Elizabeth Ann Linley, épouse Sheridan, née en  et morte de la tuberculose le  est une chanteuse et femme de lettres britannique, également connue comme modèle de tableaux. Elle fait l'objet de plusieurs toiles de Thomas Gainsborough, qui est un ami de sa famille, Joshua Reynolds ou encore Richard Samuel. Poète et écrivain, elle s'implique dans la Blue Stockings Society et participe au mouvement politique whig.

Deuxième de douze enfants et première fille du compositeur Thomas Linley et de son épouse Mary Johnson, Elizabeth est l'épouse du dramaturge Richard Brinsley Sheridan. Elle est l'une des chanteuses soprano les plus connues de son époque, bien que son mari l'ait découragée de se produire en public après leur mariage. Elle passe sa jeunesse à Bath, sa ville natale, et elle est probablement apparue pour la première fois sur scène aux côtés de son frère, Thomas Linley le jeune, en 1767, bien qu'elle ait commencé à chanter dans des concerts à l'âge de neuf ans. The Maid of Bath, une comédie tournant en ridicule sa vie à Bath, est jouée au Haymarket Theatre en 1771.

Biographie

Jeunesse et premiers succès

Elizabeth Ann Linley est née fin 1754, la date exacte variant selon les sources qui donnent les 4, 5 ou , à Abbey Green ou 5 Pierrepont Street dans la ville de Bath. Son père est Thomas Linley, un musicien et compositeur anglais, et sa mère Mary Johnson (1729–1820) est également une musicienne talentueuse. Elizabeth est la fille aînée du couple (elle a un frère aîné qui meurt dans la petite enfance) et, comme plusieurs de ses frères et sœurs, ses parents lui apprennent la musique. Son éducation est principalement assurée par sa mère et elle passe plusieurs mois dans une école de Bristol où elle apprend les rudiments de la conversation française, de la danse, du dessin et de la peinture. Il est probable qu'elle ait commencé à chanter dans des concerts à l'âge de neuf ans. Elle fait ses débuts officiels sur scène aux côtés de son frère, également nommé Thomas, en 1767 à Covent Garden à Londres. Le concert, ou masque, comporte de la musique de Jean-Sébastien Bach sous le titre The Fairy Favor. Elizabeth chante et son frère joue le rôle de Puck.

Leur père, rigide dans l'éducation qu'il donne à ses enfants, les oblige à se produire chaque semaine dans des concerts à Bath, Oxford ou Londres. Mary Dewes, spectatrice d'un de ces concerts, estime que le père surmenait ses enfants et obligeait notamment Elizabeth à interpréter des airs trop difficiles pour son âge. Elizabeth était sous contrat avec son père en tant qu'apprentie musicienne, ce qui garantissait que ses performances augmentaient ses revenus. Pour gérer son image, son père a soigneusement sélectionné les lieux où elle pouvait se produire, pour s'assurer qu'elle ne chanterait que dans des festivals de la haute société et éviterait les pièges des scènes londoniennes. Parmi les lieux qu'il choisit, il y a des concerts à Bath et au Three Choirs Festival qui comprennent des tournées à la cathédrale de Gloucester, à la cathédrale de Hereford et à la cathédrale de Worcester, ainsi que des performances à Cambridge, Chester, Londres, Oxford et Salisbury. Les tournées étaient des événements somptueux, occasions de rassemblements sociaux organisés en plus des concerts, dans lesquels Elizabeth et les autres interprètes devaient se produire pendant plusieurs heures avant chaque représentation.

En sélectionnant un répertoire pour rehausser la renommée d'Elizabeth, son père en éliminait les chansons populaires, choisissant à la place des ballades régionales avec "un pedigree national impeccable" et des classiques, centrés sur Haendel. Parmi ses performances notées, citons la performance de mai 1768 en tant que Galatea dans Acis et Galatea, qui est alors devenue un incontournable de son répertoire. Les critiques contemporains, tels que Fanny Burney, Daniel Lyons et Gaspare Pacchierotti, ont noté que sa voix avec son expression claire, non affectée et douce était particulièrement compatible avec le style oratoire de Haendel. Ces mêmes traits utilisés pour décrire sa voix ont également été attribués à son comportement par le compositeur William Jackson, Charles Burney et d'autres, ajoutant à l'admiration du public pour Elizabeth, l'ont propulsée, pendant un temps, comme la chanteuse la plus célèbre en Angleterre, ainsi que l'objet d'une dévotion culte par ses admirateurs. Jackson, un compositeur d'Exeter, ami de la famille Linley et auteur dObservations on the Present State of Music in London (1791) a écrit de la musique spécifiquement pour Elizabeth.

Rencontre avec Richard Sheridan et fuite en France

Elizabeth fait la connaissance de Richard Brinsley Sheridan en , peu de temps après l'arrivée de la famille Sheridan à Bath. Linley invite les Sheridan afin de tenter d'impressionner Thomas Sheridan avec la grandeur de sa maison tandis que Sheridan souhaite obtenir de l'aide pour gagner de nouveaux étudiants. Une amitié étroite se développe bientôt entre les adolescents des deux familles. Toutefois, à la fin de la même année, Elizabeth se voit fiancer à un prétendant âgé et riche, Walter Long. Les fiançailles sont cependant rompues peu de temps avant la date fixée pour le mariage. Les sources varient quant à la raison pour laquelle l'engagement a été rompu. La belle-sœur d'Elizabeth écrit que Linley avait indiqué à Long que celle-ci ne serait jamais heureuse dans leur mariage, ce qui l'aurait incité à retirer sa demande. D'autres sources indiquent que la pièce de théâtre The Maid of Bath écrite par Samuel Foote est la cause de la rupture. Cette pièce, qui avait été donnée pour la première fois le  au Haymarket Theatre, met en scène l'histoire vraie de Thomas Linley et sa famille. Elle a été jouée pendant 24 soirées à Londres où elle est très populaire. Son intrigue fait d'Elizabeth un personnage ridicule. D'autres sources enfin indiquent que Long a été rebuté par la concurrence de nombreux autres hommes auxquels plaisait Elizabeth. Long verse une indemnité de  en 1771, et Elizabeth reçoit pour  de vêtements et de bijoux.

Elizabeth continue de faire l'objet d'avances indésirables de plusieurs hommes dont elle redoute les intentions lubriques. Parmi les hommes qui étaient épris d'elle se trouvait Charles Sheridan, le frère aîné de Richard, ou encore Nathaniel Brassey Halhed. Elle a aussi été particulièrement marquée par les avances faites par le « Capitaine » Thomas Mathews, un homme marié. La famille Linley avait fait sa connaissance lors de son déménagement à Bath en 1770 ; descendant de Thomas Mathews, il avait renoncé à sa carrière militaire lors de son mariage. Il courtise Elizabeth malgré son état matrimonial, la harcelant sexuellement et menaçant de la violer. Dans le même temps, elle se sent toujours moquée par la comédie Maid of Bath, et est au centre d'une controverse entre son père et William Herschel en , ce dernier souhaitant la faire chanter lors d'un concert, ce qu'Elizabeth refuse. La vie d'Elizabeth lui devient insupportable et elle souhaite fuir. Pensant au suicide, et incapable de discuter de ses inquiétudes avec ses parents, Elizabeth se tourne vers son amie Alicia Sheridan pour obtenir de l'aide. Le duo élabore un plan : fuir dans un couvent en France. Bien que cette idée lui semble romantique, Alicia exprime des réserves et en discute avec Richard, ignorant l'affection croissante de ce dernier envers Elizabeth.

Au début de , l'agitation d'Elizabeth augmente ; elle est essoufflée, souffre de maux de tête et se dispute continuellement avec son père, refusant de participer volontairement aux représentations. Sheridan lui rend visite un dimanche matin pendant que les autres membres de la famille Linley sont sortis. Il la trouve alors inconsciente à cause d'une overdose de drogue. Peu de temps après qu'Elizabeth a récupéré de son malaise, le trio d'amis conspire pour mettre leurs plans en action ; Elizabeth devait simuler la maladie le matin du  afin qu'elle soit laissée seule dans la maison car un concert était prévu ce jour-là.

Comme convenu, Elizabeth refuse de sortir du lit le , affirmant qu'elle a mal à la tête et qu'elle est trop malade pour chanter. Plus tard, une fois que tous les membres de la famille ont quitté la maison, Alicia se rend chez Linley et l'aide à rassembler ses affaires, restant avec elle jusqu'à ce que Sheridan vienne la chercher. Accompagné d'une servante faisant office de chaperon, le jeune couple part pour la France et une cérémonie de mariage y a probablement lieu, bien qu'aucune trace n'en existe. Les détails exacts de l'itinéraire du couple et des événements entourant leur évasion varient, ayant été embellis et différentes versions ayant été données.

Poésie et écriture
Outre ses talents de chanteuse, Elizabeth possédait plusieurs autres talents artistiques, notamment le dessin et le mime, et jouait de plusieurs instruments de musique. Elle était aussi écrivaine et poète, en utilisant en particulier le vers comme une aide et un moyen de communication en période de deuil. Quand son jeune frère Tom meurt après être tombé d'un bateau dans un lac à Grimsthorpe le  . Elizabeth écrit sur sa lyre un verset qui connaît le succès. Son élégie, intitulée On her Brother's Violin, a été reproduite dans l'édition de 1785 du . Elle a également écrit une ode après la mort par tuberculose de sa sœur Mary le . Les lettres entre Elizabeth et Sheridan ont également pris la forme de vers tant avant que pendant leur mariage. David Garrick a également correspondu avec elle, se référant affectueusement à elle comme The Saint.

Peu de temps après leur mariage, Sheridan abandonne une carrière en droit, tentant à la place de tirer un revenu du journalisme indépendant. Déjà conscient des prouesses littéraires d'Elizabeth, il la persuade de l'aider à écrire des articles de presse, affirmant que ses compétences en écriture étaient supérieures encore à son chant. Ses capacités ont également été sollicitées après que Sheridan a acheté des actions du Théâtre royal de Drury Lane ; elle a entrepris l'administration, la comptabilité et le travail de secrétariat associés à la gestion de ce théâtre. Elle conseille son mari à propos des chanteurs qui devraient être programmés lors d'événements musicaux, puis, lorsque celui-ci n'est plus en mesure de faire face au volume de manuscrits reçus, c'est Elizabeth qui lit et évalue tous les scripts soumis. Elizabeth choisit également la musique jouée au King's Theatre après que son mari s'est impliqué dans cette entreprise.

Des lettres écrites par Sheridan indiquent qu'Elizabeth a participé au développement de la musique de The Duenna, et ses biographes lui attribuent une implication dans l'écriture de plusieurs de ses pièces. Dans son livre de 1825, Memoirs, Thomas Moore ajoute que, selon la sœur d'Elizabeth, l'épilogue de The Rivals a peut-être été écrit par elle. Waterfield décrit cette biographie en disant que "certaines de ses pages les plus vitales sont de  Sheridan" . Il a également affirmé qu'"un divertissement appelé The Haunted Village" a été écrit par Elizabeth. Michael Kelly a affirmé dans son livre Reminiscences que l'adaptation de Richard Coeur de Lion était son œuvre. Dans une lettre à sa belle-sœur, Alicia, datée du , Elizabeth révèle qu'elle commence à travailler à l'écriture un livre, bien qu'il n'en existe aucune autre mention.

