Nguyễn Cao Kỳ (; 8 September 1930 – 23 July 2011) was a South Vietnamese military officer and politician who served as the chief of the Republic of Vietnam Air Force in the 1960s, before leading the nation as the prime minister of South Vietnam in a military junta from 1965 to 1967. Then, until his retirement from politics in 1971, he served as vice president to bitter rival General Nguyễn Văn Thiệu, in a nominally civilian administration.

Born in northern Vietnam, Kỳ joined the Vietnamese National Army of the French-backed State of Vietnam and started as an infantry officer before the French sent him off for pilot training. After the French withdrew from Vietnam and the nation was partitioned, Kỳ moved up the ranks of the Republic of Vietnam Air Force to become its leader. In November 1963, Kỳ participated in the coup that deposed president Ngô Đình Diệm and resulted in Diệm's assassination.

In 1964, Kỳ became prominent in junta politics, and was part of a group of young, aggressive officers dubbed the "Young Turks". Over the next two years, there were numerous successful and failed coup attempts. In September 1964, he helped put down a coup attempt by Generals Lâm Văn Phát and Dương Văn Đức against Nguyễn Khánh, and the following February he thwarted another attempt by Phát and Phạm Ngọc Thảo. His favored tactic was to send fighter jets into the air and threaten large-scale air strikes to force his opponents to back down. After the latter attempt, he also forced the Khánh into exile and became the leading member of the junta in mid-1965 by becoming prime minister, while General Thiệu was a figurehead chief of state. He gained notoriety for his flamboyant manner, womanizing, and risky and brash behavior, which deeply concerned South Vietnam's American allies and angered the Vietnamese public, many of whom regarded him as a "cowboy" and "hooligan". He cared little for public relations, and publicly made numerous controversial statements and threats.

Nevertheless, Kỳ and Thiệu were able to end the cycle of coups, and the Americans backed their regime. In 1966 Kỳ decided to purge rival General Nguyễn Chánh Thi from a command role, which provoked major unrest in Da Nang and Huế. He publicly threatened to kill the mayor of Đà Nẵng. Three months of large-scale demonstrations and riots paralyzed parts of the country, and after much maneuvering and some military battles, Kỳ's forces finally put down the uprising, and Thi was exiled, entrenching the former's grip on power.

In 1967, a transition to an elected government was scheduled, and after a power struggle within the military, Thiệu ran for the presidency with Kỳ as his running mate. To allow the two to work together, their fellow officers had agreed to have a military body controlled by Kỳ shape policy behind the scenes. The election was rigged to ensure that Thiệu and Kỳ's military ticket would win, and strong executive powers meant that the junta, in effect, still ruled. Leadership tensions persisted, and Thiệu prevailed, sidelining Kỳ supporters from key positions. Thiệu then enacted legislation to restrict candidacy eligibility for the 1971 election, banning almost all would-be opponents; Kỳ and the rest withdrew as they expected the election to be fraudulent; Thiệu went on to win the election uncontested, while Kỳ retired. With the fall of Saigon, Kỳ fled to the United States. He continued to heavily criticize both the communists and Thiệu, and the former prevented him from returning. However, in 2004, he became the first South Vietnamese leader to return to Vietnam, calling for reconciliation between communists and anti-communists.

Early years and rising up the ranks
A northerner, Kỳ was born in Sơn Tây, a town west of Hanoi. After completing his secondary schooling in Chu Văn An High School, Hanoi, he enlisted in the French-backed Vietnamese National Army of the State of Vietnam and was commissioned in the infantry after attending an officers training school. After a brief period in the field against the communist Việt Minh of Hồ Chí Minh during the First Indochina War, the French military hierarchy sent Kỳ, then a lieutenant, to Marrakech in Morocco to train as a pilot. Kỳ gained his wings on 15 September 1954. The French defeat at the Battle of Điện Biên Phủ and the Geneva Conference ended the colonial presence in Indochina, and Kỳ came back to the new Republic of Vietnam (South Vietnam). The commander of a transport squadron, Kỳ was put in charge of Tân Sơn Nhứt Air Base, the main aerial facility in the capital, Saigon. Kỳ then went to the United States to study for six months at the Air Command and Staff College at Maxwell Field, Alabama, where he learned to speak English. He returned to Vietnam and continued to rise up the ranks.

