Prostitucija u starom Rimu je bila dopuštena i zakonita. U Starome Rimu čak su i ljudi iz najviših slojeva mogli slobodno uživati u uslugama prostitutki oba spola, bez straha od moralnog prijezira društva, pod uvjetom da su iskazivali određeni stupanj nadzora nad samim sobom i umjerenosti u pogledu učestalosti uživanja u takvim seksualnim odnosima. Istodobno, na same prostitutke gledalo se s udjelom srama: većina njih bile su robinje ili oslobođenice, a ako su bile slobodne, bile su uvrštene među infames, tj. u klasu "sramotnih", koji se nalaze na samom dnu društvene ljestvice i koji ne uživaju većinu mehanizama pravne zaštite kakva je pripadala rimskim građanima, a u koje su spadali i glumci i gladijatori, od kojih su svi, s druge strane, uživali određenu seksualnu privlačnost. Čini se da su u 4. stoljeću nove ere, kad se Rimsko Carstvo pokrstilo, neki bordeli predstavljali svojevrsne turističke znamenitosti i da su se nalazili u vlasništvu države.

U rimskoj književnosti prostitutke se često spominju. Rimski povjesničari, kao što su Tit Livije i Tacit, spominju neke prostitutke koje su stekle ugled svojim domoljubnim, poštenim ili dobrotvornim postupcima. "Kolgerla" iz visokog društva ((lat. meretrix) jedan je od tipskih likova u Plautovim komedijama, koje se nalaze pod snažnim utjecajem grčke nove komedije. Izmišljeni i satirični pogled na prostitutke nalazimo u pjesmama Katula, Ovidija, Marcijala i Juvenala, kao i u Petronijevom Satirikonu. O stvarnom životu prostitutki saznaje se iz odredbi rimskog prava, koje reguliraju prostituciju, kao i iz natpisa, nadasve onih pronađenih u Pompejima. Erotska umjetnost u Pompejima i Herkulaneju, u kućama za koje se pretpostavlja kako su bile bordeli, također je doprinijela boljem poznavanju prostitucije u Starome Rimu.

Prostitutke

U latinskom jeziku bordel se zove lupenar, što doslovno znači "vučja jazbina", a prostitutka se najčešće naziva "vučicom" (lupa).

Premda su se prostitucijom bavili i žene i muškarci, u izvorima se nalazi puno više izvješća o ženskoj prostituciji. Muške prostitutke služile su kako žensku, tako i mušku klijentelu, pa tako, na primjer, rimski pravnik Julije Paul (2. – 3. stoljeće n.e.) kaže da mušku prostitutku može ubiti suprug koji ga zatekne u seksu s njegovom ženom. S druge strane, izvori ne spominju bilo kakve informacije, običaje i zakone koji bi se posebno odnosili na mušku prostituciju, pa je ono što je vrijedilo za žene u načelu vrijedilo i za muškarce koji su se bavili tim zanatom.

Prostitutki je bilo puno i bilo ih je svuda; na primer, procjenjuje se kako je u Pompejima jedna osoba u njih stotinu (muškaraca, žena, djece) bila prostitutka. Prostitutka je mogla biti samostalna i unajmljivati sobu u kojoj je radila. Djevojka (puella ili meretrix) mogla je živjeti sa svodnicom (lena) ili se čak u prostituciju upustiti pod rukovodstvom vlastite majke, premda riječ "majka" (mater) u antičkim izvorima ponekad predstavlja samo eufemizam za svodnicu (lena). Takva praksa ukazuje na to da su se za bavljenje prostitucijom često oprjedeljivale slobodno rođene žene koje su se nalazile u teškoj financijskoj situaciji, i takve su prostitutke možda smatrane relativno uglednijim od ostalih. Druge prostitutke radile su u bordelu ili u nekoj krčmi, i to pod nadzorom svodnika (leno). Čini se da su većinu prostitutki činile robinje i bivše robinje. Svodnik je od djevojke uzimao znatan dio prihoda, sigurno jednu trećinu, a možda i više. Premda su mnogobrojne prostitutke umrle u bijedi i zaboravu, neke prostitutke-robinje uspjele su uštedjeti dovoljno novca da bi otkupile svoju slobodu, o čemu svjedoče natpisi, kao i jedna od Prijapskih pjesama, u slavu faličkog boga Prijapa:

Teletusa, čuvena među suburskim kurvama,
koja je, mislim, od svoje zarade stekla slobodu,
krunom pozlaćenom penis ti, sveti bože, ovjenčava:
razvratnice to drže slikom najvišeg božanstva.

Prostitutke koje su opsluživale bogatu klijentelu iz rimske elite zvale su se hetere i nije ih bilo malo; učeni biograf Svetonije napisao je i jednu knjigu o znamenitim heterama, koja nije sačuvana, a u Kaligulinom životopisu priča o tome kako je ovaj car uspostavio bordel u svojoj palači:

I da ne bi propustio nijedan način stjecanja novca, osnovao je bordel u palači, koji se sastojao od mnoštva malih i raskošno urešenih soba, u kojima su stajale ugledne i slobodne žene, i potom je razaslao glasnike po forumima i bazilikama da i stare i mlade pozovu zadovoljiti svoju požudu. Onima koji bi došli nudio je i novac na kredit, a imao je i ljude koji su zapisivali njihova imena, kao da su dali doprinos carevim prihodima.

Još ranije, u doba Republike, rimski diktator Sula navodno se obogatio kad mu je jedna prostitutka u oporuci ostavila svoju imovinu. Rimljani su smatrali da su i glumice i plesačice dostupne za seksualne usluge, uz nadoknadu, a kurtizane čija se imena navode u antičkim izvorima ponekad su se istodobno bavile glumom i drugim izvođačkim vještinama. U Ciceronovo doba hetera Kitera bila je rado viđena gošća na gozbama koje su priređivali pripadnici najviših slojeva rimskog društva. Šarmantne, obrazovane i nadarene, takve su žene doprinijele razvoju novog romantičnog ideala u odnosima između muškaraca i žena, kakav su Ovidije i drugi augustovski pjesnici artikulirali u svojim ljubavnim elegijama.

Odijevanje i dotjerivanje

Prostitutke su bile jedine žene u Starom Rimu koje su nosile togu, formalnu odjeću koja je inače bila namijenjena muškarcima, i to isključivo one s rimskim građanskim pravom. Postoje različita tumačenja ovog preskakanja granice između rodova. Neki znanstvenici ističu kako zapravo postoji vrlo malo neposrednih dokaza o tome da su prostitutke mogle nositi togu i ističu da to, ako su i mogle, najvjerojatnije nisu činile, jer su preferirale šarenu ili, pak, oskudnu odjeću. Skupe hetere oblačile su kitnjaste odjevne predmete od providne svile.

Neki odlomci kod rimskih pisaca, kako se čini, ukazuju na to da su se prostitutke nage izlagale i tako se reklamirale potencijalnim klijentima. Nagost se vezivala za ropstvo i ukazivala na to da je određena osoba doslovno lišena privatnosti i vlasništva nad svojim tijelom. U jednom odlomku Seneka Stariji kaže da je položaj prostitutke bio isti kao i položaj robinje koja je na prodaju:

Naga je stala na obalu, za zadovoljstvo kupca; svaki dio njenog tijela bio je ispitan i dodirnut. Želite li saznati ishod kupovine? Prodao ju je gusar, kupio svodnik, a ona nije dobila ništa. Odvedena je tamo, gdje ti je najčasnije umrijeti".

Satiričar Juvenal opisuje kako se Mesalina, žena cara Klaudija, iskrada iz carske palače i pretvara se u prostitutku, koja stane ispred svoje sobice i zavodi korisnike usluga:

........... Što je
Klaudije im'o da guta: kad osjeti mužić da spava,
zaključi careva ljuba da više joj ložnica dvorska
baš i ne prija; da tvrda joj je potrebna postelja, pa klisnu
s dvora (s kapuljačom, s jednom tek služavkom, crnu joj kosu
prekriva perika plava); pravce u bordel! Kroz zastor
dronjavi suknu i tu je, sred zadaha vrućeg, na svome.
Ima i svoj separe s natpisom (poslovno ime):
VUČICA. Stoji već gola, nazlatila sise, a trbuh ―
tebe što rodi, Britaniče, plemićka slavo ― taj trbuh
istura; prima mušterije mazno, uz cjenjkanje (red je).

S druge strane, latinski pridjev nudus može značiti i "izložen" ili lišen gornjeg sloja odjeće, a slike iz Pompeja i Herkulaneja prikazuju žene, za koje se misli da su prostitutke, kako nose rimsku inačicu grudnjaka čak i tijekom seksa.

Zdravlje

Prostitutke su u antici, za razliku od današnjih, u pogledu zdravlja imale manje briga: HIV, dakako, nije postojao, a najvjerojatnije se nije znalo ni za sifilis; gonoreja je, pak, možda postojala, ali to se ne može sa sigurnošću utvrditi. Premda su postojale dvije bolne spolne bolesti, genitalni herpes i kondiloma, rimske su prostitutke u načelu svoj posao mogle obavljati bez straha od smrtonosnih bolesti koje se prenose seksom. S druge strane, tjelesno zlostavljanje prostitutki od strane mušterija predstavljalo je uobičajenu pojavu, a pretjerani seks dovodio je do vaginalnih i analnih ozljeda i oštećenja.

Prisilna prostitucija

Prisilna je prostitucija obuhvaćala robove i robinje, uključujući dječake i djevojčice, a potom i slobodne žene koje bi zapale u tešku financijsku situaciju, što se nije događalo tako rijetko, i koje bi se pod pritiskom obitelji upustile u prostituciju. Većina prostitutki bile su robinje ili oslobođenice, pa je teško utvrditi kvantitativan odnos između dragovoljne i prisilne prostitucije. Budući da su, prema rimskim zakonima, robovi smatrani svojinom, vlasnik ih je mogao rabiti kao prostitutke. Valerije Maksim, rimski povjesničar iz 1. stoljeća nove ere, prenosi jednu priču sa složenom seksualnom pshilogijom, gdje je jednog oslobođenika njegov vlasnik, dok mu je ovaj kao dječak još bio rob, primoravao na prostituiranje, a potom taj oslobođenik ubije svoju vlastitu kćer kad se ona upustila u taj isti zanat. Jedan od standardnih motiva u romantičnim pričama jest djevojka koju su oteli pirati ili razbojnici i potom ju prodali u ropstvo. U Apulejevom Zlatnom magarcu djevojku Haritu iz jedne ugledne provincijske obitelji otmu razbojnici i potom ju planiraju usmrtiti, no jedan od njih (koji je zapravo Haritin prerušeni ljubavnik) savjetuje im nešto drugo:

Recimo da ovu djevojku ostavite umrijeti u magarcu, istina je da ćete svoj gnjev iskaliti na njoj, ali od toga ne ćete imati nikakve koristi. Zato ju ja mislim otpremiti u neku varoš i tamo prodati. Za ovakvu mladost može se zgrnuti poprilične novce. Ja već znam neke trgovce bijelim robljem od kojih će jedan, mislim, s obzirom na njeno podrijetlo, dati za nju izdašan iznos talenata, kako bi ju odveo u javnu kuću odakle ne će moći lako pobjeći. Kad bude odvedena na službu u javnoj kući, vaša će osveta biti ispunjena.

