A caudillo ( , ; , from Latin , diminutive of caput "head") is a type of personalist leader wielding military and political power. There is no precise English translation of caudillo, though it is often used interchangeably with "warlord" and "strongman". The term is historically associated with Spain, and with Hispanic America after virtually all of the region won independence in the early nineteenth century.

The roots of caudillismo may be tied to the framework of rule in medieval and early modern Spain during the Reconquista from the Moors. Spanish conquistadors such as Hernán Cortés and Francisco Pizarro exhibit characteristics of the caudillo, being successful military leaders, having mutual reliance of the leader and their supporters, and rewarding them for their loyalty. During the colonial era, the Spanish crown asserted its power and established a plethora of bureaucratic institutions that prevented personalist rule. Historian John Lynch argues that the rise of caudillos in Spanish America is rooted not in the distant Spanish past but in the immediate context of the Spanish American wars of independence. Those wars overthrew colonial rule and left a power vacuum in the early nineteenth century. Caudillos were very influential in the history of Spanish America and have a legacy that has influenced political movements in the modern era. The term is often used pejoratively by critics of a regime. However, Spain's General Francisco Franco (1936–1975) proudly took the title as his own during and after his military overthrow of the Second Spanish Republic in the Spanish Civil War (1936–39). Spanish censors during his rule attacked publishers who applied the term to Hispanic American strongmen. Caudillos''' exercise of power is a form considered authoritarian. Most societies have had personalist leaders at times, but Hispanic America has had many more, the majority of whom were not self-described caudillos. However, scholars have applied the term to a variety of Hispanic-American leaders.

Spanish American Caudillos

Since Spanish American independence in the early nineteenth century, the region has been noted for its number of caudillos and the duration of their rule. The early nineteenth century is sometimes called "The Age of Caudillos", with Juan Manuel de Rosas, dictator of Argentina, and his contemporary in Mexico, Antonio López de Santa Anna, dominating national politics. Brazil's transition to independence was the establishment of the Brazilian Empire, which kept intact Brazil's geographical integrity and central authority. Weak nation-states in Spanish America fostered the continuation of caudillismo from the late nineteenth century into the twentieth century. The formation of Mexico's Institutional Revolutionary Party in 1929 effectively ended caudillismo. Men characterized as caudillos have ruled in Cuba (Gerardo Machado, Fulgencio Batista, Fidel Castro), Panama (Omar Torrijos, Manuel Noriega), the Dominican Republic (Desiderio Arias, Cipriano Bencosme), Paraguay (Alfredo Stroessner), Argentina (Juan Perón and other military strongmen), and Chile (Augusto Pinochet). Caudillos have been the subject of literature in Spanish America.

Hispanic America is not unique in having strong leaders emerge during times of turmoil. The cause of their emergence in Spanish America is generally seen to be in the destruction of the Spanish colonial state structure after the wars of independence, and in the importance of leaders from the independence struggles for providing government in the post-independence period, when nation-states came into being. Historian John Lynch states that "Before 1810 the caudillo was unknown. … The caudillo entered history as a local hero whom larger events promoted to a military chieftain." He gained in power by his success as a military leader. In a rural area that lacked any institutions of the state, and where the environment was one of violence and anarchy, a caudillo could impose order, often by using violence himself to achieve it. His local control as a strongman needed to be maintained by assuring the loyalty of his followers, so his bestowing of material rewards reinforced his own position. Caudillos could also maintain their position by protecting the interests of regional elites. A local strongman who built a regional base could aspire to become a national caudillo, taking control of the state. In this situation, caudillos could bestow patronage on a large retinue of clients, who in turn gave him their loyalty. In general, caudillos power benefited elites. But these strongmen were also mediators between elites and the popular classes, recruiting them into the power base, but also restraining them from achieving power themselves.

There were a few strongmen, whom historian E. Bradford Burns has named "folk caudillos", who either rose from a humble background to protect the interests of indigenous groups or other rural marginalized groups, or strongly identified with those groups. In his analysis, these folk caudillos were in contrast to Europeanized elites who viewed the lower orders with contempt. He gives examples of Juan Facundo Quiroga, Martín Güemes, and other Argentine caudillos, most importantly Juan Manuel de Rosas, who were popular and populist caudillos. Burns attributes the urban elites' bafflement and their contempt for followers of these folk caudillos for much of the negative role assigned to caudillos.

National caudillos often sought to legitimize their rule by holding titles of authority, such as "President of the Republic". If the constitution put formal limits on presidential power and term limits, caudillos could bend or break the rules to maintain power, a practice dubbed "continuismo".

Ideologically, caudillos could be either liberal or conservative. Liberalism had an advantage in the post-independence period, drawing on ideas of the liberators, and created the institutional frameworks of the new nation-states via written constitutions. Free trade as an economic policy created market-oriented economies. The model that these nation-states often adopted was federalism, keeping power in the component regions. Federalism, however, tended toward centrifugalism and fragmentation and were characterized by weak central governments. Conservative caudillos also emerged around 1830. New nation-states often rejected the institutions of the colonial era as legacies to be rejected, but the Roman Catholic Church and traditional values remained strong in many regions, supported by elites seeking to maintain their power in the new order. Conservative caudillos, supported by the Church and elites, moved to the creation of strong, central governments. In Argentina, Juan Manuel de Rosas and in Mexico, Antonio López de Santa Anna were exemplars of conservative authoritarian rule.

Independence era
The Spanish American wars of independence of the early nineteenth century disrupted Spain and the Spanish Empire, when in 1808 Napoleon Bonaparte invaded the Iberian Peninsula, overturned the Spanish Bourbon monarchy, and placed his brother Joseph on the Spanish throne. Bonaparte is an example of a successful general who rose to national power during the massive disruption of the French Revolution and was crowned emperor in 1804. For Spain and Spain's empire, their loss of legitimate monarch to a usurper unleashed forces that might well have remained latent. In Spanish America, the eighteenth-century Bourbon Reforms had systematically excluded American-born Spanish men or criollos from positions of political power, with the crown privileging Iberian-born officials and imposing economic policies that had deleterious effects in part of the empire. Previously, Spanish America had developed a level of local rule within the empire, with local elites being able to aspire to official positions and economic relations operated within long-established patterns. The Napoleonic invasion of Spain sparked Spanish-American movements for autonomy and various regions set up juntas that operated in the name of the displaced Bourbon monarch. With the restoration of Ferdinand VII in 1814 following Napoleon's defeat and his reassertion of absolutist rule, the struggles in many parts of Spanish America became unequivocal wars of independence. Except for Cuba and Puerto Rico, Spanish America had achieved that goal by 1825.

Although there was the hope of some Spanish American leaders of independence that the political contours of regions would reconstitute the former viceroyalties, but with local autonomy. The Roman Catholic Church as an institution remained strong and the militaries won victories against royalist forces. The state as an institution in most areas was weak. Conflicts over the form the new governments should take were rampant, and veterans of the wars of independence saw themselves as the leaders of the nation-states they had helped bring into being.

In the wake of the violence and political disruption, new nations were faced with widespread property destruction, disappearance of trade, and states that lacked political authority. The first few decades after independence saw the rise of strongmen with roots in the military. Spanish America had known no other type of regime than monarchy, and Mexico established one under royalist general-turned insurgent Agustín de Iturbide. Brazil's transition to independence was via the Brazilian Empire, which kept its territory intact, and was ruled by a legitimate monarch. In Spanish America, new sovereign states grappled with the question of balancing a central authority, usually in the hands of the traditional elites, with some kind of representation of the new "citizenry" of the republics. Constitutions were written laying out division of powers, but the rule of personalist strongmen, caudillos, dominated. Dictatorial powers were granted to some caudillos, nominally ruling as presidents under a constitution, as "constitutional dictators".

Major leaders of the independence era

Early nineteenth-century Caudillos
There were a number of strongmen who went beyond raw struggles for power and its spoils and established "integrative dictatorships". These regimes attempted to curtail centrifugal forces, often termed "federalism", whereby regions or states of a nation-state had more autonomy, and instead to establish the hegemony of the central government. According to political scientist Peter H. Smith, these include Juan Manuel de Rosas in Argentina; Diego Portales of Chile, whose system lasted nearly a century; and Porfirio Díaz of Mexico. Rosas and Díaz were military men, who continued to rely on armed forces to maintain themselves in power.

 Mexico, Central America, and the Caribbean

This region was vulnerable to stronger powers, particularly the United States as well as the United Kingdom. Cuba remained in the hands of the Spanish crown until 1898, and it could be a launching area for attempts to reconquer its former colonies. The United States seized a huge area of territory Mexico claimed. Britain attempted to set up a protectorate on the Mosquito Coast of Central America. The two strong men of this early century were Antonio López de Santa Anna in Mexico and Rafael Carrera in Guatemala.

Liberal Francisco Morazán is considered one of the most important figures in Central American independence and unity, alongside conservative José Cecilio del Valle. Morazán was recognised as a visionary and great thinker, as he enacted many liberal reforms in the Federal Republic of Central America, including freedom of the press, freedom of speech and freedom of religion, also limited church power by making marriage secular and abolishing government-aided tithing. Valle was a philosopher, politician, lawyer, and journalist who displayed a wide-ranging expertise in public administration management, and is recognised as a founding father of Central America.

Mexico began its revolt against Spain in 1810, gaining independence in 1821. Political divisions in the post-independence period were labeled Federalist, seeking a weak central government and often associated with liberalism, and Centralist, who sought a strong central state and defense of traditional institutional structures, particularly the Mexican Army and the Roman Catholic Church. Many regional strongmen were in the Federalist-Liberal camp, which supported local control and the continuation of their power. The quintessential Mexican caudillo, who gained national power for decades, was Santa Anna, who was initially a Liberal but became a Conservative and sought strengthening of the central government. Following the Mexican–American War, regional caudillos such as Juan Álvarez of the state of Guerrero and Santiago Vidaurri of Nuevo León-Coahuila ousted Santa Anna in the Revolution of Ayutla, bringing Liberals to power. General Juan Álvarez follows the pattern of the "folk caudillo, whom historian François Chevalier calls a "good cacique, [who] protected the mainly indigenous and mestizo peasants of Guerrero, who in turn gave him their loyalty. Álvarez briefly served as President of Mexico, returning to his home state, leaving ideological liberals to institute the era of La Reforma. During the era of the Mexican Reform and the French intervention in Mexico, there were a number of generals who had regional personal followings. Important figures whose local power had consequences nationally included Mariano Escobedo in San Luis Potosí; Ramón Corona in Jalisco and Durango, Porfirio Díaz in parts of Veracruz, Puebla, and Oaxaca. There were other caudillos whose power was more local but still important, including Gerónimo Treviño and Francisco Narajo in Nuevo León, Servando Canales and Juan Cortina in Tamaulipas, Florencio Antillón in Guanajuato, Ignacio Pesqueira in Sonora, Luis Terrazas in Chihuahua, and Manuel Lozada in Tepic. Following the defeat of the French in 1867, the government of Benito Juárez and his successor following his death, Sebastián Lerdo de Tejada faced opponents who objected to their increasingly Centralist administrations. Those opponents gravitated to supporting Porfirio Díaz, a military hero of the French intervention, who challenged Juárez and Lerdo by attempting rebellions, the second of which, the Plan of Tuxtepec, was successful in 1876. Juárez and Lerdo removed some caudillos from office, but this prompted them to rebel. These included Trinidad García de la Cadena in Zacatecas, Luis Mier y Terán in Veracruz, Juan Haro in Tampico, Juan N. Méndez in Puebla, Vicente Jiménez in Guerrero, and Juan Cortina in Matamoros. Their opposition to Lerdo brought them together. "That they slowly gathered around Porfirio Díaz is the story of the rise of Porfirian Mexico."

