The Inca road system (also spelled Inka road system and known as Qhapaq Ñan meaning "royal road" in Quechua) was the most extensive and advanced transportation system in pre-Columbian South America. It was about  long. The construction of the roads required a large expenditure of time and effort.

The network was composed of formal roads carefully planned, engineered, built, marked and maintained; paved where necessary, with stairways to gain elevation, bridges and accessory constructions such as retaining walls, and water drainage systems. It was based on two north–south roads: one along the coast and the second and most important inland and up the mountains, both with numerous branches.
It can be directly compared with the road network built during the Roman Empire, although the Inca road system was built one thousand years later.
The road system allowed for the transfer of information, goods, soldiers and persons, without the use of wheels, within the Tawantinsuyu or Inca Empire throughout a territory covering almost  and inhabited by about 12 million people.

The roads were bordered, at intervals, with buildings to allow the most effective usage: at short distance there were relay stations for chasquis, the running messengers; at a one-day walking interval tambos allowed support to the road users and flocks of llama pack animals. Administrative centers with warehouses, called qullqas, for re-distribution of goods were found along the roads. Towards the boundaries of the Inca Empire and in newly conquered areas pukaras (fortresses) were found.

Part of the road network was built by cultures that precede the Inca Empire, notably the Wari culture in the northern central Peru and the Tiwanaku culture in Bolivia. Different organizations such as UNESCO and IUCN have been working to protect the network in collaboration with the governments and communities of the six countries (Colombia, Ecuador, Peru, Bolivia, Chile and Argentina) through which the Great Inca Road passes.

In modern times some remnant of the roads see heavy use from tourism, such as the Inca Trail to Machu Picchu, which is well known by trekkers.

A 2021 study found that its effects have lingered for over 500 years, with wages, nutrition and school levels higher in communities living within 20 kilometers of the Inca Road, compared to similar communities farther away.

Extent

The Tawantinsuyu, which integrated the current territories of Peru, continued towards the north through present-day Ecuador, reaching the northernmost limits of the Andean mountain range in the region of Los Pastos in Colombia; by the South, it penetrated down to the Mendoza and Atacama lands, in the southernmost reaches of the Empire, corresponding currently with Argentine and Chilean territories. On the Chilean side, the road reached the Maipo river. The Inca Road system connected the northern territories with the capital city Cusco and the southern territories.
About , out of the more than  that the Andean mountains spans, were covered by it.

As indicated by Hyslop, "The main route of the sierra (mountains) that passes through Quito, Tumebamba, Huánuco, Cusco, Chucuito, Paria and Chicona to the Mendoza River, has a length of 5,658 km." (3,516 miles)

The exact extent of the road network is not known: travelers and scholars proposed various lengths, spanning from  to  to .
Two main routes were defined: the eastern one, inland, runs high in the puna grassland, a large and undulating surface, which extends above ; the second one, the western route, that starts from the region of Tumbes in the current Peru–Ecuador border, follows the coastal plains, but does not include the coastal deserts, where it hugs the foothills. This western road outlines the current Pan-American Highway in its South American pacific extension.

Recent investigations carried out under the Proyecto Qhapaq Ñan, sponsored by the Peruvian government and basing also on previous research and surveys, suggest with a high degree of probability that another branch of the road system existed on the east side of the Andean ridge, connecting the administrative centre of Huánuco Pampa with the Amazonian provinces and having a length of about .

More than twenty transversal routes ran over the western mountains, while others traversed the eastern cordillera in the mountains and lowlands, connecting the two main routes and populated areas, administrative centres, agricultural and mining zones, as well as ceremonial centres and sacred spaces in different parts of the vast Inca territory. Some of these roads reach altitudes of over  above sea level.

The four routes

During the Inca Empire, the roads officially stemmed from Cusco into the 4 cardinal directions towards the 4 suyus (provinces) into which the Tawantinsuyu was divided. Cusco was the center of Peru: the Inca-Spanish chronicler Inca Garcilaso de la Vega states that "Cozco in the language of the Incas means navel that is the Earth's navel".
The four regions were named Chinchaysuyu towards the North, Collasuysu towards the South, Antisuyu towards the East and the lower valleys of the Amazon region and Contisuyu towards the West and the lower valleys along the Pacific coast.

The route towards the North was the most important in the Inca Empire, as shown by its constructive characteristics: a width ranging between 3 and 16 m and the size of the archaeological vestiges that mark the way both in its vicinity and in its area of influence. It is not coincidental that this path goes through and organizes the most important administrative centers of the Tawantinsuyu outside Cusco, such as Vilcashuamán, Xauxa, Tarmatambo, Pumpu, Huánuco Pampa, Cajamarca and Huancabamba, in current territories of Peru; and Ingapirca, Tomebamba or Riobamba in Ecuador. This was regarded by the Incas as "the" Qhapaq Ñan, main road or royal road, starting from Cusco and arriving in Quito. From Quito northwards, the Inca presence is perceived in defensive settlements that mark the advance of the Empire by the Ecuadorian provinces of Carchi and Imbabura and the current Nariño Department in Colombia, which in the 16th century was in process of being incorporated into the Inca Empire.

The route of Qollasuyu leaves Cusco and points towards the South, splitting into two branches to skirt Lake Titicaca (one on the east and one the west coast) that join again to cross the territory of the Bolivian Altiplano. From there the roads were unfolding to advance towards the southernmost boundaries of the Tawantinsuyu. One branch headed towards the current Mendoza region of Argentina, while the other penetrated the ancient territories of the Diaguita and Atacama people in Chilean lands, who had already developed basic road networks. From there, crossing the driest desert in the world, the Atacama Desert, the Qollasuyu route reached the Maipo river, currently in the Santiago metropolitan region. From there no vestiges of the Inca advance have been found.

Contisuyu roads allowed to connect Cusco to coastal territories, in what corresponds to the current regions of Arequipa, Moquegua and Tacna, in the extreme Peruvian south. These roads are transversal routes that guaranteed the complementarity of natural resources, since they cross very varied ecological floors, in the varied altitude of the descent from the heights of the cordillera to the coastal spaces.

The roads of the Antisuyu are the least known and a lesser number of vestiges were registered. They penetrated into the territories of the Ceja de Jungla or Amazonian Andes leading to the Amazon rainforest, where conditions are more difficult for the conservation of archaeological evidences. The true physical extension of the Inca Empire for this region is not very clear.

Purposes of the road

The Incas used the road system for a variety of reasons, from transportation for people who were traveling through the Empire to military and religious purposes.  The road system allowed for a fast movement of persons from one part of the Empire to the other: both armies and workers used the roads to move and the tambos to rest and be fed. It also allowed for the fast movement of information and valuable small goods which traveled through the chasquis. The Incas gave priority to the straightness of the roads, whenever possible, to shorten the distances.

According to Hyslop the roads were the basis for the expansion of the Inca Empire: the most important settlements were located on the main roads, following a provision prefigured by the existence of older roads. The Incas had a predilection for the use of the Altiplano, or puna areas, for displacement, seeking to avoid contact with the populations settled in the valleys, and project, at the same time, a straight route of rapid communication. Other researchers pointed out additional factors that conditioned the location of Inca settlements and roads, such as the establishment of control zones in an intermediate location with respect to the populations and productive lands of the valleys, the requirement of specific goods, and storage needs, which were favored in the high plains of the Altiplano, characterized by low temperatures and dry climates. As an example, the administrative center of Huánuco Pampa includes 497 collcas, which totaled as much as  and could support a population of between twelve and fifteen thousand people. Cotapachi (nowadays in the Bolivian region of Cochabamba) included a group of 2,400 collcas far away from any significant village.
Collcas were long-term storage houses, primarily for the storage of grains and maize, which had an extremely long expiration date and made them ideal for long-term storage for the army in the event of conflicts.

According to Hyslop the use of the Inca road system was reserved to authorities. He states: «soldiers, porters, and llama caravans were prime users, as were the nobility and other individuals on official duty… Other subjects were allowed to walk along the roads only with permission…»
Nevertheless, he recognizes that «there was also an undetermined amount of private traffic … about which little is known». Some local structures (called ranchillos) exist alongside the road which may allow to infer that also private trade traffic was present.

The use of the Inca roads, in the colonial period, after the Spanish conquest of Peru was mostly discontinued. The Conquistadors used the Inca roads to approach the capital city of Cusco, but they used horses and ox carts, which were not usable on such a road, and soon most of the roads were abandoned.
Only about 25 percent of this network is still visible today, the rest having been destroyed by wars (conquest, uprising, independence or between nations), the change in the economic model which involved abandoning large areas of territory, and finally the construction of modern infrastructure, during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, which led to the superposition of new communication channels in the outline of pre-Hispanic roads.

Transportation

Transportation was done on foot as in pre-Columbian Americas, the use of wheels for transportation was not known. The Inca had two main uses of transportation on the roads: the chasqui (runners) for relaying information (through the quipus) and lightweight valuables throughout the empire and llamas caravans for transporting goods.