Trois décennies après sa mort, The Gentleman's Magazine publie une lettre en 1825 (volume 95) qui, selon lui, avait été écrite par Elizabeth et adressée à une amie proche appelée « Miss Saunders ». Sorti juste après la publication de la biographie de Thomas Moore, Memoirs of the Life of Richard Brinsley Sheridan, il ressemblait au conte de Clarissa écrit par Samuel Richardson, et décrivait longuement des incidents qui auraient eu lieu durant la vie d'Elizabeth plus de cinquante ans auparavant. Waterfield explique que malgré l'absence du caractère et du style montrés dans les lettres authentiques d'Elizabeth, plusieurs commentateurs ultérieurs l'ont accepté comme authentique ; il le décrit comme "une pure invention, contenant un certain nombre d'erreurs de fait frappantes". Caroline Norton, la petite-fille d'Elizabeth, l'a discrédité en 1861, et Moore a concédé qu'il n'était pas légitime dans la cinquième édition des Mémoires publiée en 1827. Une fausse correspondance est puliée dans le Bath Chronicle en 1773, prétendument entre un « Lord Grosvenor » et Elizabeth, et d'autres journaux ont également publié de fausses lettres similaires à cette époque.

Portraits

Lors de son adolescence, Elizabeth est non seulement reconnue pour sa voix, mais aussi pour sa beauté. Thomas Gainsborough, un ami de la famille depuis 1759, peint plusieurs portraits de la famille Linley.  Son œuvre The Linley Sisters a été peinte  et montre Elizabeth et sa sœur Mary Linley peu de temps avant l'enlèvement. Le seul portrait connu des deux sœurs ensemble fut exposé à la Royal Academy sous le titre A Portrait of Two Ladies. Gainsborough a développé une affinité avec Elizabeth. Son portrait ultérieur d'elle, intitulé Mrs. Richard Brinsley Sheridan, a été entrepris après son mariage. Il fait poser Elizabeth, 31 ans, sur un rocher posé à flanc de colline, reflétant un mode de vie rural qu'elle a supplié son mari de la laisser suivre. Masque of Beauty, une exposition de la National Portrait Gallery de 1972, comprenait le portrait de Gainsborough de 1772, et des peintures d'Elizabeth ont également été exposées dans le cadre de l'exposition de la galerie de 2008 intitulée Brilliant women: 18th century bluestockings.

Elizabeth était également le modèle du tableau de Joshua Reynolds St Cecilia, exposée avec succès à la Royal Academy (maintenant Waddesdon Manor) en 1775, et décrite par Reynolds comme « la meilleure image que je n'aie jamais peinte ». Reynolds était également devenu un ami des Sheridans, malgré des frictions antérieures : lors d'un grand dîner qu'il organisait, Reynolds avait prévu qu'Elizabeth chanterait pour ses invités et avait acheté un nouveau piano à cet effet. Il fut consterné par le refus du couple au motif qu'Elizabeth ne « chanterait plus jamais en public ». Celle-ci était également représentée sous les traits de la gardienne de la Vierge Marie dans son tableau de la scène de la nativité qui a été brûlée dans l'incendie du château de Belvoir en 1816.

Richard Samuel a peint un portrait d'Elizabeth dans son tableau Portraits in the Characters of the Muses in the Temple of Apollo (1778) qui représente les fondateurs et certains participants à la Blue Stockings Society. D'abord exposé à la Royal Academy of Arts en 1789, il se trouve maintenant à la National Portrait Gallery de Londres.

Le titre populaire de la pièce, The Nine Living Muses of Great Britain, fait référence aux artistes et figures littéraires représentées : la poétesse Anna Laetitia Barbauld ; l'universitaire Elizabeth Carter ; dramaturge Elizabeth Griffith ; l'historienne Catharine Macaulay ; les trois écrivains Elizabeth Montagu – qui était connue comme la « reine des bas bleus » et jouait un rôle important dans la société  – Hannah More et Charlotte Lennox ; et Elizabeth, se faisant passer pour des muses classiques. Il a représenté Elizabeth dans le rôle de Terpsichore  ou Erato ; elle est représentée seule mais dans un point focal vers le centre de la peinture et, selon Roach, la composition est révélatrice de sa "place spéciale dans le cercle bluestocking". Bien que les autres femmes se soient déclarées comme des bas bleus, Elizabeth n'a jamais été formellement identifiée comme membre officiel.

En 1860, Jerry Barrett a exposé deux tableaux à la Royal Academy qui dépeignaient Elizabeth et Sheridan à deux moments de leur romance. L'un des tableaux, intitulé The Elopement, capture la nuit de leur fuite ; la scène se déroule à la maison Linley avec Elizabeth aidée par Sheridan. L'autre s'appelle Sheridan, disguised as a hackney coach driver, sees Miss Linley home from Covent Garden Theatre ; il a été utilisé comme illustration dans The Sphere le  aux côtés d'un article intitulé "The Romance of Sheridan and Miss Linley". Les deux œuvres d'art sont conservées au Brighton Museum & Art Gallery, et il y en a peut-être eu d'autres dans la série.

Postérité
Dans un article sur Mme Sheridan publié dans la Cyclopædia d'Abraham Rees, l'historien de la musique Charles Burney écrit : . Selon le musicologue et critique musical Stanley Sadie, Elizabeth avait "l'une des voix de soprano les plus douces et les plus expressives de son temps".

Le , une plaque fixée à l'extérieur de l'ancienne maison de la famille Linley au 11 Royal Crescent, Bath, est inaugurée. Le panneau de bronze commémore la fuite d'Elizabeth et de Sheridan ;  l'inscription se lit comme suit :  (Thomas Linley a vécu ici et de cette maison sa fille Elizabeth s'est enfuie avec Richard Brinsley Sheridan le soir du ).

Références

Bibliographie

Liens externes

Personnalité anglaise du XVIIIe siècle
Décès en juin 1792
Naissance en septembre 1754
Naissance à Bath
Décès à 37 ans
Décès à Bristol (Royaume-Uni)
Personnalité féminine anglaise
Mort de la tuberculose
Chanteuse britannique du XVIIIe siècle

Elizabeth Ann Linley


ATR (chirilice: АТР) este un canal de televiziune ucrainean al cărui public țintă îl reprezintă tătarii din Crimeea. A difuzat în Crimeea, Ucraina, de la 1 septembrie 2006 până la 1 aprilie 2015, când a fost nevoit să închidă în urma ocupației autorităților ruse după ce nu a reușit să obțină licența în conformitate cu legea rusă. La mijlocul lunii iunie 2015, postul și-a reluat emisia în  Ucraina și de atunci își are sediul situat la Kiev. Atunci când se afla în Crimeea, majoritatea programelor difuzate de canal erau în limba rusă (60%), 35% în tătară crimeeană și 5% în limba ucraineană. Canalul folosește Tamga pe post de stemă a canalului.

Istorie
Canalul a început să difuzeze la 1 septembrie 2006. Din 2012, acesta a fost disponibil și prin satelit. Fondatorul și proprietarul ATR este omul de afaceri Lenur Izmailov.

ATR a relatat evenimentele care au condus la referendumul din Crimeea din 2014, și care au dus la anexarea Crimeei în martie 2014 de către Rusia dintr-o perspectivă pro-ucraineană. După anexare, ATR a primit un avertisment oficial conform căruia ar desfășura "activități extremiste" și, deși a rămas destul de critic, a evitat termeni precum "anexare" și "ocupație".

În 2015 canalul și-a schimbat grila de programe; a redus timpul acordat emisiunilor politice și știrilor, axându-se în schimb pe programe culturale.

La 26 ianuarie 2015, ofițerii de poliție ai OMON au blocat clădirea canalului și au efectuat căutări în cadrul unei anchete penale privind mitingurile pro-ucrainene care au avut loc cu un an înainte.

După o întâlnire  din 21 martie 2015 cu conducătorii canalului, făcând referire la anexarea din martie 2014 a Crimeei de către Rusia, șeful de stat al Republicii Crimeea, Serghei Aksionov, a  declarat că ATR "dă speranțe pentru revenirea Crimeei la Ucraina - ceea ce e o prostie - și nu se va întâmpla niciodată."

Pe 18 martie 2015, canalul a declarat că, dacă nu va primi o licență de emisie de la autoritatea rusească de reglementare a telecomunicațiilor Roskomnadzor înainte de 1 aprilie 2015, va trebui să înceteze difuzarea. Din octombrie 2015 a încercat să obțină această licență. Nu a obținut o licență și, prin urmare, a fost închis la 1 aprilie 2015. Șeful de stat al Republicii Crimeea, Serghei Aksionov a declarat, la 1 aprilie 2015, că "canalul creează tensiuni și un sentiment de insecuritate în rândul publicului, creând speranțe că Crimeea va reveni în Ucraina. I s-a explicat conducerii ATR că astfel de canale nu pot funcționa în republica noastră în această perioadă de semi-război". Amnesty International a declarat despre oprirea ATR că "Acest atac flagrant asupra libertății de exprimare, îmbrăcat ca o procedură administrativă, este o încercare brută de a înăbuși mass-media independentă, de a împiedica vocile disidenților și de a intimida comunitatea tătară din Crimeea". Aksionov a negat orice agendă politică din spatele refuzului unei licențe pentru ATR și a declarat că "fac greșeli în mod deliberat pentru a crea controverse în jurul canalului". Postul a mai încercat să obțină licența, însă nu a reușit și a fost forțat să se închidă la 1 aprilie 2015.

La începutul lunii mai 2015 site-ul ATR și-a reluat activitățile. La 18 iunie 2015, canalul și-a reluat difuzarea în Ucraina și de atunci se află la Kiev.

Conform rapoartelor de știri, gazda ATR Arkadî Babcenco a fost împușcată și ucisă la Kiev la 29 mai 2018. Cu toate acestea, a doua zi, el era în viață și a apărut la o conferință de presă a Serviciului de Securitate al Ucrainei (SBU). În conformitate cu SBU "uciderea" lui Babcenko a fost pusă în scenă pentru a expune agenții ruși.

Referințe

Vezi și
 Rossia-24

Legături externe

Televiziuni din Ucraina

ATR (canal de televiziune)


Femtochimia este ramura chimiei fizice care se ocupă cu studiul proceselor chimice care au loc în decursul unei femtosecunde (10−15 secunde). În 1999, Ahmed Hassan Zewail, pionierul femtochimiei, a primit Premiul Nobel pentru Chimie pentru descoperirile sale din acest domeniu nou, demonstrând că este posibil să se studieze mișcarea atomilor dintr-o moleculă în timpul reacțiilor chimice cu ajutorul laserului.  Femtochimia ajută la elucidarea în detaliu a mecanismelor de reacție.

Referințe

Chimie fizică
Spectroscopie

Femtochimie


An Vanilla columbiana in uska species han Liliopsida nga ginhulagway ni Robert Allen Rolfe. An Vanilla columbiana in nahilalakip ha genus nga Vanilla, ngan familia nga Orchidaceae.

Mabibilngan ini ha Colombia. Waray hini subspecies nga nakalista.

Mga kasarigan

Vanilla

Vanilla columbiana


Opsada Jajca 1463., hrvatsko-ugarska opsada
Opsada Jajca 1464., osmanska opsada
Opsada Jajca 1480., osmanska opsada
Opsada Jajca 1493., osmanska opsada
Bitka kod Jajca 1518., sukob hrvatsko-ugarske vojske, predvođene banom Petrom Berislavićem, s turskim snagama radi rasterećnja Jajca koje je bilo u neprijateljskom okruženju
Opsada Jajca 1525., osmanska opsada
Opsada Jajca 1528., osmanska opsada
Bitka kod Jajca 1878., odigrala se 7. kolovoza 1878.
Bitka za Jajce 1942., partizansko zauzimanje Jajca
Operacija Jajce I, njemačka akcija protiv Titovih partizana 1942.
Operacija Jajce II, njemačka akcija protiv Titovih partizana 1942.
Operacija Jajce III, njemačka akcija protiv Titovih partizana 1942.
Bitka za Jajce 1944., partizansko zauzimanje Jajca 25. rujna
Bitka za Jajce 1992., od svibnja do studenoga 1992.

