren-Regiment Nr. 4. Dort wurde er Wachtmeister und am 31. Dezember 1747 Kornett. 1754 stieg er zum Leutnant auf und wurde 1759 Stabsrittmeister. Im Dezember 1760 erhielt er eine eigne Eskadron und wurde 1761 Major sowie Kommandeur der Freihusaren im Freikorps von Kleist. Nach dem Siebenjährigen Krieg wurde das Korps aufgelöst und er kam zum Dragoner-Regiment Nr. 2. 1767 wurde er Kommandeur im Husaren-Regiment Nr. 7. Im Juni 1772  wurde er Oberstleutnant und noch im gleichen Jahr am 29. August 1772 erhielt er die Beförderung zum Oberst. Als solcher wurde er Chef des Husaren-Regiments Nr. 8. Im Januar 1784 wechselte er in das Husaren-Regiment Nr. 5 und erhielt zusätzlich das Bosniakenkorps. 1785 wurde er zum Generalmajor ernannt. Das Korps gab er 1788 an den damaligen Oberst Heinrich Johann von Günther ab. Er starb im April 1788. Von 1741 an hat er in allen Feldzügen unter Friedrich II. gedient und geriet am 1. Juni 1762 bei Grumbach in Gefangenschaft.

Er war mit Anna Maria von Ehrenburg (Ehrenberg) verheiratet.

Literatur
 Kurd Wolfgang von Schöning: Geschichte des königlich preussischen Fünften Husaren-Regiments, mit besonderer Rücksicht auf Gebhard Lebrecht von Blücher, den ehemaligen Chef dieses Regiments (Vorgänger: Husaren-Regiment Nr. 8). .

 Eduard Lange: Die Soldaten Friedrich's des Grossen. Leipzig 1853, S. 353–354; .

Regimentsinhaber der Frühen Neuzeit
Person in den Schlesischen Kriegen (Preußen)
Person im Siebenjährigen Krieg (Preußen)
General der Frühen Neuzeit (Brandenburg-Preußen)
Kavallerist (Brandenburg-Preußen)
Adliger
Geboren 1723
Gestorben 1788
Mann

Karl August von Hohenstock


Hans Lechner (* 1898; † 1968 in Tutzing) war ein deutscher Politiker und von 1942 bis 1945 Bürgermeister von Freising.

Leben

Der überzeugte Nationalsozialist Hans Lechner wurde 1933 SA-Obersturmbannführer in Freising und damit Befehlshaber der lokalen SA. In diesem Jahr wurde er zum "Sonderkommissar für Stadt und Bezirk Freising" ernannt. Nach der Versetzung seines Vorgängers als NSDAP-Kreisleiter von München wurde er 1942 Bürgermeister der Stadt Freising. Dieses Amt hatte er bis Kriegsende 1945 inne, als die amerikanischen Truppen am 29. April die Stadt einnahmen. Diese setzten für eine kurze Zeit Andreas Rasch als seinen Nachfolger ein, der jedoch schon am 2. Mai durch Emil Berg abgelöst wurde. Über sein Leben nach dem Krieg ist nichts bekannt, er starb 1968 in Tutzing.

Literatur
 Florian Notter: Freisinger (Ober-)Bürgermeister der letzten 150 Jahre, fink, 4. Februar 2012

Bürgermeister (Freising)
NSDAP-Mitglied
SA-Mitglied
Deutscher
Geboren 1898
Gestorben 1968
Mann

Hans Lechner (Politiker, 1898)


جمعية تضامن المرأة العربية وهي المنظمة العربية النسائية الوحيدة التي حظت بالمركز الاستشاري لحساب المجلس الاقتصادي والاجتماعي التابع للأمم المتحدة لعام 1985.، أسستها المصرية نوال السعداوي في عام 1982. انضم إلى هذه الجمعية عدد كبير من النساء في البلاد العربية وفي طليعتهن فاطمة مرنيسي وفاطمة بكر، وترفع الجمعية شعار «رفع الحجاب عن العقل، المعرفة قوة، والتضامن بين النساء قوة».