 Bolivarian republics: Bolivia, Colombia, Ecuador, Peru, and Venezuela
Simón Bolívar, the foremost leader of independence in Spanish America, attempted to recreate the Viceroyalty of New Granada in the nation of Gran Colombia. As with other areas of Spanish America, centrifugal forces were at work so that despite the leadership of Bolívar, the country fragmented into separate nation-states. Bolivar saw the need for political stability, which could be put into effect with a president-for-life and the power to name his successor. In 1828 his supporters called on him to assume dictatorial powers and "save the republic". However, the political turmoil continued and Bolívar stepped down in 1830, going into self-imposed exile and dying shortly thereafter. "He is revered as the one person who made the greatest contribution to Spanish American independence" and admired by both the political Left, for opposing slavery and distrust of the U.S., and the Right, which admires his authoritarianism.

Veterans of the wars of independence assumed the leadership of the newly created nation-states, each with a new constitution. Despite constitutions and ideological labels of Liberal and Conservative, personalist and opportunistic leaders dominated the early nineteenth century. As with Mexico and Central America, the political turmoil and penury of the governments of the Bolivarian republics prevented foreign investors from risking their capital there.

One caudillo who was remarkably progressive for his time was Bolivia's Manuel Isidoro Belzu. He served as Bolivia's fourteenth president from 1848 until 1855. The former president, Jose Miguel de Velasco, executed a coup for the presidency in 1848, promising the position of Minister of War to Belzu. Belzu, however, seized power for himself once the coup was completed, and cemented his position as president by quashing a counter-coup by Velasco. During his presidency, Belzu instituted several reforms to the country's economy in an effort to redistribute wealth more equitably. He rewarded the work of the poor and dispossessed. Like Paraguay's Jose Gaspar Rodriguez de Francia, Belzu chose to enact the aforementioned welfare programs because the idea of communalism was more in tune with the traditional values of native populations than the emphasis on private property that other caudillos embraced. Belzu was also known for his nationalization of the country's profitable mining industry – he enacted protectionist policies to reserve Bolivian resources for Bolivian use. Thus, provoking the ire of influential British as well as Peruvian and Chilean shipping and mining interests. Many of Belzu's policies won him favor among the long-downtrodden indigenous peoples of Bolivia, but this came at the cost of enraging wealthy Creole Bolivians as well as foreign countries like Britain that sought to use resources from Bolivian mines. Belzu even took steps to legitimize his leadership, and was at one point democratically elected. Despite his popularity in many sectors, Belzu had many powerful enemies, which was shown by him surviving 40 assassination attempts. His enemies wanted to destroy the state-run projects that helped nationalist program but likewise improved the public sphere on which the country's poor were reliant. However, the despotism that is so rife among the caudillos also found a home with Belzu – from the early 1850s until his abdication of power in 1855, he is said to have ruled despotically, making himself very wealthy in the process. Belzu considered to come back to presidency in 1861, however, he was gunned down by one of his rivals by the time he tried to run for presidency again. He was unable to leave a legacy and his populist programs died with him. After Bolivia's independence, Bolivia lost half of its territory to neighboring countries including Argentina, Chile, Peru, and Brazil through the war and agreements reached under the threat of invasion.

Southern Cone: Argentina, Chile, Paraguay, and Uruguay
In contrast to most of Spanish America, post-independence Chile experienced political stability under the authoritarian rule of Conservatives, backed by the landowning class. Although he never sought the presidency, cabinet minister Diego Portales (1793–1837) is credited with creating a strong, centralized regime that lasted 30 years. In general, Chile prospered with an export-oriented economy based on agriculture and mining, an exception to most of the Spanish-American regimes.

In the former viceroyalty of Río de la Plata, political instability and violence were more typical of the era. In Argentina, Juan Manuel de Rosas (r. 1829–1852) dominated the Argentine confederation. He came from a wealthy landowning family, but also acquired large tracts of land in Buenos Aires province. Rosas despised "the principles of political democracy and liberty [and] provided order in a region that had known near-anarchy since independence." This order came at the cost of severe repression of his enemies, using a variety of armed followers, most well-known being the Mazorca. He had a popular following among the lower classes in Buenos Aires province.

During his two-decade reign, Rosas was able to rise to power and create an empire. He became the model for what a caudillo was supposed to be. He used his military experience to gain support from gauchos and estancias to create an army that would challenge the leadership of Argentina. After his rise to power using the rural workers, he changed his system in favor of using the military. He attempted to impose a ban on imported goods to help and win the support of the artisans in Argentina, but he failed. He was forced to lift the ban on certain imports, like textiles, which opened a trade with Great Britain. Through his power over the imports and exports, the military, the police, and even the legislative branch of government, Rosas created a monopoly that would ensure his remaining in power for over two decades; however, there didn't ensure a peaceful twenty years. By the 1850s, Rosas was under attack by the very people who had helped him gain power. He was driven out of power and eventually ended up in Great Britain where he died in 1877.

Uruguay attained independence of Brazil and Argentina and was ruled by Fructuoso Rivera. In Paraguay, José Gaspar Rodríguez de Francia (r. 1814–1840) was Supreme Dictator of the Republic, maintaining the landlocked country's independence from Argentina and from foreign powers. Sealed off from outside trade, Paraguay developed economic self-sufficiency under Francia. He based society on communal properties, rather than centralized authoritarianism, attempting to revert to the methods of the communal Indian society that existed previously in Paraguay. After independence the state gained control of the land which was once under control of the Church and the Spanish state. Francia created state ranches and rented out land for the use of citizens who were able to pay a fee. Francia's repressive measures included crushing the power of the elite American-born Spaniards and curbing the power of the Roman Catholic Church. Francia allowed for religious freedom and abolished the tithe. He actively encouraged miscegenation. He has been a controversial figure in Hispanic American history, in an effort to aid the poor. Many modern historians credit him with bringing stability to Paraguay, preserving independence, and "bequeathing to his successors an egalitarian, homogeneous nation." However, because of his crackdown on the wealthy elite and the subsequent weakening of their power, he was accused of anti-clericalism. Nevertheless, Paraguay prospered under Francia in terms of economics and trade through a trade route with Buenos Aires, which was opposed by the wealthy Argentinian elites. "Sometimes counted among the dictators of the era, contemporary history has viewed Francia as an honest, populist leader who promoted sovereign economic prosperity in a war-torn Paraguay."

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Caudillos in the late nineteenth and twentieth centuries
In the late nineteenth century, regimes in Spanish America were more stable and often less dominated by military men. Foreign investors, particularly the British, began building infrastructure in countries of greatest interest to the UK's economic needs. Such projects included railways, telegraph lines, and port facilities, which cut transportation time and costs and sped up communications. Stable political regimes that could ensure the security of foreign investments, facilitate extraction of resources, and production of agricultural crops and animals were the necessary structures. Industrialization also took hold in a few countries (Mexico, Argentina, Colombia) to produce consumer goods locally. In general, foreign governments and entrepreneurs had no interest in directly administering countries of Hispanic America in a formal colonial arrangement so long as their interests could be nurtured by modernizing national governments, often seen as neocolonialism. There are a number of examples of continuismo in Hispanic America whereby presidents continue in office beyond the legal term limits, with constitutional revision, plebiscites, and the creation of family dynasties, such as the Somoza family in Nicaragua.

Mexico

A major example of a modernizing caudillo of the late nineteenth century is General Porfirio Díaz (r. 1876–1911), whose period of control is known as the Porfiriato. His slogan was "order and progress," which was enforced by armed men controlled by the president, the Rurales. Díaz was averse to being dependent on the Mexican army, since as a general and leader of a coup d'état himself, he knew their potential for intervening in national politics. Díaz coopted or crushed regional opposition to his regime, creating a political machine to forward his vision of modern Mexico. Desirous of economic development that necessitated foreign investment, Díaz sought capital and expertise from European powers (Britain, France, and Germany) to offset the closer power of the United States. Although elections were held in Mexico at regular intervals, they were by nature not democratic. The huge rural, illiterate, and mostly indigenous populations were more to be feared by the government than as a source for regime support. When Díaz failed to find a political solution to his succession, the Mexican Revolution erupted after the fraudulent 1910 general election.

Diaz came to power by a coup under the Plan of Tuxtepec and became president of Mexico 1876–1880, succeeded by his military and political compadre Manuel González (1880–1884) and returned to the presidency until he was overthrown in 1911 in the Mexican Revolution.

During that decade-long civil war, a number of regional caudillos arose. Pascual Orozco helped oust Díaz at the early stage of the Revolution, but then turned against Francisco I. Madero, who had been elected to the presidency in 1911. Pancho Villa also helped oust Díaz, supported Madero, and following his murder in 1913, became a general in the Constitutionalist Army commanded by civilian Venustiano Carranza. Emiliano Zapata, peasant leader from the state of Morelos, opposed to Díaz and every subsequent Mexican government until his murder in 1919 by agents of Carranza. Álvaro Obregón emerged as another brilliant general from northern Mexico, defeating Villa's Division of the North in 1915 after Villa had broken with Carranza. Obregón and fellow Sonoran generals Plutarco Elías Calles and Adolfo de la Huerta overthrew Carranza in 1920 under the Plan of Agua Prieta, with the presidency in the 1920s going in turn from de la Huerta, to Obregón, to Calles, and back to Obregón. During Calles's presidency (1924–28), he stringently enforced the anticlerical laws of the Mexican Constitution of 1917, leading to the Cristero War, a failed major uprising under the leadership of some regional caudillos, including Saturnino Cedillo of San Luis Potosí. Obregón was elected again in 1928, but was assassinated before he could again resume the presidency. In 1929, Plutarco Elías Calles founded a political party, then known as the Partido Nacional Revolucionario (PNR), and became the "Jefe Máximo" (maximum chief), being the power behind the presidency in a period known as the Maximato (1928–1934); PNR's iteration as the Institutional Revolutionary Party dominated Mexican politics until 2000 and functioned as a brake on the personalist power of regional caudillos in Mexico.Julia C. Girouard, "Caudillismo" in Encyclopedia of Mexico, vol. 1, p. 229. Chicago: Fitzroy Dearborn 1997.