Premda se silovanje smatralo zločinom, u slučaju silovanja robinje (ili roba) zakon je predviđao kazne samo "ako je došlo do oštećenja dobara", jer zakon nije priznavao roba kao osobu. Svrha kazne bila je vlasnika obeštetiti za "štetu" koja je nanesena njegovoj imovini. Budući da je robinja po rimskom zakonu bila imovina, nije se smatralo zločinom ako ju vlasnik prisili na prostituciju. Prije Septimija Severa žene koje bi se upustile u čin koji im je donosio sramotu (infamia) dok su bile robinje tu su sramotu podnosile i nakon što bi bile oslobođene. Ponekad su trgovci, kad bi prodavali robinju, u kupoprodajni ugovor uključivali klauzulu ne serva kako bi spriječili novog vlasnika u prisiljavanju na bavljenje prostitucijom; ta je klauzula značila da, ako bi novi vlasnik ili neki budući vlasnik tu robinju primorao na prostituciju, ona bi postajala slobodna.

Ima nekih pokazatelja da su robovi koji su se bavili prostitucijom mogli zaraditi od tog posla; u načelu, robovi su mogli zarađivati vlastiti novac radeći poslove kojima su bili vični ili dobivajući dio zarade od posla koji su vodili u ime svog vlasnika.

Jedan zakon donesen u vrijeme cara Augusta predviđao je da se žene osuđene za preljub mogu kazniti tako što će ih se primorati na rad u bordelima. Taj je zakon ukinut tek 389. g. nove ere.

Propisi o prostituciji

Prostitucija je bila zakonita i nekažnjiva, a seks s protitutkom nije se smatrao preljubom; nezakonitim seksom (stuprum) smatrao se samo seks s udatom ženom ili udovicom, koji bi, u slučaju rađanja potomka iz takve veze, mogao ishodovati teškoćama u određivanju nasljednika. Ipak, prema Augustovim zakonima, prostitutke su bile probrosae, odnosno nisu se smjele udati za rimskog građanina, a prema pretorskom ediktu, na njih se primjenjivala infamia, što je, između ostalog, značilo da nisu mogle sastavljati svoje oporuke ni primati nasljedstvo koje bi im drugi ostavio u svojoj oporuci. S druge strane, većina ovakvih zakonskih ograničenja u praksi je najčešće bila ignorirana i rimski su zakoni, u načelu, "ostavljali prostitutke na miru".

Država je donekle regulirala prostituciju, ne toliko iz nekih moralnih razloga koliko da bi ubirala dobit od tog posla. Prema nekim ispitivačima, prostitutke su se morale registrirati u edila, dok drugi znanstvenici postojanje takve obveze dovode u pitanje, jer državi nije bilo stalo zavoditi bilo kakvu vrstu nadzora nad tom djelatnošću. U Plautovom Malom Kartažaninu opisuje se kako su dvije devojke planirale promijeniti svoja imena i zatim se odati prostituciji.

Kaligula je uveo prostitutkama obvezu plaćanja redovitog poreza državi (vectigal ex capturis):

Uveo je nove i dotad nečuvene poreze [...] Od prostitutki je uzimao onoliko koliko bi ona zaradila od jednog susreta. U zakonu je bio i članak po kojem su porezu podlijegali i oni koji su se bavili prostitucijom i oni koji su se bavili svodništvom, a ni brak nije bio izuzet.

Taj je zakon postojao još u doba Aleksandra Severa, ali je ovaj car prihod od "poreza za svodnike i kurve" (lenonum vectigal et meretricum) usmjerio na održavanje javnih objekata, kako se njime ne bi kontaminirala državna riznica. Taj je porez ukinut tek za vrijeme vladavine Teodozija II., no za njegovo je ukidanje najzaslužniji bio bogati patricij Florencije (Florentius), koji se pred carem oštro obrušio na tu praksu i tako joj se snažno suprotstavljao, da je odlučio dati državi i dio vlastite imovine kako bi nadoknadio deficit koji je nastao nakon ukidanja tog poreza.

Bordeli

O bordelima u starom Rimu saznaje se iz pisanih izvora, tzv. regionara (popisa objekata u gradskim područjima Rima) i arheoloških nalaza u Pompejima. Bordel se u antičkom Rimu obično zvao lupanar ili lupanarium (= "vučja jazbina"), a termin za prostituku bio je lupa (= "vučica"), koji neki naučnici smatraju mizoginičnim. Drugi čest izraz za bordel jeste fornix, čije je osnovno značenje "svod" ili "nadsvođeni ulaz", pa se počeo rabiti i kako bi označio podrumske prostorije u kojima su radile prostitutke. Budući da vlasti nisu bile zazanimane za uvođenje nekog nadzora nad prostitucijom (osim poreznog), u Rimu i drugim gradovima nisu postojale posebne četvrti u kojima bi bordeli bili koncentrirani, pa su se usluge prostitutki mogle naći u raznim dijelovima grada. Prema sačuvanim regionarima, veći broj bordela (lupanaria) nalazio se u drugom okrugu (Regio II), kraj brježuljka Celija, osobito u Suburi, koja se nalazila uz gradske zidine i ležala u dolini Karini između Celija i Eskvilina. U tom se okrugu nalazila i Velika tržnica (macellum magnum), uz mnoge krčme, tržnice, brijačnice, ured državnog krvnika i kasarnu u kojem su živjeli strani vojnici smješteni u Rimu. Drugi okrug bio je jedan od najprometnijih i najgušće naseljenih okruga u cijelom gradu te je stoga predstavljao savršenu lokaciju za vlasnika bordela ili svodnika. Iznajmljivanje prostora za bordel predstavljalo je legitiman izvor prihoda.

U izvorima se opisuje kako su bordeli vrlo prljavi, kako vonjaju po karakterističnim mirisima koji se zadržavaju u skučenim i slabo provjetrenim prostorijama, kao i po dimu iz svjetiljki, kao što zamjećuje Seneka Stariji: "još smrdi na čađ iz bordela".

Na temelju onoga što se doznaje iz literarnih izvora i proučavanja Lupanara u Pompejima, jedinog pouzdano identificiranog bordela, može se nešto zaključiti o izgledu javne kuće. S ulice se ulazilo u neku vrstu odaje za prijem, a unutra su se prostitutke šetale oskudno odjevene ili sasvim nage, kako bi ih mušterije mogle razgledati i ispitati, dok su druge sjedile ili ležale; svaka je imala jednu malu sobu s ležajem od drveta ili kamena; za svaku je, bilo u prijemnoj odaji bilo iznad vrata njene sobice, bilo naznačeno koja je njena "specijalnost" u seksu, a možda i koliko košta; na ulazu u sobicu u najboljem je slučaju stajao platneni zastor, a često nije bilo ničega. Rimljani, čini se, nisu pokazivali posebnu brigu za očuvanje privatnosti u bordelima. U Petronijevom Satirikonu nalazi se kraći opis jednog takvog bordela; Enkolpije je izgubio svog ljubavnika Ascilta te, umoran od potrage za njim, jednu staricu koja na ulici prodaje povrće upita: "Molim te, bakice, znaš li možda gdje stanujem?" Ova odgovori da zna, ali onda ga odvede u bordel:

I u istome trenutku spazim neke prostitutke: krišom se šeću posve gole između sobica, a na vratima vise natpisi s imenima i cijenom. Tek tada shvatim da me baba zapravo dovela u javnu kuću; ali bilo je već prekasno. Zato prokunem babu i njezinu podvalu, zastrem glavu ogrtačem i zaletim se kroz kurvinjak na drugi kraj. Kadli već na samom ulazu zamalo da se ne sudarim s Asciltom. Bio je klonuo, baš kao i ja, i samo što ne skapa. Čovjek bi rekao da ga je nasamarila ista ona baba. I tako ga smijući se pozdravim i upitam što zapravo radi u toj odvratnoj jazbini. "Eh, da znaš samo što mi se dogodilo", reče on i otre rukama znoj. "Odakle bih znao?", odvratim ja. "Lutao sam", počne on sav iznemogao, "po čitavu gradu i nikako da se sjetim u kojem se zapravo dijelu grada nalazi naša krčma. Na kraju mi priđe neki ozbiljan gospodin i ljubazno se ponudi da će mi on pokazati put. Zatim me taj vucarao po nekim uličicama, nikad čuo ni vidio, dok me na kraju nije doveo u ovu rupu. I onda ― ponudi mi novac i moli me da pristanem s njime na jedan fuk. Već je neka kurva pobrala lovu za svoju sobu, već me on počeo drpati, i da nisam bio jači od njega, sto posto bih nadrapao.

Neki su bordeli nastojati privući ugledniju klijentelu. Upošljavali su frizere, da djevojkama poprave frizuru koja bi se raspala tijekom stalnih spolnih odnosa, kao i dječake s vodom (aquarioli), koji su čekali kraj vrata s posudama za pranje.

Postojale su, izgleda, dvije vrste javnih kuća; jedna je bio bordel koji je posjedovao i njime upravljao svodnik (leno) ili svodnica (lena), a druga je bio bordel gdje je svodnik samo iznajmljivao sobe i skrbio o nabavci potrepština za unajmljivače. U prvoj vrsti vlasnik je zapošljivao "nadzornika djevojaka" (villicus puellarum), koji je svakoj djevojci dodjeljivao njeno "umjetničko" ime, utvrđivao joj cjenik, primao novac od mušterija i djevojkama nabavljao odjeću i druge potrepštine. Nadzornik je bio dužan i voditi računa o tome koliko je svaka djevojka zaradila: "daj mi svodnikove račune: skupljam zaradu".

Zidne slike u bordelu također su bile u funkciji samog objekta. Iznad vrata svake sobice nalazila se ploča (titulus) s imenom prostitutke i njenom cijenom; na drugoj strani ploče bio je natpis occupata (= "zauzeta"), i ta se strana okretala prema vani kad je djevojka bila zaposlena s nekim klijentom. Plaut možda opisuje skromniju kuću kad kaže: "na vratima mora napisati da je zauzeta". Unutar prostorije obično se nalazila brončana svjetiljka ili, u neuglednijim bordelima, glinena, te neka vrsta prostirke ili poljske postelje, prekrivene pokrivačem, koji je ponekad mogao poslužiti i kao zastor. Cijene zabilježene na natpisima u Pompejima kreću se od 2 do 20 asa, pri čemu je as bio brončani ili bakreni novčić relativno male vrijednosti.