A soldier in the Vietnamese National Army who eventually became commander of the Republic of Vietnam Air Force, prime minister and vice president of the Republic of Vietnam, Kỳ had little political experience or ambition initially. After flight training by the French, he returned to Vietnam in 1954 and held a series of commands in the Republic of Vietnam Air Force. Under the regime of Dương Văn Minh, whose coup Kỳ had supported, he was made an air marshal, replacing Colonel Đỗ Khắc Mai as head of the Republic of Vietnam Air Force.

Kỳ began his association with the American covert operations community in 1961. While still ranked as a major commanding Tân Sơn Nhứt Air Base, he became the first pilot for South Vietnam's presidential liaison officer, which was organizing to infiltrate military intelligence teams into North Vietnam. He recruited pilots from his command for this intelligence program of the Central Intelligence Agency, and flew some of the missions himself after being trained by an expert pilot from Air America. At one point, Kỳ took the CIA's Saigon station chief, William Colby, for a demonstration low-level flight. Kỳ's flight training graduation gift for himself and his pilots was a flight to Singapore, where he purchased black flight suits, silk scarfs, and cigarette lighters for all hands. Colby was amused by his flight but unhappy with the selection of flashy attire.

Rise to prominence in the junta

In January 1964, General Nguyễn Khánh deposed Minh, and it was under Khánh's one-year rule that Kỳ rose to become one of the leading powers in the junta. Having been demoted, disgruntled Generals Lâm Văn Phát and Dương Văn Đức launched a coup attempt against Khánh before dawn on 13 September, using ten army battalions that they had recruited. Their faction consisted mainly of Catholic elements. They took over the city without any firing, and used the national radio station to proclaim the deposal of Khánh's junta. There was little reaction from most of the military commanders. Kỳ had two weeks earlier promised to use his planes against any coup attempt, but there was no reaction to begin with.

Some time after the plotters had made their broadcast, Kỳ consolidated the troops on Saigon's outskirts at Tân Sơn Nhứt Air Base, the largest in the country and where the military was headquartered. He barricaded the soldiers into defensive positions and vowed a "massacre" if the rebels attacked the base. A stand-off of tanks and troops around the perimeter of the base occurred, but it petered away without any violence as the rebels were withdrawn. Kỳ had apparently been angered by comments made by a rebel source who claimed that he was part of the coup attempt. At the same time, Kỳ was known for his hawkish attitude and close relations with the US military establishment in Vietnam, and American opposition to the coup was thought to have been conveyed to him efficiently. Đức mistakenly thought that Kỳ and his subordinates would be joining the coup, but was wrong.

The announcement of US support for the incumbent helped to deter ARVN officers from joining Lâm and Đức. Khánh returned to Saigon and put down the putsch, aided mainly by Kỳ and the Air Force. Kỳ decided to make a show of force as Phát and Đức began to wilt, and he sent jets to fly low over Saigon and finish off the rebel stand. He also sent two C-47s to Vũng Tàu to pick up two companies of South Vietnamese marines who remained loyal to Khánh. Several more battalions of loyal infantry were transported into Saigon. Kỳ's political star began to rise.

As the coup collapsed, Kỳ and Đức appeared with other senior officers at a news conference where they proclaimed that the South Vietnamese military was united, and announced a resolution by the armed forces, signed by them and seven other leading commanders, claiming a united front against corruption. The officers contended that the events in the capital were misinterpreted by observers, as "there was no coup." Kỳ claimed that Khánh was in complete control and that the senior officers involved in the standoff "have agreed to rejoin their units to fight the Communists", and that no further action would be taken against those who were involved with Đức and Phát's activities, but Khánh arrested them two days later.