Central America
With the improvement of transportation, tropical products such as coffee and bananas could be transported to a growing consumer market in the United States. In Guatemala Justo Rufino Barrios ruled as a Liberal autocrat and expanded coffee cultivation. In El Salvador, Santiago González took power in 1871 and established Liberal dominance until 1944. In Nicaragua José Santos Zelaya ousted Conservatives in 1893 and embarked on agricultural exports and infrastructure projects. He later became hostile to the United States, which helped oust him in 1909. With the incorporation of the United Fruit Company in the U.S. in 1899, the company's presence in Hispanic America expanded especially in Costa Rica, Guatemala, Colombia, and Cuba.

In twentieth-century Nicaragua, the capitalist strongman Anastasio Somoza García held the presidential office and then was succeeded by his son Anastasio Somoza Debayle, establishing a political dynasty. A notoriously brutal dictatorship, it was supported by the United States as a means to maintain political stability in the region and shore up U.S. business interests. The Somoza dynasty was overthrown in the Sandinista Revolution in 1979.

Caribbean
Cuba was a colony of Spain until the Spanish–American War (1898), so that caudillos arose to power only in the twentieth century. Gerardo Machado and Fulgencio Batista had their roots in the Cuban military. Machado ran for re-election in 1928 despite a promise to only serve one term as president, and became increasingly repressive against his critics, many who were killed by the police. Machado was overthrown in 1933 by the Sergeants' Revolt that saw Batista rise to prominence. Batista appointed himself head of the armed forces, ruled through puppet presidents and was elected president in 1940 on a left-wing platform. After failing to be re-elected in 1952, Batista launched a coup, installing a right-wing dictatorship where American business interests, landowners, and the Cuban elite were favored. Under Batista, hundreds to 4,000 Cubans were killed by the army, police, Rural Guard and anti-communist secret police, with many more fleeing into exile.Guerra, Lillian (2012). Visions of Power in Cuba: Revolution, Redemption, and Resistance, 1959–1971. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press. p. 42 "The likely total was probably closer to three to four thousand." Batista's right-wing dictatorship was overthrown in 1959 by Fidel Castro, Raúl Castro, Che Guevara, Camilo Cienfuegos, and their left-wing nationalist 26th of July Movement. After worsening relations with the US culminated in the Bay of Pigs Invasion in 1961, Fidel declared himself a communist and established an authoritarian Marxist-Leninist state. Fidel's brother Raúl succeeded as leader in 2011 when Fidel was too ill to remain in power. This kind of dynastic succession is an example of continuismo.

In the Dominican Republic, Rafael Trujillo came to power in 1930, ruling for over 31 years as an unchallenged military strongman, either by himself or through puppet presidents. Trujillo established a personality cult, extended his policy of state terrorism into neighboring countries, the US and Central America, and ordered the Parsley massacre where tens of thousands of Haitians were killed by Dominican troops.

Bolivarian republics

Southern Cone
Argentina has experienced a long history of caudillismo. In the twentieth century, Juan Perón and his dynamic and charismatic wife, Evita Perón, held power. One historian has speculated whether Evita Perón can be considered a caudilla. With Eva's death in 1952 from cancer, Perón fell from power and went into exile. He returned to power with his third wife Isabel Perón, whom he made vice president. With his death, she succeeded to power but was later overthrown by the Argentine military.

Today, the term caudillo is still used in Argentina as a negative term to describe very powerful provincial governors, who might perpetuate themselves in power for decades and engage in corruption, particularly misappropriation of public funds. They also tend to practice nepotism. Some of the most powerful governors who have been called caudillos are Gildo Insfran, governor of Formosa from 1995 to the present, and Carlos Juárez in Santiago del Estero.

In the late nineteenth and twentieth centuries, Chile had a significant period of civilian, constitutional rule. With the election of socialist Salvador Allende, the Chilean Army with the support of the U.S. government overthrew him by coup on 11 September 1973 and General Augusto Pinochet assumed power. Pinochet attempted to remain in power via constitutional means and staged a plebiscite in 1988 to get popular support. The plebiscite failed to provide a mandate and Chile entered a period of transition to democracy.

Paraguay was ruled by General Alfredo Stroessner from 1954 to 1989 and was ousted by military coup in 1989.

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Caudillos of former sovereign states
South America

The Republic of Entre Ríos was a short-lived state comprising what are today the Argentine provinces of Entre Ríos and Corrientes. It was founded on 29 September 1820 by General Francisco Ramírez (who styled himself jefe supremo, supreme chief) and lasted only one year. In spite of the "Republic" in its title, Ramirez never really intended to declare an independent Entre Rios. Rather, he was making a political statement in opposition to the monarchist and unitarian ideas that back then permeated Buenos Aires' politics. Ramírez was killed on 10 July 1821 after an unsuccessful attempt at saving his wife from captivity, and on 28 September the republic was dissolved.

The Free Province of Guayaquil was the predecessor state of Ecuador that emerged as a result of the Revolution of October 9, led mainly by José Joaquín de Olmedo. The state lasted until 31 July 1822, when, after the Guayaquil Conference, Simón Bolívar staged a coup d'état, which forcefully annexed the state to Gran Colombia. Its successor was the Guayaquil Department, which later would gain independence as Ecuador on 13 May 1830, under Juan José Flores.

 Central America
The State of Los Altos was a secessionist state founded mostly by Guatemalan liberals, seeking independence from the conservative regime in Guatemala, led by Mariano Rivera Paz, and later Rafael Carrera. The state was supported by the Federal Republic of Central America (later only El Salvador and Honduras), and was even officially made the sixth state within the Federal Republic, until it was invaded and re-incorporated within Guatemala in 1840. The most important figure in Los Altan independence was General Agustín Guzmán, a supporter of Francisco Morazán, who originally attempted to defend Los Altos from the Guatemalan invasion, and later was the main leader of secessionist revolts in the 1840s. Guzmán died of wounds after an unsuccessful occupation of Guatemala City in October 1849.

The Free State of the Isthmus was a short-lived independent state located in present-day Panama. The state was created after a popular meeting on 18 November 1840 with General Tomás de Herrera as president, but the state was only recognised by the United States and Costa Rica and only lasted about 13 months. Herrera originally fought against an independence movement in Panama led by Juan Eligio Alzuru and was appointed Colonel Commandant General of the Isthmus of Panama.

 Caribbean
The Independent Republic of Spanish Haiti was the state that resulted from the defeat of Spanish royalists from Santo Domingo on 9 November 1821, led by General José Núñez de Cáceres. Haitian president Jean-Pierre Boyer had been preparing for a rumored invasion by French and Spanish troops, so when the independence of Spanish Haiti was declared on 1 December Boyer began do send emissaries to the central and northern parts of the republic to promote its annexation, and some cities began to fly the Haitian flag on public buildings and plazas. Originally the government was in favour of joining Gran Colombia, but some officials were persuaded into uniting with Haiti, which idea was more liked by the populous. By 1822 many cities had already agreed to annexation by Haiti, and on 9 February Boyer formally entered the capital city, Santo Domingo, where it's full annexation was recognised and the republic was dissolved.

The Republic of Puerto Rico was the name of the revolting state during the "Grito de Lares". The revolt was originally planned by Ramón Emeterio Betances and Segundo Ruiz Belvis, but Belvis died before the revolt was initiated. The republic was declared on 28 September 1868 in the town of Lares, with Francisco Ramírez Medina as president, but the revolt itself was headed by Manuel Rojas Luzardo. After an unsuccessful attempt at taking San Sebastián del Pepino, the rebels returned to Lares, where they were arrested by Puerto Rican militia. The revolt ended, and the republic was dissolved.

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Caudillos in literature
Fictional Hispanic American caudillos, sometimes based on real historical figures, are important in literature. Colombian Nobel Prize winner Gabriel García Márquez published two works with strongmen as main characters, The Autumn of the Patriarch and The General in his Labyrinth, a controversial novel about Simón Bolívar. In 1946, Nobel Prize laureate Miguel Ángel Asturias published El Señor Presidente, based on the life of Manuel Estrada Cabrera (1898–1920), which was translated to English in 1975. In 1974, Augusto Roa Bastos published I, the Supreme based on the life of Paraguayan caudillo Dr. Francia. In Mexico, two fictional caudillos are depicted by Mariano Azuela's 1916 novel Los de Abajo and Carlos Fuentes's novel The Death of Artemio Cruz. Mexican writer Martín Luis Guzmán published in 1929 his novel La sombra del caudillo, a powerful critic of such strongmen. An outlier in terms of subject matter is Rómulo Gallegos's Doña Bárbara, depicting a woman caudillo.

See also
 List of Caudillos
 Caesarism
 Cult of personality
 Great man theory
 Leaderism
 Conducător
 Caciquismo and Caudillismo

Cited sources

References

Further reading
Definitions, theories, and contexts

Alexander, Robert J. "Caudillos, Coroneis, and Political Bosses in Latin America." In Presidential Power in Latin American Politics, ed. Thomas V. DiBacco. New York: Prager 1977.
Beezley, William H. "Caudillismo: An Interpretative Note." Journal of Inter-American Studies 11 (July 1969): 345–52.
Collier, David, ed. The New Authoritarianism in Latin America. Princeton: Princeton University Press 1979.
 Dealy, Glenn Cudill. The Public Man: An Interpretation of Latin America and other Catholic Countries. Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press 1977.

DiTella, Torcuato S. Latin American Politics: A Theoretical Framework. Austin: University of Texas Press 1989.
Hale, Charles A. "The Reconstruction of Nineteenth-Century Politics in Spanish America: A Case for the History of Ideas." Latin American Research Review 8 (Summer 1973), 53–73.
Hamill, Hugh, ed. Caudillos: Dictators in Spanish America. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press 1992.
Humphreys, R.A. "The Caudillo Tradition." in Tradition and Revolt in Latin America, 216–28. New York: Columbia University Press 1969.
 Johnson, John J. "Foreign Factors in Dictatorship in Latin America". Pacific Historical Review 20 (1951)
Kern, Robert, ed. The Caciques: Oligarchical Politics and the System of Caciquismo in the Luso-Hispanic World. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press 1973.
 Loveman, Brian. The Constitution of Tyranny: Regimes of Exception in Spanish America. Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press 1993.
 Lynch, John, Caudillos in Spanish America, 1800–1850. Oxford: Oxford University Press 1992.
Pleasants, Edwin Hemingway, The Caudillo: a Study in Latin-American Dictatorships. Monmouth, IL: Commercial Art Press 1959.
 Smith, Peter H. "Political Legitimacy in Spanish America" in New Approaches to Latin American History, Richard Graham and Peter Smith, eds. 1974.
Wolf, Eric R. and Edward C. Hanson, "Caudillo Politics: A Structural Analysis." Comparative Studies in Society and History 9 (1966–67): 168–79.