Druge lokacije

Prostitutke i one koje su to htjele postati rado su se okupljale i pod lukovima cirka. Ta udubljenja u arkadama zvala su se fornices, odakle potječe i riječ "fornikacija". Istaknutu ulogu u životu nižih slojeva rimskog društva imale su i gostionice, konobe, pansioni, krčme, javna kupatila, kazališta, pekarnice, mlinovi i slične ustanove. Magistrati su na krčme u načelu gledali kao na bordele, a konobarice u krčmama u očima su zakona i bile izjednačene s prostitutkama. Pesma Krčmarica jasno pokazuje da je i vlasnica krčme imala više mogućnosti za zaradu. Premda se nastojala povući jasna razlika između vlasnice krčme i konobarica, jedan natpis iz Pompeja govori kako se ta razlika nije uvijek poštivala: "Jebao sam krčmaricu" (Futui coponam). Horacije, opisujući put u Brundizij, opisuje što je sve mogao doživjeti s konobaricom u jednoj konobi, premda je propustio priliku:

Ovdje kao bedak lažljivu čekam djevojku
sve do pola noći, napokon san me svlada
dok o ljubavi razmišljam; požudni snovi mi tada
haljinu noćnu uflekaju i trbuh cijeli.

Jedan natpis pronađen u gradu Eserniji (Aesernia) u središnjoj Italiji slikovito govori o gostoljubivosti takvih pansiona. Radi se o razgovoru između jedne gostioničarke i njenog gosta:

"Gostioničarko, donesi mi račun!"
"Imao si sekstarij vina, kruha za jedan as i jela za dva asa".
"Tako je."
"Imao si i djevojku za osam asa".
"I to je točno".
"I sijeno za tvoju mazgu staje dva asa".
"Ta će me mazga uništiti".

Kakve su mlinove znali osnivati mlinari pokazuje jedan odlomak Pavla Đakona:

Kako je vrijeme prolazilo, njihovi su vlasnici javne mlinove pretvorili u opasne varke. Naime, kako su žrvnji bili učvršćeni na određenim mjestima pod zemljom, postavili su kabine s obje strane tih odaja i u njima smjestili prostitutke za unajmljivanje, i tako su prevarili mnoge ljude, od kojih su neki dolazili po kruh, a drugi su žurili tamo kako bi zadovoljili svoje najniže porive.

Iz jednog Festovog odlomka moglo bi se zaključiti da je ta praksa počela prvo u Kampaniji: "prostitutke su se zvale aelicariae, tj. djevojke iz mlinova za pir (= krupnik), u Kampaniji, budući da su imale običaj nuditi se za naknadu ispred mlinova za pir".

Prostitucija i religija

Prostituke su sudjelovale u nekoliko vjerskih obreda koji su se održavali u Rimu, posebice u mjesecu aprilisu. Dana 1. aprilisa žene su slavile Fortunu Virilis ("Mušku Sudbinu") tijekom praznika Veneralija, koji se održavao u čast boginje Venere. Prema Ovidiju, prostitutke su tom prilikom zajedno s udatim ženama (matronama) sudjelovale u obredu čišćenja i oblačenja kultne statue Fortune Virilis. Granica između uglednih žena i onih "sramotnih" (infames) obično je bila pažljivo povučena: kad je ulicom prolazila neka svećenica, pomoćnici su joj s puta sklanjali prostitutke i druge "nečiste" osobe.

Svakog 23. aprilisa prostitutke su prinosile žrtve u hramu Venere Ericine, koji je bio posvećen tog dana 181. pr. n. e. kao drugi hram koji je u Rimu podignut Veneri Ericini (tj. Veneri iz Eriksa), koja se dovodila u vezu s prostitutkama. Istog dana održavao se festival vina pod imenom Vinalije. Dan "svodnikovih dječaka" (pueri lenonii) obilježavao se 25. aprilisa, a na isti su dan svetkovane i Robigalije, drevna zemljoradnička svetkovina koja se slavila u cilju zaštite usjeva.

Dana 27. aprilisa priređivane su Floralije u čast boginje Flore, koje su prvi put održane oko 238. pr. n. e., i tijekom koje su žene označene kao prostitutke plesale erotske plesove i izvodile striptiz. Prema kršćanskom piscu Laktanciju, "osim slobode govora koja prouzrokuje svakakve prostote, prostitutke, na navaljivanje rulje, skidaju svoju odjeću i glume kao u mimu naočigled svjetine i nastavljaju s tim sve dok se sramotna publika sasvim ne zadovolji, držeći im pažnju svojim vrckavim stražnjicama". I Juvenal spominje da su prostitutke plesale nage, a možda nagovješćuje i kako su sudjelovale u gladijatorskim borbama":

A tek kad nabace purpur-trenerku i fitnes-pomadu...
Grdne će primiti rane taj kolac u zemlju poboden:
dubi ga drvenim mačem i maklja ga štitom, a zahvat
redom ispunjava svaki ― to gospođa vježba figure:
mora biti u formi kad truba floralijska svirne;
ili to atletsko srce za pravom arenom baš žudi?

Povezani članci

 Prostitucija u staroj Grčkoj

Izvori

Literatura

Seksualnost u starom Rimu
Prostitucija

Prostitucija u starom Rimu


This is a list of hospitals in the U.S. state of Washington, sorted by city and hospital name.

The first hospital in the modern-day state of Washington was established at Fort Vancouver in 1858, serving fur traders and local indigenous people.

Hospitals

Psychiatric Facilities

Former hospitals

References

External links
 Washington State Hospital Association: Member Listing
 Washington Hospitals

Washington

Hospitals

List of hospitals in Washington (state)


Tram, renkli dokümanların 4 renkten tekrar oluşturularak basılmasında kullanılan bir tekniktir. Terim olarak ton farklılıklarını hep aynı koyulukta farklı büyüklükte (AM) veya miktarda (FM) nokta zemine dönüştürme işlemine tramlama denilmektedir. Dokümanları trama dönüştüren programlara RIP (Raster image processing) denir. Tramlama AM (Klasik tram) ve FM (Kum tram) olarak temelde iki ana gruba ayrılır. Farklı firmalara ait RIP programları değişik tramlama teknikleri (Diamond, Sublima, Staccato, Megadot, IS, HQS, Sateen, Hybrit...) kullanarak dokümanları filme veya kalıba aktarmaktadır.

Örnek
Çok farklı renklerde algıladığımız fotoğrafik görüntüler 4 renk bileşenine ayrılabilir. (CMYK- Cyan, Magenta, Yellow, Black [K anahtar -key- kelimesinden gelir]). Bu dört renk sayfa üzerinde farklı açılarla yerleştirilir. Böylelikle üst üste binmeleri engellenir. Yan yana duran iki noktacığı ise gözümüz farklı bir renk olarak algılar. Çünkü bu renkler o kadar küçüktür ki ancak büyüteç ile baktığınız da bunları ayrı ayrı görebilirsiniz. Mesela fotoğraf üzerindeki turuncu bir bölge eşit büyüklükteki magenta ve sarı noktacıkların yan yana basılması ile oluşmuştur.

Matbaacılık

Tram


Bekkarfjorden (nordsamisk: Beahkkirvuotna) er en fjordarm af Laksefjorden i Lebesby kommune i Troms og Finnmark  fylke i Norge. Fjorden går ti kilometer mod sydøst til bygden Bekkarfjord i enden af fjorden.

Fjorden har indløb mellem Bekkarfjordklubben i nord og Kalak i syd. Bortset fra Bekkarfjord er der få bebyggelser ved fjorden. Fjorden er 135 meter på det dybeste, helt ytderst i fjorden.

Fylkesvej 888 går langs sydsiden af fjorden.

Kilder og henvisninger

Fjorde i Troms og Finnmark
Lebesby

Bekkarfjorden (Lebesby)


Tlathenkotin /'ljudi sa rijeke koja teče kroz travu'; 'people of the river that trails through the grass' /, jedna od glavnih skupina Chilcotin Indijanaca čije je glavno naselje bilo selo Tlothenka na rijeci Chilcotin (pritok Frasera) u kanadskoj provinciji Britanska Kolumbija.

Populacija im je 1892. iznosila 190 u selu Tlothenka i 35 u nezavisnom selu Stella.

Izvori

Chilcotin
Indijanci, Britanska Kolumbija

Tlathenkotin


İngiltere millî futbol takımı (), İngiltere'yi ulusal organizyasyonlarda temsil eden futbol takımıdır ve İngiltere Futbol Federasyonu tarafından yönetilmektedir. 1872 yılında kurulmasıyla dünyanın en eski millî takımı unvanına sahiptir. İngiltere'de oynanan maçlar genelde Wembley Stadyumu'nda oynanmaktadır.

Tarihçe
Futbolun beşiği diye adlandırılan İngiltere Dünya'da millî takımlar arasında ilk resmî  futbol maçını 1872'de İskoçya ile oynamış, karşılaşma 0-0 berabere sonuçlanmıştır.

1966 yılında FIFA Dünya Kupası finalinde Almanya'yı mağlup eden İngiltere tarihindeki tek Dünya Şampiyonluğu'nu kazanmıştır. Avrupa Şampiyonluğu'nu kazanma şansını bir kere finalde kaybeden İngiltere millî takımı, en farklı galibiyetini 1882 yılında İrlanda'yı 13-0 yenerek elde etmiştir.

Teknik ekip

Turnuva tarihi
 Şampiyon   İkincilik   Üçüncülük   Dördüncülük    Yükseldi   Aynı ligde kaldı   Düştü   Finaller ev sahibi

FIFA Dünya Kupası tarihi

Avrupa Futbol Şampiyonası tarihi

UEFA Uluslar Ligi tarihi

Mevcut kadro
Aşağıdaki 23 oyuncu, sırasıyla 16 ve 19 Haziran 2023 tarihlerinde 2024 Avrupa Futbol Şampiyonası elemeleri kapsamında Malta ve Kuzey Makedonya ile oynanan maçlarda kadroda yer aldılar.

Jude Bellingham ve Lewis Dunk, 11 Haziran 2023'te sakatlıkları nedeniyle kadrodan çıkartıldılar.

Maç ve gol sayıları 19 Haziran 2023 tarihinde oynanan Kuzey Makedonya karşılaşmasının ardından güncellenmiştir.

Futbolcu Tarihi

En Fazla Millî Formayı Giyenler

En Fazla Millî Formayla Gol Atanlar

Ayrıca bakınız
 İngiltere millî futbol takımı hat trick'leri listesi

Kaynakça

Dış bağlantılar
 İngiltere millî futbol takımı Footbalistic

İngiltere millî futbol takımı


Lanio  es un género de aves paseriformes perteneciente a la familia Thraupidae que agrupa a especies nativas de la América tropical (Neotrópico), donde se distribuyen desde el sureste de México a través de América Central y del Sur hasta el sur de la Amazonia. A sus miembros se les conoce por el nombre popular de tangaras, y también fruteros o lanios.