Llamas were used as pack animals in large flocks. They are lightweight animals and cannot carry much but are incredibly nimble. To transport large numbers of goods across the empire, it was more efficient for the Incas to use herds of llamas and to have two or three herdsmen. Herdsmen would drive the animals carrying their loads up the steep mountain roads, increasing carrying capacity without risking additional lives. Llamas have soft, padded hoofs, which give them good traction and a negligible impact on the road surface. Llamas of the Q'ara race (short-haired variety), which are used also in contemporary caravans, can carry about  for a distance of  per day, when necessary they can carry up to  for short trips. They forage on natural vegetation.

Trade
Roads and bridges were essential to the political cohesion of the Inca state and to the redistribution of goods within it. All resources in the Empire were the property of the ruling elite. Commercial exchanges between manufacturers or producers and buyers were not practiced, as the management of all goods came under the control of the central authority. The redistribution of goods was known as the vertical archipelago: this system formed the basis for trade throughout the Inca Empire. As different sections of the Empire had different resources, the roads were used to distribute goods to other parts of the Empire that were in need of them. Roads reinforced the strength of the Inca Empire, as they allowed for the empire's multitude of resources to be distributed through a set system to ensure all parts of the Empire were satisfied.
Nevertheless, scholars have noted that there was a possible barter of goods along the roads between caravanners and villagers: a sort of "secondary exchange" and "daily swapping".

Military
These roads provided easy, reliable and quick routes for the Empire's administrative and military communications, personnel movement, and logistical support. After conquering a territory or convincing the local lord to become an ally, the Inca would employ a military-political strategy including the extension of the road system into the new dominated territories.
The Qhapaq Ñan thus became a permanent symbol of the ideological presence of the Inca dominion in the newly conquered place. The road system facilitated the movement of imperial troops and preparations for new conquests as well as the quelling of uprisings and rebellions. However it was also allowed for sharing with the newly incorporated populations the surplus goods that the Inca produced and stored annually for the purpose of redistribution. The army moved frequently, mostly in support of military actions but also to support civil works.
The forts or pukaras were located mainly in the border areas, as a spatial indicator of the process of progressing and annexing new territories to the Empire. In fact, the a greater number of pukaras are found towards the north of the Tawantinsuyu, as witnesses to the work of incorporating the northern territories, which were known to be rich in pastures. To the south there are abundant remains, around Mendoza in Argentina and along the Maipo river in Chile, where the presence of forts marks the line of the road at the southernmost point of the Empire.

Religious

The high altitude shrines were directly related to the cult of Nature and specifically to the mountains, typical of the Inca society, which the Incas formalized by the construction of religious structures on the mountain peaks. Mountains are the apus, or deities, in the universe of Andean beliefs that are still held today; they have a spiritual connotation linked to the future of Nature and human existence.  The Incas held many rituals, including the sacrifice of children, goods, and llamas, at the mountain tops as part of this belief. However, not all mountains held the same religious connotation nor on all of them sanctuaries were built. The only way to reach the summits of the mountains for worship was by connecting the road system to high altitude paths in order to reach the sacred places. They were ritual roads that culminated in the peaks, at the point of contact between the earthly and the sacred space. Some of them reached high altitudes above sea level, such as mount Chañi, which had a road that started at the base and went to the summit at an elevation of .

In addition to high altitude shrines, there were also many holy shrines or religious sites, called wak'a, that were a part of the Zeq'e system along and near the roads, especially around the capital city, Cusco. These shrines were either natural or modified features of the landscape, as well as buildings, where the Inca would visit for worship.

Some important places of worship were directly connected by the main Inca roads. Such is the case of the sanctuary of Pachacamac through which the coastal road passed, just south of present days Lima.

History

Inca Empire era

Much of the system was the result of the Incas claiming exclusive right over numerous traditional routes, some of which had been constructed centuries earlier, mostly by the Wari empire in the central highlands of Peru and the Tiwanaku culture. This latter had developed around Lake Titicaca, in the current territories of Peru and Bolivia, between the 6th and 12th centuries CE, and had set up a complex and advanced civilization. Many new sections of the road were built or upgraded substantially by the Incas: the one through Chile's Atacama desert and the one along the western margin of Lake Titicaca serve as two examples.

The reign of the Incas originated during the Late Intermediate period (between 1000 CE and 1450 CE), when this group dominated only the region of Cusco. Inca Pachakutiq began the transformation and expansion of what decades later would become the Tawantinsuyu.
The historical stage of the Empire begun around 1438 when, having settled the disputes with local populations around Cusco, the Incas started the conquest of the coastal valleys from Nasca to Pachacamac and the other regions of Chinchaysuyu. Their strategy involved modifying or constructing a road structure that would ensure the connection of the incorporated territory with Cusco and with other administrative centers, allowing the displacement of troops and officials. The Incas' military advance was based mostly on diplomatic deals before the annexation of the new regions and the consolidation of the dominion, considering war as a last resort. The foundation of cities and administrative centers connected by the road system ensured state control of the new incorporated ethnic groups. Topa Inca Yupanqui succeeded to Pachakutiq, and conquered the Chimu reaching the far north region of Quito around 1463; later he extended the conquests to the jungle region of Charcas and, in the south, to Chile.

Colonial era
During the first years of the Colony, the Qhapaq Ñan suffered a stage of abandonment and destruction caused by the abrupt decrease of the number of natives due to illness and war which reduced the population from more than 12 million people to about 1.1 million in 50 years and destroyed the social structure that provided labor for road maintenance. The use of the Inca roads became partial and was adapted to the new political and economic targets of the Colony and later of the Viceroyalty where the economic structure was based on the extraction of minerals and commercial production.  This implied a dramatic change in the use of the territory. The former integration of longitudinal and transversal territories was reduced to a connection of the Andean valleys and the Altiplano with the coast to allow for the export of products, especially gold and silver, which started flowing to the coast and from there to Spain.
A key factor in the dismantling of the network at the subcontinental level was the opening of new routes to connect the emerging production centers (estates and mines) with the coastal ports. In this context, only those routes that covered the new needs were used, abandoning the rest, particularly those that connected to the forts built during the advance of the Inca Empire or those that linked the agricultural spaces with the administrative centres. Nevertheless, the ritual roads that allowed access to the sanctuaries continued to be used under the religious syncretism that has been characterizing the Andean historical moments since the conquest.

Cieza de Leon in 1553 noted the abandonment of the road and stated that although in many places it is already broken down and undone, it shows the great thing that it was.
The admiration of the chroniclers was not enough to convince the Spanish ruler of the need to maintain and consolidate the road system rather than abandoning and destroying it. The reduction of the local population to newly built settlements (known as reducciones, a sort of concentration camps) was among the causes of the abandonment of the Inca roads and the building of new ones to connect the reducciones to the centers of Spanish power. Another important factor was the inadequacy of the road for horses and mules introduced by the conquerors, that became the new pack animals, substituting for the lightweight llamas.

Even the new agriculture, derived from Spain, consisting mainly of cereals, changed the appearance of the territory, which was sometimes transformed, cutting and joining several andenes (farming terraces), which in turn reduced the fertile soil due to erosion form rain. The pre-Hispanic agricultural technologies were abandoned or displaced towards marginal spaces, relegated by the colonizers.

Part of the network continued to be used, as well as some of its equipment, such as the tambos, which were transformed into stores and shops, adjusting to the tradition of Spain, where peasant production was taken to them for selling. The tambos entered a new stage as meeting spaces for different ways of life that irremediably ended up integrating new social and territorial structures.

Post-colonial and modern times
After the independence from Spain the American republics, throughout the 19th century, did not provide significant changes to the territory. In the case of Peru, the territorial structure established by the Colony was maintained while the link between the production of the mountains and the coast was consolidated under a logic of extraction and export.

The construction of modern roads and railways was adapted to this logic. It gave priority to the communication with the coasts and was complemented by transversal axes of penetration into the inter-Andean valleys for the channeling of production towards the coastal axis and its seaports. At the end of the eighteenth century, large estates were developed for the supply of raw materials to international markets, together with guano, so the maritime ports of Peru took on special relevance and intense activity requiring an adequate accessibility from the production spaces. Some parts of the Inca roads were still in use in the south of the Altiplano giving access to the main centers for the production of alpaca and vicuña wools, which were in high demand in the international markets.

The twentieth century organization of roads along the Andes gave priority to the Pan-American highway along the coast, following roughly the traces of the coastal Inca road. This highway was then connected to west–east routes into the valleys while the north–south Inca road up the mountains was mostly reduced to local pedestrian transit.

In 2014 the road system became a UNESCO World Heritage Site.

Architecture and engineering of the Inca roads

The Incas built their road system by expanding and reinforcing several pre-existing smaller networks of roads, adapting and improving previous infrastructures, setting up a system of formal roads and providing a maintenance system that would protect the roads and facilitate the displacements and the exchange of people, goods and information. The outcome was a great road network of subcontinental dimensions, which, from Cusco, was directed in the four cardinal directions that marked the territorial division of Tawantinsuyu, which allowed the Inca and his officers to have knowledge of everything that circulated on the roads, however far away they were.