Bitka za Jajce


An Andropogon chevalieri in uska species han Liliopsida nga ginhulagway ni A. Reznik. An Andropogon chevalieri in nahilalakip ha genus nga Andropogon, ngan familia nga Poaceae. Ginklasipika han IUCN an species komo diri gud kababarak-an. Waray hini subspecies nga nakalista.

Mga kasarigan

Andropogon

Andropogon chevalieri


Florence est une ville américaine située dans le comté de Lyon, dans le Minnesota. Selon le recensement de 2010, sa population est de .

Notes et références

Liens externes

Ville au Minnesota
Comté de Lyon (Minnesota)

Florence (Minnesota)


Vayu [ʋaːju] (sanskrt वायु) bog je vjetra u hinduističkoj mitologiji. Njegova su druga imena Anil, Vyān ("zrak"), Vāta ("zračni element"), Tanun, Pavan i Prāṇa ("dah"). Ušao je u šintoizam i japanski budizam pod imenom Fūten. Vayuove supruge su Bharati (oblik velike božice Sarasvati) i Svasti, dok su mu duhovni sinovi Hanuman i Bhima.

Ovaj je bog opisan u hinduističkim himnama kao "moćan", "junačan" i "iznimno lijep".

Prema legendama, mudrac Madhvacharya bio je inkarnacija Vayua.

Poveznice
Vayu-Vata
Rudra

Izvori i bilješke

Hinduistički bogovi

Vayu


Dokuztekne, Adana ilinin Ceyhan ilçesine bağlı bir mahalledir.

Tarihçe
Mahalle, 1917 yılından beri aynı adı taşımaktadır. Daha önceleri Dutlupınar köyüne bağlı bir mahalle iken, 21 Kasım 1951'de köy statüsü kazandı. 2012 yılındaki yasa değişikliğinden sonra yeniden mahalle oldu.

Coğrafya ve ulaşım
Adana il merkezine 65 km, Ceyhan ilçe merkezine 17 km uzaklıktadır.

Nüfus

Kaynakça

Dış bağlantılar
 Yerelnet

Ceyhan'ın mahalleleri

Dokuztekne, Ceyhan


"Kruna" () er en sang, indspillet af den serbiske sanger Nevena Božović. Den blev udgivet til digital download som en single den 11. februar 2019. Božović skrev teksterne og komponerede musikken. "Kruna" vil repræsentere Serbien i Eurovision Song Contest 2019 i Tel Aviv, Israel efter at have vundet udvælgelsesshowet Beovizija i marts 2019.

Referencer

Sange fra 2019
Singler fra 2019
Sange fra Eurovision Song Contest 2019
Eurovision Song Contest-sange fra Serbien

Kruna (sang)


Se denominan fuentes de neutrones aquellos elementos capaces de aportar una cierta tasa de neutrones libres durante un tiempo determinado. Las fuentes de neutrones son ampliamente utilizadas en reactores de fisión nuclear así como con fines experimentales.

Tipos de fuentes

En general podemos clasificar las distintas fuentes dependiendo del mecanismo de emisión en el núcleo atómico:

 Reacción (α,n)

Se producen con facilidad debido la captura de partículas α por parte de algunos núcleos ligeros, como el berilio, el boro y el litio.
Ejemplo de reacción con berilio (Be):
 9Be+4He-->12C+1n

 Reacción (γ,n)

Referencias

Enlaces externos
 Fuentes de neutrones
 http://www.slac.stanford.edu/cgi-wrap/getdoc/slac-pub-6628.pdf

Tecnología nuclear

Fuente de neutrones


United States intervention in Chilean politics started during the War of Chilean Independence (1812–1826). The influence of United States in both the economic and the political arenas of Chile has since gradually increased over the last two centuries, and continues to be significant.

Chilean independence
The arrival of Joel Roberts Poinsett, in 1811, marked the beginning of U.S. involvement in Chilean politics. He had been sent by President James Madison in 1809 as a special agent to the South American Spanish colonies (a position he filled from 1810 to 1814) to investigate the prospects of the revolutionaries, in their struggle for independence from Spain.

War scare of 1891
During the 1891 Chilean Civil War, the U.S. backed President José Manuel Balmaceda, as a way to increase their influence in Chile, while Britain backed the successful Congressional forces.

Itata incident

The Itata incident concerned an attempted shipment in 1891 by the ship Itata of arms purchased in California. The US Navy intercepted the ship and seized the arms.

Baltimore crisis

Washington sent a warship to Chile to protect American interests. The crew of the Baltimore took shore leave at Valparaiso. During the US sailors' shore leave on 16 October 1891, a mob of enraged Chileans angry about the Itata's capture, attacked them.  Two American sailors were killed, 17 were wounded and 36 others were jailed. That Valparaiso riot prompted saber rattling from enraged US officials. A war between the U.S. and Chile was remotely possible. Chile's foreign minister escalated the tension but in Washington Secretary of State James G. Blaine cooled off the hotheads. The crisis ended when the Chilean government bowed, and while maintaining that the seamen were to blame for the riot paid an indemnity of $75,000 to the victims' families.

First half of the 20th century

United States involvement in Chilean affairs intensified in the early decades of the 20th century. After World War I, the United States replaced Britain as the leading superpower controlling most of Chile's resources, as most economic activity in the country lay in US hands. Such a change prevented Chile from profiting as a result of the war and gaining its financial independence. The dependence on the United States formally began in the early years of the 1920s as two major US companies Anaconda and Kennecott took control of the valuable resources. Up until the 1970s, "both industries controlled between 7% to 20% of the country's Gross Domestic Product".

The conclusion of World War II brought more of the same as Chile could not even exploit the "excess of copper they produced as almost all the copper was marketed through subsidiaries of United States copper firms established in Chile for whom the allied government fixed a ceiling price upon copper products during the course of the war."

As the working class demanded an improvement in their standard of living, higher wages and improved working conditions, the notion that a leftist government could be the solution for the people began to take form.

1950s and 1960s

During the 1950s and 1960s, the United States put forward a variety of programs and strategies, ranging from funding political campaigns to funding propaganda, aimed at impeding the presidential aspirations of leftist candidate Salvador Allende, who served as President of the Senate (1966-1969) before running a final time to become the 28th President of Chile, which lasted until his death in 1973. Throughout these two decades, left-wing parties in Chile failed to gain power, in part due to the fact that the United States was, verifiably, impeding the left wing parties through various means. In the 1958 presidential election, Jorge Alessandri – a nominal independent with support from the Liberal and Conservative parties – defeated Allende by nearly 33,500 votes to claim the presidency. His laissez-faire policies, endorsed by the United States, were regarded as the solution to the country's inflation problems. Under recommendations from the United States, Alessandri steadily reduced tariffs starting in 1959, a policy that caused the Chilean market to be overwhelmed by American product. These governmental policies angered the working class of Chile, who demanded higher wages, and the repercussions of this massive discontent were felt in the 1961 congressional elections. The president suffered terrible blows, sending the message that laissez-faire policies were not desired. As the "grand total of $130 million from the U.S. banking Industry, the U.S. Treasury Department, the IMF and the ICA" accepted by Alessandri illustrates, laissez-faire policies may have induced the opposite of the intended effect – making Chile more dependent on the United States, not less.

Presidential candidate Salvador Allende was a top contender in the 1964 election. The US, through the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), covertly spent three million dollars campaigning against him, before and after the election, mostly through radio and print advertising. The Americans viewed electing Christian Democratic contender Eduardo Frei Montalva as vital, fearing that Alessandri's failures would lead the people to support Allende. Allende was feared by the Americans because of his warm relations with Cuba and his open criticism of the Bay of Pigs Invasion. Furthermore, clandestine aid to Frei was put forward through John F. Kennedy's Latin American Alliance for Progress, which promised "$20 billion in public and private assistance in the country for the next decade."

The 1970 election
According to a U.S. Senate select committee, publishing a Church Commission Report in 1975 to describe international abuses committed by the CIA, NSA, and FBI, covert United States involvement in Chile in the decade between 1963 and 1973 was "extensive and continuous". The CIA spent $8 million in the three years between 1970 and the military coup of September 1973, with over $3 million allocated toward Chilean intervention in 1972 alone. Covert American activity was present in almost every major election in Chile in the decade between 1963 and 1973, but its tangible effect on electoral outcomes is not altogether clear. Chile, more than any of its South American neighbors, had a long-standing democratic tradition dating back to the early 1930s, and it has been difficult to gauge how successful CIA tactics were in swaying voters.

A declassified file from August 19, 1970, reveals the minutes of high-level officials in the CIA known as the "Special Review Group." It was chaired by Henry Kissinger and was sanctioned by then-president Nixon. This was one of several documents released as part of the Foreign Relations of the United States (FRUS) series dedicated toward US-Chilean interventionalism – collectively known as Foreign Relations of the United States, 1969–1976, Volume XXI, Chile, 1969–1973 and Foreign Relations, 1969–1976, Volume E–16, Documents on Chile, 1969–1973 – that revealed a detailed account of correspondences between each of these officials, telegrams from the Chilean embassy, memorandums, and "Special Reports" concerning the state of affairs in Chile. For instance, a National Intelligence Estimate from January 28, 1969, stated the problems and conclusions that senior officials in Washington identified over the proliferating crisis in Chile. The document indicates that the 1970 election stood above all other issues as of critical importance, with Chile's political and economic stability depending heavily on that particular election's outcome; the document notes the possibility of out of control economic stagnation and inflation in Chile as concerns. The conclusions of the document suggest that factionalism needed to be addressed, and expounded on United States interests in copper extraction companies operating in Chile. The election represented the potential for important economic relations to collapse or continue. The document further focuses on potential ramifications if the election outcome were to not align with US interests.

At a 8 September 1970 meeting of the 40 Committee, the chairman of the committee asked for an analysis of where the US/CIA stood in terms of taking action to prevent Allende from becoming President of Chile. William Broe, a high-ranking CIA officer, said Eduardo Frei Montalva, the 29th President of Chile, was essential to the situation in Chile, regardless of the type of involvement — military or congressional. The 40 Committee asked that the CIA collect information and create more intelligence reports to see what could be further done in Chile. The committee decided it was unlikely they were going to be able to influence the 24 Oct, congressional election to go against Allende. Helms was also concerned about Allende supporters in the Chilean military, as it seemed they would support Allende in the event of a coup. As a result of all this information, the Committee decided they wanted a full analysis of two things: (1.) a cost versus benefit analysis of organizing a military (Chilean) coup; (2.) a cost versus benefit analysis of organizing future oppositions to Allende to topple his influence. This presented two options for Henry Kissinger: political maneuvering or outright force.

Four days after the 8 September 1970 meeting of the 40 Committee, a cable between Richard Helms and Henry Kissinger discussed the lack of morale that the US embassy had in Chile according to the American Ambassador to Chile, Edward Korry. Kissinger stated in response that he would call another 40 Committee Meeting for the following Monday. Kissinger further noted: "We will not let Chile go down the drain."

Allende presidency
Salvador Allende ran again in the 1970 presidential election, winning a narrow victory plurality vote (near 37%). United States president Richard Nixon feared that Chile could become "another Cuba" and the US cut off most of its foreign aid to Chile. The US government believed that Allende would become closer to socialist countries, such as Cuba and the Soviet Union. They feared that Allende would push Chile into socialism, and therefore lose all of the US investments made in Chile.