Etimología
El nombre genérico masculino «Lanio» deriva del género Lanius , 1758, nombre para designar aves comúnmente llamadas de alcaudones.

Características
Las aves de este género son tráupidos medianos, miden entre 16 y 18 cm de longitud, los machos de patrón de plumaje atractivo. En comportamiento y apariencia general son similares a las tangaras arborícolas del género Tachyphonus, aunque sus picos bastante largos y ganchudos son ligeramente más robustos. Habitan en el sub-dosel y en los bordes de selvas húmedas de baja altitud, donde frecuentemente son líderes de bandadas mixtas.

Taxonomía
En los años 2010, publicaciones de filogenias completas de grandes conjuntos de especies de la familia Thraupidae basadas en muestreos genéticos, permitieron comprobar que el presente género está hermanado con un par formado por Rhodospingus cruentus y Tachyphonus delatrii, en un clado que también incluye Coryphospingus y Tachyphonus surinamus, dentro de una subfamilia Tachyphoninae.

Lista de especies
Según las clasificaciones del Congreso Ornitológico Internacional (IOC) y Clements Checklist v.2019, el género agrupa a las siguientes especies con el respectivo nombre popular de acuerdo con la Sociedad Española de Ornitología (SEO):

(*) Estado de conservación

Referencias

Enlaces externos

Géneros de aves
Taxones descritos por Louis Pierre Vieillot

Lanio


The Rosewood massacre was a racially motivated massacre of black people and the destruction of a black town that took place during the first week of January 1923 in rural Levy County, Florida, United States. At least six black people were killed, but eyewitness accounts suggested a higher death toll of 27 to 150. In addition, two white people were killed in self-defense by one of the victims. The town of Rosewood was destroyed in what contemporary news reports characterized as a race riot. Florida had an especially high number of lynchings of black men in the years before the massacre, including the lynching of Charles Strong and the Perry massacre in 1922.

Before the massacre, the town of Rosewood had been a quiet, primarily black, self-sufficient whistle stop on the Seaboard Air Line Railway. Trouble began when white men from several nearby towns lynched a black Rosewood resident because of accusations that a white woman in nearby Sumner had been assaulted by a black drifter. A mob of several hundred whites combed the countryside hunting for black people and burned almost every structure in Rosewood. For several days, survivors from the town hid in nearby swamps until they were evacuated to larger towns by train and car. No arrests were made for what happened in Rosewood. The town was abandoned by its former black and white residents; none of them ever moved back and the town ceased to exist.

Although the rioting was widely reported around the United States at the time, few official records documented the event. The survivors, their descendants, and the perpetrators all remained silent about Rosewood for decades. Sixty years after the rioting, the story of Rosewood was revived by major media outlets when several journalists covered it in the early 1980s. The survivors and their descendants all organized in an attempt to sue the state for failing to protect Rosewood's black community. In 1993, the Florida Legislature commissioned a report on the incident. As a result of the findings, Florida compensated the survivors and their descendants for the damages which they had incurred because of racial violence. The incident was the subject of a 1997 feature film which was directed by John Singleton. In 2004, the state designated the site of Rosewood as a Florida Heritage Landmark.

Officially, the recorded death toll during the first week of January 1923 was eight (six blacks and two whites). Some survivors' stories claim that up to 27 black residents were killed, and they also assert that newspapers did not report the total number of white deaths. Minnie Lee Langley, who was in the Carrier house when it was besieged, recalls that she stepped over many white bodies on the porch when she left the house. A newspaper article published in 1984 stated that estimates of up to 150 victims might have been exaggerations. Several eyewitnesses claim to have seen a mass grave which was filled with the bodies of black people; one of them remembers seeing 26 bodies being covered with a plow which was brought from Cedar Key. However, by the time authorities investigated these claims, most of the witnesses were dead or too elderly and infirm to lead them to a site to confirm the stories.

Background

Settlement

Rosewood was settled in 1847, nine miles (14 km) east of Cedar Key, near the Gulf of Mexico. Most of the local economy drew on the timber industry; the name Rosewood refers to the reddish color of cut cedar wood. Two pencil mills were founded nearby in Cedar Key; local residents also worked in several turpentine mills and a sawmill three miles (4.8 km) away in Sumner, in addition to farming of citrus and cotton.  The hamlet grew enough to warrant the construction of a post office and train depot on the Florida Railroad in 1870, but it was never incorporated as a town.

Initially, Rosewood had both black and white settlers.  When most of the cedar trees in the area had been cut by 1890, the pencil mills closed, and many white residents moved to Sumner. By 1900, the population in Rosewood had become predominantly black.  The village of Sumner was predominantly white, and relations between the two communities were relatively amicable. Two black families in Rosewood named Goins and Carrier were the most powerful. The Goins family brought the turpentine industry to the area, and in the years preceding the attacks were the second largest landowners in Levy County. To avoid lawsuits from white competitors, the Goins brothers moved to Gainesville, and the population of Rosewood decreased slightly. The Carriers were also a large family, primarily working at logging in the region. By the 1920s, almost everyone in the close-knit community was distantly related to each other. The population of Rosewood peaked in 1915 at 355 people. Florida had effectively disenfranchised black voters since the start of the 20th century by high requirements for voter registration; both Sumner and Rosewood were part of a single voting precinct counted by the U.S. Census. In 1920, the combined population of both towns was 638 (344 black and 294 white).

As was common in the late 19th century South, Florida had imposed legal racial segregation under Jim Crow laws requiring separate black and white public facilities and transportation. Black and white residents created their own community centers: by 1920, the residents of Rosewood were mostly self-sufficient.  They had three churches, a school, a large Masonic Hall, a turpentine mill, a sugarcane mill, a baseball team named the Rosewood Stars, and two general stores, one of which was white-owned.  The village had about a dozen two-story wooden plank homes, other small two-room houses, and several small unoccupied plank farm and storage structures. Some families owned pianos, organs, and other symbols of middle-class prosperity. Survivors of Rosewood remember it as a happy place.  In 1995, survivor Robie Mortin recalled at age 79 that when she was a child there, that "Rosewood was a town where everyone's house was painted. There were roses everywhere you walked. Lovely."

Racial tensions in Florida
Racial violence at the time was common throughout the nation, manifested as individual incidents of extra-legal actions, or attacks on entire communities. Lynchings reached a peak around the start of the 20th century as southern states were disenfranchising black voters and imposing white supremacy; white supremacists used it as a means of social control throughout the South. In 1866 Florida, as did many Southern states, passed laws called Black Codes disenfranchising black citizens. Although these were quickly overturned, and black citizens enjoyed a brief period of improved social standing, by the late 19th century black political influence was virtually nil. The white Democratic-dominated legislature passed a poll tax in 1885, which largely served to disenfranchise all poor voters. Losing political power, black voters suffered a deterioration of their legal and political rights in the years following. Without the right to vote, they were excluded as jurors and could not run for office, effectively excluding them from the political process. The United States as a whole was experiencing rapid social changes: an influx of European immigrants, industrialization and the growth of cities, and political experimentation in the North. In the South, black Americans grew increasingly dissatisfied with their lack of economic opportunity and status as second-class citizens.

Elected officials in Florida represented the voting white majority. Governor Napoleon Bonaparte Broward (1905–1909) suggested finding a location out of state for black people to live separately. Tens of thousands of people moved to the North during and after World War I in the Great Migration, unsettling labor markets and introducing more rapid changes into cities. They were recruited by many expanding northern industries, such as the Pennsylvania Railroad, the steel industry, and meatpacking. Florida governors Park Trammell (1913–1917) and Sidney Catts (1917–1921) generally ignored the emigration of blacks to the North and its causes. While Trammell was state attorney general, none of the 29 lynchings committed during his term were prosecuted, nor were any of the 21 that occurred while he was governor. Catts ran on a platform of white supremacy and anti-Catholic sentiment; he openly criticized the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) when they complained he did nothing to investigate two lynchings in Florida. Catts changed his message when the turpentine and lumber industries claimed labor was scarce; he began to plead with black workers to stay in the state. By 1940, 40,000 black people had left Florida to find employment, but also to escape the oppression of segregation, underfunded education and facilities, violence, and disenfranchisement.

When U.S. troop training began for World War I, many white Southerners were alarmed at the thought of arming black soldiers. A confrontation regarding the rights of black soldiers culminated in the Houston Riot of 1917. German propaganda encouraged black soldiers to turn against their "real" enemies: American whites. Rumors reached the U.S. that French women had been sexually active with black American soldiers, which University of Florida historian David Colburn argues struck at the heart of Southern fears about power and miscegenation. Colburn connects growing concerns of sexual intimacy between the races to what occurred in Rosewood: "Southern culture had been constructed around a set of mores and values which places white women at its center and in which the purity of their conduct and their manners represented the refinement of that culture. An attack on women not only represented a violation of the South's foremost taboo, but it also threatened to dismantle the very nature of southern society." The transgression of sexual taboos subsequently combined with the arming of black citizens to raise fears among whites of an impending race war in the South.

The influx of black people into urban centers in the Northeast and Midwest increased racial tensions in those cities.  Between 1917 and 1923, racial disturbances erupted in numerous cities throughout the U.S., motivated by economic competition between different racial groups for industrial jobs. One of the first and most violent instances was a riot in East St. Louis, sparked in 1917. In the Red Summer of 1919, racially motivated mob violence erupted in 23 cities—including Chicago, Omaha, and Washington, D.C.—caused by competition for jobs and housing by returning World War I veterans of both races, and the arrival of waves of new European immigrants. Further unrest occurred in Tulsa in 1921, when whites attacked the black Greenwood community. David Colburn distinguishes two types of violence against black people up to 1923: Northern violence was generally spontaneous mob action against entire communities. Southern violence, in contrast, took the form of individual incidents of lynchings and other extrajudicial actions. The Rosewood massacre, according to Colburn, resembled violence more commonly perpetrated in the North in those years.

In the mid-1920s, the Ku Klux Klan (KKK) reached its peak membership in the South and Midwest after a revival beginning around 1915. Its growth was due in part to tensions from rapid industrialization and social change in many growing cities; in the Midwest and West, its growth was related to the competition of waves of new immigrants from Southern and Eastern Europe. The KKK was strong in the Florida cities of Jacksonville and Tampa; Miami's chapter was influential enough to hold initiations at the Miami Country Club. The Klan also flourished in smaller towns of the South where racial violence had a long tradition dating back to the Reconstruction era. An editor of The Gainesville Daily Sun admitted that he was a member of the Klan in 1922, and praised the organization in print.