The Incas developed techniques to overcome the difficult territory of the Andes: on steep slopes they built stone steps, while in desert areas near the coast they built low walls to keep the sand from drifting over the road.

Construction and maintenance
The manpower required for both construction and maintenance was obtained through the mita: a sort of tax work, provided to the state by the conquered people, by which the Inca Empire produced the required goods and performed the necessary services, which included the upkeep of roads and their relevant infrastructures (bridges, tambos, warehouses, etc.).

The labor was organized by officials who were in charge of the development, control and operation of roads and bridges, as well as communications. The chronicler Felipe Guaman Poma de Ayala noted that these authorities were chosen among the noble relatives of the Inca, residents of Cusco. There were three main officials: the manager of the royal roads, the manager of bridges, the manager of chasquis. There were also several amojonadores or builders of landmarks.

Architectural components
Hyslop noted that there was no road construction standard, because the roads were set in such varied environments and landscapes.

Roadway and pavement
In the mountains and the high forests, precisely arranged paving stones or cobbles were used for paving, placing them with their flat face towards the top, trying to produce a uniform surface.
Nevertheless, not all the roads were paved; in the Andean puna and in the coastal deserts the road was usually made using packed earth, sand, or simply covering grassland with soil or sand.
There is also evidence of paving with vegetable fibers such as in the road of Pampa Afuera in Casma (Áncash department, Peru).

The width of the roadway varied between , although some could be much wider, such as the  road leading to Huánuco Pampa.
The Cusco to Quito portion of the Road system, which was the most trafficked one, had a width always exceeding  even in agricultural areas where the land had high value. Some portions reached a width of .
Near urban and administrative centers there is evidence of two or three roads constructed in parallel.
The maximum recorded width on the north coastal road is , while the average width in the south coastal road is .

Side walls and stone rows
Stones and walls served to mark the width of the road and signal it. On the coast and in the mountains, the availability of construction materials such as stone and mud for preparing adobes allowed to build walls on both sides of the road, to isolate it from agricultural land so that the walkers and caravans traveled without affecting the crops. In the flatlands and in the deserts, these walls most probably prevented sand from covering the road. In the absence of walls, the roads in the more deserted areas also used stone rows and wooden poles driven into the sand as route markers. Stone rows were built with stones of similar sizes and shapes, placed next to each other and located on one or both edges of the road, arranged in a sort of curb. In some cases it has been observed that the sides of these stones were edged.

Furrows
Although it is not strictly a construction element used to delimit the edges of the road, there are cases in which furrows delimit the road on both sides. Examples of these furrows have been found in the coastal area located south of the Chala district in Arequipa.

Retaining walls
Retaining walls were made with stones, adobes or mud and were built on the hillsides. These walls contained leveling fillings to form the platform of the road or to support the soil that could otherwise slide down the slope, as is generally seen in the transversal roads that lead to the coast from the mountains.

Drainage
Drainage by ditches or culverts was more frequent in the mountains and jungle due to the constant rainfall. Along other road sections, the drainage of rain water was carried out through an articulated system based on longitudinal channels and shorter drains, transverse to the axis of the road. Retaining walls were used along the mountain slopes, and are similar to those used to support the terraces. When crossing wetlands, roads were often supported by buttress walls or built on causeways.

Road marks
At given distances the direction of the road was marked with stone piles (mojones in Spanish) a sort of milestones, generally placed on both sides of the road. They were columns of well piled stones with a surmounting stone and often strategically placed on rises in order to be spotted from long distances.

The apachetas (South American cairns) were mounds of stones of different sizes, formed through gradual accumulation by the travelers, who deposited stones as an offering to preserve their travel from setbacks and allow for its successful conclusion. The apachetas were located on the side of the roads in transitional spaces such as passes or "points of interest" for travellers. This practice was condemned for its pagan character during the Colony and the Viceroyalty, when priests were ordered to dismantle them and plant crosses instead. Nevertheless, the tradition of making apachetas was not discontinued and crosses or altars of different sizes were accompanied by mounds of stone.

Paintings and mock-ups
Some places such as rock shelters or cliffs show rock paintings next to the roads, which can be interpreted as a reinforcement of the signalization. The generally zoomorphic painted representations correspond to stylized camelids, in the typical Inca design and color. Figures directly carved on the stone are also found.

Rocks of varying size at the road side can represent the shapes of the mountains or important glaciers of the region, as an expression of the sacralization of geography; they can be made up of one or more rocks.

Causeways
In damp areas embankments were built to produce causeways, in rocky terrain it was necessary to dig the path in the rock or to drive it through an artificial terrace with retaining walls
Some important causeways such as on the coast of Lake Titicaca were built to take into account the periodic variation of the lake level due to alternating rainy and dry seasons. They had stone bridges to allow the free flow of water below them.

Stairways
In order to overcome the limitations imposed by the roughness of the relief and the adverse environmental conditions, the Inca engineers designed different solutions. On rocky outcrops the road became narrower, adapting to the orography with frequent turns and retaining walls, but on particularly steep slopes flights of stairs or ramps were built or carved in the rock.

Bridges

There were multiple types of bridges used throughout the road system and they were sometimes built in pairs. Some bridges were made of parallel logs tied together with ropes and covered with earth and vegetal fibers supported by stone abutments, while others were built of stone slabs resting on piled stones. One of the difficulties of creating wooden bridges was obtaining logs. Sometimes, the laborers who were making the bridges had to bring the lumber from very far away. Wooden bridges would be replaced about every eight years.

The construction of bridges was accomplished by the help of many workers. It implied first of all the constructions of abutments, normally made of stone both rough and dressed. The masonry could even be extremely well fitted, with no evidence of any mortar being used to keep the stones in place. Incas, having no iron, used a method of stone working which used simple tools, such as hammerstones, to pound the rocks in a way that the contours of the upper rock matched those of the rock below so that the seams fit perfectly without mortar.
For simple log bridges, the construction was done by placing a series of logs over projecting canes.
Stone bridges could span shorter lengths and needed shallower rivers to be built . Some slabs were placed over the abutments and intermediate stone pillars when necessary. A very special stone bridge was recently discovered in Bolivia consisting of a relatively small opening to allow the stream to flow and a quite imposing stone embankment filling the valley sides in order to allow the road to pass on top of it.

To cross rivers flat banks, floating reeds tied together were used, forming of a row of totora boats placed side to side and covered with a board of totora and earth.

Inca rope bridges also provided access across narrow valleys. A bridge across the Apurímac River, west of Cusco, spanned a distance of . Rope bridges had to be replaced about every two years: to this end, the communities around the river crossing were commanded into a mita for the construction of the new bridge, while the old bridge was cut and let fall into the river. This type of bridge was built with ropes of vegetable fibers, such as ichu (Stipa ichu) a fiber typical of the Altiplano, which were tied together to form cords and ropes which constituted the bridge floor cables, the two handrails and the necessary connections between them.

Ravines were sometimes crossed by large hanging baskets, or oroyas, which could span distances of over .

Tunnel
To access the famous Apurímac rope bridge it was necessary for the road to reach the narrowest section of the gorge: to this end, the road was cut along a natural fault into the steep rock of the valley and a tunnel was carved to facilitate the way. The tunnel had a series of side openings allowing the light to come in. There is no evidence of other tunnels along the Inca roads.

Equipment
Garcilaso de la Vega underlines the presence of infrastructure on the Inca road system where all across the Empire lodging posts for state officials and chasqui messengers were ubiquitous, well-spaced and well provisioned. Food, clothes, and weapons were also stored and kept ready for the Inca army marching through the territory.

The tambos were the most numerous and perhaps more important buildings in the operation of the road network. They were constructions of varied architecture and size whose function was mainly the lodging of the travellers and the storage of products for their supply. For this reason, they were located at a day's journey interval, although irregularities were identified in their distances, probably linked to various factors such as the presence of water sources, the existence of land with agricultural produce or the presence of pre-Inca centers. The tambos were most probably administered by the local populations since many of them are associated with settlements with additional constructions for different uses, such as canchas (rectangular enclosures bordered by a wall, probably used as accommodation for walkers), and collcas and kallancas. These latter were rectangular buildings of considerable size, which the Conquistadors called barns for their length. They were used for ceremonies and for accommodation of diverse nature: members of the Inca or local elites, mitimaes or other travelers. Tambos were so frequent that many Andean regional place names include the word tambo in them.

At the roadside the chasquiwasis, or relay stations for the Inca messenger chasqui, were frequent. In these places the chasquis waited for the messages they had to take to other locations. The fast flow of information was important for an Empire that was in constant expansion. The chasquiwasis were normally quite small and there is little archaeological evidence and research on them.

Inca Trail to Machu Picchu

 Machu Picchu itself was far off the beaten path, and served as a royal estate populated by the ruling Inca and several hundred servants. It required regular infusions of goods and services from Cusco and other parts of the Empire. This is evidenced by the fact that there are no large government storage facilities at the site. A 1997 study concluded that the site's agricultural potential would not have been sufficient to support residents, even on a seasonal basis.