بدايات الجمعية

واجهت الجمعية مصاعب جمة في بدايتها حيث ومع تموين الفرع المصري للجمعية تحت اسم الجمعية الأم العام 1982 م. وصل للمسؤولين في الجمعية في 19 أغسطس 1983م.قرار من الحكومة المصرية نصه كالتالي «تقرر رفض تسجيل جمعية تضامن المرأة العربية لعدم موافقة مباحث أمن الدولة، بعد الاطلاع على رد مديرية أمن القاهرة، إدارة البحث الجنائي قسم مكافحة جرائم الآداب العامة.»، رغم أن وزارة الشؤون الاجتماعية هي الجهة المخولة بقبول أو رفض إشهار الجمعية.

كتب الصحفي المصري مصطفى أمين مقالا في عموده اليومي نشر في جريدة " الأخبار الحكومية يوم 23 أكتوبر 1983 م. حول رفض إشهار الجمعية وذكر فيه مايلي:

" فكرة!

منذ عام اجتمع عدد من السيدات بعضهن أساتذة في الجامعة ومدرسات بها وصحفيات وشاعرات وكاتبات وربات بيوت واتفقن على تأليف جمعية «تضامن المرأة» مهمتها النهوض بالمرأة والدفاع عن حقوقها والارتقاء بها.

واعترض البعض بأنها حركة (عنصرية) تعمل على تكتيل النساء ضد الرجال، وتفصل بين مشاكل المرأة ومشاكل المجتمع. ولكن جمعية تضامن المرأة كانت تفادت هذا الاعتراض عندما فتحت عضويتها للرجال، وفعلا اشترك بعض الرجال في نشاط الجمعية.

ومنذ بداية العام والجمعية في نشاط مستمر، تجتمع مرة كل أسبوعين، وتقيم ندوات ثقافية وفنية وأدبية وتناقش بعض الكتب التي ترتبط بأهداف الجمعية. ونظمت دراسات عن مشاكل المرأة العاملة ونظرة الصحافة والتليفزيون والإذاعة والسينما إلى المرأة المصرية.

وتقدمت الجمعية إلى وزارة الشؤون الاجتماعية لشهرها. وإذا بالجمعية تتلقى خطابا من إدارة مكافحة جرائم الآداب العامة ترفض قيام هذه الجمعية!

ودهشت عضوات الجمعية، ما علاقة بوليس الآداب بجمعية هدفها المساهمة في رفع المستوى الاجتماعي والثقافي للمرأة في مختلف المجالات وربط مشاكلها بمشاكل المجتمع. وفتح مجالات جديدة أمام المرأة في العمل، وتنمية الشخصية الأصلية للمرأة المصرية؟

هل الحديث عن الحرية قلة أدب؟ هلى الكلام عن الديموقراطية عمل فاضح في الطريق العام؟ هل مطالبة المرأة بمزاولة حقها الانتخابى قلة حياء؟ نفهم أن يكون عمل بوليس الآداب محاربة الفساد؟ ولكن ما علاقة بوليس الآداب بأساتذة الجامعة والمثقفات والمؤلفات والشاعرات؟ أي شيء في أهداف الجمعية فيه قلة أدب أو قلة حياء؟!

إن رئيسة الجمعية هي الدكتورة نوال السعداوي الكاتبة المعروفة وصاحبة المؤلفات العديدة التي ترجمت إلى عدة لغات، وآخر كتاب لها هو «الإنسان». اثنتا عشرة امرأة في زنزانة واحدة. وهو مهدى «إلى كل من عرف القهر في البيت أو في السجن» وهي رواية عن حياة 12 سيدة قبض عليهن في 5 سبتمبر سنة 1981 بتهمة أنهن خصوم الحكومة! وبينهن عدد من أبرز أساتذة الجامعة ومدرساتها والصحفيات والكاتبات.

فهل اعتبر بوليس الآداب أن هذا الكلام قلة أدب وقلة حياء ولهذا رفض أن تكون جمعية رئيستها مثل هذه الدكتورة طويلة اللسان؟

وسكرتيرة الجمعية هي الدكتورة منى أبو سنة بكلية التربية بجامعة عين شمس. ومن أعضاء الجمعية الدكتورة لطيفة الزيات والدكتورة ليلى عنان والدكتورة عواطف عبد الرحمن والدكتورة عفاف محفوظ وإنجى رشدى المحررة بالأهرام وعائشة أبو النور الكاتبة بأخبار اليوم والأستاذات عطيات الأبنودى وشهيرة محرز ومنى حلمى والدكتورة سهى عبد القادر !..