Despite Governor Catts' change of attitude, white mob action frequently occurred in towns throughout north and central Florida and went unchecked by local law enforcement. Extrajudicial violence against black residents was so common that it seldom was covered by newspapers. In 1920, whites removed four black men from jail, who were suspects accused of raping a white woman in Macclenny, and lynched them. In Ocoee the same year, two black citizens armed themselves to go to the polls during an election. A confrontation ensued and two white election officials were shot, after which a white mob destroyed Ocoee's black community, causing as many as 30 deaths, and destroying 25 homes, two churches, and a Masonic Lodge. Just weeks before the Rosewood massacre, the Perry Race Riot occurred on December 14 and 15, 1922, in which whites burned Charles Wright at the stake and attacked the black community of Perry, Florida after a white schoolteacher was murdered. On the day following Wright's lynching, whites shot and hanged two more black men in Perry; next they burned the town's black school, Masonic lodge, church, amusement hall, and several families' homes.

Events in Rosewood

Fannie Taylor's story
The Rosewood massacre occurred after a white woman in Sumner claimed she had been assaulted by a black man. Frances "Fannie" Taylor was 22 years old in 1923 and married to James, a 30-year-old millwright employed by Cummer & Sons in Sumner. They lived there with their two young children. James' job required him to leave each day during the darkness of early morning. Neighbors remembered Fannie Taylor as "very peculiar": she was meticulously clean, scrubbing her cedar floors with bleach so that they shone white. Other women attested that Taylor was aloof; no one knew her very well.

On January 1, 1923, the Taylors' neighbor reported that she heard a scream while it was still dark, grabbed her revolver and ran next door to find Fannie bruised and beaten, with scuff marks across the white floor. Taylor was screaming that someone needed to get her baby. She said a black man was in her house; he had come through the back door and assaulted her. The neighbor found the baby, but no one else. Taylor's initial report stated her assailant beat her about the face but did not rape her. Rumors circulated—widely believed by whites in Sumner—that she was both raped and robbed.  The charge of rape of a white woman by a black man was inflammatory in the South: the day before, the Klan had held a parade and rally of over 100 hooded Klansmen  away in  Gainesville under a burning cross and a banner reading, "First and Always Protect Womanhood".

The neighbor also reported the absence that day of Taylor's laundress, Sarah Carrier, whom the white women in Sumner called "Aunt Sarah". Philomena Goins, Carrier's granddaughter, told a different story about Fannie Taylor many years later. She joined her grandmother Carrier at Taylor's home as usual that morning. They watched a white man leave by the back door later in the morning before noon.  She said Taylor did emerge from her home showing evidence of having been beaten, but it was well after morning. Carrier's grandson and Philomena's brother, Arnett Goins, sometimes went with them; he had seen the white man before. Carrier told others in the black community what she had seen that day; the black community of Rosewood believed that Fannie Taylor had a white lover, they got into a fight that day, and he beat her. When the man left Taylor's house, he went to Rosewood.

Quickly, Levy County Sheriff Robert Elias Walker raised a posse and started an investigation.  When they learned that Jesse Hunter, a black prisoner, had escaped from a chain gang, they began a search to question him about Taylor's attack. Men arrived from Cedar Key, Otter Creek, Chiefland, and Bronson to help with the search. Adding confusion to the events recounted later, as many as 400 white men began to gather. Sheriff Walker deputized some of them, but was unable to initiate them all. Walker asked for dogs from a nearby convict camp, but one dog may have been used by a group of men acting without Walker's authority. Dogs led a group of about 100 to 150 men to the home of Aaron Carrier, Sarah's nephew. Aaron was taken outside, where his mother begged the men not to kill him. He was tied to a car and dragged to Sumner. Sheriff Walker put Carrier in protective custody at the county seat in Bronson to remove him from the men in the posse, many of whom were drinking and acting on their own authority.  Worried that the group would quickly grow further out of control, Walker also urged black employees to stay at the turpentine mills for their own safety.

A group of white vigilantes, who had become a mob by this time, seized Sam Carter, a local blacksmith and teamster who worked in a turpentine still. They tortured Carter into admitting that he had hidden the escaped chain gang prisoner. Carter led the group to the spot in the woods where he said he had taken Hunter, but the dogs were unable to pick up a scent. To the surprise of many witnesses, someone fatally shot Carter in the face. The group hung Carter's mutilated body from a tree as a symbol to other black men in the area. Some in the mob took souvenirs of his clothes. Survivors suggest that Taylor's lover fled to Rosewood because he knew he was in trouble and had gone to the home of Aaron Carrier, a fellow veteran and Mason. Carrier and Carter, another Mason, covered the fugitive in the back of a wagon.  Carter took him to a nearby river, let him out of the wagon, then returned home to be met by the mob, who was led by dogs following the fugitive's scent.

After lynching Sam Carter, the mob met Sylvester Carrier—Aaron's cousin and Sarah's son—on a road and told him to get out of town. Carrier refused, and when the mob moved on, he suggested gathering as many people as possible for protection.

Escalation

Despite the efforts of Sheriff Walker and mill supervisor W. H. Pillsbury to disperse the mobs, white men  continued to gather. On the evening of January 4, a mob of armed white men went to Rosewood and surrounded the house of Sarah Carrier. It was filled with approximately 15 to 25 people seeking refuge, including many children hiding upstairs under mattresses. Some of the children were in the house because they were visiting their grandmother for Christmas. They were protected by Sylvester Carrier and possibly two other men, but Carrier may have been the only one armed. He had a reputation of being proud and independent. In Rosewood, he was a formidable character, a crack shot, expert hunter, and music teacher, who was simply called "Man".  Many white people considered him arrogant and disrespectful.

Sylvester Carrier was reported in the New York Times saying that the attack on Fannie Taylor was an "example of what negroes could do without interference". Whether or not he said this is debated, but a group of 20 to 30 white men, inflamed by the reported statement, went to the Carrier house.  They believed that the black community in Rosewood was hiding escaped prisoner Jesse Hunter.

Reports conflict about who shot first, but after two members of the mob approached the house, someone opened fire. Sarah Carrier was shot in the head. Her nine-year-old niece at the house, Minnie Lee Langley, had witnessed Aaron Carrier taken from his house three days earlier. When Langley heard someone had been shot, she went downstairs to find her grandmother, Emma Carrier. Sylvester placed Minnie Lee in a firewood closet in front of him as he watched the front door, using the closet for cover: "He got behind me in the wood [bin], and he put the gun on my shoulder, and them crackers was still shooting and going on. He put his gun on my shoulder ... told me to lean this way, and then Poly Wilkerson, he kicked the door down. When he kicked the door down, Cuz' Syl let him have it."

Several shots were exchanged: the house was riddled with bullets, but the whites did not capture it.  The standoff lasted long into the next morning, when Sarah and Sylvester Carrier were found dead inside the house; several others were wounded, including a child who had been shot in the eye. Two white men, C. P. "Poly" Wilkerson and Henry Andrews, were killed; Wilkerson had kicked in the front door, and Andrews was behind him. At least four white men were wounded, one possibly fatally. The remaining children in the Carrier house were spirited out the back door into the woods. They crossed dirt roads one at a time, then hid under brush until they had all gathered away from Rosewood.

Razing Rosewood

News of the armed standoff at the Carrier house attracted white men from all over the state to take part.  Reports were carried in the St. Petersburg Independent, the Florida Times-Union, the Miami Herald, and The Miami Metropolis, in versions of competing facts and overstatement. The Miami Metropolis listed 20 black people and four white people dead and characterized the event as a "race war". National newspapers also put the incident on the front page. The Washington Post and St. Louis Dispatch described a band of "heavily armed Negroes" and a "negro desperado" as being involved. Most of the information came from discreet messages from Sheriff Walker, mob rumors, and other embellishments to part-time reporters who wired their stories to the Associated Press. Details about the armed standoff were particularly explosive.  According to historian Thomas Dye, "The idea that blacks in Rosewood had taken up arms against the white race was unthinkable in the Deep South".

Black newspapers covered the events from a different angle. The Afro-American in Baltimore highlighted the acts of African-American heroism against the onslaught of "savages". Another newspaper reported: "Two Negro women were attacked and raped between Rosewood and Sumner. The sexual lust of the brutal white mobbists satisfied, the women were strangled."

The white mob burned black churches in Rosewood.  Philomena Goins' cousin, Lee Ruth Davis, heard the bells tolling in the church as the men were inside setting it on fire. The mob also destroyed the white church in Rosewood. Many black residents fled for safety into the nearby swamps, some clothed only in their pajamas. Wilson Hall was nine years old at the time; he later recounted his mother waking him to escape  into the swamps early in the morning when it was still dark; the lights from approaching cars of white men could be seen for miles. The Hall family walked  through swampland to the town of Gulf Hammock. The survivors recall that it was uncharacteristically cold for Florida, and people suffered when they spent several nights in raised wooded areas called hammocks to evade the mob. Some took refuge with sympathetic white families. Sam Carter's 69-year-old widow hid for two days in the swamps, then was driven by a sympathetic white mail carrier, under bags of mail, to join her family in Chiefland.

White men began surrounding houses, pouring kerosene on and lighting them, then shooting at those who emerged. Lexie Gordon, a light-skinned 50-year-old woman who was ill with typhoid fever, had sent her children into the woods. She was killed by a shotgun blast to the face when she fled from hiding underneath her home, which had been set on fire by the mob. Fannie Taylor's brother-in-law claimed to be her killer. On January 5, more whites converged on the area, forming a mob of between 200 and 300 people.  Some came from out of state. Mingo Williams, who was  away near Bronson, was collecting turpentine sap by the side of the road when a car full of whites stopped and asked his name. As was custom among many residents of Levy County, both black and white, Williams used a nickname that was more prominent than his given name; when he gave his nickname of "Lord God", they shot him dead.

Sheriff Walker pleaded with news reporters covering the violence to send a message to the Alachua County Sheriff P. G. Ramsey to send assistance. Carloads of men came from Gainesville to assist Walker; many of them had probably participated in the Klan rally earlier in the week. W. H. Pillsbury tried desperately to keep black workers in the Sumner mill, and worked with his assistant, a man named Johnson, to dissuade the white workers from joining others using extra-legal violence. Armed guards sent by Sheriff Walker turned away black people who emerged from the swamps and tried to go home. W. H. Pillsbury's wife secretly helped smuggle people out of the area. Several white men declined to join the mobs, including the town barber who also refused to lend his gun to anyone. He said he did not want his "hands wet with blood".

Governor Cary Hardee was on standby, ready to order National Guard troops in to neutralize the situation. Despite his message to the sheriff of Alachua County, Walker informed Hardee by telegram that he did not fear "further disorder" and urged the governor not to intervene.  The governor's office monitored the situation, in part because of intense Northern interest, but Hardee would not activate the National Guard without Walker's request. Walker insisted he could handle the situation; records show that Governor Hardee took Sheriff Walker's word and went on a hunting trip.

James Carrier, Sylvester's brother and Sarah's son, had previously suffered a stroke and was partially paralyzed. He left the swamps and returned to Rosewood. He asked W. H. Pillsbury, the white turpentine mill supervisor, for protection; Pillsbury locked him in a house but the mob found Carrier, and tortured him to find out if he had aided Jesse Hunter, the escaped convict. After they made Carrier dig his own grave, they fatally shot him.