Kỳ and Thi's role in putting down the attempted coup gave them more leverage in Saigon's military politics. Indebted to Kỳ, Thi, and the Young Turks for maintaining his hold on power, Khánh was now weaker. Kỳ's group called on Khánh to remove "corrupt, dishonest, and counterrevolutionary" officers, civil servants, and exploitationists, and threatened to remove him if he did not enact their proposed reforms. Some observers accused Kỳ and Thi of deliberately orchestrating or allowing the plot to develop before putting it down in order to embarrass Khánh and allow himself to gain prominence on the political stage. In later years, Cao Huy Thuần, a professor and Buddhist activist based in the northern town of Đà Nẵng, claimed that during a meeting with Kỳ and Thi a few days before the coup, the officers had discussed their plans for joining a coup against Khánh.

December 1964 South Vietnamese coup

Kỳ was part of a group of younger officers called the Young Turks. The most prominent members, apart from himself, included IV Corps commander General Nguyễn Văn Thiệu, commander of I Corps Thi and Admiral Chung Tấn Cang, the head of the Republic of Vietnam Navy. They, and Khánh, wanted to forcibly retire officers with more than 25 years of service as they thought them to be lethargic, out of touch, and ineffective. The unspoken and most important reason, however, was that they viewed the older generals as rivals for power and wanted to conceal this real motive. Specific targets of this proposed policy were Generals Minh, Trần Văn Đôn, Lê Văn Kim and Mai Hữu Xuân.

The signature of Chief of State Phan Khắc Sửu was required to pass the ruling, but he referred the matter to the High National Council (HNC), a junta-appointed civilian advisory body, to get their opinion. The HNC turned down the request. On 19 December, the generals dissolved the HNC and arrested some of the members as well as other civilian politicians, and the older generals, who were removed from the military. The actual arrests were made by a small force commanded by Thi and Kỳ. The deposal prompted US Ambassador Maxwell D. Taylor to angrily berate Thiệu, Thi, Kỳ, and Cang in a private meeting and threaten to cut off aid if they did not reverse their decision. Kỳ later admitted to being stung by Taylor's comments. However, this galvanized the officers around the embattled Khánh for a time, and they ignored Taylor's threats without repercussions as the Americans were too intent on defeating the communists to cut funding.

In January 1965, the junta-appointed prime minister, Trần Văn Hương, introduced a series of measures to expand the anticommunist war effort, notably by widening the terms of conscription. This provoked widespread anti-Hương riots across the country, mainly from conscription-aged students and pro-negotiations Buddhists. Reliant on Buddhist support, Khánh did little to try to contain the protests. Khánh then decided to have the armed forces take over the government. On 27 January, Khánh removed Hương in a bloodless putsch with the support of Thi and Kỳ. He promised to leave politics once the situation was stabilized and hand over power to a civilian body. It was believed that some of the officers supported Khánh's increased power so as to give him an opportunity to fail and thus be removed permanently.

By this time, Taylor's relationship with Khánh had already broken down over the issue of the HNC, and the US became more intent on a regime change as Khánh was reliant on Buddhist support, which they saw as an obstacle to an expansion of the war. Knowing that he was close to being forced out, Khánh tried to start negotiations with the communists, but this only increased the plotting. In early February, Taylor told Kỳ, who then passed on the message to colleagues in the junta, that the United States was "in no way propping up General Khanh or backing him in any fashion." Taylor thought his message had been effective.

1965–67

Between January and February 1965, Colonel Phạm Ngọc Thảo, in reality a communist double agent, was locked in a power struggle with junta leader General Nguyễn Khánh, and began plotting a coup against Khánh, who he thought was trying to kill him. Thảo consulted Kỳ—who wanted to seize power for himself—before the plot, and exhorted him to join the coup, but the Air Force chief claimed he would remain neutral. Thảo thus had reason to believe that Kỳ would not intervene. Kỳ had been preparing his own coup plans for a fortnight and was strongly opposed to Thảo and Phát. Kỳ, Thiệu, Có and Cang were not yet ready to make a coup, and their preparations were well behind that of Thảo.

Shortly before noon on 19 February, Thảo and General Phát used around 50 tanks, and some infantry battalions, to seize control of the military headquarters, the post office, and the radio station of Saigon. He surrounded the home of General Khánh and Gia Long Palace, the residence of head of state Phan Khắc Sửu. The ground troops also missed capturing Kỳ, who fled in a sports car with his wife and mother-in-law. Kỳ ended up at Tân Sơn Nhứt, where he ran into Khánh, and the pair flew off together, while some of their colleagues were arrested there.