يقولون أن الدولة تحيل كل شيء يتعلق بالمرأة إلى بوليس الآداب.

وإذا كان هذا صحيحا، فهذا أمر لا يمكن السكوت عليه في الوقت الذي أصبح في مصر وزيرات وسفيرات ووكيلات وزارات وعضوات مجلس الشعب !

صدق.. أو لا تصدق!

مصطفى أمين "

امتدت حملة صحفية ضد آمال عثمان وزيرة الشؤون الاجتماعية وضد الحكومة المصرية منذ ديسمبر 1983 حتى نهاية عام 1984، اضطرت بعدها الوزيرة آمال عثمان أن تعترف بشرعية جمعية تضامن المرأة العربية، وأرسل خطاب رسمى من وزارة الشؤون الاجتماعية في 7 يناير 1985 يقر الموافقة على تسجيل الجمعية.

إصدارات الجمعية
أصدرت الجمعية مجلة فكرية نسوية شهرية باسم «نون» ظلت تصدر على مدار 12 شهرًا إلى أن أُوقفت، بعد اقفال الجمعية في 13 يونيو 1991 بحجة مخالفة الأحكام والآداب العامة وتهديد السلم الاجتماعي المصري.

الإغلاق مجددا
أُعيد إغلاق الجمعية مرة أخرى في 15 يونيو 1991 بقرار من وزيرة الشؤون الاجتماعية آمال عثمان أصدره نيابة عنها نائب محافظ القاهرة الذي نص علي إغلاق جمعية تضامن المرأة العربية، ومصادرة أموالها وتحويلها إلى جمعية أخرى اسمها «نساء الإسلام» حيثُ انتقد الكثيرين حل جمعية قومية ومصادرة أموالها وممتلكاتها وتحويلها إلى ما وصفوه جمعية مختصة بشؤون المسلمات فقط وليس جميع المصريات.

تعرضت جمعية تضامن المرأة العربية وأعضاؤها وعلى رأسهم نوال السعداوي لحملة صحفية من قبل بعض الصحف الحكومية والصحف الإسلامية التابعة لها، وكتب مصطفى أمين في عموده اليومي بجريدة الأخبار في 21 يوليو 1991. بعنوان «فكرة» ما يلي:

في يوم 15 يونيو 1991 أصدر نائب محافظ القاهرة لمنطقة غرب القاهرة قراراً بحل جمعية تضامن المرأة العربية.

ونحن نشجع قيام الجمعيات في بلادنا، وندهش لأن نائب المحافظ يغلق جمعية لتضامن المرأة العربية وينقل أموالها إلى جمعية أخرى بغير أن يذكر سبب هذا الإغلاق.

والذي نعرفه أن هذه الجمعية قامت منذ سنوات طويلة.. منذ إنشائها وهي تلقى المعاكسات، بالرغم من أن الدكتور محمود شريف وزير الحكم المحلى ألقى محاضرة في هذه الجمعية وفي الوقت نفسه صدر قرار يحظر على الجمعيات بدائرة غرب القاهرة أن تجادل في الأمور سياسية) ولا نعرف مثل هذا القرار في أي بلد ديموقراطى وقد عشنا طوال عمرنا نرى نقابة المحامين ونقابة الأطباء وغيرهما من الجمعيات والنقابات تشتغل بالسياسة، وفي ثورة 1919 كانت جمعية المرأة الجديدة تصدر قرارات تهاجم الاحتلال ولم يحلها الإنجليز.

إننا ندهش أن تحل جمعية بغير تحقيق، وبغير أن يوجه إليها? نبيه إذا أخطأت.

نفهم أن تحل جمعية بسبب الآداب العامة، أو لأنها تدعو إلى قلب نظام الحكم بالقوة، ولكن لا نفهم أن تحل جمعية لأن رئيستها أو أحد أعضائها يعارض الحكومة، وخاصة أن رئيسة هذه الجمعية الدكتورة نوال السعداوى كانت تلقى الخطب والمحاضرات علنا تعارض فيها سياسة الحكومة، وكانت الصحف العالمية تعتبر هذه المعارضة دليلا على أن في مصر ديموقراطية تسمح بحرية الرأى.