On 15 September 1970; before Allende took office, Richard Nixon gave the order to overthrow Allende. According to a declassified document from the NSA, the handwritten notes from Richard Helms (CIA director at the time) state: "1 in 10 chance perhaps, but save Chile!; worth spending; not concerned; no involvement of embassy; $10,000,000 available, more if necessary; full-time job--best men we have; game plan; make the economy scream; 48 hours for plan of action." These notes came from a meeting Helms had with President Nixon, indicating the administration's willingness to stage a coup in Chile and the extent to which Nixon was willing to go to do so. On 5 November 1970, Henry Kissinger advised President Nixon against peaceful coexistence with the Allende administration and instead advocated one of two positions. The U.S. government had two approaches to fighting Marxism as represented by Allende. "Track I" was a State Department initiative designed to thwart Allende by subverting Chilean elected officials within the bounds of the Chilean constitution and excluded the CIA. Track I expanded to encompass some policies whose ultimate goal was to create the conditions that would encourage a coup. "Track II" was a CIA operation overseen by Henry Kissinger and CIA's director of covert operations, Thomas Karamessines. "Track II" excluded the State Department and Department of Defense. The goal of Track II was to find and support Chilean military officers that would support a coup.

Immediately after the Allende government came into office, the U.S. sought to place pressure on the Allende government to prevent its consolidation and limit its ability to implement policies contrary to U.S. and hemispheric interests, such as Allende's total nationalization of several U.S. corporations and the copper industry. Nixon directed that no new bilateral economic aid commitments be undertaken with the government of Chile. The US supported Allende's opponents in Chile during his presidency, intending to encourage either Allende's resignation, his overthrow, or his defeat in the election of 1976. The Nixon administration covertly funded independent and non-state media and labor unions.

Track I
Track I was a U.S. State Department plan designed to persuade the Chilean Congress, through outgoing Christian Democratic President Eduardo Frei Montalva, to confirm conservative runner-up Jorge Alessandri as president. Alessandri would resign shortly after, rendering Frei eligible to run against Allende in new elections. As part of the "Track I" strategy to block Allende from assuming office after the 4 September election, the CIA needed to influence a Congressional run-off vote required by the Constitution since Allende did not win the absolute majority.

Track II

The CIA had also drawn up a second plan, Track II. The agency would find military officers willing to support a coup and support them. They could then call new elections in which Allende could be defeated.

In September 1970, President Nixon found that an Allende government in Chile would not be acceptable and authorized $10 million to stop Allende from coming to power or unseat him. As part of the Track II initiative, the CIA used false flag operatives to approach Chilean military officers, to encourage them to carry out a coup. A first step to overthrowing Allende required removing General René Schneider, the army chief commander. Schneider was a constitutionalist and would oppose a coup d'état. To assist in the planned kidnapping of Schneider, the CIA provided "$50,000 in cash, three submachine guns, and a satchel of tear gas, all approved at headquarters ..." The submachine guns were delivered by diplomatic pouch.

A group was formed, led by the retired General Roberto Viaux. Viaux was considered unstable by the U.S. and had been discouraged from attempting a coup alone. The CIA encouraged him to join forces with an active duty general, Camilo Valenzuela, who had also been approached by CIA operatives. They were joined by an Admiral, Hugo Tirado, who had been forced into retirement after the Tacnazo insurrection. On 22 October, Viaux went ahead with a plan to kidnap General René Schneider. Schneider drew a handgun to protect himself from his attackers, who shot him in four vital areas. He died in Santiago's military hospital three days later. This attempted kidnapping and death of Schneider shocked the public and increased support for the Chilean Constitution. This ultimately led to an extreme contrast to the expected outcome of a coup. The Chilean people rallied around their government which, in turn, overwhelmingly ratified Allende on 3 November 1970.

On 25 November 1970, Henry Kissinger issued a memorandum that detailed the Covert Action Program that the US would spearhead in Chile. In the memorandum, Kissinger stated that there were five principles of the program. The US would continue to have contacts in the Chilean military, take steps to divide Allende's supporters, cooperate with the media to run anti-Allende propaganda campaigns, support non-communist political parties in Chile, and publish materials that stated that Allende did not adhere to the democratic process and also wanted to form connections with Cuba and the Soviet Union.

A CIA and White House cover-up obscured American involvement, despite Congressional investigative efforts. The Church Committee, which investigated U.S. involvement in Chile during this period, determined that the weapons used in the debacle "were, in all probability, not those supplied by the CIA to the conspirators."

After Schneider's death, the CIA recovered the submachine guns and money it had provided. Both Valenzuela and Viaux were arrested and convicted of conspiracy after Schneider's assassination. One member of the coup plotters that escaped arrest requested assistance from the CIA, and was paid $35,000, so "The CIA did, in fact, pay "hush" money to those directly responsible for the Schneider assassination—and then covered up that secret payment for thirty years."

In 1970, the U.S. manufacturing company ITT Corporation owned 70% of Chitelco, the Chilean Telephone Company, and funded El Mercurio, a Chilean right-wing newspaper. The CIA used ITT as a conduit to financially aid opponents of Allende's government. On 28 September 1973, ITT's headquarters in New York City, was bombed by the Weather Underground for the alleged involvement of the company in the overthrow of Allende.

On 10 September 2001, a suit was filed by the family of Schneider, accusing former U.S. Secretary of State Henry Kissinger of arranging Schneider's 1970 murder because he would have opposed a military coup. CIA documents indicate that while the CIA had sought his kidnapping, his killing was never intended. Kissinger said he had declared the coup "hopeless" and had "turned it off". However, the CIA claimed that no such "stand-down" order was ever received.

1973 coup

On September 11, 1973, Augusto Pinochet rose to power, overthrowing the democratically elected president Salvador Allende. A subsequent September 2000 report from the CIA, using declassified documents related to the military coup, found that the CIA "probably appeared to condone" the 1973 coup, but that there was "no evidence" that the US actually participated in it. This view has been challenged by some authors, who have stated that the covert support of the United States was crucial to the preparation for the coup, the coup itself, and the consolidation of the regime afterward. It seemed to the CIA that, even if this coup did not come together, Allende would still have a very difficult political future. This point of view has been supported by non-scholarly commentary.

According to the CIA document "CIA Activities in Chile", dated 18 September 2000, the local CIA station suggested during late summer 1973 that the US commit itself to support a military coup. In response, CIA Headquarters reaffirmed to the station that "there was to be no involvement with the military in any covert action initiative; there was no support for instigating a military coup."

On the issue of CIA involvement in the 1973 coup, the CIA document is equally explicit:

On 10 September 1973 -- the day before the coup that ended the Allende government -- a Chilean military officer reported to a CIA officer that a coup was being planned and asked for US government assistance. He was told that the US Government would not provide any assistance because this was strictly an internal Chilean matter. The Station Officer also told him his request would be forwarded to Washington. CIA learned of the exact date of the coup shortly before it took place. During the attack on the Presidential Palace and its immediate aftermath, the Station's activities were limited to providing intelligence and situation reports.

The report of the Church Committee, published in 1975, stated that during the period leading up to the coup, the CIA received information about potential coup plots.

The intelligence network continued to report throughout 1972 and 1973 on coup plotting activities. During 1972 the Station continued to monitor the group which might mount a successful coup, and it spent a significantly greater amount of time and effort penetrating this group than it had on previous groups. This group had originally come to the Station's attention in October 1971. By January 1972 the Station had successfully penetrated it and was in contact through an intermediary with its leader.

Intelligence reporting on coup plotting reached two peak periods, one in the last week of June 1973 and the other during the end of August and the first two weeks in September. It is clear the CIA received intelligence reports on the coup planning of the group which carried out the successful September 11 coup throughout the months of July, August, and September 1973.

The Church report also considered the allegation that the US government involved itself in the 1973 coup:

Was the United States DIRECTLY involved, covertly, in the 1973 coup in Chile? The Committee has found no evidence that it was.

There is no hard evidence of direct U.S. assistance to the coup, despite frequent allegations of such aid. Rather the United States - by its previous actions during Track II, its existing general posture of opposition to Allende, and the nature of its contacts with the Chilean military- probably gave the impression that it would not look with disfavor on a military coup. And U.S. officials in the years before 1973 may not always have succeeded in walking the thin line between monitoring indigenous coup plotting and actually stimulating it.

Transcripts of a phone conversation between Kissinger and Nixon reveal that they did not have a hand in the final coup. They do take credit for creating the conditions that led to the coup. Kissinger says that "they created the conditions as great as possible." Nixon and Kissinger also discussed how they would play this event with the media and lamented the fact that, if this were the era of Eisenhower, then they would be seen as heroes. There was a PDB that had a section on Chile dated 11 September 1973 that is still completely censored, as was an entire page on Chile provided to Nixon on 8 September 1973. Additionally, a cable from CIA operative Jack Devine dated 10 September 1973, confirmed to top U.S. officials that the coup would take place the following day. In collaboration with the coup, a Defense Intelligence Agency summary, also dated on 8 September and classified "Top Secret Umbra", provided detailed information on an agreement among the Chilean Army, Navy, and Air Force to move against Allende on 10 September. As the CIA denies its involvement in the coup, another cable sent from the agency on 8 September classified "Secret" had information on the Chilean Navy time and date to overthrow the government of President Allende. The cable also identified key Chilean officials who were supporting the coup. The cables from around this time with another one stating that the coup was postponed in order to improve tactical coordination and would attempt the coup on 11 September.

A CIA intelligence report 25 October 1973, concerning General Arellano Stark, noted that Arellano had ordered the deaths of 21 political prisoners. Also, the disappearances of 14 other prisoners were also believed to be on the order of Arellano. General Arellano was considered Pinochet's right-hand man after the coup.

Historian Peter Winn has argued that the role of the CIA was crucial to the consolidation of power that followed the coup; the CIA helped fabricate a conspiracy against the Allende government, which Pinochet was then portrayed as preventing. He states that the coup itself was possible only through a three-year covert operation mounted by the United States. He also points out that the US imposed an "invisible blockade" that was designed to disrupt the economy under Allende, and contributed to the destabilization of the regime. Peter Kornbluh, director of the National Security Archive's Chile Documentation Project, argues in his book The Pinochet File that the US was extensively involved and actively "fomented" the 1973 coup. Authors Tim Weiner, in his book, Legacy of Ashes, and Christopher Hitchens, in his book, The Trial of Henry Kissinger similarly argue the case that US covert actions actively destabilized Allende's government and set the stage for the 1973 coup. Joaquin Fermandois criticized Kornbluh's "black and white" and "North American centered conception of world affairs", stating that a variety of internal and external factors also played a role and that a careful reading of the documentary record reveals the CIA was largely "impotent".

Conservative scholar Mark Falcoff alleged that Cuba and the Soviet Union supplied several hundred thousand dollars to the socialist and Marxist factions in the government. Additionally, documents transcribed and provided by KGB defector Vasili Mitrokhin detail the relationship between Allende and the KGB starting in 1953.  Allende's KGB file documents "systematic contact" starting in 1961. KGB support for Allende's 1970 campaign included $400,000 in initial financing, with additional funding including a "personal subsidy" of $50,000 to Allende, as well as bribing a left wing Senator $18,000 to persuade him not to stand as a presidential candidate and to remain within the Unidad Popular coalition.  Peter Winn noted that "the Chilean revolution always kept to its peaceful road, despite counterrevolutionary plots and violence." Moreover, this strong emphasis on nonviolence was precisely to avoid revolutionary terror which had blemished the reputations of the French, Russian and Cuban revolutions.