Thảo made a radio announcement, stating that the sole objective of his military operation was to get rid of Khánh, whom he described as a "dictator", while some of his fellow rebels made comments extolling Diệm and indicating they would start a hardline Catholic regime. Phát was supposed to seize the Biên Hòa Air Base to prevent Kỳ from mobilising air power against them. The attempt to seize Biên Hòa failed, as Kỳ got there first and took control, before circling Tân Sơn Nhứt, threatening to bomb the rebels.

A CIA report and analysis written after the coup concluded that "Ky's command of the air force made him instrumental" in preventing Khánh from being overrun, "until Ky changed his mind" on Khánh's continuing hold on power. Most of the forces of the III and IV Corps surrounding the capital disliked both Khánh and the rebels and took no action.

The Americans decided that while they wanted Khánh out, they did not approve of Thảo and Phát, so they began to lobby Kỳ and Thi, the two most powerful officers outside Khánh, to defeat both sides. They unofficially designated Kỳ the duty of moderating between the coup forces and Khánh's loyalists, preventing bloodshed and keeping them apart until some further action was planned. Kỳ's work slowed the advance of several Khánh-loyalist units into the capital. During all of these moves, Kỳ's hand was strengthened by the mistaken belief of Khánh and his faction that the Air Force commander supported them.

At 8 p.m., Phát and Thảo met Kỳ in a meeting organised by the Americans, and insisted that Khánh be removed from power. The coup collapsed when, around midnight, loyal ARVN forces swept into the city from the south and some loyal to Kỳ from Biên Hòa in the north. Whether the rebels were defeated or a deal was struck with Kỳ to end the revolt in exchange for Khánh's removal is disputed, but most analysts believe the latter. Before fleeing, Thảo managed a final radio broadcast, stating that the coup had been effective in removing Khánh. This was not the case yet, but later in the morning, Kỳ and Thi led the Armed Forces Council in adopting a vote of no confidence in Khánh, and they assumed control of the junta.

In May 1965, a military tribunal under Kỳ sentenced both Phát and Thảo, who had gone into hiding, to death in absentia. As a result, Thảo had little choice but to attempt to seize power from Kỳ in order to save himself. On 20 May, a half dozen officers and around 40 civilians, predominantly Catholic, were arrested on charges of attempting to assassinate Prime Minister Phan Huy Quát and kidnap Kỳ, among others. Several of the arrested were known supporters of Thảo and believed to be abetting him in evading the authorities. In July 1965, he was reported dead in unclear circumstances; an official report claimed that he died of injuries while on a helicopter en route to Saigon, after having been captured north of the city. However, it is generally assumed that he was hunted down and murdered or tortured to death on the orders of some officials in Kỳ's junta. In his memoirs, Kỳ claimed Thảo was jailed and "probably [died] from a beating."

On 19 June 1965 Kỳ was appointed prime minister by a special joint meeting of military leaders following the voluntary resignation of civilian president Phan Khắc Sửu and Prime Minister Phan Huy Quát, who had been installed by the military. South Vietnam's system of government shifted to that of a strong prime minister, with General Nguyễn Văn Thiệu becoming a figurehead president. Kỳ ended the cycle of coups that plagued South Vietnam following the overthrow of Diệm. Kỳ and Thiệu's military junta decided to inaugurate their rule by holding a "no breathing week". They imposed censorship, closed many newspapers that published material deemed unacceptable, and suspended civil liberties. They then sidelined the civilian politicians to a "village of old trees" to "conduct seminars and draw up plans and programs in support of government policy". They decided to ignore religious and other opposition groups "with the stipulation that troublemakers will be shot."
The generals began to mobilize the populace into paramilitary organizations. After one month, Quang began to call for the removal of Thiệu because he was a member of Diệm's Catholic Cần Lao party, decrying Thiệu "fascistic tendencies", and claiming Cần Lao members were undermining Kỳ.