هذا القرار أزعج كثيرا من الجمعيات، فإذا اعترضت جمعية ما على حالة التموين في البلاد فهذا تدخل في السياسة! وإذا طالبت جمعية بالإكثار من زراعة البرسيم فهذا تدخل في السياسة! وإذا طالبت جمعية بمنع استيراد الحمير إلى مصر فهذه سياسة! بل صميم السياسة، كل شيء في البلد سياسة، ولهذا فمن واجب كل الجمعيات في مصر أن تسأل ما هي حدود السياسة المسموح بها.

إن الذين أصدروا هذا القرار لم يعلموا حتى الآن أن مصر ديموقراطية.

مصطفى أمين

رفعت وقتها دعوي قضائية عاجلة أمام القضاء الإداري، لم تسفر عن شيء.

مصادر

 المجلس الاقتصادي والاجتماعي التابع للأمم المتحدة - قسم المنظمات الغير حكومية
 قضية نوال السعداوي: مفرد بصيغة الجمع «جريدة النهار اللبنانية»
 نوال السعداوي في المؤتمر الدولي السابع لجمعية تضامن المرأة العربية: «الإبداع والتمرد والنساء» كلمات تثير غضب الرجل العربي، «الشرق الأوسط السعودية»

منظمات أسست في 1982
منظمات حقوق المرأة
منظمات غير حكومية

جمعية تضامن المرأة العربية


Splićanke je kabaret hrvatskog autora Ivana Lea Leme, koji je autor teksta i redatelj. Sadržajem je omnibus od pet ispovjednih priča Splićanki. Pripovijedaju ih na način stand up komedije, uz prateću pjesmu i glamuroznu plesnu točku koju je osmislio koreograf Leo Mujić, songove je uglazbio Zvonimir Dusper. Satirički i ironično su prikazane mane današnjeg Splita i Dalmacije. Prva glumačka postava ove predstave su Ana Gruica, Nada Kovačević, Lidija Florijan, Mia Vladović te Aneta Matulić. Likovi koje glume u predstavi su profesorica glazbene kulture, žena pomorca koja je opsjednuta količinom psećeg izmeta, escort dama, Miss Mejaša i bankarica. Predstava obiluje tekstom. Pet junakinja predstava se susreću na Zavodu za zapošljavanje gdje svaka od njih pripovijeda kako su došle tu gdje jesu. I. U pristupu suočavanja samih sa sobom bez obzira 'šta će svit reć', oslobađaju se okova. Autor se izruguje šablonama, isključivosti, instant 'mudrosti' coelhove vrste, zatim samokritično se izruguje pomalo provincijskom duhu u Splitu i Dalmaciji da su u svemu "naj", pri čemu u isto vrijeme ne podnosimo nikoga tko strši iznad prosjeka i skloni smo ismijavanju i osudi. Predstava je premijerno prikazana u Gradskom kazalištu mladih u Splitu 8. prosinca 2016. godine. Cabaret je vrlo brzo postao kultni i iznimno popularan kod publike.

Izvori

Hrvatsko kazalište
Komedija

Splićanke


Liga Nogometnog saveza područja Nova Gradiška također i kao Područna liga Nova Gradiška, Područna liga NSP Nova Gradiška je bila liga četvrtog stupnja nogometnog prvenstva Jugoslavije u sezoni 1972./73.
Sudjelovalo je 10 klubova, a prvak je bio klub "Jedinstvo" iz Novske.
Reorganizacijom ligaškog natjecanja, Liga NSP Nova Gradiška je postala od sezone 1973./74. ligom petog stupnja.

Ljestvica

Rezultatska križaljka

 Izvori:

Unutrašnje poveznice
 Slavonska zona - Posavska skupina 1972./73.
 Liga NSP Slavonska Požega 1972./73.

Vanjske poveznice

Izvori

 "Sportske novosti", 1973. godina
 Dragutin Grganić, Josip Đurić: 60 godina nogometa : Nogometni klub Graničar, Laze, Laze, 1988., UDK: 908+796.332](497.13 Laze), str. 24-25
 Ivo Petranović i dr.: Pola stoljeća nogometa u Rešetarima, Rešetari, 1989., UDK: 796.332(497.5 Rešetari)](067.5) * 061.2(497.5 Rešetari):796.332](067.5), str. 87-89
 Željko Čeglaj: Čudnovate zgode stoljetne "Bubamare" : stoljeće nogometa Brodsko-posavske županije : 1909. – 2009., Slavonski Brod, 2009., , str. 143-144

1972-73
Nova Gradiška
1972-73 Nova Gradiška

Liga Nogometnog saveza područja Nova Gradiška 1972./73.