Regions and individuals

 Balfour, Sebastian (1990). Castro.
 Brading, D.A., ed. Caudillo and Peasant in the Mexican Revolution. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press 1980.
 Gilmore, Robert L. Caudillism and Militarism in Venezuela, 1810–1910. 1994.
 Haigh, Roger M. Martin Güemes: Tyrant or Tool? A Study of the Sources of Power of an Argentine Caudillo. 1968.
 Hamill, Hugh M., ed. Caudillos: Dictators in Spanish America. Selections on Hidalgo, Quiroga, Moreno, Díaz, Trujillo, Perón, Castro, Pinochet, and Stroessner. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press 1992.
 Lynch, John. "Bolívar and the Caudillos". Hispanic American Historical Review 63 No. 1 (1983), 3–35.
 Lynch, John. Argentine Dictator: Juan Manuel de Rosas, 1829–1852. 1981.
 Lynch, John. Caudillos in Spanish America, 1800–1850. Chapters on Rosas, Páez, Santa Anna, and Carrera. Oxford: Clarendon Press 1992.
 Page, Joseph A. Perón: A Biography. 1983.
 Park, James William. Rafael Núñez and the Politics of Colombian Regionalism, 1863–1886. (1985)
 Smith, Peter H. Democracy in Latin America: Political Change in Comparative Perspective. New York: Oxford University Press 2005.
 Wiarda, Howard. Dictatorship and Development: The Methods of Control in Trujillo's Dominican Republic. 1968.

 Woodward, Ralph Lee. Rafael Carrera and the Emergence of the Republic of Guatemala, 1821–1871. 1993.

Argentine Civil War
Authoritarianism
Coups d'état
Dictatorship
Francoist Spain
History of North America
History of South America
History of the Americas
Military personnel
Populism
Spanish American wars of independence
Spanish language
Titles of national or ethnic leadership

Caudillo


Les halles de Buchy sont un édifice situé à Buchy, en France.

Localisation
Le monument est situé dans le département français de Seine-Maritime, place de la Mairie.

Historique
La commune a le droit de tenir marché depuis le , droit confirmé au . Les halles actuelles sont édifiées en 1679.

Les halles sont propriété municipale depuis 1830 environ.

L'édifice est classé au titre des monuments historiques depuis le .

Architecture

Notes et références

 Le patrimoine des communes de Seine-Maritime

Annexes

Articles connexes
 Liste des monuments historiques de la Seine-Maritime
 Liste des monuments historiques de l'arrondissement de Rouen

Bibliographie
 .

Liens externes

Les halles sur le site de la commune
La Seine-Maritime confidentielle : les halles de Buchy sur youtube.com

Buchy
Monument historique inscrit en 1934
Monument historique dans la Seine-Maritime

Halles de Buchy


مراد الثالث أو مراد باي الثالث آخر البايات المراديين بتونس، تولى الحكم من عام 1699 م إلى وفاته عام 1702 م.

قضى على إخوته للوصول إلى السلطة. بعد وفاة والده والذي قتله عمه رمضان باي علي باي الثاني، تبناه عمه محمد باي الثاني، ثم تبناه عمه الآخر رمضان باي، الذي شك في أنه يخطط للإطاحة به، فوضعه في السجن ثم أمر بفقأ عينيه.

تمكن مراد الثالث من الفرار واللجوء في منطقة جبل وسلات، حيث تمكن من قيادة مجموعة من المتمردين، الذين قادهم للحصول على القيروان ثم على تونس (مدينة)، ومن ثمّ طرد عمه من قصر باردو.

كان هدفه الوحيد، إثر وصوله للسلطة، هو القضاء على أعدائه. لقبه التونسيون، بسبب القسوة الكبيرة ومبالغته في الانتقام، بلقب مراد بُو بَالَة، وبَالَة هو السيف التركي العريض.

قتل إبراهيم الشريف مراد الثالث عام 1702 م بناءً على أمر من العثمانيين عندما كان متوجها بجيش لمحاربة داي الجزائر في منطقة قربية من ولاية باجة واد الزرقة وتوفي عن عمر يناهز 22 سنة.
و بموت مراد الثالث انتهى عهد الدولة المرادية وقامت بعدها الدولة الحسينية بعد 3 سنوات من حكم إبراهيم الشريف واستمرت إلى سنة 1957 تاريخ أعلان المجلس التأسيسي التونسي وإلغاء الملوكية وقيام النظام الجمهوري.

أشخاص قتلوا في تونس
مراديون
مواليد 1680
وفيات 1114 هـ
وفيات 1702
وفيات في تونس

مراد باي الثالث


Library.nu, ursprünglich gigapedia.com, war eine Website, welche Bücher digital zum Download anbot.

Die Website bot etwa 400.000 vorwiegend dem Bildungsbereich zuzuordnende Bücher an. Die Plattform soll nach Schätzungen des Börsenvereins des Deutschen Buchhandels einen Umsatz von 8 Millionen Euro gehabt haben. Der Betreiber von ifile.it bezeichnete die Schätzungen als lächerlich, die Einnahmen würden kaum die Serverkosten decken.

Anklage wegen Urheberrechtsverletzung

Mit der Website der Plattform soll, laut Anklage, der Filehoster ifile.it verbunden sein. Library.nu stellte im Februar 2012 nach einstweiligen Verfügungen des Landgerichts München I ihren Betrieb ein. Die Verfügung war durch Anstrengungen von insgesamt 17 Verlagen ergangen. Dies waren: Walter de Gruyter GmbH & Co. KG, Informa UK Limited, The McGraw-Hill Companies Inc., John Wiley & Sons Inc., Verlag C. H. Beck, Elsevier, Springer Verlag GmbH, Oxford University Press, Cambridge University Press, Cengage Learning Inc., Pearson Education Inc. und Limited, HarperCollins Publishers, Hogrefe Verlag, The Chancellor, Masters and Scholars of the University of Oxford, Macmillan Publishers Ltd. und der Georg Thieme Verlag.

Weblinks

 "The disappearing virtual library" auf aljazeera (englisch)

Fußnoten

Internetunternehmen
Download-Portal

Library.nu


Baron Ap-Adam was a title in the Peerage of England. It was created by Writ of summons to Parliament of John Ap-Adam in 1297 until his death in 1311, when the title became in abeyance.

Baron Ap-Adam (1297)
John Ap-Adam: He summoned to parliament on 26 January 1297. He was again summoned from 6 February 1299 until 12 December 1309. He died in 1311 and the title became in abeyance amongst his descendants.

References

1297 establishments in England
1299 establishments in England
Abeyant baronies in the Peerage of England
Noble titles created in 1299

Baron Ap-Adam


In multiplayer video games, particularly in MOBAs, first-person shooters, MMORPGs and MUDs, kill stealing is the practice of obtaining credit for killing an enemy when another player has put more effort into the kill. This usually happens when a game only keeps track of which player defeats an enemy, rather than which player dealt the most damage, leading to the so-called last-hitting mechanics. If one player whittles down some enemy's health points, but a different player eventually finishes the enemy off, this second player might obtain all of the loot or experience points from the enemy. Kill stealing is common when the rewards for finishing enemies off are highly desired within the game.

Some players feel that kill stealing is a dishonorable practice. A good faith attempt to secure a kill on an enemy that might otherwise have gotten away can sometimes be perceived as a kill steal if the other player believes the kill was already certain.

Overview

There are two main causes for kill stealing: the desire for the reward and the desire to cause other players grief. Kill stealing is predominantly done to gain the rewards from a kill. Griefers kill steal as only one of their tactics in annoying other players. However, there are side-reasons towards kill stealing, with a few being unintentional, i.e. killing an enemy with low player HP, and then killing another enemy - in a panic - which is being dealt by someone else.

Complaints of kill stealing are sometimes heard in online first-person shooters. In most of these games, the credit for a kill goes to the player who deals the killing shot. Players usually ignore complaints of kill stealing in FPSs because the rewards are less significant and because these games move much faster (i.e., it was probably accidental). Furthermore, in FPS combat, players are usually either allies (in which case the kill's credit going to one player or another has no in-game meaning beyond ego) or in direct enmity with one another (providing both a justification for cutthroat tactics, and a generally immediate means of redress). Kill stealing can sometimes specifically refer to the disruption of a particularly "interesting" kill that would have earned a lot of extra points beyond the kill itself.

By contrast, in most MMORPGs players may be competing for the same in-game resources, but are not generally in direct conflict with one another. (In situations where they are, such as two opposite-faction players in a World of Warcraft player-versus-player server, there is usually little animosity towards kill-stealing, as there is a means of redress and prevention, and it is seen as part of the general struggle between Horde and Alliance)

In team based game modes, many players overreact when they do not understand the objective is for the team to win, rather than individual progression.

Prevention
Many newer MMORPGs implement game designs that distributes the reward more fairly to those who fought a creature. Rewards can be distributed based on how much the player contributed to defeating the creature. A player that does 30% of the damage gains 30% of the money and experience points rewarded for defeating the creature. A game might have a more sophisticated way to measure a player's contribution to the fight as well. A character whose primary task is healing other characters might be judged based on how much he healed combatants during the fight.

In some newer multiplayer first-person shooters such as Battlefield 4 and Battlefield 1, if a player does enough damage to an enemy player, but a teammate gets the final blow, then the player will receive what is known as 'Assist Counts as Kill'. The player then gets awarded the amount of damage they did to the enemy as points, and on their statistics it counts as kill rather than as an assist.

See also
 Camping – another practice that arises when players compete for rewards
 Ninja looting – improperly taking the reward from a defeated creature
 Powerleveling – powerlevelers are frequently blamed for kill stealing
 Gold farming

References

Video game gameplay
Esports terminology
MUD terminology
Video game culture
Violence in video games

Kill stealing


Henry, 3rd Earl of Leicester and Lancaster ( – 22 September 1345) was a grandson of King Henry III of England (1216–1272) and was one of the principals behind the deposition of King Edward II (1307–1327), his first cousin.

Origins
He was the younger son of Edmund Crouchback, 1st Earl of Lancaster, Earl of Leicester, a son of King Henry III by his wife Eleanor of Provence. The Earl Henry's mother was Blanche of Artois, Queen Dowager of Navarre. Through his mother, he was a half-brother of Queen Joan I of Navarre.

Henry's elder brother Thomas, 2nd Earl of Lancaster, succeeded their father in 1296, but Henry was summoned to Parliament on 6 February 1298/99 by writ directed to Henrico de Lancastre nepoti Regis ("Henry of Lancaster, nephew of the king", Edward I), by which he is held to have become Baron Lancaster. He took part in the Siege of Caerlaverock in July 1300.

Petition for succession and inheritance
After a period of long-standing opposition to King Edward II and his advisors, including joining two open rebellions, Henry's brother Thomas was convicted of treason, executed and had his lands and titles forfeited in 1322. Henry did not participate in his brother's rebellions; he later petitioned for his brother's lands and titles, and on 29 March 1324 he was invested as Earl of Leicester.

A few years later, shortly after his accession in 1327, the young Edward III of England returned the earldom of Lancaster to him, along with other lordships such as that of Bowland. He may have inherited the Barony of Halton.

Capture and custody of the King
On the Queen's return to England in September 1326 with Roger Mortimer, 1st Earl of March, Henry joined her party against King Edward II, which led to a general desertion of the King's cause and overturned the power of Hugh le Despenser, 1st Earl of Winchester, and his son Hugh the younger.