In February 1966, Kỳ attended the Honolulu summit where his talks with President Johnson persuaded him that he now assert his authority as he believed he had the backing of the United States. After the overthrow of Khánh, South Vietnam had devolved into an alliance of warlords, becoming almost a feudal state with each corps commander ruling his area as a warlord, keeping most of the tax money for themselves and sending the rest to the government in Saigon. Knowing that the United States wanted political stability in South Vietnam, initially Kỳ was willing to accept this arrangement, but after hearing Johnson's praise him as a strong leader at the Honolulu summit, he became convinced that the United States would back him if he asserted his authority against the corps commanders-cum-warlords. In particular, Kỳ wanted to bring down General Thi, who ruled central South Vietnam as his own fiefdom.

According to Alfred W. McCoy, Kỳ was the head of one of the three major South Vietnamese narcotics rings during this period, which also involved his sister and loyal military officers. McCoy States that this organization used the South Vietnamese Air Force to smuggle opium from Laos for Saigon's opium-smoking dens through South Vietnamese Customs. McCoy states that Kỳ's organization also controlled the Saigon port authority and taxed Corsican opium exports to Europe and Chinese opium and morphine shipments to Hong Kong.

Power struggle with Thi and Buddhist Uprising

Kỳ's greatest struggle came in 1966, when he dismissed General Thi, resulting in a Buddhist Uprising and military revolt in Thi's I Corps. Within the junta, Thi was seen as Kỳ's main competitor for influence. Many political observers in Saigon thought that Thi wanted to depose Kỳ, and regarded him as the biggest threat to the other officers and the junta's stability. According to Kỳ's memoirs, Thi was a "born intriguer" who had "left-wing inclinations". Time magazine published a piece in February 1966 that claimed that Thi was more dynamic than Kỳ and could seize power at any time. Historian Robert Topmiller claimed Kỳ may have seen the article as destabilizing and therefore decided to move against Thi.

Historian Stanley Karnow said of Kỳ and Thi: "Both flamboyant characters who wore gaudy uniforms and sported sinister moustaches, the two young officers had been friends, and their rivalry seemed to typify the personal struggles for power that chronically afflicted South Vietnam. But their dispute mirrored more than individual ambition." Both were known for the colorful red berets they wore. There were reports that Thi was showing insubordination towards Kỳ. The US military commander in Vietnam, General William Westmoreland, said that Thi once refused to report to Kỳ in Saigon when requested. On one occasion, Kỳ came to I Corps to remonstrate with him in early March, Thi addressed his staff and asked mockingly, "Should we pay attention to this funny little man from Saigon or should we ignore him?" Thi made this comment rather loudly, within earshot of Kỳ, and the Vietnamese politician Bùi Diễm thought that the prime minister viewed Thi's comment as a direct challenge to his authority.

A native of central Vietnam, Thi was the commander of I Corps, which oversaw the five northernmost provinces of South Vietnam and the 1st and 2nd Divisions. He was known to have the "deep rooted" loyalty of his soldiers. A large segment of the South Vietnamese military was the Regional and Popular Forces, which were militias who served in their native areas, and they appreciated a commander with a regionalistic rapport. The support from the Buddhists, his troops, and the regional tendencies gave Thi a strong power base and made it hard for the other generals and the Americans to move against him.

Time magazine reported that Thi "ran it [I Corps] like a warlord of yore, obeying those edicts of the central government that suited him and blithely disregarding the rest." Historian George McTurnan Kahin said that Kỳ may have feared that Thi would secede from Saigon and turn central Vietnam into an independent state. CIA analyst Douglas Pike, who worked in Vietnam, speculated that this would have been a large part of Ky's thinking. A combination of those factors resulted in Thi's dismissal. Kỳ mustered the support of eight of the generals on the 10-man junta, meaning that along with his vote, there were nine officers in favor of Thi's removal. With Thi the only nonsupporter, Kỳ and his colleagues removed Thi from the junta and his corps command on 10 March 1966. Kỳ threatened to resign if the decision was not unanimous, claiming that the junta needed a show of strength, so Thi decided to vote for his own sacking. The junta put Thi under house arrest pending his departure from the country, and then appointed General Nguyễn Văn Chuẩn, the erstwhile commander of 1st Division and a Thi subordinate, as the new I Corps commander.