Pigadisáni, en , est un village du dème de Leucade, district régional de Leucade, en Grèce.

Selon le recensement de 2011, la population du village compte .

Notes et références

Voir aussi

Liens externes

Village dans les îles Ioniennes
Leucade

Pigadisáni


Stefan Dragostinov (født 11. april 1948 i Sofia, Bulgarien) er en bulgarsk komponist, pianist og dirigent.

Dragostinov studerede komposition som ung privat hos bl.a. Pancho Vladigerov. Han studerede så senere hos Alexander Raichev på State Academy of Music i Sofia, både komposition og klaver. Han har skrevet 6 symfonier, orkesterværker, kammermusik, korværker etc. Dragostinov har senere arbejdet som dirigent og producent med bulgarsk folkemusik som speciale.

Udvalgte værker

 Symfoni nr. 1 "Sinfonia Piccola" (1971) - for blæserkvintet
 Symfoni nr. 2 "Requiem" - (1972) - for kor og orkester
 Symfoni nr. 3 (1976) - for orkester
 Symfoni nr. 4 (1978) - for orkester
 Symfoni nr. 5 "Symfoni Monument" (1982) - for orkester
 Symfoni nr. 6 "Symfoni for freden" - for solist kor og orkester (1985)

Kilde
 Om Stefan Dragostinov på www.ubc-bg.com
 Om Stefan Dragostionov på www.musciweb-international.com

Komponister fra Bulgarien
Pianister fra Bulgarien
Dirigenter fra Bulgarien
Personer fra Sofia

Stefan Dragostinov


Xcumpich es una localidad, subcomisaría del municipio de Mérida, en el estado de Yucatán localizado en el sureste de México.

Toponimia
El nombre (Xcumpich) significa en idioma maya tordo de la hondonada pues k'óom significa hondonada y pich''' significa tordo (Dives dives'').

Localización
Xcumpich se encuentra localizada a 10.5 kilómetros del centro de la ciudad de Mérida. En la actualidad está propiamente dentro de los límites urbanos de la ciudad.  El viejo casco de la hacienda henequenera, colindante con las antiguas instalaciones de Cordemex, hoy constituye una mansión privada habitada por sus propietarios. Cerca de ahí se encontraba una finca denominada Tzabcán.

Importancia histórica
Tuvo su esplendor durante la época del auge henequenero y emitió fichas de hacienda las cuales por su diseño son de interés para los numismáticos. Dichas fichas acreditan la hacienda como propiedad de Audomaro Molina Solís.

Demografía
Según el censo de 1980 realizado por el INEGI, la población de la localidad era de 351 habitantes, de los cuales 181 eran hombres y 170 eran mujeres. Actualmente la localidad está conurbada a Mérida- En 2010 la población de esta localidad ha llegado a 359 mujeres y 323 hombres; de los cuales el 47% son niños y jóvenes y el 8% son adultos mayores.

Galería

Referencias

Enlaces externos

Comisarías y subcomisarías de Mérida

Localidades del municipio de Mérida (Yucatán)
Toponimia maya
Haciendas de Yucatán
Haciendas de México que emitieron fichas de pago

Xcumpich


Joachim Wundrak (* 28. Mai 1955 in Kerpen) ist ein Generalleutnant a. D. der Luftwaffe der Bundeswehr und deutscher Politiker (AfD). Seit 2021 ist er Mitglied des Deutschen Bundestages.

Militärische Laufbahn

Ausbildung und erste Verwendungen
Wundrak trat am 1. Oktober 1974 in die Bundeswehr ein und absolvierte die Grundausbildung im Luftwaffenausbildungsregiment 2 in Budel in den Niederlanden. Die weitere Offiziersausbildung durchlief er an der Offizierschule der Luftwaffe in Neubiberg. Ab 1976 studierte Wundrak Elektrotechnik an der Universität der Bundeswehr München. Er schloss das Studium 1980 als Diplom-Ingenieur ab.