Henry was sent in pursuit and captured the King at Neath in South Wales. He was appointed to take charge of the King and was responsible for his custody at Kenilworth Castle.

Full restoration and reward
Henry was appointed head of the regency council for the new king, Edward III, and was also appointed captain-general of all the King's forces in the Scottish Marches. He was appointed Constable of Lancaster Castle and High Sheriff of Lancashire in 1327. He helped the young king put an end to Mortimer's regency and tyranny, having him declared a traitor and executed in 1330.

Later life and death
In about the year 1330, he became blind (Prestwich states Henry was going blind around 1329).

Henry spent the last fifteen years of his life at Leicester Castle. There he founded a hospital for the poor and infirm in an extension of the castle bailey. It became known as the Newarke, and Henry was buried in the hospital chapel when he died in 1345. The King and Queen attended his funeral. He was succeeded as Earl of Lancaster and Leicester by his eldest son, Henry of Grosmont, later first Duke of Lancaster. Henry had his father's remains moved to the collegiate Church of the Annunciation of Our Lady of the Newarke, which he had built when he enhanced his father's foundation.

Nickname
According to Jean Le Bel, he was nicknamed Wryneck, or Tors-col in French, possibly due to a medical condition. Froissart repeated that statement in his Chronicles.

Issue
He married Maud Chaworth, before 2 March 1296/1297.

Henry and Maud had seven children:

 Henry of Grosmont, Duke of Lancaster, (–1361)
 Blanche of Lancaster, Baroness Wake of Liddell, (-) married Thomas Wake, 2nd Baron Wake of Liddell
 Maud of Lancaster, (about 1310–1377); married (1) William de Burgh, 3rd Earl of Ulster (died ) and (2) Ralph de Ufford, Justiciar of Ireland (died 1346), and had descendants by both.
 Joan of Lancaster, (about 1312–1345); married John de Mowbray, 3rd Baron Mowbray and had descendants
 Isabel of Lancaster, Abbess of Amesbury, (about 1317 – after 1347)
 Eleanor of Lancaster, (about 1318–1371/72) married (1) John De Beaumont, 2nd Baron Beaumont and (2) 5 Feb 1344/5, Richard FitzAlan, 3rd Earl of Arundel and had descendants.
 Mary of Lancaster, (about 1320–1362), who married Henry de Percy, 3rd Baron Percy, and was the mother of Henry Percy, 1st Earl of Northumberland and had descendants.

Arms
Prior to his restoration to his earldoms, Henry bore the royal arms of King Henry III, differenced by a bend azure. Upon his restoration, his difference changed, to a label France of three points (that is to say a label of three points azure each charged with three fleur-de-lys or).

Ancestry

In fiction
Henry is a supporting character in Les Rois maudits (The Accursed Kings), a series of French historical novels by Maurice Druon. He was portrayed by  in the 1972 French miniseries adaptation of the series, and by  in the 2005 adaptation.

Notes

References

1280s births
Year of birth uncertain
1345 deaths
13th-century English nobility
14th-century English nobility
3rd Earl of Leicester
High Sheriffs of Lancashire
House of Plantagenet
Lord High Stewards
English blind people
Blind royalty and nobility
British royalty and nobility with disabilities
Barons of Halton
Earls of Lancaster

Henry, 3rd Earl of Lancaster


Die Autobahn Jining–Arun-Banner oder Ji'a-Autobahn (), chin. Abk. G5511, ist eine geplante regionale Autobahn in der Inneren Mongolei im Nordosten Chinas. Die 1.360 km lange Autobahn beginnt im Arun-Banner und führt in südwestlicher Richtung nach Jining, wo sie in die Autobahn G55 mündet.

Einzelnachweise

Autobahn in der Volksrepublik China
Straße in Asien
Straße in der Inneren Mongolei

Autobahn Jining–Arun-Banner


Aubrieta (often misspelled as Aubretia) is a genus of about 20 species of flowering plants in the cabbage family Brassicaceae. The genus is named after Claude Aubriet, a French flower painter. It originates from southern Europe east to central Asia but is now a common garden escape throughout Europe. It is a low, spreading plant, hardy, evergreen and perennial. It has small violet, pink, or white flowers, and it inhabits rocks and banks. It prefers light, well-drained soil, is tolerant of a wide pH range, and can grow in partial shade or full sun.

Species
 Aubrieta anamasica
 Aubrieta alba
 Aubrieta canescens
 Aubrieta canescens subsp. cilicica
 Aubrieta columnae
 Aubrieta columnae subsp. croatica
 Aubrieta columnae subsp. pirinaca
 Aubrieta deltoidea
 Aubrieta erubescens
 Aubrieta edentula
 Aubrieta glabrescens
 Aubrieta gracilis
 Aubrieta x hybrida
 Aubrieta libanotica
 Aubrieta olympica
 Aubrieta parviflora
 Aubrieta pinardii
 Aubrieta scardica
 Aubrieta scyria
 Aubrieta thessala
 Aubrieta vulcanica
+35 synonymous species

Cultivars
The following cultivars, of mixed or uncertain parentage, are recipients of the Royal Horticultural Society's Award of Garden Merit:-
'Argenteovariegata'
'Aureovariegata'
'Doctor Mules'
'Red Cascade'

References

Brassicaceae
Brassicaceae genera
Garden plants of Asia
Garden plants of Europe
Taxa named by Michel Adanson

Aubrieta


Antonio Segni (; 2 February 1891 – 1 December 1972) was an Italian politician and statesman who served as the president of Italy from May 1962 to December 1964, and as the prime minister of Italy in two distinct terms between 1955 and 1960.

A member of the Christian Democracy party, Segni held numerous prominent offices in Italy's post-war period, serving as the country's Minister of Foreign Affairs, Interior, Defence, Agriculture, and Public Education. He was the first Sardinian to become head of state and government. He was also the second shortest-serving president in the history of the Republic and the first to resign from office due to illness.

Early life
Segni was born in Sassari in 1891. His father, Celestino Segni, was a lawyer and professor at the University of Sassari, while his mother, Annetta Campus, was a housewife. He grew up in a well-off family, involved in Sardinian politics; his father served as municipal and provincial councilor for Sassari, as well as deputy mayor during the early 1910s. He began studying at the University of Sassari, where he would found a section of Azione Cattolica Italiana.

In 1913, Segni graduated with merit at the University of Sassari, with the thesis Il vadimonium on civil procedure in Roman law. He completed his studies in Rome with Giuseppe Chiovenda, of which he became the favorite student; in the law firm of the jurist, he met Piero Calamandrei, with whom he built a close friendship that would last a lifetime.

When the World War I broke out, Segni was enlisted as an artillery officer. Discharged, after some months, he continued his profession as lawyer, specializing in civil procedure. In 1920, he started his academic career as law professor at the University of Perugia. In 1921, he married Laura Carta Caprino, daughter of a rich landowner, with whom he had four children, including Mario, who would become a prominent politician during the early 1990s.

During these years, Segni started his involvement in politics. In 1919, he joined the Italian People's Party (PPI), a Christian democratic party, led by Don Luigi Sturzo. In 1923, he was appointed in party's national council. Segni ran in the 1924 Italian general election for Sardinia's constituency but was not elected. He remained a member of the PPI until all political organizations were dissolved by Benito Mussolini two years later in 1926. For the next 17 years, Segni left political life, continuing to teach civil procedure and agrarian law at the universities of Pavia, Perugia, Cagliari, and Sassari, where he later served as rector from 1946 to 1951.

Early political career
In 1943, after the fall of Mussolini's Fascist regime, Segni was one of the founders of Christian Democracy (DC), the heir of the PPI. On 12 December 1944, he was appointed Undersecretary to the Ministry of Agriculture in the second Bonomi government.

Minister of Agriculture

In the 1946 Italian general election, Segni was elected to the Constituent Assembly for the consistency of Cagliari–Sassari–Nuoro, receiving more than 40,000 votes. On 13 July 1946, he was appointed Minister of Agriculture in the second De Gasperi government. As minister, he primarily focused on the growth of agricultural production, functional to improving Italy's conditions after the end of the war. Segni tried to reform agricultural contracts but was strongly opposed by conservatives and by many members of the DC. The failure of this legislative proposal accelerated the timing of the development of the land reform.

The land reform, approved by the Italian Parliament in October 1950, was financed in part by the funds of the Marshall Plan launched by the United States in 1947 and considered by some scholars as the most important reform of the entire post-war period. Segni's reform proposed, through forced expropriation, the distribution of land to agricultural labourers, thus making them small entrepreneurs and no longer subject to the large landowner. If in some ways the reform had this beneficial result, for others it significantly reduced the size of farms, effectively removing any possibility of transforming them into advanced businesses. This negative element was mitigated and in some cases eliminated by forms of cooperatives.

Segni, who was a landowner, ordered the expropriation of most of his own estate in Sardinia. He became known as a "white Bolshevik" for his agrarian reforms. Modern historians assert that landowners were instead favoured by Segni, and his decrees allowed them to reclaim land that had been granted to the peasantry by the preceding administration.

Minister of Public Education
In July 1951, after a cabinet reshuffle, Segni left his office as Minister of Agriculture and was appointed the Italian Minister of Public Education in De Gasperi's seventh government, succeeding Guido Gonella.

As minister, Segni was particularly involved in the fight against illiteracy, in the improvement of teaching activities, and in the construction of new schools around the country; however, he did not continue the important reforms started by his predecessor. He tried to implement the reform step by step but encountered strong resistance, even in the ministries that were supposed to finance these measures. Segni proposed to replace the high school exam with an admission test to university, but this was rejected. His reforms, which also received various appreciations from the opposition parties due to his secular idea of school that was very different from that of Gonella, were not ambitious as the ones of his predecessor.

The 1953 Italian general election was characterised by changes in the electoral law. Even if the general structure remained uncorrupted, the government introduced a majority bonus system of two-thirds of seats in the country's Chamber of Deputies for the coalition that would obtain at-large the absolute majority of votes. The change was strongly opposed by both the opposition parties and DC's smaller coalition partners that had no realistic chance of success under this system. The new law was called the scam law by its detractors, including some dissidents of minor government parties who founded special opposition groups to deny the artificial landslide victory of the DC.

The campaign of the opposition to the electoral law achieved its goal, as the government coalition won 49.9% of national vote, just a few thousand votes of the threshold for a supermajority, resulting in an ordinary proportional distribution of the seats. Technically, the government won the election, winning a clear working majority of seats in both houses. In July 1953, Segni was ousted from office in the newly formed government of Alcide De Gasperi. Frustration with the failure to win a supermajority caused significant tensions in the leading coalition, and De Gasperi was forced to resign by the Italian Parliament on 2 August. On 17 August, Italian president Luigi Einaudi appointed Pella as new prime minister, who selected Segni as his Minister of Public Education. Pella remained in power only for five months. In the successive governments of Amintore Fanfani and Mario Scelba, Segni was not appointed in any office.