See also

 Inca Empire
 Inca society
 Incan agriculture
 Inca architecture
 Inca rope bridge

Notes

References

Bibliography

Further reading
 Moseley, Michael 1992. The Incas and their Ancestors: The archaeology of Peru. Thames and Hudson, New York.
 Hyslop, John, 1984. Inka Road System. Academic Press, New York.
 Andean World: Indigenous History: Culture and Consciousness by Kenneth Adrien.
 Footprints Cusco and The Inca Trail Handbook by Peter Frost and Ben Box
 Jenkins, David. "A Network Analysis of Inka Roads, Administrative Centers and Storage Facilities." Ethnohistory, 48:655–685 (Fall, 2001).

External links

 Trailer: "Qhapaq Ñan, Voices of the Andes"
 Geographic database of the Inca road system from a French university
 Article: "Reinventing the Inca roads: Representations and construction of memory in Peru (2001–2011)"
 UNESCO World Heritage Centre – Main Inca Road – Qhapaq Ñan

Inca
Archaeological sites in Peru
Road transport in South America
Medieval roads and tracks
History of road transport
World Heritage Sites in Argentina
World Heritage Sites in Bolivia
World Heritage Sites in Chile
World Heritage Sites in Colombia
World Heritage Sites in Ecuador
World Heritage Sites in Peru
Pre-Columbian trails and roads

Inca road system


Karaciğer, sadece omurgalılarda bulunan, detoksifikasyon, protein sentezi ve sindirim için gerekli olan enzimlerin üretimi de dahil olmak üzere pek çok işleve sahip bir organdır. İnsanlarda karaciğer karın bölgesinde, diyaframın altında bulunur. Karaciğerle ilgili terimler, tıbbi literatürde genellikle Grekçe karaciğer anlamına gelen ἧπᾰρ (hêpar) sözcüğünden türeyen hepat- kökü ile başlar.

Karaciğer yaşam için gerekli olan hayati bir organdır. Karaciğer yokluğunda veya işlev yitiminde, diyalizle kısa bir süre fonksiyonları devam ettirilebilir fakat karaciğerin fonksiyonunun uzun süreli yokluğunda tek tedavi karaciğer naklidir.

Etimoloji
Türkçede karaciğer ve ciğer kelimeleri, Farsça kökenli "karaciğer" anlamına gelen cigar veya cīgar (جگر/جيگر) sözcüklerinden alıntıdır. Orta Farsça'da yer alan yakar veya cagar kelimesinden evrilmiş bu sözcük aynı zamanda Avestaca yākarə, Sanskritçe yákr̥t (यकृत्) ile kökteştir. Tıbbi literatürde çoğunlukla kullanılan hepar (ἡπαρ) ve hepato terimleri Grekçe kökenli olup bu dilde de karaciğer anlamına gelir. Tüm bu kelimelerin ortak atasının Proto-Hint-Avrupa dilinde bulunduğu tahmin edilen *Hi̯ékʷr̥ (*i̯ékʷr̥) kelimesi olduğu varsayılır.

Embriyoloji

Embriyolojik olarak karaciğer, germ tabakalarından biri olan endodermden gelişen ön bağırsak ile mezenşimden gelişir. İnsan embriyosunda hepatik divertikül ön bağırsağın mezenşime genişlemiş endodermal bir tüpü olup dallanarak karaciğerin temellerini oluşturur. Bu divertikülün sindirim tüplerine yakın kısmı da dallanarak safra kesesini oluşturur.

Hepatoblastların bölgeye varması ile safra kanalcıkları ve karaciğer sinüsoidleri oluşarak karaciğerin ilkel mimarisi gelişmeye başlar. Karaciğer tomurcuğu kendi içinde loblara ayrılır ve umbilikal ven ductus venosus'a, vitelin ven ise portal vene dönüşür. Bunu hepatoblastların hepatositler ile safra sistemini oluşturacak epitel hücrelere farklılaşması takip eder.

Doğumda karaciğer toplam vücut ağırlığının yaklaşık %4'üne tekabül eder ve ortalama olarak 120 g ağırlığındadır. Erişkinlik döneminde karaciğer, doğumdakinin 12 ile 13 katı ağırlığına ulaşır, tekabül ettiği bu ağırlık toplam vücut ağırlığının yaklaşık %2.5 - %3,5'unu oluşturur.

İşlev
Karaciğer metabolizmada önemli bir rol oynar. Glikojen depolanması, kırmızı kan hücrelerinin üretimi, plazma ve protein sentezi, hormon üretimi ve detoksifikasyon da dahil olmak üzere vücutta daha birçok alanda işlevi vardır. Karaciğer ayrıca yağ sindirimine yardımcı alkali bir sıvı olan safrayı ve safra asitlerini üretir ve bu salgıyı hepatik kanallar yoluyla safra kesesi ve oniki parmak bağırsağına yollar. Bu yüzden bu organ safra sisteminin bir parçası kabul edilir.

Organ ayrıca doku sentezi ve normal yaşamsal işlevler için gerekli olan küçük ve karmaşık moleküller de dahil olmak üzere yüksek hacimli biyokimyasal reaksiyonları düzenleyen hepatositleri içinde barındırır. Sayı farklı kaynaklarda çeşitlilik gösterse de, karaciğerin yaklaşık 500 tane işlevi olduğu düşünülmektedir.

Anatomi

Karaciğer, insanlarda simetrik olmayan ve dört lobu bulunan kırmızımsı kahverengi renkli bir organdır. Organ diyaframın hemen altında, karın boşluğunun sağ üst kısmında bulunur ve midenin sağ tarafını ve safra kesesini örter. Bir insan karaciğeri normalde 1,4-1,7 kg ağırlığında olup yumuşak ve üçgen şeklindedir. Karaciğer insanlarda hem en ağır iç organ, hem de en büyük bezdir. Lobüller karaciğerin fonksyonel birimleridir ve her lobül temelde milyonlarca hepatositten oluşur.

Karaciğer segmentleri, yaygın olarak kullanılan Couinaud sisteminde, fonksiyonel loblar, ana portal venin çatallanma yoluyla çapraz bir düzleme dayalı toplam sekiz segmenti kapsamaktadır.

Kan akışı

Karaciğere, hepatik arter ve portal ven adı verilen iki büyük kan damarı bağlıdır. Karaciğerin kan arzının yaklaşık %75'i hepatik portal ven, geriye kalan %25'i ise hepatik arter ile sağlanır. Oksijen açısından ise ihtiyacının yaklaşık yarısı hepatik portal venden, diğer yarısı ise hepatik arterler tarafından karşılanmaktadır.

Portal ven kanı gastrointestinal sistemdeki organlar ile dalak ve pankreastan karaciğere taşır ve sindirilmiş besin yönünden zengindir. Hepatik arter ise abdominal aortta yer alan çölyak arterden dallanır ve oksijen yönünden zengin kanı karaciğerlere iletir.

Bu damarlar kanı, daha sonra karaciğer lobülleri içine dallanacak karaciğer sinüzoidleine taşırlar. Kılcal damarlardan sonra oksijen açısından fakirleşmiş kan, alt ana toplardamara hepatik venler yolu ile drene edilir.

Galeri

Kaynakça

Dış bağlantılar
Liver at the Open Directory Project.
VIRTUAL Liver - online learning resource
Liver enzymes
 Liver & various pathologies CAT Scans - CT Cases.net

Karaciğer


Apios (hrv. apios; lat. Apios), rod trajnica penjačica iz porodice mahunarki. rširen jew po Aziji od Japana do Himalaje, i u Americi, od istočne Kanade do Meksičkog zaljeva. Postoji 7 priznatih vrsta, a najpoznatija je Apios americana, koja je uvezena i u Europu, među ostalima i u Hrvatsku. Ova vrsta ima jestiv gomolj, i Američkim Indijancima služila je za hranu.

Vrste
 Apios americana Medik.
 Apios carnea (Wall.) Benth. ex Baker
 Apios chendezhaoana (Y.K.Yang, L.H.Liu & J.K.Wu) B.Pan bis, X.L.Yu & F.Zhang
 Apios delavayi Franch.
 Apios fortunei Maxim.
 Apios macrantha Oliv.
 Apios priceana B.L.Rob.

Izvori

Abreae

Apios


D-Sub, abreviere pentru D-Subminiature, este un sistem de conectori ce a fost utilizat pe scară largă în sistemele informatice și în aplicațiile de procesare a datelor. Acest sistem de conectare este specificat pe plan internațional în IEC 807-2.
În funcție de aplicații și țară acest sistem de conectare se regăsește în diverse standarde, cum ar fi standardul militar american MIL-C-24308  sau în Germania în standardul DIN 41652. În cadrul standardelor ISO sunt specificate și variante individuale, cum ar fi ISO 4903 pentru DA-15 și ISO 2110 pentru DB-25.

Acest tip de conector a fost dezvoltat în 1952 de compania americană ITT Cannon, pe care l-au numit D-Subminiature datorită formei "D" și designului foarte mic.