Von 1980 bis 1982 wurde Wundrak bei der Verkehrsfliegerschule der Lufthansa in Bremen zum Transportflugzeugführer ausgebildet und anschließend zum Lufttransportgeschwader 62 in Wunstorf versetzt. Wundrak flog dort Dornier Do 28 und Transall C-160. 1986 wurde er als Hörsaalleiter zur Offizierschule der Luftwaffe versetzt, bevor er ab 1987 wiederum in einer fliegerischen Verwendung, diesmal als Kommandant auf der Transall, beim Lufttransportgeschwader 62 eingesetzt wurde. Von 1988 bis 1990 nahm Wundrak am 33. Generalstabslehrgang an der Führungsakademie der Bundeswehr in Hamburg teil.

Dienst als Stabsoffizier
Im Anschluss an den Generalstabslehrgang war Wundrak bis 1992 Dezernatsleiter A3a im Lufttransportkommando in Münster. Einer Verwendung als Staffelkapitän der 1. Staffel des Lufttransportgeschwaders 63 in Hohn bei Rendsburg folgte ein Einsatz als Referent für den Lufttransport im Führungsstab der Luftwaffe von 1994 bis 1995 und danach eine Verwendung als Adjutant des Inspekteurs der Luftwaffe bis 1998.

1998 kehrte Wundrak nach Wunstorf zurück und führte als Kommodore bis 2000 das Lufttransportgeschwader 62 in Wunstorf. Anfang 2000 leitete er auch das deutsche Kontingent der "Operation Atlas Response/Silent Promise" in Maputo (Mosambik) während einer Flutkatastrophe. Danach ging er von 2000 bis 2002 als Verbindungsoffizier zum Permanent Joint Headquarters (Northwood Headquarters) der britischen Streitkräfte. Von 2002 bis 2004 war er Referatsleiter im Führungsstab der Luftwaffe. In den Jahren 2004 bis 2006 war er Stabsabteilungsleiter V im Führungsstab der Streitkräfte.

Dienst als General
Ab 2006 war Wundrak der Deputy Director European Air Group in High Wycombe in Großbritannien und vom 1. April 2008 bis 30. Juni 2009 im Führungsstab der Luftwaffe eingesetzt. Vom 1. Juli 2009 bis 31. März 2012 war Wundrak dann Stellvertreter des Befehlshabers im Luftwaffenführungskommando. Am 1. April 2012 wurde Wundrak Nachfolger von Dieter Naskrent als Kommandeur des Kommandos Operative Führung Luftstreitkräfte in Kalkar sowie in Personalunion des Combined Air Operations Center in Uedem. Mit Ablauf des 30. Juni 2013 wurde das Kommando offiziell aufgelöst und das Zentrum Luftoperationen aufgestellt, dessen erster Kommandeur Wundrak wurde. Diesen Dienstposten übergab er zum 24. September 2018 an Generalleutnant Klaus Habersetzer und trat nach 44 Dienstjahren mit Ablauf des Monats in den Ruhestand.

Auslandseinsätze
 8. August 2008 bis 31. März 2009 EUFOR, Chef des Stabes, Sarajevo, Bosnien-Herzegowina
 21. Februar 2011 bis zum 7. Dezember 2011 ISAF Deputy Chief of Staff Air ISAF Joint Command, Kabul, Afghanistan

Politiker
Joachim Wundrak ist der bislang ranghöchste ehemalige Bundeswehrsoldat, der sich in der AfD engagiert. Wundrak, der nach eigenen Angaben früher die SPD gewählt habe und Helmut Schmidt schätzte, trat 2008 in die CDU ein. Er verließ die Partei bereits 2014, nach eigener Darstellung wegen der Flüchtlingspolitik der Bundesregierung. Dabei hätten ihn seine dienstlichen Kontakte zur Bundespolizei frühzeitig in seiner Einschätzung der Lage beeinflusst. Im Januar 2018 trat er in die AfD ein. Die Parteimitgliedschaft wurde erst nach seinem Ausscheiden aus den Streitkräften bekannt, als ihn die AfD Hannover im Juli 2019 als ihren Kandidaten für die Oberbürgermeisterwahl aufgestellte.