Allende later committed suicide, with an article in The Atlantic stating "he committed suicide under mysterious circumstances as troops surrounded his place, ushering in more than 15 years of military dictatorship under Augusto Pinochet". Former CIA agent Jack Devine, who was active in the CIA agency during the time of the coup, told The Atlantic that overthrowing Allende's government was not the CIA's decision, but rather the decision of the White House, particularly President Nixon. The coup and U.S. involvement remain an important episode, as a New York Times report in October 2017 indicates.

Pinochet regime

The U.S. provided material support to the military regime after the coup, although criticizing it in public. A document released by the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) in 2000, titled "CIA Activities in Chile", revealed that the CIA actively supported the military junta after the overthrow of Allende and that it made many of Pinochet's officers into paid contacts of the CIA or U.S. military, even though some were known to be involved in human rights abuses.

CIA documents show that the CIA had close contact with members of the Chilean secret police, DINA, and its chief Manuel Contreras (paid asset from 1975 to 1977 according to the CIA in 2000). Some have alleged that the CIA's one-time payment to Contreras is proof that the U.S. approved of Operation Condor and military repression within Chile. The CIA's official documents state that at one time, some members of the intelligence community recommended making Contreras into a paid contact because of his closeness to Pinochet; the plan was rejected based on Contreras' poor human rights track record, but a single payment was made due to a miscommunication. In the description of the CIA's activities in Chile, it is acknowledged that one of their high-level contacts was more predisposed to committing abuse: "although the CIA had information indicating that a high-level contact was a hard-liner and therefore more likely to commit abuses, contact with him was allowed to continue in absence of concrete information about human rights abuses."

A report dated 24 May 1977 also describes the newfound human rights abuses that may have been occurring in Chile: "reports of gross violation of human rights in Chile, which had nearly ceased earlier this year, are again on the rise...the Pinochet government is reverting to the practices that jeopardized its international standing since the 1973 coup." The document also details how these human rights violations could have caused a worsening of Chile's status on the international stage. It seems that the United States was unable to plan around these violations, as is referred to with the document's mention of high-ranking officials taking parts in the abuses also.

On 6 March 2001, the New York Times reported the existence of a recently declassified State Department document revealing that the United States facilitated communications for Operation Condor. The document, a 1978 cable from Robert E. White, the U.S. ambassador to Paraguay, was discovered by Professor J. Patrice McSherry of Long Island University, who had published several articles on Operation Condor. She called the cable "another piece of increasingly weighty evidence suggesting that U.S. military and intelligence officials supported and collaborated with Condor as a secret partner or sponsor."

In the cable, Ambassador White relates a conversation with General Alejandro Fretes Davalos, chief of staff of Paraguay's armed forces, who told him that the South American intelligence chiefs involved in Condor "keep in touch with one another through a U.S. communications installation in the Panama Canal Zone which covers all of Latin America".  This installation is "employed to co-ordinate intelligence information among the southern cone countries." White, whose message was sent to Secretary of State Cyrus Vance, was concerned that the U.S. connection to Condor might be revealed during the then ongoing investigation into the deaths of the 44 year old former Chilean diplomat Orlando Letelier and his American colleague Ronni Moffitt. Her husband Michael Moffit was in the car during the bombing, but was the only survivor. "It would seem advisable," he suggests, "to review this arrangement to insure that its continuation is in U.S. interest."

The document was found among 16,000 State, CIA, White House, Defense, and Justice Department records released in November 2000 on the nearly 17-year long Pinochet dictatorship in Chile, and Washington's role in the violent coup that brought his military regime to power. The release was the fourth and final batch of records released under the Clinton Administration's special Chile Declassification Project.

During the Pinochet regime, four American citizens were killed: Charles Horman, Frank Teruggi, Boris Weisfeiler, and Ronni Karpen Moffit. Later on, in late August 1976, the United States Government stated in a State Department Secret Memorandum, that the United States Government did play an indirect role in the death of one of the four American citizens, Charles Horman. The Secret Memorandum states:

"Based on what we have, we are persuaded that: The GOC sought Horman and felt threatened enough to order his immediate execution. The GOC might have believed this American could be killed without negative fall-out from the USG. There is some circumstantial evidence to suggest: U.S. intelligence may have played an unfortunate part in Horman's death. At best, it was limited to providing or confirming information that helped motivate his murder by the GOC. At worst, U.S. intelligence was aware the GOC saw Horman in a rather serious light and U.S. officials did nothing to discourage the logical outcome of GOC paranoia."- Department of State, Secret Memorandum, "Charles Horman Case," 25 August 1976 (uncensored version)

On 30 June 2014, a Chilean court ruled that the United States played a key role in the murders of Charles Horman and Frank Teruggi. According to Judge Jorge Zepeda, U.S. Navy Capt. Ray E. Davis, who commanded the U.S. Military Mission in Chile, gave information to the Chilean government about Horman and Teruggi that resulted in their arrest and execution in the days following the coup. The Chilean Supreme Court sought to have Davis extradited from Florida to stand trial, but he was secretly living in Santiago and died in a nursing home in 2013.

In a document declassified under the Obama administration's Chilean declassification project, documents were released stating that the CIA suspected Pinochet himself of personally giving the order for the assassination of Ronni Moffitt and Orlando Letelier. Although they were unable to gather enough intelligence that proved that he gave the order, they received shocking evidence from the Chilean Major, Armando Fernandez, who they convinced to come to the capital to provide them information, that Pinochet was directly involved in covering up the incident. Another declassified copy of a CIA special intelligence assessment on Pinochet's role in the Letelier and Moffitt assassinations were presented to the Chilean President Bachelet in 2016. That document asserts the CIA believed that Pinochet, "personally ordered his intelligence chief to carry out the murder." Even with the evidence that they had, the Secretary of State George Shultz did not feel that there was enough to indict Pinochet but instead used the information to try to convince Reagan to change their policy with Chile. Pinochet stepped down from power in 1990 and died on 10 December 2006, without facing trial.

Politics in the 21st century
U.S. President Bill Clinton ordered the release of numerous documents relating to U.S. policy and actions toward Chile. The documents produced by various U.S. agencies were opened to the public by the U.S. State Department in October 1999. The collection of 1,100 documents dealt with the years leading up to the military coup.

Regarding Pinochet's rise to power, the CIA concluded in a report issued in 2000 that: "The CIA actively supported the military junta after the overthrow of Allende but did not assist Pinochet to assume the Presidency." However, the 2000 report also stated that: "The major CIA effort against Allende came earlier in 1970 in the failed attempt to block his election and accession to the Presidency. Nonetheless, the U.S. Administration's long-standing hostility to Allende and its past encouragement of a military coup against him were well known among Chilean coup plotters who eventually took activities of their own to oust him."

A White House press release in November 2000 acknowledged that "actions approved by the U.S. government during this period aggravated political polarization and affected Chile's long tradition of democratic elections"

In a 2003 town hall with students, high school student James Doubek asked Secretary of State Colin Powell about the United States support for the coup, to which Powell replied that "it is not a part of American history that we're proud of".

During U.S. President Barack Obama's visit to Chile in 2011, the center-left coalition of Chilean political parties asked Obama to apologize for past U.S. support of Pinochet. An interview with the Associated Press, Mr Piñera said his government was "categorically committed to contribute to the search for truth so that justice is done in all of these human rights cases". Obama did not respond to requests for an apology but said during a press conference that U.S. relations with Latin America had at times been "extremely rocky," and that people needed to learn from and understand history, but not be trapped by it.

In February 2018, in an effort to create a "lasting counterpoint", a statue honoring the slain Chilean diplomat and think tank policy analyst Orlando Letelier was erected on Massachusetts Avenue in Washington, D.C., near the location where Letelier was killed in a 1976 car bombing on the orders of Pinochet. The attack also claimed the life of Ronnie Karpen Moffitt, Letelier's 25-year-old American co-worker. Michael Moffitt, husband of Ronnie Moffitt and also in the vehicle, survived the attack. The Chilean-orchestrated assassination had brought state-sponsored terrorism by an American-backed ally to the cradle of American dominion. Three of Letelier's sons and a granddaughter whom Letelier had never been afforded the opportunity to meet attended the unveiling. The unveiling of Letelier's commemorative statue came less than two years after the Obama administration had released a "long classified CIA analysis...[that] cited 'convincing evidence that President Pinochet personally ordered his intelligence chief to carry out the murder.'" Letelier had served as Chile's ambassador to the United States under Chile's democratically elected Allende government. After Pinochet's 1973 coup, Letelier became a political prisoner and sought political asylum in the United States, where he eventually came to spearhead the economic policy mission of a D.C.-based think tank, the Institute for Policy Studies, as well as organize international condemnation of Pinochet's regime. The Institute for Policy Studies has long incorporated the advancement of human rights into the core of its mission.

See also

 Project FUBELT
 History of Chile
 Chile under Allende
 David H. Popper, US ambassador to Chile (1974–77)
 Family Jewels (Central Intelligence Agency)
 Foreign electoral intervention
 Military dictatorship of Chile (1973–90) - aftermath of the coup
 Latin America–United States relations
 Foreign interventions by the United States
 United States involvement in regime change

References

Further reading
 John Dinges (2005). The Condor Years: How Pinochet And His Allies Brought Terrorism To Three Continents. New York: The New Press. .
 Kristian Gustafson, (2007) Hostile Intent: U.S. Covert Operations in Chile, 1964–1974 (Dulles: Potomac Books)
 Tanya Harmer, (2011) Allende's Chile and the Inter-American Cold War (2011)  online
 Jonathan Haslam (2005) Nixon Administration and the Death of Allende's Chile: A Case of Assisted Suicide (2005).
 Thomas Karamessines (1970). Operating guidance cable on coup plotting in Chile, Washington: National Security Council.
 Jeane Kirkpatrick (1979). "Dictatorships and Double Standards," Commentary, November, pp34–45.
 Henry Kissinger (1970). National Security Decision 93: Policy Towards Chile, Washington: National Security Council.
 Peter Kornbluh. The Pinochet File: A Declassified Dossier on Atrocity and Accountability. New York: The New Press. .
 James F. Petras & Morris H. Morley (1974). How Allende fell: A study in U.S.–Chilean relations, Nottingham: Spokesman Books.
 Lubna Z. Qureshi (2009). Nixon, Kissinger, and Allende: U.S. Involvement in the 1973 Coup in Chile. Lexington Books.
  Zakia Shiraz, "CIA Intervention in Chile and the Fall of the Allende Government in 1973." Journal of American Studies (2011) 45#3 pp 603–613. online at JSTOR; also online free summarizes the scholarly historiography.

External links

 Church Report. Covert Action in Chile 1963-1973  (FOIA)
 National Security Archive's Chile Documentation Project  which provides documents obtained from FOIA requests regarding U.S. involvement in Chile, beginning with attempts to promote a coup in 1970 and continuing through U.S. support for Pinochet
 KISSINGER AND CHILE: THE DECLASSIFIED RECORD
 "Make the Economy Scream" famous instruction of Nixon to the CIA about Chile
 CIA activities in Chile (detailed report by the CIA itself)
 Chile and the United States: Declassified Documents relating to the Military Coup, 1970-1976

American imperialism
Central Intelligence Agency operations
Chile–United States military relations
Chile
Foreign electoral intervention
History of the foreign relations of Chile
History of the foreign relations of the United States
Presidency of Salvador Allende

United States intervention in Chile


The Blohm & Voss BV 40 was a German glider fighter designed to attack Allied bomber formations during the time of the bombing raids over Nazi Germany.

Design
The BV 40 was the smallest glider that could accommodate an armoured cockpit and two cannon with limited ammunition. By eliminating the engine and lying the pilot in a prone position (i.e. on his front), the cross-sectional area of the fuselage was much reduced, making the BV 40 harder for bomber gunners to hit.