În prezent, conectorii D-Sub sunt din ce în ce mai puțin folosiți, fiind înlocuiți de USB, DisplayPort, FireWire etc.

Descriere
Conectorii D-sub variază în funcție de dimensiune și de configurația pinilor care permit conectarea unor echipamente periferice sau senzori și a magistralelor digitale de comunicație cu mai multe linii. Pinii unui conector D-sub sunt aranjați în cel puțin două și cel mult cinci rânduri paralele, numerotați de la dreapta la stânga. Spațiul dintre pini se numește densitatea conectorului. Cele trei densități ale conectorului D-sub sunt normale, înalte și duble. În standardul internațional DIN 41625, literele A până la E care urmează D, definesc numărul de pini: A = 15 pini, B = 25 pini, C = 37 pini, D = 50 pini, E = 9 pini.

Cu toate acestea, acest model de denumire nu este întotdeauna urmat. Ulterior, la conectorii D-sub s-au adăugat pini în plus la dimensiunile originale. De exemplu DE-15 (cabluri VGA), are 15 pini în trei rânduri, într-o carcasă de dimensiune E (9 pini). Calculatoarele personale au utilizat mai întâi conectori DB-25 pentru porturile seriale și paralele, iar atunci când portul serial al PC-ului a început să utilizeze conectori cu 9 pini, au fost adesea etichetați ca DB-9 în locul conectorilor DE-9. De aceea, un conector DB-9 aproape întotdeauna se referă la un conector cu 9 pini cu carcasă de dimensiune E.

Conectorii D-Sub sunt disponibili într-o gamă largă, modelele disponibile se deosebesc prin orientarea conexiunilor: orizontale, verticale și în unghi. Versiunile speciale asigură o conexiune ermetică, altele au integrat un filtru anti-interferențe sau sunt ecranate.

Conectorii D-Sub sunt disponibili în versiuni tată și mamă, atât soclurile, cât și mufele. Pentru conexiunile cablu-cablu sunt destinate perechile mufă-soclu cu terminale pentru lipirea cablului, cu o carcasă care asigură protecția conexiunii. O caracteristică importantă a conectorilor D-Sub o reprezintă echiparea carcasei cu un sistem de blocare a conexiunii care conține șuruburi și clichete de stabilizare a îmbinării mecanice a mufei și soclului și de prevenire a deconectării accidentale.

Cele mai diverse abrevieri ale conectorului D-Sub au fost DSUB, Sub-D, SUB-MIN-D, DE-9 (D-sub 9-pini), DB-25 (D-Sub 25-pini) (Half D-Sub 50-pini) etc.

Versiuni
Versiunile tipice D-Sub sunt:
DE-9 (RS-232): folosit frecvent pentru portul serial al unui computer, cât și pentru a conecta un joystick la o consolă de jocuri; a fost folosit pentru prima dată în consola Atari 2600 și apoi în Commodore, Amiga, Amstrad ș.a.
DB-15 (DA-15 și DE-15): conectori utilizați pe scară largă. DA-15, cu două rânduri, este portul de jocuri, iar DE-15 de dimensiuni mai mici, cu trei rânduri, de înaltă densitate, este portul VGA, SVGA și XGA (depășit în prezent de DV, HDMI și DisplayPort). A fost introdus pe calculatoare în 1986.
DB-19 (DE-19) : conexiune normală pentru monitoare și unități de disc, folosită pe calculatoarele Macintosh și NeXT. De asemenea, folosit pentru conexiuni de date ASCI pe unele computere Atari.
DB-25: folosit pentru conexiuni de port paralel. Conectorul DB-25 de pe PC-uri servește drept conector port LPT paralel (în prezent depășit prin USB). DB-25 a fost utilizat pe scară largă pentru portul de imprimantă.
DA-26: conector de 26 pini, similar cu VGA de 15 pini.
DA-31
DC-37: utilizat în unele carduri de rețea Cisco, Nortel, SMC. De asemenea, utilizat în diferite modele de senzori, întrerupătoare, antene de satelit, sisteme de control, hardware video, sisteme de control al securității etc.
DB-44 IDC: acest conector este utilizat pentru HDD-ul de 2.5 IDE de notebook-uri. Pinii 1-40 sunt aceiași ca și la conectorul IDE/ATA cu 40 de pini, dar distanța dintre pini este mai mică.

DD-50: conexiuni SCSI
DB-52
DC-62
DD-78
DC-79
DD-100
DF-104

Micro-D
Este un tip mai mic de conector derivat din D-sub. Are aproximativ jumătate din lungimea unui D-sub și aplicația sa principală este tehnologia spațială.

Imagini

Vezi și
Conector electric
Port (calculator)

Referințe și note

Legături externe

Listă de conectori, inclusiv majoritatea D-sub
 ittcannon.com

Conectori electrici
Transmitere de date

D-Sub


Juan Isidro Jimenes y Pereyra (Santo Domingo, República Dominicana, 15 de noviembre de 1846 – Santo Domingo, República Dominicana, 9 de mayo de 1919) fue un político dominicano que ocupó la presidencia de la República Dominicana.

Vida personal y familia
El 21 de mayo de 1849, después de haber enviudado, Manuel José Jimenes se casó con Altagracia Pereyra Pérez, con quien procreó a Juan Isidro Jimenes Pereyra.

Jimenes se casó en 1874 con María Josefa de los Santos Domínguez y Gómez, tía abuela del futuro presidente Hipólito Mejía Domínguez. Ellos procrearon a: José Manuel, Ana Rosa, José Antonio, Carmen Josefa, María Consuelo, María Altagracia y María Dolores Jimenes Domínguez. Unos de sus hijos, José Manuel Jimenes, fue secretario de Fomento y Obras Públicas en el gobierno de Rafael Leónidas Trujillo.

Entre sus nietos está Juan Isidro Jiménes Grullón, destacado ensayista, historiador, médico, filósofo, educador y político.

También procreó con Rosenda Hernández a María Josefa Jiménez Hernández, quien se casó con Domingo Moreno Arriaga y son los padres del reconocido poeta dominicano y creador del postumismo Domingo Moreno Jimenes. El abogado y político dominicano Guillermo Moreno García es descendiente por parte paterna de Jimenes.

1ª Presidencia (1899-1902)
Después del asesinato de general Heureaux, fue elegido presidente constitucional, cargo que ocupó en noviembre de 1899. Los militares que habían participado en la conjura contra el presidente Heureaux, le impusieron como vicepresidente al general Horacio Vásquez, lo que originó una permanente inestabilidad bajo su gobierno. En abril de 1902, el presidente Jimenes fue derrocado por una revuelta militar encabezada por su vicepresidente Vásquez. Un año más tarde, a la caída del general Vásquez, trató de volver al gobierno, pero Alejandro Woss y Gil se hizo con el poder.

2ª Presidencia (1914-1916)

Después de la muerte del presidente Ramón Cáceres y luego de un período en el que se sucedieron varios gobiernos, Juan Isidro Jiménez

triunfó sobre Vásquez en las elecciones presidenciales de 1914, con el apoyo de Desiderio Arias.
Su gobierno incluyó a Velasquez y a Desiderio Arias, quienes con su apoyo electoral le habían permitido el triunfo. Arias fue nombrado como Ministro de Guerra y Marina y su principal representante Elías Brache ministro de Interior y Policía. Don Federico Velásquez fue nombrado ministro de fomento y su seguidor Bernardo Pichardo también ocupó un ministerio. Los Jimenistas Jacinto Peynado, Jaime Mota y Armando Pérez Perdomo completaron el gabinete.

En enero de 1915 empezaron las dificultades, debido a las nuevas exigencias de los Estados Unidos dirigidas directamente por el Secretario de Estado William Bryan quien sometió al presidente una serie de exigencias, claramente intervencionistas e ilegales, entre las que se destacaban: el que las rentas internas serían cobradas por la Receptoría General de Aduanas; un ciudadano de los Estados Unidos sería nombrado como Superintendente de Hacienda, controlador de los gastos nacionales y encargado del presupuesto; el ejército dominicano sería suprimido o reducido creándose en su lugar se crearía una policía o guardia civil bajo el mando de un oficial de Estados Unidos. Por último se extendería la autoridad de un ciudadano de Estados Unidos como Director General de Obras Públicas y Comunicaciones de todo el país.

Jiménez lanzó una proclama al pueblo destituyendo a Arias del puesto de Ministro de Guerra y Marina, imputándole la comisión de actos de traición y despidiendo a sus seguidores de los puestos que ocupaban.
El Secretario Robert Lansing ordenó al Ministro Russell de notificar a las facciones que el gobierno estadounidense apoyaría al presidente Jiménes, pero al mismo tiempo insistió en que este solicitara ayuda activa de los infantes de marina que acababan de llegar en los transportes "Praire" y "Castine". Jiménes se negó y pidió en cambio, armas y municiones para enfrentarse a Arias, a lo que el ministro se negó, exigiendo que el presidente pidiera ayuda formal de tropas estadounidenses.
Sin autorización previa, el 4 de mayo de 1916, los Estados Unidos empezaron a desembarcar sus tropas bajo el alegato de proteger la Legación de los Estados Unidos, la Receptoría General y a los extranjeros reunidos en la Legación haitiana.