Kỳ initially stated that Thi was leaving the country to receive medical treatment for his nasal passages. An official announcement said that the junta "had considered and accepted General Thi's application for a vacation". Thi retorted that "The only sinus condition I have is from the stink of corruption." Kỳ then gave a series of reasons for dismissing Thi, accusing him of being too left-wing, of ruling the central regions like a warlord, of having a mistress who was suspected of being a communist, and being too conspiratorial. Despite Thi's good relations with the Buddhists in his area, most notably Thích Trí Quang, Kỳ reportedly had the monks' support for Thi's removal. Quang used the crisis to highlight Buddhist calls for civilian rule. There were claims that Quang intended to challenge Kỳ, regardless of whether or not Thi had been cast aside.

The Americans were supportive of Kỳ and his prosecution of the war against the communists, and they opposed Thi, regarding him as not being firm enough against communism. Thi did, however, have the support of Marine Lieutenant General Lewis Walt, who commanded American forces in I Corps and was the senior adviser to Thi's ARVN forces. This caused problems during the dispute. The dismissal caused widespread demonstrations in the northern provinces. Civil unrest grew, as civil servants, disaffected military personnel, and the working under-class joined the anti-government demonstrations led by the Buddhists. At first, Kỳ tried to ignore the demonstrations and wait for them to peter out, but the problem escalated and riots broke out in some places. Despite continued American support, senior American foreign policy officials regarded Kỳ, General Thiệu and their regime as of very poor quality. Assistant Secretary of State William Bundy stated that the regime "seemed to all of us the bottom of the barrel, absolutely the bottom of the barrel."

Kỳ gambled by allowing Thi to return to I Corps, ostensibly to restore order. He claimed he allowed Thi to return to his old area of command as a goodwill gesture, to keep central Vietnamese happy, and because he promised Thi a farewell visit before going into exile. Thi received a rousing reception and the anti-Kỳ protesters became more fervent. Kỳ then sacked the police chief of Huế, a Thi loyalist. The local policemen responded by going on strike and demonstrating against their chief's removal.

Buddhists and other antijunta civilian activists joined with I Corps units supportive of Thi to form the Struggle Movement, leading to civil unrest and a halt in I Corps military operations. On 3 April, Kỳ held a press conference during which he claimed that Đà Nẵng was under communist control and vowed to stage a military operation to regain the territory, thus implying the Buddhists were communist agents. He vowed to kill the mayor of Đà Nẵng, saying "Either Da Nang's mayor is shot or the government will fall." The following evening, Kỳ deployed three battalions of marines to Đà Nẵng. The marines stayed at Đà Nẵng Air Base and made no moves against the rebels. Soon after, they were joined by two battalions of Vietnamese Rangers, as well as some riot police and paratroopers. Kỳ took personal command and found that the roads leading into the city had been blocked by Buddhist civilians and pro-Thi portions of the I Corps. After a standoff, Kỳ realized that he could not score a decisive victory and had lost face. He arranged a meeting and media event with Thi loyalist officers, and various Struggle Movement supporters.

Kỳ arrived back in Saigon, where he met with Buddhist leaders for negotiations. The Buddhists demanded an amnesty for rioters and mutinous soldiers, and for Kỳ to withdraw the marines from Đà Nẵng back to Saigon. The monks said they would order the Struggle Movement "temporarily suspend all forms of struggle to prove our goodwill". After a period of tension and further tensions, Kỳ's forces gained the upper hand in May, pressuring most Struggle Movement members to give up and militarily defeating the rest. He then put Quang under house arrest and finally had Thi exiled, cementing his junta's grip on power and ending the Buddhist movement as a political force.