The plane was designed to use non-strategic materials and to be built in as short a time as possible by non-skilled workers. The fuselage was constructed almost entirely of wood. It was of conventional layout, the glider had a high-mounted, straight untapered wing with a similarly-shaped tailplane mounted on the fin just above the fuselage.
The pilot lay prone in an armoured steel cockpit in the nose of the aircraft. The front steel plate was  thick, and was fitted with a windscreen of  thick, armoured glass
that gave the aircraft a blunt-nosed appearance.

Two 30 mm (1.18 in) MK 108 cannon were mounted in the wing roots.

There was no conventional undercarriage. A twin-wheeled dolly was used for take-off and dropped once the glider was airborne. A skid under the nose was lowered for landing.

History
The BV 40 interceptor glider was conceived by Dr Richard Vogt, chief designer and technical director of Blohm & Voss, as a low-cost emergency solution to the problem of the Allied bomber formations which were devastating Germany in the latter half of World War II. It was to be towed by a Messerschmitt Bf 109 to operational altitude and released above the Allied bombers' combat box. Once released, it would dive down at a sharp angle towards the enemy bomber fleet. During its short attack time, the BV 40 would fire its weapons, then glide back to earth.
Several prototypes were completed and flown, towed behind a Messerschmitt Bf 110. The first flight took place in May 1944. It was found the craft could reach  and it was thought to have the potential to go far faster. Various changes to the requirement and to the design were discussed, before the project was cancelled later in the year. In all, seven aircraft were completed and five of them flown.
Owing to the potential dangers for the pilot inherent in the operation of this precarious aircraft, the BV 40 is sometimes listed as a suicide weapon, but it was not intended as such.

Specifications (BV 40)

See also

References

Further reading

External links

1940s German fighter aircraft
Glider aircraft
BV 040
Prone pilot aircraft
Aircraft first flown in 1944

Blohm & Voss BV 40


Richard Alan "Rich" Manning (nacido el  en Tacoma, Washington) es un exjugador de baloncesto estadounidense que disputó dos temporadas de la NBA, además de jugar en la CBA, la liga turca y la libanesa. Con 2,11 metros de estatura, jugaba en la posición de pívot.

Trayectoria deportiva

Universidad
Jugó durante dos temporadas con los Orangemen de la Universidad de Siracusa, en las que promedió 3,2 puntos y 2,0 rebotes por partido actuando como pívot suplente, el primer año de Derrick Coleman y el segundo de LeRon Ellis. Dados sus pocos minutos de juego, pidió ser transferido a los Huskies de la Universidad de Washington, donde adquiriría mayor protagonismo, promediando en dos temporadas 17,2 puntos y 7,2 rebotes por partido, siendo incluido en el mejor quinteto de la Pacific Ten Conference en 1993.

Profesional
Fue elegido en la cuadragésima posición del Draft de la NBA de 1993 por Atlanta Hawks, pero fue cortado antes del comienzo de la competición, marchándose a jugar a la CBA, donde permanecería 3 temporadas en los Rapid City Thrillers y los Quad City Thunder.

Al comienzo de la temporada 1995-96 fue reclamado por los Vancouver Grizzlies, quienes lo despidieron en un primer momento, pero fue llamado nuevamente en el mes de enero, incorporándose al equipo como agente libre. En el equipo canadiense jugó el resto de la temporada como suplente de Bryant Reeves, promediando 3,7 puntos y 1,9 rebotes por partido.

Al año siguiente, tras ser despedido, ficha por Los Angeles Clippers, disputando únicamente 10 partidos, en los que promedió 3,1 puntos y 1,6 rebotes. regresó a la CBA para jugar nuevamente con los Thunder y con los Rockford Lightning, para en 1998 marcharse a la liga turca fichando por el Oyak Renault. Allí jugó dos temporadas, siendo la mejor de ellas la primera, en la que promedió 14,0 puntos y 5,6 rebotes por partido. Acabó su carrera jugando en Líbano.

Estadísticas de su carrera en la NBA

Temporada regular

Playoffs

Referencias

Enlaces externos

 Estadísticas en la NCAA

Baloncestistas de Washington
Baloncestistas de la NBA
Baloncestistas de los Syracuse Orange
Baloncestistas de los Washington Huskies
Baloncestistas de los Vancouver Grizzlies
Baloncestistas de Los Angeles Clippers
Baloncestistas de los Rapid City Thrillers
Baloncestistas de los Quad City Thunder
Baloncestistas de los Rockford Lightning
Baloncestistas del Oyak Renault
Baloncestistas del Blue Stars Beirut

Rich Manning


شركة هليو للطائرات  تم تأسيس الشركة باسم شركة كوبين بولينجير للطائرات (Koppen-Bollinger Aircraft Corporation) من قبل أوتو كوبين ولين بولينجير عام 1948، حيث كانت تصنع طائرات إقلاع وهبوط قصير خفيفة. ثم تم تغير الاسم إلى تعاونية هيلو للطائرات  عند البدء بتصنيع طائرة هليو كورير (Helio Courier) في مصنعها في بيتسبورغ، كانساس في الخمسينات. ثم تم شراء الشركة من قبل الشركة العامة للطائرات  عام 1969 والتي غيرت اسم الشركة إلى شركة هيلو للطائرات ، حيث واصلة الشركة تصنيع الطائرات حتى سنة 1974. حين رفعة الشركة دعوى قضائية ضد وكالة المخابرات المركزية اتهمت بها الوكالة بالتخطيط لإفلاس الشركة عبر تأمين تصنيع طائرة هليو كورير غير مرخصة في القانون. وفي السبعينات تم تحويل رخصة تصنيع الطائرة بين الشركة والوكالة عدة مرات حتى استقرة بيد الشركة. ولكن لم تصنع منها إلا 18 طائرة. تم بيع وشراء رخصة تصنيع هذه الطائرة بالإضافة إلى طائرة هليو ستاليون عدة مرات قبل شرائها من قبل شركة هليو للطائرات، والتي أعلنت سنة 2004 خطة لإعادة تصنيعها.

تأسيسات سنة 1948 في ماساتشوستس
شركات تصنيع أسست سنة 1948
شركات تصنيع مقرها في ماساتشوستس
شركات صناعة طائرات سابقة في الولايات المتحدة
شركات صناعة طائرات في الولايات المتحدة
شركات تصنيع سابقة مقرها في ماساتشوستس

شركة هليو للطائرات


Atacurile teroriste din Christchurch din 2019 au fost niște atacuri armate au avut loc consecutiv pe data de 15 martie 2019 asupra a două moschei din Christchurch, Noua Zeelandă. Au fost comise de un singur bărbat înarmat care a intrat în ambele moschei în timpul rugăciunii de vineri, mai întâi la Moscheea Al Noor din suburbia Riccarton la 13:40 și mai târziu la Centrul Islamic Linwood la 13:52 pm. Cincizeci și unu de persoane au fost ucise și alte patruzeci au fost rănite.

Autorul, Brenton Harrison Tarrant, în vârstă de 28 de ani, din Grafton, New South Wales, Australia, a fost arestat după ce vehiculul său a fost izbit de o unitate de poliție în timp ce conducea către o a treia moschee din Ashburton. El a fost descris în rapoartele din presă ca fiind un supremacist alb. El a transmis în direct primul atac armat pe Facebook și a publicat un manifest online înainte de atac. Videoclipul și manifestul au fost ulterior interzise în Noua Zeelandă și Australia. Pe data de 26 martie 2020, el a pledat vinovat pentru 51 de ucideri, 40 de tentative de omor și implicarea într-un act terorist, iar în august a fost condamnat la închisoare pe viață fără posibilitatea de eliberare condiționată – prima astfel de propoziție în Noua Zeelandă.

Atacul a fost legat de o creștere a supremației albe și a extremismului alt-dreaptă la nivel global observată începând cu aproximativ 2015. Politicienii și liderii mondiali au condamnat, iar prim-ministrul Jacinda Ardern a descris atacul ca "una dintre cele mai întunecate zile ale Noii Zeelande". Guvernul a stabilit o comisie regală în agențiile sale de securitate în urma atacului armat, care au fost cel mai mortal din istoria modernă a Noii Zeelande și cele mai grave comise vreodată de un cetățean australian. Comisia și-a prezentat raportul guvernului la 26 noiembrie 2020, ale cărui detalii au fost făcute publice la 7 decembrie.

Atacuri

Moscheea "Al Noor"
Un bărbat înarmat a atacat Moscheea "Al Noor" din cartierul Riccarton în jurul orei locale 13:40. Bărbatul, care s-a identificat ca fiind Brenton Tarrant, un extremist de cetățenie australiană, în vârstă de 28 de ani, a transmis în direct pe Facebook atacul cu ajutorul unei camere video montate pe casca lui. În primele minute de filmare se poate observa cum atacatorul conduce spre moschee ascultând un cântec în limba sârbă care îl laudă pe Radovan Karadžić, fostul președinte al Republicii Sîrpska (care e, azi, parte a Bosnia-Herțegovinei) găsit vinovat de genocid împotriva musulmanilor bosniaci în timpul războiului din Bosnia. Poliția a cerut populației să nu distribuie filmarea "extrem de dureroasă" pe rețelele de socializare. De asemenea, Facebook, YouTube și Twitter au anunțat că lucrează la ștergerea tuturor copiilor filmării.

Potrivit martorilor, atacul a durat 10–15 minute, timp în care au fost trase aproximativ 100 de gloanțe. La intrarea în moschee, atacatorul a fost întâmpinat de unul dintre credincioși, care pe filmare poate fi auzit spunând: "Bună, frate". Acesta a fost împușcat mortal, fiind una din primele victime ale atacatorului. Bărbatul a intrat ulterior în moschee, unde a petrecut câteva minute, trăgând la întâmplare în credincioși. La un moment dat părăsește moscheea pentru a scoate o altă armă din mașină și trage în oamenii aflați pe stradă. La momentul atacului, între 300 și 500 de persoane se aflau în interiorul moscheii, luând parte la rugăciunea de vineri. 41 de oameni au fost uciși în atacul de la Moscheea "Al Noor".

Pe armele și încărcătoarele folosite de atacator au fost însemnate cu alb evenimente istorice, personalități și motive legate de conflictele dintre musulmani și nemusulmani. Însemnele au inclus referiri la: Pactul global pentru migrație din 2018 (Maroc), bătălia de la Tours din 732, bătălia de la Lepanto din 1571, bătălia din Pasul Șipka din 1877, Iancu de Hunedoara, Șerban Cantacuzino, Ștefan Lazăr, cele 14 cuvinte și "Turkofagos" (termen folosit de greci în timpul războiului de independență al Greciei).

Centrul Islamic "Linwood"
Un al doilea atac a avut loc la Centrul Islamic "Linwood". Martorii au declarat că au auzit împușcături în jurul orei locale 13:45. Șapte oameni au fost uciși. Un localnic musulman a încercat să oprească atacatorii și a tras două focuri de armă în direcția lor, dar aceștia au accelerat și au fugit de la locul atacului.

Arestare și condamnare
Individul a fost arestat de polițiști la ora 13:59, la 18 minute după primul apel la numărul de urgență. Mai târziu, acesta a recunoscut în fața instanței că plănuia să se îndrepte spre o moschee din Ashburton, pentru a comite un nou masacru. În data de 24 august 2020, Tarrant a fost condamnat la închisoare pe viață.