Antes este hecho consumado y ante la realidad de que un enfrentamiento con Arias solo daría pie a un mayor desembarco de tropas estadounidenses, el 7 de mayo de 1916, el presidente renunció.

La parte final de su renuncia dice: ... Yo no he vacilado ni un instante y con todo el país a mi favor, excepción hecha de esa porción traidora del ejército que ocupa las plazas de Santo Domingo y Puerto Plata. Con más de 1500 hombres valientes y llenos de entusiasmo marcial sitiando las posiciones rebeldes, desciendo las gradas del Capitolio, con el sosiego sereno de mi conciencia limpia y con la confortable convicción del deber cumplido, sintiendo el sol otoñal iluminar con resplandores crepusculares las canas de mi cabeza, me retiro a la tranquilidad de mi hogar".

Muerte
Falleció el 9 de mayo de 1919 en Santo Domingo. Está enterrado en la Catedral de María la Menor Santa.

Enlaces externos

 Lápida donde descansan los restos de Juan Isidro Jimenes

Presidentes de República Dominicana
Políticos de República Dominicana
Nacidos en Santo Domingo

Juan Isidro Jimenes


Djeca 1941. – 1945. je hrvatski dokumentarni film slovenskog istraživača i publicista Romana Leljaka. Premijerno je trebala biti rujna 2019. godine, ali će biti u veljači 2020. godine. Film obiluje dokumentima, fotografijama i video snimkama iz Drugog svjetskog rata. Pokušava se odgovoriti na pitanja: Zbog čega se uporno prikriva istina o sudbini ratom stradale djece na području cijele bivše Jugoslavije? Zašto se hrvatskom narodu nameće kolektivna odgovornost za tobožnju nebrigu djece? Uzevši u obzir da je najveća smrtnost djece bila 1946. godine kada je sveukupno u komunističkoj Jugoslavije umrlo njih 120.383, najveća od svih godina u vremenu od 1940. do 1950., a u dobi do dvije godine starosti smrtnost je bila veća od 15 posto, što je bio uzrok tolikoj poslijeratnoj smrtnosti? Film pruža nova saznanja o sudbini djece s Kozare čije su životne tragedije tema mnogih povijesnih istraživanja, knjiga i članaka. Film pokušava rasvijetliti sudbine te djece zametene ratnim vihorom, jer još i danas sudbinu te djece koriste skupine povjesničara i političara u okviru krimena protiv uloge hrvatskog naroda, nametanja kolektivne odgovornosti svim hrvatskim generacijama za razdoblje drugog svjetskog rata. Djeca iz Siska, osim onih koji su bili udomljeni po hrvatskim domovima, mnoga su poslata u Kraljevo u Dječji dom Mataruška banja.

Izvori

Vanjske poveznice
YouTube Trailer filma

Hrvatski dokumentarni filmovi o Drugom svjetskom ratu

Djeca 1941. – 1945.


A Flora of North America (abreviado Fl. N. Amer.) es un libro con ilustraciones y descripciones botánicas que fue escrito conjuntamente por Asa Gray y John Torrey. Fue publicado en dos volúmenes en los años 1838-1843.

Referencias

Enlaces externos
en IPNI

Libros de botánica de Estados Unidos del siglo XIX
Libros de 1838
Libros de 1843
Ciencia de 1838
Ciencia de 1843
Estados Unidos en 1838
Estados Unidos en 1843

A Flora of North America


إبراهيم بن محمد الناجي (1407 - 1495م). برهان الدين أبو إسحاق إبراهيم بن محمد بن محمود بن بدر الدمشقي الناجي. واعظ عارف بالحديث، من مدينة دمشق أو حلب.

مؤلفاته
 تعليقة على الترغيب والترهيب للمنذري
 المعين على فعل سنة التلقين
 رسالة في الشفاعة

مراجع

علماء حديث من الشام
علماء دين مسلمون
مواليد 1407
مواليد 810 هـ
وفيات 1495

إبراهيم بن محمد الناجي


The year 1973 in architecture involved some significant architectural events and new buildings.

Buildings and structures

Buildings opened

 February 14 – Vicksburg Bridge over the Mississippi River, United States.
 April 4 – The World Trade Center in New York City, designed by Minoru Yamasaki.
 May 10 – General Belgrano Bridge, over the Paraná River, Argentina.
 June 29 – Clifton Cathedral (Roman Catholic) in Bristol, England, designed by R. J. Weeks with F. S. Jennett and A. Poremba of the Percy Thomas Partnership.
 July 19 – National Stadium, Singapore.
 August 25 – Jesús Soto Museum of Modern Art in Ciudad Bolívar, Venezuela, designed by Carlos Raúl Villanueva.
 September – Kenyatta International Conference Centre in Nairobi, Kenya, designed by Karl Henrik Nøstvik.
 October 20 – Sydney Opera House in Sydney, Australia, designed by Jørn Utzon.
 October 30 – Bosphorus Bridge in Istanbul, Turkey.
 The Aon Center in Chicago, Illinois, United States, originally known as the Standard Oil Building.
 Sears Tower in Chicago, Illinois, United States, designed by Skidmore, Owings & Merrill, becomes the tallest building in the world.
 Uris Hall at Cornell University, designed by Gordon Bunshaft of Skidmore, Owings & Merrill
 Theatr Ardudwy at Coleg Harlech in Wales, designed by Colwyn Foulkes & Partners.

Buildings completed

 May – Sears Tower, Chicago, designed by Skidmore, Owings & Merrill.
 September 4 – First Wisconsin Center in Milwaukee, Wisconsin.
 date unknown
 Alpha Tower, Birmingham, England, designed by George Marsh of Richard Seifert & Partners.
 The Carlton Centre in Johannesburg, South Africa, becomes the tallest building in South Africa and in Africa (1973–present).
 Großgaststätte Ahornblatt, Berlin, Germany (demolished in 2000).
 Harvard Science Center at Harvard University, Boston, Massachusetts, designed by Josep Lluís Sert.
 IDS Center in Minneapolis, Minnesota.
 Boyana Residence, Sofia (later National Historical Museum (Bulgaria)), designed by Alexander Barov.
 Underhill (underground residence), Holme, West Yorkshire, England, designed by Arthur Quarmby.
 29 Lansdowne Crescent, London (infill residence), designed by Jeremy Lever.
 Kyiv TV Tower in Kyiv, Ukraine.
 Mala Rijeka Viaduct, Podgorica, Montenegro.
 Royal Centre (Vancouver) in Vancouver, British Columbia, Canada
 Empire Landmark Hotel in Vancouver
 Granville Square in Vancouver
 Tour Montparnasse in Paris, France, designed by Eugène Beaudouin, Urbain Cassan and Louis Hoym de Marien.
 Tower 2 of the Meritus Mandarin Singapore in Singapore.
 Cromwell Tower in London, England.
 Le Pyramide market in Abidjan, Ivory Coast, designed by Rinaldo Olivieri.
 Zagreb TV Tower in Zagreb, Croatia..

Events
 Vladimir Somov designs the Fyodor Dostoyevsky Theater of Dramatic Art for Veliky Novgorod.

Awards
 American Academy of Arts and Letters Gold Medal – Louis Kahn
 Alvar Aalto Medal – Hakon Ahlberg
 Architecture Firm Award – Shepley Bulfinch Richardson and Abbott
 Prix de l'Académie d'Architecture de France – Kenzo Tange
 RAIA Gold Medal – Jørn Utzon
 RIBA Royal Gold Medal – Leslie Martin
 AIA Twenty-five Year Award – Taliesin West

Births
 January 24 – Eero Endjärv, Estonian architect
 date unknown – Zahava Elenberg, Australian architect

Deaths
 January 22 – Stanisław Staszewski, Polish architect and poet (born 1925)
 June 14 – Clifford Percy Evans, American architect (born 1889)
 June 27 – Odd Nansen, Norwegian architect, author, and humanitarian (born 1901)
 September 20 – Leslie Wilkinson, Australian architect (born 1882)
 December 8 – Paul Bartholomew, American architect (born 1883)

References

20th-century architecture

1973 in architecture


Cuddington is the name of several places in the United Kingdom:

Cuddington, Buckinghamshire, a village and civil parish
Cuddington, Eddisbury, near Northwich, Cheshire, a village and civil parish
Cuddington, Malpas, a civil parish near Malpas, Cheshire, containing the village of Cuddington Heath
Cuddington, a former name of Kiddington, Oxfordshire
Cuddington, Surrey, a village demolished to make room for Henry VIII's Nonsuch Palace

See also
Coddington (disambiguation)

Cuddington


La Línea Tanimachi (谷町線 Tanimachi-sen) es una línea del metro de Osaka. Este línea es la línea más larga en el metro de Osaka. Los nombres oficial de este línea son  Línea 2 de la Tranvía Eléctrico Rápido (高速電気軌道第2号線) y Línea 2 del Ferrocarril Rápido de la Ciudad de Osaka (大阪市高速鉄道第2号線).