Evacuation

On January 6, white train conductors John and William Bryce managed the evacuation of some black residents to Gainesville. The brothers were independently wealthy Cedar Key residents who had an affinity for trains. They knew the people in Rosewood and had traded with them regularly. As they passed the area, the Bryces slowed their train and blew the horn, picking up women and children.  Fearing reprisals from mobs, they refused to pick up any black men. Many survivors boarded the train after having been hidden by white general store owner John Wright and his wife, Mary Jo. Over the next several days, other Rosewood residents fled to Wright's house, facilitated by Sheriff Walker, who asked Wright to transport as many residents out of town as possible.

Lee Ruth Davis, her sister, and two brothers were hidden by the Wrights while their father hid in the woods. On the morning of Poly Wilkerson's funeral, the Wrights left the children alone to attend. Davis and her siblings crept out of the house to hide with relatives in the nearby town of Wylly, but they were turned back for being too dangerous. The children spent the day in the woods but decided to return to the Wrights' house. After spotting men with guns on their way back, they crept back to the Wrights, who were frantic with fear. Davis later described the experience: "I was laying that deep in water, that is where we sat all day long ... We got on our bellies and crawled. We tried to keep people from seeing us through the bushes ... We were trying to get back to Mr. Wright house. After we got all the way to his house, Mr. and Mrs. Wright were all the way out in the bushes hollering and calling us, and when we answered, they were so glad." Several other white residents of Sumner hid black residents of Rosewood and smuggled them out of town. Gainesville's black community took in many of Rosewood's evacuees, waiting for them at the train station and greeting survivors as they disembarked, covered in sheets. On Sunday, January 7, a mob of 100 to 150 whites returned to burn the remaining dozen or so structures of Rosewood.

Response

Many people were alarmed by the violence, and state leaders feared negative effects on the state's tourist industry.  Governor Cary Hardee appointed a special grand jury and special prosecuting attorney to investigate the outbreak in Rosewood and other incidents in Levy County.  In February 1923, the all-white grand jury convened in Bronson. Over several days, they heard 25 witnesses, eight of whom were black, but found insufficient evidence to prosecute any perpetrators. The judge presiding over the case deplored the actions of the mob.

By the end of the week, Rosewood no longer made the front pages of major white newspapers. The Chicago Defender, the most influential black newspaper in the U.S., reported that 19 people in Rosewood's "race war" had died, and a soldier named Ted Cole appeared to fight the lynch mobs, then disappeared; no confirmation of his existence after this report exists. A few editorials appeared in Florida newspapers summarizing the event. The Gainesville Daily Sun justified the actions of whites involved, writing "Let it be understood now and forever that he, whether white or black, who brutally assaults an innocent and helpless woman, shall die the death of a dog."  The Tampa Tribune, in a rare comment on the excesses of whites in the area, called it "a foul and lasting blot on the people of Levy County".

Northern publications were more willing to note the breakdown of law, but many attributed it to the backward mindset in the South. The New York Call, a socialist newspaper, remarked "how astonishingly little cultural progress has been made in some parts of the world", while the Nashville Banner compared the events in Rosewood to recent race riots in Northern cities, but characterized the entire event as "deplorable". A three-day conference in Atlanta organized by the Southern Methodist Church released a statement that similarly condemned the chaotic week in Rosewood. It concluded, "No family and no race rises higher than womanhood. Hence, the intelligence of women must be cultivated and the purity and dignity of womanhood must be protected by the maintenance of a single standard of morals for both races."

Officially, the recorded death toll of the first week of January 1923 was eight people (six black and two white). Historians disagree about this number. Some survivors' stories claim there may have been up to 27 black residents killed, and assert that newspapers did not report the total number of white deaths. Minnie Lee Langley, who was in the Carrier house siege, recalls that she stepped over many white bodies on the porch when she left the house.  Several eyewitnesses claim to have seen a mass grave filled with black people; one remembers a plow brought from Cedar Key that covered 26 bodies. However, by the time authorities investigated these claims, most of the witnesses were dead, or too elderly and infirm to lead them to a site to confirm the stories.

Aaron Carrier was held in jail for several months in early 1923; he died in 1965. James Carrier's widow Emma was shot in the hand and the wrist and reached Gainesville by train. She never recovered, and died in 1924. Sarah Carrier's husband Haywood did not see the events in Rosewood. He was on a hunting trip, and discovered when he returned that his wife, brother James, and son Sylvester had all been killed and his house destroyed by a white mob. Following the shock of learning what had happened in Rosewood, Haywood rarely spoke to anyone but himself; he sometimes wandered away from his family unclothed. His grandson, Arnett Goins, thought that he had been unhinged by grief. Haywood Carrier died a year after the massacre. Jesse Hunter, the escaped convict, was never found. Many survivors fled in different directions to other cities, and a few changed their names from fear that whites would track them down.  None ever returned to live in Rosewood.

Fannie Taylor and her husband moved to another mill town. She was "very nervous" in her later years, until she succumbed to cancer. John Wright's house was the only structure left standing in Rosewood. He lived in it and acted as an emissary between the county and the survivors. After they left the town, almost all of their land was sold for taxes. Mary Jo Wright died around 1931; John developed a problem with alcohol. He was ostracized and taunted for assisting the survivors, and rumored to keep a gun in every room of his house. He died after drinking too much one night in Cedar Key, and was buried in an unmarked grave in Sumner. The sawmill in Sumner burned down in 1925, and the owners moved the operation to Lacoochee in Pasco County. Some survivors as well as participants in the mob action went to Lacoochee to work in the mill there. W. H. Pillsbury was among them, and he was taunted by former Sumner residents. No longer having any supervisory authority, Pillsbury was retired early by the company. He moved to Jacksonville and died in 1926.

Culture of silence

Despite nationwide news coverage in both white and black newspapers, the incident, and the small abandoned village, slipped into oblivion. Most of the survivors scattered around Florida cities and started over with nothing. Many, including children, took on odd jobs to make ends meet. Education had to be sacrificed to earn an income. As a result, most of the Rosewood survivors took on manual labor jobs, working as maids, shoe shiners, or in citrus factories or lumber mills.

Although the survivors' experiences after Rosewood were disparate, none publicly acknowledged what had happened. Robie Mortin, Sam Carter's niece, was seven years old when her father put her on a train to Chiefland,  east of Rosewood, on January 3, 1923. Mortin's father avoided the heart of Rosewood on the way to the depot that day, a decision Mortin believes saved their lives. Mortin's father met them years later in Riviera Beach, in South Florida. None of the family ever spoke about the events in Rosewood, on order from Mortin's grandmother: "She felt like maybe if somebody knew where we came from, they might come at us".

This silence was an exception to the practice of oral history among black families. Minnie Lee Langley knew James and Emma Carrier as her parents. She kept the story from her children for 60 years: "I didn't want them to know what I came through and I didn't discuss it with none of them ... I just didn't want them to know what kind of way I come up. I didn't want them to know white folks want us out of our homes." Decades passed before she began to trust white people. Some families spoke of Rosewood, but forbade the stories from being told: Arnett Doctor heard the story from his mother, Philomena Goins Doctor, who was with Sarah Carrier the day Fannie Taylor claimed she was assaulted, and was in the house with Sylvester Carrier. She told her children about Rosewood every Christmas. Doctor was consumed by his mother's story; he would bring it up to his aunts only to be dissuaded from speaking of it.

In 1982, an investigative reporter named Gary Moore from the St. Petersburg Times drove from the Tampa area to Cedar Key looking for a story. When he commented to a local on the "gloomy atmosphere" of Cedar Key, and questioned why a Southern town was all-white when at the start of the 20th century it had been nearly half black, the local woman replied, "I know what you're digging for. You're trying to get me to talk about that massacre." Moore was hooked. He was able to convince Arnett Doctor to join him on a visit to the site, which he did without telling his mother. Moore addressed the disappearance of the incident from written or spoken history: "After a week of sensation, the weeks of January 1923 seem to have dropped completely from Florida's consciousness, like some unmentionable skeleton in the family closet".

When Philomena Goins Doctor found out what her son had done, she became enraged and threatened to disown him, shook him, then slapped him. A year later, Moore took the story to CBS' 60 Minutes, and was the background reporter on a piece produced by Joel Bernstein and narrated by African-American journalist Ed Bradley. Philomena Doctor called her family members and declared Moore's story and Bradley's television exposé were full of lies. A psychologist at the University of Florida later testified in state hearings that the survivors of Rosewood showed signs of posttraumatic stress disorder, made worse by the secrecy. Many years after the incident, they exhibited fear, denial, and hypervigilance about socializing with whites—which they expressed specifically regarding their children, interspersed with bouts of apathy. Despite such characteristics, survivors counted religious faith as integral to their lives following the attack in Rosewood, to keep them from becoming bitter.  Michael D'Orso, who wrote a book about Rosewood, said, "[E]veryone told me in their own way, in their own words, that if they allowed themselves to be bitter, to hate, it would have eaten them up." Robie Mortin described her past this way: "I knew that something went very wrong in my life because it took a lot away from me. But I wasn't angry or anything."

The legacy of Rosewood remained in Levy County. For decades no black residents lived in Cedar Key or Sumner. Robin Raftis, the white editor of the Cedar Key Beacon, tried to place the events in an open forum by printing Moore's story. She had been collecting anecdotes for many years, and said, "Things happened out there in the woods. There's no doubt about that. How bad? We don't know ... So I said, 'Okay guys, I'm opening the closet with the skeletons, because if we don't learn from mistakes, we're doomed to repeat them'." Raftis received notes reading, "We know how to get you and your kids. All it takes is a match".
University of Florida historian David Colburn stated, "There is a pattern of denial with the residents and their relatives about what took place, and in fact they said to us on several occasions they don't want to talk about it, they don't want to identify anyone involved, and there's also a tendency to say that those who were involved were from elsewhere."

In 1993, a black couple retired to Rosewood from Washington D.C. They told The Washington Post, "When we used to have black friends down from Chiefland, they always wanted to leave before it got dark. They didn't want to be in Rosewood after dark. We always asked, but folks wouldn't say why."

Seeking justice

History includes Rosewood
Philomena Goins Doctor died in 1991. Her son Arnett was, by that time, "obsessed" with the events in Rosewood. Although he was originally excluded from the Rosewood claims case, he was included after this was revealed by publicity. By that point, the case had been taken on a pro bono basis by one of Florida's largest legal firms. In 1993, the firm filed a lawsuit on behalf of Arnett Goins, Minnie Lee Langley, and other survivors against the state government for its failure to protect them and their families.