Note

Alt-right
Atentate din 2019
Supremație albă în Noua Zeelandă
Extremism de dreapta în Noua Zeelandă
Islamofobie în Noua Zeelandă
Teoria genocidului alb


Nekropola na Crkvini nalazi se pored mjesta Hutovo u općini Neum. Sam lokalitet nalazi se uz put koji vodi prema Popovu polju, prema Veljoj Međi. Proglašena je nacionalnim spomenikom Bosne i Hercegovine. U njenoj blizini je i nekropola Karasivica ili Drijenjak sa stećcima.

Nekropola datira u vrijeme kasnog srednjeg vijeka i ranog osmanskog perioda (od 14. do kraja 15. stoljeća). Smještena je u starom napuštenom groblju, a površine je od oko 80 (u smjeru sjeveroistok-jugozapad) x 50 (u smjeru sjeverozapad-jugoistok) m, podijeljene lokalnim putem na dva dijela: sjeverni i južni. Ukupno je izbrojen 101 stećak, i to: 32 sanduka i 69 ploča. Većina spomenika je slabo obrađena izuzev par velikih stećaka u obliku sanduka i ploča koji su dobre obrade. Orijentirani su u smjeru sjeverozapad-jugoistok.

U sjevernom dijelu nekropole nalaze se ostatci donjih dijelova zidova građevine, za koju lokalno stanovništvo vjeruje da je bila crkva. Ostatci se sastoje od dijelova tri zida, i to: sjeverni zid (jedini sačuvan u cijelosti) u dužini od 4 m, i širini od 0,6 m, zapadni zid dug 2 m, a istočni zid 2,55 m, s ulazom širine 0,9 m. Iako su zidovi u većini u stanju raspadanja, jasno se vidi mjesto ulaza. Blizu ove građevine stećci su nagomilani zbog pomjeranja, a ispred nje je najveća skupina stećaka, uglavnom dobro obrađenih velikih ploča ili niskih sanduka, a južnije su slabo obrađene tanke ploče i niski sanduci. U tom dijelu groblja šest je ukrašenih spomenika: četiri sanduka i dvije ploče od kojih je jedna (s najviše ukrasnih motiva) prenesena u dvorište crkve sv. Ivana u Hutovu. Na ovom dijelu nekropole dosta je razbacanog kamenja (prirodnog i jedva oklesanog) te dva fragmenta nekog arhitektonskog elementa ukrašenog kanelurama koji su vjerojatno arhitektonski ostatci iz (kasno)antičkog vremena. U južnom dijelu nekropole nekoliko je velikih, dobro obrađenih i neukrašenih sanduka i ploča, većinom ugrađenih u suhozide. Spomenici nisu gusto poredani niti pomjerani kao na sjevernom dijelu. Na ovom dijelu nekropole u većem broju mogu se uočiti stari grobovi s neograđene niskim i tankim pločama.

Izvori

Nacionalni spomenici Bosne i Hercegovine
Nekropole sa stećcima u Bosni i Hercegovini
Grobni spomenici i građevine u Neumu

Crkvina (nekropola kod Hutova)


Fillmore County kan referere til 2 reelle og en fiktiv county i USA

 Fillmore County, Minnesota
 Fillmore County, Nebraska
 Det fiktive Fillmore County, Kansas

Fillmore County


Kešlja (azerski: Keşlə) je naseljeno mjesto unutar Bakua, glavnoga grada Azerbajdžana. Prema popisu stanovništva Kešlja je imaka 16,000 stanovnika.

Šport
 Keşlə FK
 Keşlə-2 FK

Naselja u Azerbajdžanu
Zemljopis Bakua

Kešlja


Peter Murray Taylor, Baron Taylor of Gosforth,  (1 May 1930 – 28 April 1997) was the Lord Chief Justice of England from 1992 until 1996.

Family
Taylor came from a Yiddish-speaking Jewish family who had emigrated to England from Marijampolė and Vilnius, Lithuania; the original name of the family was Teiger or Teicher. His father Louis was born in Leeds to where the family had emigrated, and became a doctor; his mother came from the rabbinical Palterovich family who had emigrated to Leeds in 1895 (Taylor was therefore a distant cousin of actress Gwyneth Paltrow). Taylor had a brother, Arthur, and a sister, Dorothy. By the time of his birth, the family were living in Newcastle upon Tyne; Taylor passed the 11-plus and attended the Royal Grammar School. During World War II, Newcastle was subject to bombing raids and Taylor was evacuated to Penrith where he lived in a house without either running water or mains electricity. He had three daughters: Ruth, Deborah and Judith; and a son Louis.

Early career
In 1951, Taylor won an exhibition to Pembroke College, Cambridge, to study law. He was also a talented pianist, continuing to play for the whole of his life. He graduated in 1953 with an upper second class degree and then read for the Bar, being called in 1954. He chose to practise on the north-eastern circuit around Newcastle and joined the chambers of Norman Harper. He conducted mainly criminal cases, often for the prosecution, and at a very early age 'took silk' to become a Queen's Counsel in 1967; he occasionally appeared for the defence and on one such occasion, the reactionary judge Sir Melford Stevenson deemed him a threat to the administration of justice.

Famous cases
Taylor attracted attention from 1973 when he appeared for the prosecution in several cases connected to the corrupt architect John Poulson, including that of Poulson himself. Over the next three years, the prosecutions succeeded and many of those involved were jailed. In 1974, Taylor successfully prosecuted Judith Ward who was convicted of a series of IRA bombings (many years later, the conviction was found to have been a miscarriage of justice, mostly through Ward's delusions of her own guilt). He also prosecuted Stefan Kiszko in July 1976, in what would become one of the most notorious miscarriages of justice in British Law in the 20th Century. Taylor also took on John Ryman, a fellow Barrister and Labour Member of Parliament for Blyth Valley who was found to have submitted fraudulent election expenses.

The most high-profile trial in which Taylor appeared took place in 1979 and the defendant was former Liberal Party leader Jeremy Thorpe who was accused of conspiracy to murder. Although all involved were acquitted, most observers put this down to the summing-up of the trial judge and the malpractice of the prosecution witnesses; Taylor won praise for his handling of the case. His opening address is frequently quoted; Taylor's style of oratory was deliberately concise and straightforward but he had a talent for a punning literary allusion.

Judge
Taylor had been first appointed a recorder (part-time judge) in 1969 and served as a recorder in the Crown Court from 1972. After serving as Chairman of the Bar Council for 1979–80, he was made a full High Court judge in the Queen's Bench Division, receiving the customary knighthood. One of his first cases saw him give Bromley London Borough Council permission to challenge the Greater London Council's "Fare's Fair" policy of lowering public transport fares. In 1983 Taylor held that a Pakistani man who had pronounced Talaq and notified the authorities in Pakistan had not divorced his wife according to English law.

In 1984, Taylor largely sided with Mary Whitehouse who brought a case against the Independent Broadcasting Authority over the feature film version of Scum (1979); he said the Director-General of the IBA had made "a grave error of judgment" in allowing the film to be shown. The next year, he held that Nottinghamshire police had acted negligently in firing CS gas into a house knowing there would be a fire risk and not having fire engines on standby. In 1987 he stated that he did not accept that a judge could not inquire further when a minister raised a justification of 'national security' for their actions (the case concerned the telephone tapping of Joan Ruddock).

Court of Appeal
In 1988, Taylor was promoted to the Court of Appeal. There he became known to the public on 17 April 1989 when he was commissioned by the government to undertake an inquiry into the Hillsborough disaster two days previously. The Taylor Report he produced led to the introduction of all-seater stadia at all top English football clubs, and the removal of fences around fans sitting areas. Standing accommodation was seen as a risk due to the increased chances of a "crush", and the security fences which Taylor describes as treating spectators like "prisoners of war" were also a hazard in crushes as they claimed the lives of most of the 97 people who ultimately lost their lives at Hillsborough; 94 of them died on the day of the disaster, a 95th died several days later, and the final victim died in March 1993 having never regained consciousness.

Taylor's recommendations, published on 29 January 1990, stated that all First and Second Division (which became the Premier League and Division One in 1992) stadiums had to be all-seater by August 1994, and that the rest of the Football League should follow suit by August 1999. However, the Football Association later ruled that the smaller clubs could retain standing accommodation provided that their stadiums met safety requirements, while clubs promoted to the upper reaches of the league would be allowed standing accommodation at their stadiums for up to three years after promotion.

Taylor's popularity as a former Chairman of the Bar Council and as a fair judge who could plausibly claim to have been in touch with all aspects of British life led to his being considered the favourite to take over from Lord Lane when Lane retired from the job of Lord Chief Justice, a retirement which seemed all the more likely due to the criticism of Lane for his stance on a succession of miscarriages of justice. Taylor was duly appointed when Lane stepped down in 1992, at the same time being created a life peer as Baron Taylor of Gosforth, of Embleton in the County of Northumberland on 27 April 1992.

Lord Chief Justice
Where Lane had been extremely reticent about giving interviews, Taylor was determined to be as open as possible. Not only did he start his tenure by holding an unprecedented press conference, he appeared as a guest on BBC television's Question Time and as a castaway on Desert Island Discs. Within a few months of taking over he accepted an invitation to give the annual Dimbleby Lecture on "The judiciary in the nineties" in which he cast himself as a reformer. He supported moves to stop judges wearing wigs in court.

Unlike previous holders of the office, Taylor concentrated almost exclusively on appeals rather than acting as a trial judge. This was partly because a backlog had grown up but also because of the much increased concern over a series of cases going back many years which were being proved to be miscarriages of justice. Taylor differed from his immediate predecessor in considering this an immensely serious issue, and knew from his own experience of prosecuting Judith Ward and Stefan Kiszko that many more cases could come to light. This led him to strong support of the full disclosure of prosecution evidence (he also supported moves towards disclosure of defence evidence).

Taylor was with the grain of public opinion in supporting stronger sentences on drunk drivers who killed, and he also extended the range of defences available to domestic violence victims who fought back. He also extended the concept of murder to include the abortion of unborn children in their mother's womb. Because of his unusual openness, his view was often heard on matters of political controversy: he could live with the change to allow juries to draw adverse inferences from a defendant's silence when interviewed, but opposed moves restricting the right of an accused to elect trial by jury.

Illness
Taylor was profoundly affected by the death of his wife Irene in 1995. Shortly afterwards he was diagnosed with a brain tumour. The last appeal he heard was that of Rosemary West, which he turned down. He stepped down in 1996, although did not go quietly: in a series of speeches in the House of Lords over the next year he strongly attacked proposals from the then Home Secretary, Michael Howard, to introduce mandatory sentencing, which he said "must involve a denial of justice". He died from cancer in 1997 aged 66 at his home in Guildford, Surrey.

References

External links
Honour from the City of Newcastle-upon-Tyne
Portrait of Taylor at the National Portrait Gallery, London

1930 births
1997 deaths
Crossbench life peers
20th-century English judges
Lord chief justices of England and Wales
British Jews
People from Newcastle upon Tyne
Alumni of Pembroke College, Cambridge
Members of the Privy Council of the United Kingdom
People educated at the Royal Grammar School, Newcastle upon Tyne
Queen's Bench Division judges
Knights Bachelor
Life peers created by Elizabeth II

Peter Taylor, Baron Taylor of Gosforth


Parcul din satul Stolniceni, raionul Edineț, este amplasat la marginea de sud-est a satului sus-numit, la 18 km sud de orașul Edineț. Are o suprafață de 3 ha. Este o arie protejată din Republica Moldova, reprezentând un monument de arhitectură peisagistică. În 1998, se afla în administrarea unui spital de sector al Ministerului Sănătății.