Prime Minister of Italy
In the 1955 Italian presidential election held on 28–29 April of that year, Giovanni Gronchi was elected the new president of the Republic. After the election, a political crisis between prime minister Scelba and DC's leader Fanfani broke out. In July 1955, Scelba resigned from the office, and Segni received the task of forming a new cabinet. He started consultations with parties to explore the possibilities of forming a new coalition government, obtaining the approval of DC, Italian Democratic Socialist Party (PSDI) and Italian Liberal Party (PLI), and the external support from the Italian Republican Party (PRI). On 6 July, Segni sworn in as the new prime minister. On 18 July, the government's program was approved by the Chamber of Deputies with 293 votes in favour and 265 against. On 22 July, the Senate of the Republic approved the confidence vote with 121 votes in favour and 100 against.

First government

Segni's Segni's first government is widely considered among the most important cabinets in the history of the Republic. During his premiership, in 1955, Italy became a member of the United Nations (UN) in 1955. In March 1957, Segni signed the Treaty of Rome, which brought about the creation of the European Economic Community (EEC), between Belgium, France, Italy, Luxembourg, the Netherlands, and West Germany. The Treaty of Rome still remains one of the two most important treaties in the modern-day European Union (EU).

Segni had always been a strong supporter of European integration; according to him, in a world governed by great powers, European unity was the only possible way to influence the world. He also strengthened relations with West Germany, becoming a close friend of Konrad Adenauer. As premier, he also had to face the complicated Suez crisis of 1956, in which he staunchly defended Italy's economic interests in the area, always bearing in mind the need to safeguard Atlantic and European solidarity.

During his premiership, Segni often had conflict with Fanfani, who believed that the government should have a more critical attitude towards the Anglo-French choices. Moreover, the brutal Soviet repression of the Hungarian Revolution of 1956 further divided Segni and Fanfani. Segni opposed an anti-communist legislative intervention, as Fanfani asked. The clash between the two leaders was so bitter that Segni threatened to resign. In his diary, Segni wrote: "The events of Hungary are unfortunately subjected to repressive political speculation. I refuse to speculate on them."

In domestic policy, Segni's government was particularly active in judiciary policies. A law established the National Council of Economy and Labour (CNEL), as well as the Superior Council of the Judiciary. The most important event of all was the official opening of the Constitutional Court of Italy. In 1957, political tensions arose between the Italian president Gronchi and foreign affairs minister Gaetano Martino, regarding government's foreign policy. In May 1957, the PSDI withdrew its support for the government, and Segni resigned on 6 May. On 20 May, Adone Zoli sworn in as new head of government.

After the premiership

In July 1958, Zoli resigned, after having lost his majority in the Italian Parliament, and Fanfani became the prime minister again. Segni was appointed Deputy Prime Minister of Italy and the country's Minister of Defence.

As minister, Segni worked to represent the interests of the Italian Armed Forces, increasing wages and social securities for retired veterans, as well as strengthening military equipment and weapons. He also accepted NATO missile bases for atomic weapons, convinced that they were a necessary tool to ensure the defence of Italy more than a danger that exposed the country to possible reprisals.

In January 1959, a conspicuous group of Christian Democrats started voting against their own government, forcing Fanfani to resign on 26 January 1959 after six months in power.

Second government
In February 1959, Gronchi gave Segni the task of forming a new cabinet, and he officially sworn in as the new prime minister on 16 February. Segni formed a one-party government, which was composed only by DC members, and was externally supported by minor centre-right and right-wing parties, as well as the neo-fascist Italian Social Movement (MSI).

Segni attempted to strengthen Atlantic solidarity and to present Italy as Europe's most reliable ally of the United States. He also tried to represent the reassuring alternative to Fanfani's resourcefulness, advocating for Atlanticism in a season characterized by openings to the left, which was supported by Fanfani. The most comforting signals came from the economy, as industry and commerce expanded, unemployment declined, and Italy's GDP grew by over 6%, a rhythm that placed it among the most dynamic countries in the world.

In social policy, various reforms in social welfare were carried out. A law of 21 March 1959 extended insurance against occupational diseases to agricultural workers, while a law approved on 17 May 1959 introduced a special additional indemnity for retired civil servants. Another important law, dated 4 July 1959, extended pension insurance to all artisans.

In March 1960, the PLI withdrew its support to his government and Segni was forced to resign. After few months of Fernando Tambroni's government, Fanfani returned to the premiership on 26 July, this time with an openly centre-left program supported by the PSI abstention, and Segni was appointed Minister of Foreign Affairs. In August 1961, Segni and Fanfani made an historic trip to Moscow to meet the Soviet leaders.

President of Italy

In May 1962, when Gronchi's term as president of Italy expired, Segni was proposed as the DC's candidate by new party's leader Aldo Moro for the 1962 presidential election held on 2–6 May. With Segni's choice, Moro wanted to reassure the conservative representatives of his own party, worried about a possible extreme shift on leftist stances, after the beginning of the organic centre-left period in February 1962. On the first two rounds, the Italian Communist Party (PCI) decided to vote for Umberto Terracini, while the PSI supported Sandro Pertini. After the third round, the PCI and PSI decided to converge on the candidacy of the PSDI, Giuseppe Saragat, who gained also the favor of some DC representatives.

After several ballots, Segni was finally elected president on 6 May 1962 with 51% of the votes, 443 votes on a total 854 electors. His election was allowed thanks to the votes of monarchist and neo-fascist representatives. It was the first time that DC's official candidate succeeded in being elected president of the Republic.

Many influent entities, notably including the Bank of Italy, the Armed Forces, Vatican hierarchies, as well as economic and financial world, were concerned about the entry of the PSI into the government, and considered Segni a reference of stability and their most prominent political landmark. His power grew further in the aftermath of the 1963 Italian general election, which was characterized by a loss for the DC due to its new leftist policies. Despite Segni's opposition, at the end of the year, Moro and the PSI secretary Pietro Nenni launched their first centre-left government, ruling the country for more than four years.

Vajont Dam disaster

As president, Segni had to face one of the most tragic events in Italian republican history, namely the Vajont Dam disaster. On 9 October 1963, a landslide occurred on Monte Toc, in the province of Pordenone. The landslide caused a megatsunami in the artificial lake in which 50 million cubic metres of water overtopped the dam in a wave of , leading to the complete destruction of several villages and towns, and 1,917 deaths. In the previous months, the Adriatic Society of Electricity (SADE) and the Italian government, which both owned the dam, dismissed evidence and concealed reports describing the geological instability of Monte Toc on the southern side of the basin and other early warning signs reported prior to the disaster.

On the following day, Segni visited the affected areas, promising justice for the victims. Immediately after the disaster, both the government and local authorities insisted on attributing the tragedy to an unexpected and unavoidable natural event. Despite these statements, numerous warnings, signs of danger, and negative appraisals had been disregarded in the previous months and the eventual attempt to safely control the landslide into the lake by lowering its level came when the landslide was almost imminent and was too late to prevent it. The communist newspaper l'Unità was the first to denounce the actions of management and government. The DC accused the PCI of political profiteering from the tragedy and then-prime minister Giovanni Leone promised to bring justice to the people killed in the disaster. A few months after the end of his premiership, he became the head of SADE's team of lawyers, who significantly reduced the amount of compensation for the survivors and ruled out payment for at least 600 victims.

1964 coalition crisis
On 25 June 1964, the government of Aldo Moro was beaten on the budget law for the Italian Ministry of Education concerning the financing of private education, and on the same day Moro resigned. During the presidential consultations for the formation of a new cabinet, Segni asked Nenni to exit from the government majority.

On 16 July, Segni sent the Carabinieri General Giovanni De Lorenzo to a meeting of representatives of the DC, to deliver a message in case the negotiations around the formation of a new centre-left government would fail. According to some historians, De Lorenzo reported that Segni was ready to give a subsequent mandate to Cesare Merzagora, the president of the Senate, asking him of forming a president's government composed by all the conservative forces in the Italian Parliament. Ultimately, Moro managed to form another centre-left majority. During the negotiations, Nenni had accepted the downsizing of his reform programs. On 17 July, Moro went to the Quirinal Palace, with the acceptance of the assignment and the list of ministers of his second government.

Illness and resignation
On 7 August 1964, during a meeting at the Quirinal Palace with Moro and Saragat, Segni suffered a serious cerebral hemorrhage. At the time, he was 73 years old and the first prognosis was not positive. In the interim, Merzagora served as Acting President of the Republic. Segni only partially recovered and decided to retire from office on 6 December 1964. Immediately after his resignation, Segni was appointed senator for life ex officio. The 1964 Italian presidential election resulted in the election of Saragat on 29 December.

Death and legacy

On 1 December 1972, Segni died in Rome at the age of 81.

During all his political career, Segni acted as a moderate conservative, staunchly opposing the "opening to the left" proposed by Fanfani and Moro, but he also tried not to bring his own party too far to the right. He was the first Italian president to resign from office.

The frail, often ailing Segni, was affectionately called il malato di ferro, which literally means "the iron invalid". Time once quoted a friend of his: "He is like the Colosseum; he looks like a ruin but he'll be around for a long time."

Controversies

During his presidency, Segni was particularly influenced by General Giovanni De Lorenzo, commander of the Carabinieri, a former partisan with monarchical ideals. On 25 March 1964, De Lorenzo met with Carabinieri's commanders of the divisions of Milan, Rome, and Naples, proposing a response to a hypothetical national crisis, known as Piano Solo. The plan consisted of a set of measures to occupy certain institutions, such as Quirinal Palace in Rome, and essential media infrastructures, like television and radio, as well as the neutralisation of communist and socialist parties, with the deportation of hundreds of left-wing politicians to a secret military base in Sardinia. The list of people to be deported also included intellectuals, such as Pier Paolo Pasolini.

On 10 May, De Lorenzo presented his plan to Segni, who was particularly impressed by it. Journalists Giorgio Galli and Indro Montanelli believed that Segni did not really want to carry out a coup d'état, but that he wanted to use the plan like a threat for political purposes. The coup plans were revealed in 1967, when the journalists Eugenio Scalfari and Lino Jannuzzi published the plan in the Italian news magazine L'Espresso in May 1967. The results of the official investigation remained classified until the early 1990s. It was released by premier Giulio Andreotti to the parliamentary investigation into Operation Gladio. L'Espresso mentioned that some 20,000 Carabinieri were supposed to be deployed around the country, with more than 5,000 agents in Rome. Segni was never investigated for this fact.

Electoral history

Presidential elections

See also
 List of presidents of Italy by time in office

References

 Marcus, George E. (1999). ''Paranoia Within Reason: A Casebook on Conspiracy as Explanation'', Chicago: University of Chicago Press

External links

 President Antonio Segni, Italian Chamber of Deputies
 Political factors related to the illness of Italian President Antonio Segni, declassified CIA document dated 14 August 1964

1891 births
1972 deaths
People from Sassari
Italian Roman Catholics
Italian People's Party (1919) politicians
Christian Democracy (Italy) politicians
Presidents of Italy
Prime Ministers of Italy
Deputy Prime Ministers of Italy
Foreign ministers of Italy
Italian Ministers of the Interior
Italian Ministers of Defence
Agriculture ministers of Italy
Education ministers of Italy
Members of the National Council (Italy)
Members of the Constituent Assembly of Italy
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Deputies of Legislature II of Italy
Deputies of Legislature III of Italy
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Grand Crosses 1st class of the Order of Merit of the Federal Republic of Germany
Italian anti-communists

Antonio Segni


هيركوليس  هي إحدى مدن مقاطعة كونترا كوستا، كاليفورنيا. تم إعطاءها لقب مدينة في 15 ديسمبر، 1900.