Historia
El nombre de la línea Tanimachi es Línea 2 del metro de Osaka, pero este línea no era la segunda línea para abrir en el metro. La línea fue inaugurada en el 24 de marzo de 1967 entre las estaciones Higashi-Umeda y Tanimachi Yonchome; una extensión a la estación Tennoji fue abierto en 1968.

En el 8 de abril de 1970, una explosión de gas ocurrió al sitio de la construcción de la estación Tenjimbashisuji Rokuchome; 79 personas murieron en la explosión, que destruyó 495 edificios. La sección de la línea Tanimachi de Higashi-Umeda a la estación Miyakojima fue inaugurado en el 29 de mayo de 1974; una extensión a la estación Moriguchi fue abierto en 1977. Una extensión de Tennoji a Yaominami fue inaugurada en 1980. La línea fue realizada cuando la estación Dainichi fue inaugurada en 1983.

Estaciones

Referencias

Enlaces externos

Metro de Osaka

Línea Tanimachi


Laurence Anthony Robertson (born 29 March 1958) is a British Conservative Party politician. He has been Member of Parliament (MP) for Tewkesbury since 1997 and served as Chair of the Northern Ireland Affairs Committee for seven years, from 2010 to 2017.

Early life
Robertson was born in Bolton, Lancashire. His father was a miner, a postman, a delivery man then a milkman. His mother was an office worker in Manchester.

He was educated at St James's C.E. Secondary Modern School and Farnworth Grammar School, both located in Farnworth, and afterwards at Bolton Institute of Higher Education (now the University of Bolton), gaining a diploma in Management Services.

Early career
Before entering Parliament, Robertson held a number of roles which included him working as a charity fundraiser, public relations consultant, company director, factory owner from 1987 to 1988, industrial management consultant from 1983 to 1989, and work study engineer from 1977 to 1983.

From 1988 to 1991, Robertson was Chairman of Governors of a primary school, a visitor for Victim Support Scheme, and the area chairman for the Campaign for Law and Order.

Political career
Robertson was an unsuccessful candidate when he stood for Bolton Council in the Derby ward in 1983 and in the Burnden ward in 1986. He was an unsuccessful candidate for Parliament in the Makerfield constituency at the 1987 general election and again in the Ashfield constituency at the 1992 general election.

In May 1997, Robertson was elected as the Member of Parliament for Tewkesbury, winning with a majority of 9,234.

Robertson stood on "an unashamedly British ticket, fighting against European federalism and stressing the need for and benefits of preserving the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland."

On 21 May 1997, Robertson made his maiden speech during the Referendums (Scotland and Wales) Bill, in which he spoke out against devolution.

Robertson courted controversy in May 2001 by ignoring James Cran's advice not to publicly express support for John Townend. Robertson endorsed Townend's controversial remarks about race on BBC's Newsnight saying that Townend's remarks were "basically true" and "having too many people in different multi-racial groups makes society very difficult to manage, especially in certain parts of the country. It is not that easy to manage that kind of society."

Robertson was forced to apologise after being given an ultimatum to either apologise, retract his remarks and promise not to repeat them or to be stripped of the Conservative party whip. Robertson was reported to have told colleagues that he received a lot of support, and was told by the Tewkesbury constituency chairman that he should not have backed down.

Following the incident, Robertson apologised. Since then, Robertson has used his platform to speak out against racism. In 2019, Robertson brought attention to the matter of racism in football to the Department for Digital, Culture, Media and Sport Minister, Nigel Adams, branding supporters who abuse people because of the colour of their skin as "absolutely shameful".

During the expenses scandal, it was flagged that between 2001 and 2011, Robertson had claimed more than £1 million in MP's expenses and criticised plans to overhaul the system of claims for MPs. However, in October 2020, Robertson spoke out against IPSA proposed pay rise for Members of Parliament in a statement on his website.

Between 2004 and 2005, Robertson led a successful campaign to save Alderman Knight, a local special needs school for children additional learning difficulties, complex needs and Autistic Spectrum Disorders (ASD) from closure. On 8 September 2004, Robertson secured a debate in the House of Commons to discuss the schools closure. During the debate Robertson read out letters he had been sent by students advocating for the school to remain open and made it clear to Minister that he would do everything in his power "to save the school by legal and campaigning means".

On 24 March 2005, the Schools Adjudicator ruled that Alderman Knight would close. During a question to the Minister of Education on the matter of special schools in the House of Commons that day, Robertson accused Minister for Children, Young People and Families Margaret Hodge of providing an "inadequate" and "dishonest" answer after failing to mention the school in her figures. When ordered by Speaker Michael Martin to withdraw the remark, Robertson refused, stating: "Mr Speaker, I am here to represent my constituents. I will not withdraw that remark." He was therefore asked to leave the chamber. This was reported in national press, bringing attention to the school and its importance in the area.

Later that year, following the May local government elections, the Conservatives took control of the council and pledged to keep the school open.

Following the 2007 floods in Tewkesbury, Robertson spoke out against building on flood plains. An issue that Robertson raised once again to Secretary of State for Environment, Food and Rural Affairs in February 2020 following heavy flooding in his constituency. Robertson is Vice Chair of the All-Party Parliamentary Group on Flood Prevention, and continues to lobby the government on the issue of flooding.

In March 2016, Robertson was accused of "cash for access" after it was reported that he sponsored a parliamentary pass for a lobbyist, Jennifer Bryant-Pearson, in 2014 whose company paid him £7,500 for consultancy advice in 2009 and 2010. Robertson was paid between £9,000 and £10,000 a year by the environmental services company Veolia, which is among Bryant-Pearson's major clients. Robertson went onto clarify: "I received and registered payments from Westminster Parliamentary Research, the last of which was received by me on 28th May 2010. Jennifer Bryant-Pearson held a Parliamentary pass through me from 6th January 2014 to 30th March 2015. There was therefore a gap of almost four years between the ending of my consultancy work with the company and her obtaining a pass."In 2019, Robertson along with his colleagues, led a successful campaign to save Cheltenham's Accident and Emergency Department from closure.

However, as a result of the COVID-19 pandemic, Cheltenham A&E was temporarily closed. On 30 September 2020, Robertson brought the issue to light once again during Prime Ministers Questions, asking the prime minister to ensure the return of the A&E at Cheltenham General Hospital, to which the Prime Minister confirmed that the closure was a "temporary measure".

Robertson began a job at the Betting and Gaming Council in October 2020 as the parliamentary advisor on sport and safer gambling. He is paid £2000 for 10 hours a month work, equivalent to £24,000 a year. He has said he will not advocate for the betting industry despite tougher regulations being set to be introduced.

Register of Members' Interests

From 11 May 2020 to 19 November 2021, Robertson received a total of £3,085 for participating in 41 surveys from three polling companies, YouGov, Savanta ComRes and Populus.

Since 1 October 2020 (until 30 September 2022), Robertson has been acting as the Parliamentary Adviser on Sport and Safer Gambling to the Betting and Gaming Council, based in London, for which he receives £2,000 for 10 hours work per month. (Registered 26 October 2020; updated 6 October 2021).

Sporting events
Robertson has received donations in kind from sporting and other organisations for admittance to and entertainment at sporting events. On 17June 2021, Robertson and his wife received hospitality at Ascot valued at £2,800. The donor was the Betting and Gaming Council in London.

On 15 July 2021, Robertson received admittance to and hospitality from the Royal St George's Golf Club, Sandwich for the Open Championship with a total value of £700. The donor was the Royal and Ancient Golf Club. (Donation registered on 6 July 2021.)

Government positions
In September 2001, Robertson was appointed an Opposition Whip. In June 2003, was made Shadow Minister for Trade and Industry. In November 2003, he was appointed a Shadow Minister for Economic Affairs and from May 2005, he served as the Shadow Minister for Northern Ireland. He was not given a ministerial position in the 2010 Parliament, but served as chair of the Northern Ireland Affairs Committee until July 2017 when Andrew Murrison succeeded Robertson as chair.

Votes
Robertson opposes gay marriage, and has consistently voted against equal rights for homosexual couples. In December 2012, when the UK Government consulted on plans to extend marriage to same-sex couples, he said in Parliament: "Let me point out that although there are religious and civil ceremonies, there is only one marriage, and many people of all faiths and no faith are deeply offended—I repeat, deeply offended—by these proposals."

In December 2014, Robertson along with six other male Conservative Party MPs voted against the Equal Pay (Transparency) Bill which would require all companies with more than 250 employees to declare the gap in pay between the average male and average female salaries.

Robertson is against HS2 and has continued to vote against new high speed rail infrastructure.

Northern Ireland
Robertson notes that although "the events in the Province didn't immediately affect me, they had an impact on my thinking and ended up having an enormous influence on my career."