Istoric

Lângă satul Stolniceni, pe moșia moșierului basarabean V. E. Stroescu (1795-1875), a fost ridicat în anul 1882 un spital de boli infecțioase. Primăria comunei îl atestă pe V. E. Stroescu ca fondator al spitalului, deși acesta a decedat cu 7 ani înainte de deschidere. Cel mai probabil spitalul a fost inaugurat de moștenitorul moșiei — cel mai mare fiu al lui V. E. — Mihail Stroescu, care moștenise  ha de pământ în Stolniceni. După moartea lui Mihail, spitalul a fost întreținut de soția sa, Eliza.

În 1910, V. V. Stroescu, fratele lui Mihail Stroescu, a amenajat lângă spital o livadă de pomi fructiferi și un parc dendrologic: livada cu spitalul ocupând 1,5 ha, iar parcul încă 1,5 ha.

Spitalul a funcționat până la sfârșitul secolului al XX-lea, fiind închis din motive financiare. În prezent, clădirea este un monument de arhitectură de însemnătate națională, cu denumirea "Spitalul cu parc dendrologic din Stolniceni".

Descriere

Complexul este amplasat pe un deal cu expoziție nordică, la o distanță de 2-3 km sud-est de Stolniceni. Intrarea este situată în partea de sud-est. Livada se afla pe ambele părți ale drumului de acces; astăzi aceasta este pe cale de dispariție. Complexul este împărțit în două regiuni de suprafață egală: a spitalului și a parcului propriu-zis. Împrejurul spitalului sunt amplasate grupuri de arbori și arbuști decorativi, iar în spatele clădirii vegetația densă a parcului.

Parcul beneficiază de îngrijire și atenție din partea primăriei comunei și a locuitorilor satului.

Structura compozițională
Teritoriul este înconjurat de un gard viu, format din exemplare de glădiță și paltin de câmp. Parcul este separat de clădiri de un gard de Caragana arborescens (pe cale de dispariție), un rând de molizi și pini moi. În interiorul parcului este amplasată o alee de ulmi și paltini de câmp, plantată în forma literei "S", de la denumirea satului și, probabil, de la numele de familie al fondatorului.

Dendroflora

Fondul dendrologic al parcului număra, în 2013, 26 de specii și forme de plante, majoritatea de proveniență străină. Plantele exotice, deși rezistă la geruri și arșițe, au o longevitate redusă din cauza condițiilor climaterice relativ nefavorabile.

Lista speciilor de plante lemnoase ale parcului din Stolniceni este prezentată în tabel.

Referințe

Bibliografie

Legături externe

Stolniceni
Raionul Edineț
Stolniceni, Parcul

Parcul din satul Stolniceni


La Liga de Acción Social en Yucatán, México, es una asociación civil de carácter cultural y social, con fines no lucrativos, fundada el año de 1909 por Gonzalo Cámara Zavala y otros personajes de la sociedad yucateca de principios del . El fin establecido para la Liga en ese entonces, era el de estudiar los problemas prioritarios que enfrentaba la comunidad en el estado y proponer soluciones y programas de acción para resolverlos. Los asuntos prioritarios en el accionar de la Liga fueron de carácter cultural y educativo.

Datos históricos
El término usado para dar nombre a esta asociación fue tomado de las organizaciones europeas, frecuentemente anarquistas, de finales del  y que en Yucatán, a principios del , cobraron actualidad con la creación de las Ligas de Resistencia impulsadas por el Partido Socialista del Sureste con fines electorales y eminentemente de acción política. Un grupo de ciudadanos encabezados por Gonzalo Cámara Zavala, José Trava Rendón y Tomás Castellanos Acevedo utilizaron previamente el mismo concepto pero aplicado a la promoción cultural y al impulso de la participación de diversos sectores sociales en las tareas educativas y de desarrollo colectivo de Yucatán.

Dos cuestiones básicas fueron deliberadas y aceptadas como principios rectores de la Liga de Acción Social durante su fundación: una referida a los principios de la organización y que sus miembros deberían observar siempre: "la mayor tolerancia y el más profundo respeto a todas las creencias religiosas y orientaciones políticas de sus asociados" y la otra, en cuanto a su más clara prioridad, que era "la de promover ante la sociedad yucateca el designio de que se haga llegar los beneficios de la educación a los jornaleros de las haciendas henequeneras". En este sentido hay que recordar que la sociedad yucateca se encontraba en ese momento (la primera década del ) en una circunstancia de profunda desigualdad, social, educativa y económica, en la que, como lo había expuesto el periodista estadounidense John Kenneth Turner en su libro México Bárbaro, convivían en lacerante confrontación la opulencia de unos cuantos (la después denominada Casta divina) y la miseria económica y moral de muchos, que vivían en un régimen de peonaje y esclavitud, en torno a la industria henequenera.

Otros personajes de la historia de Yucatán que participaron en la fundación de la Liga y signaron su acta fundacional fueron Carlos R. Menéndez, Álvaro Torre Díaz, José Inés Novelo, Delio Moreno Cantón, Nicolás Cámara Vales, entre otros.

Acciones meritorias de la Liga en los primeros años de su existencia
 La Liga integró una comisión redactora de una iniciativa de ley que fue más tarde presentada al Congreso de Yucatán por el gobernador José María Pino Suárez, y promulgada en agosto de 1911, para crear las escuelas rurales en el estado de Yucatán.
 Se concibió la idea de la fundación de la Escuela Modelo en Mérida con las ideas pedagógicas más avanzadas de la época y cuyo plantel fue inaugurado el 15 de septiembre de 1910.
 En 1912 impulsó la creación de cajas de ahorro en las haciendas para beneficiar a los jornaleros y poco después el Congreso del Estado legisló sobre la materia para darle vigencia jurídica a estos instrumentos.
 En 1914 se inició una campaña antialcohólica para combatir el vicio en todo el estado.
 En 1920 se lanzó una iniciativa para industrializar de manera más técnica y moderna el henequén.
 En 1927 se propuso y se estableció en Mérida la celebración del Día de la Madre haciéndose eco de la iniciativa de Ana María Jarvis en los Estados Unidos. En 1928, con aportaciones de la sociedad yucateca y la promoción de la Liga, se construyó el parque en honor de la maternidad en el centro histórico de Mérida, en donde se levantó el monumento en bronce alusivo, del escultor francés J. Lenoir.
 También en 1928 la Liga lanzó la iniciativa de establecer la celebración del Día de la Raza el 12 de octubre de cada año. El presidente de México Emilio Portes Gil recogió la iniciativa y la generalizó al resto del país.
 En 1930 la Liga convocó a un certamen de ensayo histórico para la conmemoración de la fundación de Mérida, habiendo correspondido el premio principal al historiador José Ignacio Rubio Mañé.

La Liga ha desempeñado a lo largo de los años una tarea editorial extensa de libros importantes sobre el devenir yucateco. Editó el Códice Pérez y más tarde creó una beca con el nombre de Juan Pío Pérez, autor de la obra señalada, para estimular a los estudiosos de la arqueología en Yucatán. También publicó la Monografía de los Montejo referida a los conquistadores de Yucatán, escrita por Rubio Mañé. Fue editado el libro de Ralph L. Roys, Guía para el Códice Pérez. También el libro de William Brito Sansores, Los mayas eran así, entre muchas otras obras de interés.

Presidentes de la Liga
 Gonzalo Cámara Zavala (1909 - 1962)
 Alfonso Albertos Tenorio (1962 - 1966)
 Francisco Rosado de la Espada (1966 - 1988)
 Julio Laviada Cirerol (1988 - 1989)
 Héctor Navarrete Muñoz (1989 a la fecha)

Véase también
 Escuela modelo
 Escuela Modelo de Mérida (Yucatán)

Referencias

Enlaces externos
  Con acceso el 28 de enero de 2012.
 Discurso inaugural de la Escuela Modelo en Mérida, Yucatán Con acceso el 20 de enero de 2012.
 Trabajos de la "Liga de acción social" para el establecimiento de las escuelas rurales en Yucatán, por Rodolfo Ruz Menéndez.

 Develan busto de Silvio Zavala Vallado en Archivo General de Indias.
 Vida y Obra de Gonzalo Cámara Zavala en el Museo de la Ciudad de Mérida
 Sitio Web de la Liga de Acción Social

Historia del estado de Yucatán
Organizaciones no gubernamentales de México

Liga de Acción Social


جورجينا رزق هي عارضة أزياء وممثلة لبنانية من مواليد 3 يناير 1953. حصلت على لقبي ملكة جمال لبنان 1970 وملكة جمال الكون 1971. وهي تنحدر من عائلة مسيحية مارونية لبنانية، من والد لبناني ووالدة مجرية. تزوجت من علي حسن سلامة والذي لُقّب من قبل الصهاينة بالأمير الأحمر والذي اُغتيل في 1979 من قبل الموساد وأنجبت منه ابنها «علي». تزوّجت المطرب اللبناني المعروف وليد توفيق في 1990 وأنجبت منه ابنها الثاني «الوليد» وابنتها «نورهان». شاركت في العديد من الأفلام السنيمائيّة قبيل الحرب الأهلية اللبنانية ومنها «غيتار الحب»، «باي باي يا حلوة»، و«الملكة وأنا».

في مسابقة ملكة جمال الكون 1972، لم يسمح لرزق بالحضور بسبب القيود التي تفرضها الحكومة بسبب مخاوف من هجوم إرهابي. كما كانت قد اشتركت في مسابقة ملكة جمال العالم 1970، ولكنها لم تنجح، وهي تعمل الآن محكمة في مسابقات ملكة جمال لبنان.

ملكة جمال الكون 1971
مثّلت جورجينا رزق لبنان في مسابقة ملكة جمال الكون 1971 التي اُقيمت في مدرج ميامي بيتش في ميامي بيتش بفلوريدا وفازت باللقب وحلّت طوني رايورد من أستراليا وصيفة أولى وبيرجو لايتيليا من فنلندا وصيفة ثانية. وهي أول مرة تفوز فيها لبنانية وشرق أوسطية بلقب ملكة جمال الكون. أصدر لبنان طابعا بريديا يُظهر صورة جورجينا رزق بمناسبة حصولها على لقب ملكة جمال الكون.

عملت رئيسة للجنة اختيار ملكة جمال لبنان 2012.

مسيرتها السينمائية
مثلت جورجينا رزق في ثلاثة أفلام. وشاركت دور البطولة في فيلم «جيتار الحب» مع عمر خورشيد وصباح. وفي 1975، مثلت دور البطولة في فيلمين، الأول مع محرم فؤاد ووحيد سيف في فيلم «الملكة وأنا» والثاني مع رشدي أباظة في «باي باي يا حلوة».

مثلت أيضا في مسرحية «سنقف سنقف» مع روميو لحود وفي مسلسل «أنت أنا» مع فهد بلان.

انظر أيضًا
 كريستينا صوايا
 ريما فقيه

المراجع

وصلات خارجية
 جورجينا رزق في موقع الفيلم
 جيتار الحب في موقع الفيلم

أشخاص على قيد الحياة
اجتماعيون لبنانيون
عارضات أزياء لبنانيات
فائزات بلقب ملكة جمال الكون
لبنانيون من أصل مجري
ملكات جمال لبنانيات
ممثلات لبنانيات في القرن 20
موارنة لبنانيون
مواليد 1372 هـ
مواليد 1953
مواليد في بيروت

جورجينا رزق


Margaritifera es un género de moluscos bivalvos de la familia Margaritiferidae.

Especies
Se reconocen las siguientes especies:
 Margaritifera falcata
 Margaritifera hembeli
 Margaritifera margaritifera
 Margaritifera marrianae
 Margaritifera auricularia

Referencias

Enlaces externos

Margaritiferidae

Margaritifera