التركيبة السكانية
حدّد مكتب تعداد الولايات المتحدة بيانات التركيبة السكانية لهيركوليس في تعداد الولايات المتحدة. في ما يلي، التركيبة السكانية حسب تعدادي 2000 و2010.

تعداد عام 2000
بلغ عدد سكان هيركوليس 19,488 نسمة بحسب تعداد عام 2000، وبلغ عدد الأسر 6,423 أسرة وعدد العائلات 5,000 عائلة مقيمة في المدينة. في حين سجلت الكثافة السكانية . وبلغ عدد الوحدات السكنية 6,546 وحدة بمتوسط كثافة قدره .
وتوزع التركيب العرقي للمدينة بنسبة 27.98% من البيض و18.78% من الأمريكيين الأفارقة و0.25% من الأمريكيين الأصليين و42.73% من الأمريكيين ذوي الأصول الآسيوية و0.46% من سكان جزر المحيط الهادئ و4.47% من الأعراق الأخرى و5.33% من عرقين مختلطين أو أكثر و10.81% من الهسبانيون أو اللاتينيون من أي عرق.

بلغ عدد الأسر 6,423 أسرة كانت نسبة 46.3% منها لديها أطفال تحت سن الثامنة عشر تعيش معهم، وبلغت نسبة الأزواج القاطنين مع بعضهم البعض 60.8% من أصل المجموع الكلي للأسر، ونسبة 13.2% من الأسر كان لديها معيلات من الإناث دون وجود شريك،  بينما كانت نسبة 3.8% من الأسر لديها معيلون من الذكور دون وجود شريكة وكانت نسبة 22.2% من غير العائلات. تألفت نسبة 17.8% من أصل جميع الأسر من عدة أفراد يعيشون في نفس المنزل ونسبة 3.7% كانت تتألف من شخص يعيش بمفرده يبلغ من العمر 65 عاماً أو أكثر. وبلغ متوسط حجم الأسرة المعيشية 3.03، أما متوسط حجم العائلات فبلغ 3.46.

بلغ العمر الوسطي للسكان 36.7 عاماً. وكانت نسبة 26.6% من القاطنين تحت سن الثامنة عشر، وكانت نسبة 8.5% بين الثامنة عشر والرابعة والعشرين عاماً، ونسبة 30.2% كانت واقعةً في الفئة العمرية ما بين الخامسة والعشرين والرابعة والأربعين عاماً، ونسبة 27.3% كانت ما بين الخامسة والأربعين والرابعة والستين، ونسبة 7.2% كانت ضمن فئة الخامسة والستين عاماً فما فوق. يوجد لكل 100 أنثى 90.5 ذكر، ويوجد لكل 100 أنثى في الثامنة عشر من عمرها فما فوق 86.4 ذكر.

بلغ متوسط دخل الأسرة في المدينة 75,196 دولارًا، أما متوسط دخل العائلة فبلغ 82,214 دولارًا. وكان متوسط دخل الذكور 50,672 دولارًا مقابل 40,433 دولارًا للإناث. وسجل دخل الفرد الخاص بالمدينة 27,699 دولارًا. وكانت نسبة 1.9% من العائلات ونسبة 3.2% من السكان تحت خط الفقر، وكان من هؤلاء نسبة 3.9% تحت سن الثامنة عشر ونسبة 5.4% في الخامسة والستين من العمر وما فوق.

تعداد عام 2010
بلغ عدد سكان هيركوليس 24,060 نسمة بحسب تعداد عام 2010، وبلغ عدد الأسر 8,115 أسرة وعدد العائلات 6,296 عائلة مقيمة في المدينة. في حين سجلت الكثافة السكانية . وبلغ عدد الوحدات السكنية 8,553 وحدة بمتوسط كثافة قدره .
وتوزع التركيب العرقي للمدينة بنسبة 22.04% من البيض و18.90% من الأمريكيين الأفارقة و0.42% من الأمريكيين الأصليين و45.54% من الأمريكيين ذوي الأصول الآسيوية و0.42% من سكان جزر المحيط الهادئ و6.50% من الأعراق الأخرى و6.18% من عرقين مختلطين أو أكثر و14.58% من الهسبانيون أو اللاتينيون من أي عرق.

بلغ عدد الأسر 8,115 أسرة كانت نسبة 39.1% منها لديها أطفال تحت سن الثامنة عشر تعيش معهم، وبلغت نسبة الأزواج القاطنين مع بعضهم البعض 57.6% من أصل المجموع الكلي للأسر، ونسبة 15.4% من الأسر كان لديها معيلات من الإناث دون وجود شريك،  بينما كانت نسبة 4.6% من الأسر لديها معيلون من الذكور دون وجود شريكة وكانت نسبة 22.4% من غير العائلات. تألفت نسبة 18.3% من أصل جميع الأسر من عدة أفراد يعيشون في نفس المنزل ونسبة 5.5% كانت تتألف من شخص يعيش بمفرده يبلغ من العمر 65 عاماً أو أكثر. وبلغ متوسط حجم الأسرة المعيشية 2.96، أما متوسط حجم العائلات فبلغ 3.38.

بلغ العمر الوسطي للسكان 39.0 عاماً. وكانت نسبة 22.8% من القاطنين تحت سن الثامنة عشر، وكانت نسبة 8.6% بين الثامنة عشر والرابعة والعشرين عاماً، ونسبة 27.1% كانت واقعةً في الفئة العمرية ما بين الخامسة والعشرين والرابعة والأربعين عاماً، ونسبة 31.1% كانت ما بين الخامسة والأربعين والرابعة والستين، ونسبة 10.5% كانت ضمن فئة الخامسة والستين عاماً فما فوق. وتوزع التركيب الجنسي للسكان بنسبة 47.4% ذكور و52.6% إناث.

المناخ
يظهر الجدول التالي التغييرات المناخية على مدار السنة لهيركوليس:

توأمة
لهيركوليس (كاليفورنيا) اتفاقيات توأمة مع:
 تسوشيما (5 نوفمبر 1981 - )

مراجع

أماكن مأهولة أسست في 1881
تأسيسات سنة 1881 في كاليفورنيا
مدن ساحلية في كاليفورنيا
مدن منطقة خليج سان فرانسيسكو
مدن كاليفورنيا

مدن في مقاطعة كونترا كوستا (كاليفورنيا)

هيركوليس (كاليفورنيا)

هيركوليس (كاليفورنيا)


Le système numérique undécimal ou en base 11 est un système numérique positionnel qui utilise le nombre onze comme base. Bien qu'aucune société connue ne compte par onze, deux sont supposées l'avoir fait : les Maoris, un des deux peuples polynésiens de Nouvelle-Zélande, et les Pangwa, un peuple de langue bantoue de Tanzanie. L'idée de compter par onze est notable pour sa relation avec une méthode traditionnelle de comptage pratiquée en Polynésie et dans le Pacifique.

Pendant la Révolution française, ce système a été brièvement mentionné comme une base possible pour le système de mesure réformé.

Les chiffres en base 11 apparaissent également dans le système de numérotation internationale normalisée du livre.

Doubles

Utilisations culturelles de la base 11

Utilisation par les Maoris

Conant et Williams
Pendant environ un siècle, l'idée que les Maoris comptaient par onze était surtout connue depuis sa mention dans les écrits du mathématicien américain Levi Leonard Conant. Il l'a identifié comme une "erreur" provenant d'un dictionnaire du  de la langue néo-zélandaise publié par le révérant William Williams, alors archidiacre de Waiapu.
« Il y a de nombreuses années, une déclaration attira la curiosité : Il semblait que les Maoris, les habitants aborigènes de la Nouvelle-Zélande, utilisaient comme base de leur système numérique le nombre 11 ; et que le système était assez largement développé, ayant des mots simples pour 121 et 1331, c'est-à-dire pour le carré et le cube de 11. »
Telle que publiée par Williams dans les deux premières éditions de la série de dictionnaires, cette déclaration se lit comme suit :
« Le mode de comptage des indigènes est basé sur onze, jusqu'à ce qu'ils arrivent au dixième onze, qui est leur centaine ; puis jusqu'au dixième cent, qui est leur millier : mais ces indigènes qui ont des relations avec des Européens ont, pour la plupart, abandonné cette méthode, et, en laissant de côté ngahuru, comptez tekau ou tahi tekau comme 10, rua tekau comme 20, etc. Il semblerait avoir pour principe de mettre de côté un tous les dix, comme logique de pointage. Un parallèle s'observe chez les Anglais, avec la comptage par douzaine pratiqué par le boulanger. »

Lesson et Blosseville
En 2020, une origine continentale antérieure a été attribuée aux écrits de deux explorateurs scientifiques du  : René Primevère Lesson et Jules de Blosseville. Ils avaient visité en 1824 dans le cadre d'un voyage de circumnavigation de la Nouvelle-Zélande, sur la Coquille, une corvette française commandée par Louis Isidore Duperrey et secondée par Jules Dumont d'Urville. À son retour en France en 1825, Lesson publie sa traduction française d'un article écrit par le botaniste allemand Adelbert von Chamisso. À l'affirmation de von Chamisso selon laquelle le système de numération néo-zélandais était basé sur vingt ( vigésimal ), Lesson a inséré une note de bas de page pour marquer une erreur :
« ... de l'E. de la mer du Sud ... c'est là qu'on trouve premièrement le système arithmétique fondé sur une échelle de vingt, comme dans la Nouvelle- Zélande (2)... »

texte de Von Chamisso, traduit en français par Lesson, suivi d'une note de bas de page :

« (2) Erreur. Le système arithmétique des Zélandais est undécimal, et les Anglais sont les premiers qui ont propagé cette fausse idée. (L.) »

Von Chamisso avait mentionné lui-même son erreur en 1821, faisant remonter la source de sa confusion et sa clarification à Thomas Kendall, le missionnaire anglais de Nouvelle-Zélande qui a fourni le matériel sur la langue maorie qui a servi de base à une grammaire publiée en 1820 par l'anglais linguiste Samuel Lee. Dans la même publication de 1821, von Chamisso a également identifié le système numérique maori comme décimal, notant que la source de la confusion était la pratique polynésienne de compter les choses par paires, où chaque paire était comptée comme une seule unité, de sorte que dix unités étaient numériquement équivalent à vingt :
« Nous avons maintenant une grammaire et un vocabulaire de la langue de la Nouvelle-Zélande, publiés par la Church Missionary Society de Londres en 1820. L'auteur de cette grammaire est le même M. Kendall qui nous a communiqué le Vocabulaire dans le voyage de Nicolas. La langue nous étant maintenant mieux connue, cela nous permet de corriger nos connaissances. »
Et,
« Il est loin d'être simple de connaître le système arithmétique d'un peuple. En Nouvelle-Zélande, comme aux Tonga, le système est décimal. Ce qui a peut-être induit en erreur M. Kendall, dans sa première tentative, durant le voyage de Nicholas, et que nous avons suivi, c'est la coutume des Néo-Zélandais de compter les choses par paires. Les indigènes de Tonga comptent les bananes et les poissons également par paires et par vingt (Tecow, traduit par score en anglais, total en français)."
L'utilisation par Lesson du terme « undécimal » en français en 1825 était peut-être une erreur d'imprimeur, qui joignait l'expression voulue « un décimal », qui aurait correctement identifié la numération néo-zélandaise comme décimale. Lesson savait que les nombres polynésiens étaient décimaux et très similaires dans toute la région, car il avait beaucoup appris sur les systèmes de numération du Pacifique au cours de ses deux années sur la Coquille, collectant des vocabulaires numériques et finalement publiant ou commentant plus d'une douzaine d'entre eux. Il connaissait également le travail de Thomas Kendall et de Samuel Lee grâce à sa traduction de l'œuvre de von Chamisso. Ces circonstances suggèrent qu'il était peu probable que Lesson ait mal compris la Nouvelle-Zélande comptant comme procédant par onze.