Survivors participated in a publicity campaign to expand attention to the case. Langley and Lee Ruth Davis appeared on The Maury Povich Show on Martin Luther King Day in 1993. Gary Moore published another article about Rosewood in the Miami Herald on March 7, 1993; he had to negotiate with the newspaper's editors for about a year to publish it. At first they were skeptical that the incident had taken place, and secondly, reporter Lori Rosza of the Miami Herald had reported on the first stage of what proved in December 1992 to be a deceptive claims case, with most of the survivors excluded. "If something like that really happened, we figured, it would be all over the history books", an editor wrote.

Arnett Doctor told the story of Rosewood to print and television reporters from all over the world. He raised the number of historic residents in Rosewood, as well as the number who died at the Carrier house siege; he exaggerated the town's contemporary importance by comparing it to Atlanta, Georgia as a cultural center. Doctor wanted to keep Rosewood in the news; his accounts were printed with few changes. According to historian Thomas Dye, Doctor's "forceful addresses to groups across the state, including the NAACP, together with his many articulate and heart-rending television appearances, placed intense pressure on the legislature ... to do something about Rosewood". In December 1996, Doctor told a meeting at Jacksonville Beach that 30 women and children had been buried alive at Rosewood, and that his facts had been confirmed by journalist Gary Moore. He was embarrassed to learn that Moore was in the audience. As the Holland & Knight law firm continued the claims case, they represented 13 survivors, people who had lived in Rosewood at the time of the 1923 violence, in the claim to the legislature.

The lawsuit missed the filing deadline of January 1, 1993. The speaker of the Florida House of Representatives commissioned a group to research and provide a report by which the equitable claim bill could be evaluated. It took them nearly a year to do the research, including interviews, and writing. On December 22, 1993, historians from Florida State University, Florida A&M University, and the University of Florida delivered a 100-page report (with 400 pages of attached documentation) on the Rosewood massacre. It was based on available primary documents, and interviews mostly with black survivors of the incident. Due to the media attention received by residents of Cedar Key and Sumner following filing of the claim by survivors, white participants were discouraged from offering interviews to the historians. The report used a taped description of the events by Jason McElveen, a Cedar Key resident who had since died, and an interview with Ernest Parham, who was in high school in 1923 and happened upon the lynching of Sam Carter. Parham said he had never spoken of the incident because he was never asked.  The report was titled "Documented History of the Incident which Occurred at Rosewood, Florida in January 1923". Gary Moore, the investigative journalist who wrote the 1982 story in The St. Petersburg Times that reopened the Rosewood case, criticized demonstrable errors in the report. The commissioned group retracted the most serious of these, without public discussion. They delivered the final report to the Florida Board of Regents and it became part of the legislative record.

Rosewood victims v. the State of Florida
Florida's consideration of a bill to compensate victims of racial violence was the first by any U.S. state. Opponents argued that the bill set a dangerous precedent and put the onus of paying survivors and descendants on Floridians who had nothing to do with the incident in Rosewood. James Peters, who represented the State of Florida, argued that the statute of limitations applied because the law enforcement officials named in the lawsuit—Sheriff Walker and Governor Hardee—had died many years before. He also called into question the shortcomings of the report: although the historians were instructed not to write it with compensation in mind, they offered conclusions about the actions of Sheriff Walker and Governor Hardee. The report was based on investigations led by historians as opposed to legal experts; they relied in cases on information that was hearsay from witnesses who had since died. Critics thought that some of the report's writers asked leading questions in their interviews.

Even legislators who agreed with the sentiment of the bill asserted that the events in Rosewood were typical of the era. One survivor interviewed by Gary Moore said that to single out Rosewood as an exception, as if the entire world was not a Rosewood, would be "vile". State legislators who supported the bill Democrat Al Lawson and Republican Miguel De Grandy, argued that, unlike Native Americans or slaves who had suffered atrocities at the hands of whites, the residents of Rosewood were tax-paying, self-sufficient citizens who deserved the protection of local and state law enforcement. While mob lynchings of black people around the same time tended to be spontaneous and quickly concluded, the incident at Rosewood was prolonged over a period of several days. Some legislators began to receive hate mail, including some claiming to be from Ku Klux Klan members. One legislator remarked that his office received an unprecedented response to the bill, with a proportion of ten constituents to one opposing it.

In 1994, the state legislature held a hearing to discuss the merits of the bill. Lee Ruth Davis died a few months before testimony began, but Minnie Lee Langley, Arnett Goins, Wilson Hall, Willie Evans, and several descendants from Rosewood testified. Other witnesses were a clinical psychologist from the University of Florida, who testified that survivors had suffered post-traumatic stress, and experts who offered testimony about the scale of property damages. Langley spoke first; the hearing room was packed with journalists and onlookers who were reportedly mesmerized by her statement. Ernest Parham also testified about what he saw. When asked specifically when he was contacted by law enforcement regarding the death of Sam Carter, Parham replied that he had been contacted for the first time on Carter's death two weeks before testifying. The coroner's inquest for Sam Carter had taken place the day after he was shot in January 1923; he concluded that Carter had been killed "by Unknown Party".

After hearing all the evidence, the Special Master Richard Hixson, who presided over the testimony for the Florida Legislature, declared that the state had a "moral obligation" to make restitution to the former residents of Rosewood. He said, "I truly don't think they cared about compensation. I think they simply wanted the truth to be known about what happened to them ... whether they got fifty cents or a hundred and fifty million dollars. It didn't matter."

Black and Hispanic legislators in Florida took on the Rosewood compensation bill as a cause, and refused to support Democratic Governor Lawton Chiles' healthcare plan until he put pressure on the Democrat controlled state assembly to vote in favor of the bill. Chiles was offended, as he had supported the compensation bill from its early days, and the legislative caucuses had previously promised their support for his healthcare plan.  The legislature passed the bill, and Governor Chiles signed the Rosewood Compensation Bill, a $2.1 million package to compensate survivors and their descendants. Seven survivors and their family members were present at the signing to hear Chiles say

Because of the strength and commitment of these survivors and their families, the long silence has finally been broken and the shadow has been lifted ... Instead of being forgotten, because of their testimony, the Rosewood story is known across our state and across our nation. This legislation assures that the tragedy of Rosewood will never be forgotten by the generations to come.

Originally, the compensation total offered to survivors was $7 million, which aroused controversy. The legislature eventually settled on $1.5 million: this would enable payment of $150,000 to each person who could prove he or she lived in Rosewood during 1923, and provide a $500,000 pool for people who could apply for the funds after demonstrating that they had an ancestor who owned property in Rosewood during the same time. The four survivors who testified automatically qualified; four others had to apply. More than 400 applications were received from around the world.

Robie Mortin came forward as a survivor during this period; she was the only one added to the list who could prove that she had lived in Rosewood in 1923, totaling nine survivors who were compensated. Gaining compensation changed some families, whose members began to fight among themselves. Some descendants refused it, while others went into hiding in order to avoid the press of friends and relatives who asked them for handouts. Some descendants, after dividing the funds among their siblings, received not much more than $100 each. Later, the Florida Department of Education set up the Rosewood Family Scholarship Fund for Rosewood descendants and ethnic minorities.

Rosewood remembered

Representation in other media

The Rosewood massacre, the ensuing silence, and the compensation hearing were the subject of the 1996 book titled Like Judgment Day: The Ruin and Redemption of a Town Called Rosewood by Mike D'Orso. It was a New York Times bestseller and won the Lillian Smith Book Award, bestowed by the University of Georgia Libraries and the Southern Regional Council to authors who highlight racial and social inequality in their works.

The dramatic feature film Rosewood (1997), directed by John Singleton, was based on these historic events. Minnie Lee Langley served as a source for the set designers, and Arnett Doctor was hired as a consultant. Recreated forms of the towns of Rosewood and Sumner were built in Central Florida, far away from Levy County. The film version, written by screenwriter Gregory Poirier, created a character named Mann, who enters Rosewood as a type of reluctant Western-style hero. Composites of historic figures were used as characters, and the film offers the possibility of a happy ending. In The New York Times E.R. Shipp suggests that Singleton's youth and his background in California contributed to his willingness to take on the story of Rosewood. She notes Singleton's rejection of the image of black people as victims and the portrayal of "an idyllic past in which black families are intact, loving and prosperous, and a black superhero who changes the course of history when he escapes the noose, takes on the mob with double-barreled ferocity and saves many women and children from death". Singleton has offered his view: "I had a very deep—I wouldn't call it fear—but a deep contempt for the South because I felt that so much of the horror and evil that black people have faced in this country is rooted here ... So in some ways this is my way of dealing with the whole thing."

Reception of the film was mixed. Shipp commented on Singleton's creating a fictional account of Rosewood events, saying that the film "assumes a lot and then makes up a lot more".  The film version alludes to many more deaths than the highest counts by eyewitnesses. Gary Moore believes that creating an outside character who inspires the citizens of Rosewood to fight back condescends to survivors, and he criticized the inflated death toll specifically, saying the film was "an interesting experience in illusion". In contrast, in 2001 Stanley Crouch of The New York Times described Rosewood as Singleton's finest work, writing, "Never in the history of American film had Southern racist hysteria been shown so clearly. Color, class and sex were woven together on a level that Faulkner would have appreciated."

Legacy

The State of Florida declared Rosewood a Florida Heritage Landmark in 2004 and subsequently erected a historical marker on State Road 24 that names the victims and describes the community's destruction. Scattered structures remain within the community, including a church, a business, and a few homes, notably John Wright's. Mary Hall Daniels, the last known survivor of the massacre at the time of her death, died at the age of 98 in Jacksonville, Florida, on May 2, 2018. Vera Goins-Hamilton, who had not previously been publicly identified as a survivor of the Rosewood massacre, died at the age of 100 in Lacoochee, Florida, in 2020.

Rosewood descendants formed the Rosewood Heritage Foundation and the Real Rosewood Foundation, Inc., in order to educate people both in Florida and all over the world about the massacre. The Rosewood Heritage Foundation created a traveling exhibit that tours internationally in order to share the history of Rosewood and the attacks; a permanent display is housed in the library of Bethune-Cookman University in Daytona Beach. The Real Rosewood Foundation presents a variety of humanitarian awards to people in Central Florida who help preserve Rosewood's history. The organization also recognized Rosewood residents who protected blacks during the attacks by presenting an Unsung Heroes Award to the descendants of Sheriff Robert Walker, John Bryce, and William Bryce. Lizzie Jenkins, executive director of the Real Rosewood Foundation and niece of the Rosewood schoolteacher, explained her interest in keeping Rosewood's legacy current:

It has been a struggle telling this story over the years, because a lot of people don't want to hear about this kind of history. People don't relate to it, or just don't want to hear about it. But Mama told me to keep it alive, so I keep telling it ... It's a sad story, but it's one I think everyone needs to hear.

The Real Rosewood Foundation, Inc., under the leadership of Jenkins, is raising funds to move John Wright's house to nearby Archer, Florida, and make it a museum.