In Parliament, Robertson was Chairman of the Northern Ireland Affairs Select Committee between 2010 and 2017. The committee contained 13 members, including members from the Conservative and Labour Parties, the DUP, UUP, SDLP and an Independent. During his time as chair, the subjects of the inquiries and reports included the Saville Inquiry (Bloody Sunday), the Letters of Comfort Inquiry, Corporation Tax, Banking, Leaving the EU and others.

Robertson was also Chairman of the British Irish Parliamentary Assembly between 2012 and 2016. This group included MPs and Lords, as well as TDs and Senators, from both British and Irish Parliaments, as well as members of the devolved administrations.

In 2017, Robertson received a Metropolitan Police shield for his work championing IRA bomb victims. Robertson continues to lead calls for compensation to be given to victims of IRA attacks that used Libyan explosives.

Robertson created the All-Party Parliamentary Group on the Union in September 2019 which seeks to "To promote the economic, social, cultural and constitutional benefits of the union of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland; To foster good relations between the four countries of the UK and their devolved administrations; and for connected purposes". He is chairman of the group.

Brexit
A strong Eurosceptic, Robertson campaigned for John Redwood in the Conservative leadership contest in 1995 and is active in the EU pressure group Better Off Out. He is a member of the pressure group The Freedom Association. He opposes devolution and the Good Friday Agreement in Northern Ireland.

In mid-November 2018, following publication of the draft UK Brexit Withdrawal Agreement, Robertson submitted to the Chairman of the 1922 Committee of the Conservative Party a letter confirming he had no confidence in the Conservative Party leader and Prime Minister Theresa May. Robertson became the first of a long list to confirm his letter, after the government announced details of its draft Withdrawal Agreement with the EU.

Interest in Africa
Throughout his life, Robertson has had a particular interest in Africa.

He is a member of multiple All Party Parliamentary groups (APPG) for African nations, including: Chairman of the APPG for Ethiopia and Djibouti, Vice Chairman of the APPG for Angola and Vice Chairman of the APPG for Nigeria.

As Chairman of the APPG for Ethiopia, Robertson has worked with the Ethiopian Embassy, committing to further strengthen Ethio-UK relations in the UK.

Throughout his career, Robertson has been an advocate for the continuation of the UKs ODA spend and girl's education across the continent. Whilst chairing a debate in 2019, Robertson spoke of his time in Ethiopia, noting:"I have witnessed situations in which girls have had to walk a number of miles every day to collect water to bring back to their families. That is neither sustainable nor efficient. It keeps the girls away from school, it prevents any progress from being made in the neighbourhood and it is wrong. We have to do a lot more to help in those situations".

Following the merger of the Foreign and Commonwealth Office (FCO) and Department for International Development (DIFID) in June 2020, Robertson released a statement noting that he had "mixed feelings". In the statement, Robertson flagged his concern regarding the shifting balance towards aid in line the UKs interests over helping the world's poorest.

In his discussion with the prime minister, Robertson emphasised that helping the world's poorest is the UK's interests, nonetheless it is important to continue humanitarian work. "I asked him [Prime Minister] to guarantee that, following the merger, we would continue our poverty reduction programmes across the world, and continue to provide health and education projects, particularly for girls, and he agreed that the latter in particular was one of the most important things we could do."

UK-Africa trade
In October 2020, Robertson was appointed as the Prime Minister's Trade Envoy to Angola and Zambia. Robertson is one of 29 trade envoys covering 67 markets who are appointed by the Prime Minister to promote trade and encourage investment within the UK. He was removed from this position in December 2021 after rebelling on new COVID-19 related restrictions, following the Omicron variant.

Before being appointed, Robertson led trade missions across the African continent. Notable trips include his missions to Nigeria, Rwanda, Uganda and Ethiopia and Djibouti.

In July 2018, Robertson encouraged then Secretary of State for International Development Penny Mordaunt to offer better trade deals to developing countries in Africa once the UK had left the European Union.

Outside of Parliament, Robertson is chairman of the Westminster Africa Business Group, who bring together both business and political activities across Africa to encourage trade relationships.

The group regularly hold events at the House of Commons, including lunches, receptions and other meeting attended by businesses, ministers, MPs, ambassadors and High Commissioners from both the UK and Africa.

Personal life

Robertson is a practising Christian. In May 1989, Robertson married Susan Lees at All Saints Church in Farnworth. In 2002, he had an affair with Claire Parker, his constituency secretary, who was married. In 2005, Robertson and Lees divorced.

In September 2011, details published by the Independent Parliamentary Standards Authority (IPSA) revealed that Robertson was spending up to £35,000 on his partner Anne Marie "Annie" Adams as his office manager and up to £30,000 on his estranged wife Susan Robertson as his senior secretary (at a combined cost to the taxpayer of £65,000).

Under rules introduced by IPSA in 2010, Robertson would not be allowed to employ both women because MPs are limited to one 'connected' person or family member on their staff. However, because the arrangement was in place before the rule change it is allowed to continue.

On 7 February 2015, Robertson married Annie Adams, in St Mary Undercroft by the Chaplain to the Speaker of the House of Commons. The couple live in Tewkesbury and own a pair of award-winning Miniature Dachshunds named Sausage and Tiger.

References

External links

 Laurence Robertson MP Biography at the site of the Conservative Party
 Gloucestershire Conservatives – Laurence Robertson MP
 BBC News – Laurence Robertson profile 10 February 2005
 Ordered out of the Commons in March 2005
 Naming an irish bomber in October 2004

1958 births
Living people
English Christians
Conservative Party (UK) MPs for English constituencies
British Eurosceptics
People from Bolton
People educated at Farnworth Grammar School
Alumni of the University of Bolton
UK MPs 1997–2001
UK MPs 2001–2005
UK MPs 2005–2010
UK MPs 2010–2015
UK MPs 2015–2017
UK MPs 2017–2019
UK MPs 2019–present

Laurence Robertson


Moses Samson Charikar est un informaticien indien, professeur à l'université Stanford depuis 2015. Il était auparavant, de 2004 à 2015, professeur à l'université de Princeton.

Biographie
Charikar est né à Mumbai, en Inde. Il a concouru pour l'Inde aux Olympiades internationales de mathématiques en 1990 et 1991, remportant respectivement une médaille de bronze et d'argent. Il a fait des études universitaires de premier cycle à l'Indian Institute of Technology Bombay. En 2000, il a obtenu un Ph. D. à l'université Stanford sous la direction de Rajeev Motwani avec une thèse intitulée  Algorithms for Clustering Problems. Après une année chez Google, il rejoint la faculté de Princeton en 2001. Depuis 2015, il est professeur d'informatique sur la chaire  Donald E. Knuth professor of Computer Science à l'université Stanford.

Recherche
Les sujets de ses recherches incluent les algorithmes d'approximation (en particulier la puissance des approches de programmation mathématique), les algorithmes de fouille de flots de données et les techniques algorithmiques pour le big data, les algorithmes efficaces pour les problèmes de calcul dans les statistiques en haute dimension et les problèmes d'optimisation dans l'apprentissage automatique. Il travaille également sur les approches d'optimisation convexe pour les problèmes d'optimisation combinatoire non convexe  et le  plongement à faible distorsion des espaces métriques finis.

Il est connu pour la création de l'algorithme  utilisé par Google pour la détection des doublons proches.

Publications (sélection)
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Il est auteur ou coauteur de 10 brevets.

Prix et distinctions
En 2012, il a reçu le prix Paris-Kanellakis avec Andrei Broder et Piotr Indyk pour leurs recherches sur le locality sensitive hashing (LSH). D'autres distinctions sont:
 Simons Investigator in Theoretical Computer Science, Fondation Simons (2014)
 Boursier Sloan  (2003)
 10 year best paper award, VLDB (2017)
 Best paper award, Conference on Learning Theory, COLT (2017)
 Best paper award, FOCS (2003)

Notes et références

Liens externes
 Profil sur Google Scholar

Date de naissance non renseignée (XXe siècle)
Participant aux Olympiades internationales de mathématiques
Étudiant de l'Institut indien de technologie de Bombay
Étudiant de l'université Stanford
Personnalité indienne de l'informatique

Moses Charikar


An Anthurium funiferum in uska species han Liliopsida nga ginhulagway ni Johann Friedrich Klotzsch, Gustav Karl Wilhelm Hermann Karsten ngan Adolf Engler. An Anthurium funiferum in nahilalakip ha genus nga Anthurium, ngan familia nga Araceae.

Mabibilngan ini ha Colombia. Waray hini subspecies nga nakalista.

Mga kasarigan

Anthurium

Anthurium funiferum


NGC 141 este o galaxie spirală situată în constelația Peștii. A fost descoperită în 29 august 1864 de către Albert Marth.

Note

Vezi și
 NGC 140
 NGC 142

Legături externe
 NGC 141 pe WikiSky
 NGC 141 pe spider.seds.org
 NGC 141 pe SIMBAD

Galaxii spirale
Obiecte NGC
Constelația Peștii
Obiecte astronomice descoperite în 1864
Obiecte astronomice descoperite de Albert Marth

NGC 141