Lesson et son compagnon de bord et ami, Blosseville, ont envoyé des comptes rendus de leur prétendue découverte du comptage basé sur les onze en Nouvelle-Zélande à leurs contemporains. Au moins deux de ces correspondants ont publié ces rapports, dont le géographe italien Adriano Balbi, qui a détaillé une lettre qu'il a reçue de Lesson en 1826, et l'astronome hongrois Franz Xaver von Zach, qui a brièvement mentionné la découverte présumée dans le cadre d'un lettre de Blosseville qu'il avait reçue par l'intermédiaire d'un tiers. Lesson était aussi probablement l'auteur d'un essai non daté, écrit par un français mais par ailleurs anonyme, trouvé parmi et publié avec les papiers du linguiste prussien Wilhelm von Humboldt en 1839.

L'histoire s'est développée dans son récit : La lettre de 1826 publiée par Balbi a ajouté un vocabulaire numérique présumé avec des termes pour onze au carré (Karaou) et onze au cube (Kamano), ainsi qu'un compte rendu de la façon dont les mots-nombres et la procédure de comptage auraient été obtenues auprès d'informateurs locaux. Dans une tournure intéressante, cela a également changé la classification erronée nécessitant une correction de vigésimal à décimal. L'essai de 1839, publié avec les articles de von Humboldt nommé Thomas Kendall, le missionnaire anglais dont la confusion sur les effets du comptage par paires sur les nombres maoris avait amené von Chamisso à les identifier à tort comme vigésimaux. Il énumérait également les endroits d'où les informateurs locaux présumés étaient censés être.

Relation avec le comptage traditionnel
L'idée que les Maoris comptaient par onze met en évidence une forme de comptage ingénieuse et pragmatique autrefois pratiquée dans toute la Polynésie. Cette méthode de comptage met de côté chaque dixième élément pour marquer dix des éléments comptés ; les éléments mis de côté sont ensuite comptés de la même manière, un élément sur dix marquant désormais cent (deuxième tour), mille (troisième tour), dix mille éléments (quatrième tour), etc.  La méthode de comptage fonctionnait de la même manière, que l'unité de base soit un seul élément, une paire ou un groupe de quatre — unités de comptage de base utilisées dans toute la région — et c'était la base du comptage binaire unique trouvé à Mangareva, où le comptage pouvait également procéder par groupes de huit.

La méthode de comptage résout également un autre mystère : pourquoi le mot hawaïen pour vingt, iwakalua, signifie « neuf et deux » ? Lorsque la méthode de comptage était utilisée avec des paires, neuf paires étaient comptées (18) et la dernière paire (2) était définie de côté pour le tour suivant.

Utilisation par les Pangwa
On en sait moins sur l'idée que le peuple Pangwa de Tanzanie comptait par onze. Il a été mentionné en 1920 par l'anthropologue britannique Northcote W. Thomas :
"Un autre système de numération anormal est celui des Pangwa, au nord-est du lac Nyassa, qui utilisent une base de onze."
Et,
« Si nous pouvions être certains que ki dzigo avait à l'origine le sens de onze, et non de dix, en pangwa, il serait tentant de corréler le dzi ou či avec le même mot en Walegga-Lendu, où il signifie douze, et ainsi de mettre en une relation, bien que de nature plus fragile et plus éloignée, les trois domaines dans lesquels des systèmes anormaux sont utilisés. »
L'affirmation a été répétée par l'explorateur britannique et administrateur colonial Harry H. Johnston dans le volume II de son étude de 1922 sur les langues bantoues et semi-bantoues . Il a également noté des similitudes suggestives entre le terme Pangwa pour onze et les termes pour dix dans des langues apparentées :
« Parfois, il y a des termes spéciaux pour 'onze'. En ce qui concerne mes informations, ils sont les suivants:

 Ki-dzigꞷ 36 (dans cette langue, les Pangwa du nord-est du Nyassaland, le comptage se fait en fait par onze. Ki-dzigꞷ-kavili = 'vingt-deux', Ki-dzigꞷ-kadatu = 'trente-trois'). Pourtant, la racine -dzigꞷ est évidemment la même que le -tsigꞷ, qui signifie 'dix' dans le n° 38. Il peut également être lié au -digi (« dix ») de 148, -tuku ou -dugu des langues Ababua et Congo, -dikꞷ de 130, -liku de 175 (« huit ») et le Tiag de 249. »
Dans la classification de Johnston des langues bantoues et semi-bantoues,

 36 est Pañgwa, Groupe Bantu J, N. Ruvuma, NE Nyasaland
 38 est Kiñga, Groupe Bantu K, Ukiñga
 130 est Ba-ñkutu (Ba-ñkpfutu), Group Bantu DD, Central Congꞷland
 148 est Li-huku, Groupe Bantu HH, Haut Ituri
 175 est Ifumu ou Ifuru (E. Teke), Group Bantu LL, Kwa-Kasai-Upper Ꞷgꞷwe (Teke)
 249 est Afudu, Groupe semi-bantou D, S. Benue

Aujourd'hui, Pañgwa est censé avoir des nombres décimaux, avec les nombres six et plus empruntés au swahili.

Base 11 dans l'histoire de la mesure
Peu de temps après la Révolution française, l'Académie des sciences a créé un comité (la Commission des poids et mesures) pour normaliser les systèmes de mesures, une réforme populaire qui a été une première étape vers la création du système métrique international. Le 27 octobre 1790, le comité rapporta qu'il avait envisagé d'utiliser le duodécimal (base 12) comme base pour les poids, les longueurs / distances et l'argent en raison de sa plus grande divisibilité par rapport au décimal (base 10). Cependant, ils ont finalement rejeté l'initiative, estimant qu'une échelle commune basée sur des chiffres parlés simplifierait les calculs et les conversions et rendrait le nouveau système plus facile à mettre en œuvre. Le mathématicien Joseph-Louis Lagrange, membre du comité, a été crédité d'influencer le comité pour sélectionner la décimale.Delambre a écrit : « Il était peu frappé de l'objection que l'on tirait contre ce système du petit nombre des diviseurs de sa base. Il regrettait presque qu'elle ne fut pas un nombre premier, tel que 11, qui devait nécessairement donner un même dénominateur à toutes les fractions. On regardera, si l'on veut, cette idée comme une de ces exagérations qui échappent aux meilleurs esprits dans le feu de la dispute ; mais il n'employait ce nombre 11 que pour écarter le nombre 12, que des innovateurs plus intrépides auraient voulu substituer à celui de 10, qui fait partout la base de la numération. »
En 1795, dans les conférences publiques publiées à l'École Normale, Lagrange a observé que les fractions avec des dénominateurs variables (par exemple,  , , , , ), bien que simples en eux-mêmes, étaient gênants, car leurs dénominateurs différents les rendaient difficilement comparables. Autrement dit, les fractions ne sont pas difficiles à comparer si le numérateur est 1 (par exemple,  est plus grand que, qui à son tour est plus grand que ). Cependant, les comparaisons deviennent plus difficiles lorsque les numérateurs et les dénominateurs sont mélangés :  est plus grand que , qui à son tour est plus grand que , bien que cela ne puisse pas être déterminé par une simple inspection des dénominateurs de la manière possible si le numérateur est 1. Il a noté que la difficulté était résolue si toutes les fractions avaient le même dénominateur :
Lagrange a écrit : « On voit aussi par-là, qu'il est indifférent que le nombre qui suit la base du système, comme le nombre 10 dans notre système décimal, ait des diviseurs ou non ; peut-être même y aurait-il, à quelques requis, de l'avantage à ce que ce nombre n'eût point de diviseurs, comme le nombre 11, ce qui aurait lieu dans le système undécimal, parce qu'on en serait moins porté à employeur les fractions , , etc. »

Base 11 dans les numéros internationaux normalisés du livre (ISBN)
Les numéros à 10 chiffres du système des numéros internationaux normalisés du livre (ISBN) utilisaient la base 11 comme chiffre de contrôle. Un chiffre de contrôle est le chiffre final d'un ISBN qui est lié mathématiquement à tous les autres chiffres qu'il contient et qui est utilisé pour vérifier leur exactitude. Il représente la réponse à un calcul mathématique, dans ce cas, celui qui multiplie les 10 chiffres de l'ISBN par les entiers 10 (chiffre le plus à gauche) à 2 (avant-dernier chiffre le plus à droite, le dernier étant le chiffre de contrôle lui-même), puis additionne leur. Le calcul doit donner un multiple de 11, avec son chiffre final, représenté par les chiffres de 0 à 9 ou un X (pour 10), étant égal au dixième chiffre de l'ISBN. Cependant, depuis le  janvier 2007, les ISBN à 13 chiffres sont devenus la norme et  l'agence internationale de l'ISBN a fourni un calculateur en ligne qui convertira les ISBN à 10 chiffres en 13 chiffres.

Voir aussi

 Système décimal, en base 10
 Système dozénal, en base 12
 Système vicésimal, en base 20
 Chiffre de contrôle en base 11 pour les ISBN à 10 chiffres

Références

Système de numération
Pages avec des traductions non relues

Système undécimal


2. ŽNL Zadarska u sezoni 2003./04. je predstavljala drugi rang županijske lige u Zadarskoj županiji, te ligu petog stupnja hrvatskog nogometnog prvenstva. Sudjelovalo je deset klubova, a ligu je osvojia momčad "Raštana" iz Gornjih Raštana.

Ljestvica

Rezultatska križaljka

 Izvori:

Poveznice
 2. ŽNL Zadarska

Izvori
 Marko Marin: NK Raštane : 1976. – 2016. : ponos sela i Ravnih kotara : / a tek nam je 40 godina, Zadar, 2017., , str. 109-111

2003-04
Zadarska-2

2. ŽNL Zadarska 2003./04.