The state of Florida in 2020 established a Rosewood Family Scholarship Program, paying up to $6,100 each to up to 50 students each year who are direct descendants of Rosewood families.

See also

 African Americans in Florida
 Black genocide – the notion that African Americans have been subjected to genocide
 Domestic terrorism in the United States
 Elaine massacre
 List of ethnic cleansing campaigns
 List of ethnic riots#United States
 List of expulsions of African Americans
 List of incidents of civil unrest in the United States
 List of massacres in the United States
 Lynching in the United States
 Mass racial violence in the United States
 Murder of Harry and Harriette Moore
 Nadir of American race relations
 Newberry Six lynchings
 Ocoee massacre
 Opelousas massacre
 Perry massacre
 Racism against African Americans
 Racism in the United States
 Red Summer
 Terrorism in the United States
 Timeline of terrorist attacks in the United States
 Tulsa race massacre
 Wilmington insurrection

Notes

References

Bibliography
 D'Orso, Michael (1996). Like Judgment Day: The Ruin and Redemption of a Town Called Rosewood, Grosset/Putnam.
 Dunn, Marvin. (2013). The Beast in Florida: A History of Anti-Black Violence, University Press of Florida.  (This book has been unpublished by the University Press of Florida and is not a valid reference)
 Gannon, Michael (ed.) (1996). A New History of Florida, University Press of Florida.
 Gonzalez-Tennant. (2018).The Rosewood Massacre: An Archaeology and History of Intersectional Violence, University Press of Florida. .

 Jackson, Kenneth T. (1992). The Ku Klux Klan in the City, 1915–1930, Elephant Paperback.
 Jones, Maxine; McCarthy, Kevin (1993). African Americans in Florida, Pineapple Press.
 Jones, Maxine; Rivers, Larry; Colburn, David; Dye, Tom; Rogers, William (1993). "A Documented History of the Incident Which Occurred at Rosewood, Florida in 1923" (hosted online by Displays for Schools).
 Jones, Maxine; Rivers, Larry; Colburn, David; Dye, Tom; Rogers, William (1993). "Appendices: A Documented History of the Incident Which Occurred at Rosewood, Florida in 1923".
 Tebeau, Charlton (1971). A History of Florida, University of Miami Press.

Further reading
  ; ; .
 Flowers, Charles (March 14, 1997) "Is Singleton's Movie a Scandal or a Black Schindler's List?", Seminole Tribune
 Markovitz, Jonathan. Legacies of Lynching: Racial Violence and Memory, University of Minnesota Press, 2004.  Section on Singleton's film.
 Schumacher, Aileen. Rosewood's Ashes (2002). A fictional murder mystery that uses the massacre at Rosewood as historical backdrop.

External links

 The Real Rosewood website
 Rosewood Heritage & VR Project
 Rosewood Victims v. State of Florida, Special Master's Report (of the Florida legislature), March 24, 1994
 Remembering Rosewood, by Displays for Schools, Inc.
 Historical images after the riots

1923 disasters in the United States
1923 fires in the United States
1923 in Florida
1923 murders in the United States
1923 riots
African-American history of Florida
Anti-black racism in Florida
Arson in Florida
Buildings and structures in Levy County, Florida
Ethnic cleansing in the United States
January 1923 events
Levy County, Florida
Lynching in the United States
Mass murder in Florida
Massacres in 1923
Massacres in the United States
Massacres of ethnic groups
Racially motivated violence against African Americans
Riots and civil disorder in Florida
Tourist attractions in Levy County, Florida
White American riots in the United States

Rosewood massacre


William Gibson (né en 1948), auteur de science-fiction canado-américain

William Gibson est un nom pouvant désigner:

Sports
 (1876-1947), promoteur américain de boxe
 (1927-2006), joueur canadien de hockey sur glace
 (1927-1975), entraineur américain de basket-ball

Politique
 (1797-1878), homme politique écossais
 (1815-1890), homme politique canadien en Ontario
 (1821-1894), homme politique américain de l'Ohio
William Gibson (1849-1914), homme politique canadien en Ontario
 (1859/60-?), homme politique nord-irlandais
William Gibson (2e baron Ashbourne) (1868-1942), noble irlandais
 (1869-1955), homme politique australien
 (1876-1949), activiste politique écossais

Religion
 (1548-1596), noble et martyr écossais
 (1738-1821), prélat catholique anglais
 (1838-1914), évangéliste écossais

Arts et divertissement
 (1850-1896), illustrateur et naturaliste américain
 (1869-1929), producteur de film australien
William Gibson (1914-2008), dramaturge américain
Bill Gibson (né en 1951), drummer américain

Autres
 (1814-1871), avocat et antiquaire anglais
 (1829-1906), éducateur et activiste américain des droits civiques
 (1902-1960), historien de l'art écossais
 (1933-2002), activiste américain du NAACP
 (né en 1959), historien et professeur britannique

Voir aussi

Gibson, William

William Gibson (homonymie)


The People Who Grinned Themselves to Death is the second and final studio album by The Housemartins. It was released in 1987, and produced three singles - "Five Get Over Excited" (#11 UK), "Me and the Farmer" (#15) and "Build" (#15 UK). The title song is about the British Royal Family, which found them gaining controversy in the tabloid papers similar to that of other bands such as the Sex Pistols, The Smiths and The Stone Roses.

Critical reception

The People Who Grinned Themselves to Death was ranked number nine among "Albums of the Year" for 1987 in the annual NME critics' poll.

Track listing
All tracks written by Paul Heaton and Stan Cullimore

"The People Who Grinned Themselves to Death" – 3:33
"I Can't Put My Finger on It"  – 2:28
"The Light Is Always Green"  – 3:59
"The World's on Fire" – 3:20
"Pirate Aggro" – 1:52
"We're Not Going Back"  – 2:53
"Me and the Farmer"  – 2:54
"Five Get Over Excited"  – 2:44
"Johannesburg"  – 3:55
"Bow Down" – 3:04
"You Better Be Doubtful" – 2:32
"Build" – 4:45

Charts

Personnel

The Housemartins
Norman Cook – bass, vocals
Dave Hemingway – drums, vocals
P.d. Heaton – vocals, guitar, trombone, harmonica
Stan Cullimore – guitar, vocals

Additional musicians
Guy Barker – trumpet
Sandy Blair – tuba
St. Winifred's School Choir – backing vocals on "Bow Down"
Pete Wingfield – piano, keyboards

Technical personnel
John Williams – producer
The Housemartins – producer
Phil Bodger – engineer
David Storey – sleeve design
John Sims – sleeve design
Phil Rainey – front cover photography
Derek Ridgers – band photography
John Woods – band photography

Certifications

References

The Housemartins albums
1987 albums
Go! Discs albums


Federico Álvarez de Toledo (Saladillo, 1875 - Buenos Aires, 13 de diciembre de 1939) fue un ingeniero agrónomo y político argentino, que fue ministro de Marina durante la primera Presidencia de Hipólito Yrigoyen y embajador ante el Reino Unido y Francia.

Biografía

Fue hijo de Federico Álvarez de Toledo Bedoya y de María Antonieta Faix Salesse, originaria de Francia. Su padre, descendiente de una familia aristocrática, fue un reconocido estanciero del Partido de Saladillo, fundador de la estancia "La María Antonieta" y de la ciudad de Saladillo. Su hermana, María Luisa Álvarez de Toledo de Broggi, fue la fundadora del pueblo Álvarez de Toledo, construido en torno a la Estación Álvarez de Toledo.

Se afilió a la Unión Cívica Radical. Fue concejal de Saladillo. Dirigió algunas publicaciones radicales, como El Radical y La Época, lo que lo llevó a acercarse a Hipólito Yrigoyen, jefe de ese partido.

Al ser electo presidente de la República Argentina, Yrigoyen lo nombró Ministro de Marina, lo que causó un malestar generalizado entre los marinos, ya que no tenía relación alguna con la carrera naval. En febrero de 1919 fue nombrado embajador en el Reino Unido, y la cartera ministerial quedó vacante hasta febrero de 1921, cuando finalmente Yrigoyen accedió a nombrar a un marino, Tomás Zurueta.

En 1920 fue llamado por Yrigoyen de vuelta al país, para dirigir la intervención federal de la Provincia de Tucumán. El radicalismo de la provincia estaba completamente dividido, por lo que el presidente prolongó indefinidamente la intervención a la provincia; al año siguiente, Álvarez de Toledo fue sucedido por otro interventor, Benito Nazar Anchorena.

En 1921 fue designado presidente del Banco de la Nación Argentina. Poco antes del final del mandato de Yrigoyen, éste lo nombró embajador en Francia, para suceder en ese cargo al presidente electo, Marcelo T. de Alvear.

Durante su extenso cargo en París, Álvarez de Toledo, en abril de 1926 compró la casa de Boulogne-sur-Mer donde había fallecido el general José de San Martín en 1850, con la suma de 400 mil francos.

Posteriormente compró en 1928 la sede de la Embajada de Argentina en Francia, pagando una parte con un desvío de fondos de una partida aprobada para comprar armas a Francia.

Producido el Golpe de Estado en Argentina de 1930 que derrocó al presidente Yrigoyen en su segunda presidencia, fue detenido y encarcelado en Ushuaia.

En años posteriores fue intendente de Saladillo, y ejerció algunos cargos políticos secundarios.

Falleció en Buenos Aires en 1939. Sus restos descansan en el Cementerio de la Recoleta.

Uno de sus hijos, José María Álvarez de Toledo, también fue embajador argentino.

Referencias

Saladillenses
Familia Álvarez de Toledo (Argentina)
Intendentes de municipios de la provincia de Buenos Aires
Políticos de la Unión Cívica Radical
Periodistas masculinos de Argentina
Ministros de Marina de Argentina
Embajadores de Argentina en el Reino Unido
Embajadores de Argentina en Francia
Sepultados en el cementerio de la Recoleta
Agrónomos de Argentina
Concejales de Argentina
Gobernadores de Tucumán
Presidentes del Banco de la Nación Argentina

Federico Álvarez de Toledo


يشير التطور الكامل إلى دورة حياة مجموعة من الحشرات التي تتألف من أربعة أطوار:
 البيضة تفقس منها يرقة لا تشبه اليافعة، وقد تكون أشبه بالديدان،
ثم تتشرنق اليرقة وتدخل في طور تسمى فيه عذراء،و داخل الشرنقة تتخلق اليافعة ويكتمل نموها ثم تنبثق كحشرة كاملة.
من الأمثلة على الحشرات ذات التطور الكامل النحل والذباب من ثنائيات الأجنحة والفراشات (قشريات الجناح).

انظر أيضاً
 التطور الناقص

مراجع

تشريح

تطور كامل


Pavol Inga (n. 27 octombrie 1998, Hîncești,Moldova) este un fotbalist care joacă atacant pentru FC Petrocub Hîncești.

Referințe

Fotbaliști moldoveni
Nașteri în 1998

Pavol Inga