Wundrak warf Bundeskanzlerin Angela Merkel vor, ihre Politik sei "antideutsch", womit er sich nicht allein auf die Einwanderungs- und Flüchtlingspolitik der Bundesregierung bezieht. EU-Strukturen bezeichnet er als undemokratisch, das Europaparlament sei ein "Pseudoparlament", die Europäische Union dränge die Nationalstaaten in den Hintergrund. Wundrak ist allerdings nach eigener Aussage "nicht grundsätzlich gegen die EU". Deutschland betrachtet er als nur eingeschränkt souverän, wofür er sich auf ein breites Meinungsspektrum von den sogenannten Reichsbürgern bis hin zu Bundestagspräsident Wolfgang Schäuble beruft, die er in einem Referat vor der Hannoveraner AfD vor seiner Nominierung diesbezüglich beispielhaft nannte. Für besonders gefährlich hält Wundrak die Europäische Zentralbank und den Europäischen Gerichtshof. Deutschland werde durch sie zu einer bloßen Gebietskörperschaft degradiert und habe seine Souveränität bereits "weitgehend aufgegeben". Rechtsextreme Tendenzen in seiner Partei hält er für nicht real. Er lehnt eine angebliche "Klimahysterie" ab.

Bei der Wahl zum Oberbürgermeister von Hannover am 27. Oktober 2019 erreichte Wundrak 4,6 % der Stimmen und wurde damit hinter Belit Onay (Grüne) und Eckhard Scholz (parteilos, Kandidat der CDU; je 32,2 %) sowie Marc Hansmann (SPD; 23,5 %) Vierter.

Der AfD-Landesverband Niedersachsen wählte Wundrak im Dezember 2020 zum niedersächsischen Spitzenkandidaten für die Bundestagswahl 2021. Hier trat er gemeinsam mit Joana Cotar zur AfD-internen Wahl zum Spitzenduo der Bundestagswahl an, gewählt wurde jedoch am 25. Mai 2021 das konkurrierende Team aus Alice Weidel und Tino Chrupalla. Bei der Bundestagswahl im September 2021 zog Wundrak für die AfD Niedersachsen in den Deutschen Bundestag ein.

Nach der Nominierung durch die AfD für das Parlamentarische Kontrollgremium wurde Wundrak 2022 mit großer Mehrheit abgelehnt.

Politische Positionen
In Bezug auf den Russisch-Ukrainischen Krieg vertritt Wundrak eine Position, die deutlich von der Mehrheitsmeinung in der AfD abweicht, denn er befürwortet die Sanktionen gegen Russland. So äußerte er Anfang März 2022ː

"In einem Krieg, an dem eine Nuklearmacht wie Russland beteiligt sei, "gibt es keine einfache Lösung", sagt der AfD-Bundestagsabgeordnete Joachim Wundrak. Der ehemalige Bundeswehr-General befürwortet die gegen Russland verhängten Sanktionen. Er erklärt: vor dem Angriff am Donnerstag sei seine Partei gegen Sanktionen gewesen. Damals habe man alles tun wollen, um zu deeskalieren. Jetzt seien Sanktionen jedoch "der einzige Hebel, wobei noch nicht klar ist, wie die wirken". Die Bundesregierung müsse in jedem Fall darauf achten, dass sich Deutschland damit nicht selbst zu sehr schade.

Während der 20. Legislaturperiode stimmte er mehrfach als einziger Abgeordneter der AfD-Bundestagsfraktion für Bundeswehreinsätze.

Ehrungen
Am 1. März 2018 wurde Wundrak das Verdienstkreuz 1. Klasse des Verdienstordens der Bundesrepublik Deutschland verliehen.

Am 25. September 2018 wurde Wundrak auf dem historischen Marktplatz der Stadt Kalkar mit einem Großen Zapfenstreich als Kommandeur des Luftwaffenstandortes verabschiedet.

Privates
Wundrak ist verheiratet und hat einen Sohn und eine Tochter.

Literatur
 Manfred Sadlowski (Hrsg.): Handbuch der Bundeswehr und der Verteidigungsindustrie 2011/2012 Bernard & Graefe, 18. Auflage, Bonn 2011, ISBN 3-7637-6289-2.

Weblinks

Einzelnachweise

Bundestagsabgeordneter (Niedersachsen)
Generalleutnant (Luftwaffe der Bundeswehr)
Absolvent der Führungsakademie der Bundeswehr
Absolvent der Universität der Bundeswehr München
Militärperson (NATO)
Militärpilot (Luftwaffe der Bundeswehr)
Träger des Bundesverdienstkreuzes 1. Klasse
AfD-Mitglied
Deutscher
Geboren 1955
Mann

Joachim Wundrak