During his rule, Kỳ made many foreign state visits to bolster South Vietnam's legitimacy. One visit to Australia in 1967 was somewhat controversial. Over time, Australian attitudes toward South Vietnam became increasingly negative, despite a contribution of ground troops to assist the fight against the communists; the bipartisanship of the 1950s evaporated. The centre-left Australian Labor Party became more sympathetic to the communists and their leader, Arthur Calwell, stridently denounced Kỳ as a "fascist dictator" and a "butcher" ahead of his 1967 visit. Despite the controversy leading up to the visit, Kỳ's trip was a success. He dealt with the media effectively, despite hostile sentiment from some sections of the press and public.

During the trip to Australia, a power struggle with General Nguyễn Hữu Có, the deputy prime minister and defense minister, climaxed. Kỳ saw Có as a political threat and a magnet for dissidents, while Có deemed Kỳ to be "immature". At the same time as his visit to Australia, Kỳ sent Có to Taiwan, ostensibly to represent the junta at a ceremonial event. With Có out of the country and unable to stage a coup, and Kỳ not within striking distance in case anyone wanted to capture him, news of Có's removal was broken in Saigon. Có expressed a desire to return to Saigon, but was threatened with arrest and trial, and soldiers were deployed to the airport. Có was allowed to return in 1970 after Kỳ's power had waned.

Views
Kỳ did not value democratic ideals. In 1965, Kỳ told the journalist Brian Moynahan: "People ask me who my heroes are. I have only one: Hitler". Kỳ's comment that Hitler was his hero caused much controversy, and in a clumsy attempt at damage control, the administration of President Johnson denied to the American media that Kỳ had made the remark, claiming that Moynahan had fabricated the remark, only to have the air marshal defiantly repeat the statement that Hitler was his only hero. Regarding the upcoming 1967 elections, Kỳ said that if the person elected is "a Communist or a Neutralist, I am going to fight him militarily. In any democratic country you have the right to disagree with the views of others."

In a 1965 interview with American journalist James Reston, Kỳ acknowledged that the Communists were "closer to the people's yearning for social justice and an independent life" than his own government was, as Reston put it.

1967 elections

In the presidential election that was held in 1967, the military junta, which Kỳ chaired, intended to endorse only one candidate for the presidency. Kỳ intended to run, but at the last minute changed his mind and backed Thiệu, a move he later called "the biggest mistake of my life." Thiệu nominated Kỳ as his running mate and the two were elected with 35 percent of the vote in a rigged poll. US policymakers heard rumors that the generals had agreed to subvert the constitution, and The New York Times revealed the formation of a secret military committee that would control the government after the election. What had happened was that in the negotiations within the military, Kỳ had agreed to stand aside in exchange for behind-the-scenes power through a military committee that would shape policy and control the civilian arm of the government. Kỳ flatly denied these reports to Ambassador Ellsworth Bunker, and the US Embassy notified Washington that The New York Times story was baseless. However, the story was later vindicated, as intelligence sources obtained the charter that told of the functions of the secret Supreme Military Committee (SMC). Walt Rostow briefed President Johnson and concluded that the SMC was "in effect, a scheme for 'guided democracy' in which a half dozen generals would decide finally what was good and bad for the country."

The campaign was overshadowed by US media criticism of Kỳ and Thiệu's unfair electoral practices and sneaky tricks. All the candidates were scheduled to attend a rally at Quảng Trị in the far north of the country on 6 August. Owing to the security situation and the possibility of communist attacks, the politicians were transported to joint campaign events by the military, rather than being free to go to separate events as their strategy dictated. However, the Quảng Trị event had to be canceled after the candidates' plane landed 23 km away at an air base in Đông Hà. Believing that the mishap was a deliberate attempt to make them look chaotic and disorganized—Thiệu and Kỳ had decided not to attend rallies—the candidates boycotted the event and flew back to Saigon. There they denounced the government bitterly. The leading opposition candidate, Trần Văn Hương, claimed that Thiệu and Kỳ "purposefully arranged the trip to humiliate us and make clowns out of us." As air force chief, Kỳ had previously stranded opposition politicians on a trip to the Central Highlands. Kỳ and Thiệu maintained that no malice was involved, but their opponents did not believe it. None of the candidates made good on their threat to withdraw, but their strident attacks over the alleged dirty tricks dominated the media coverage of the election for a period.

The adverse publicity embarrassed Washington; instead of hearing reports about progress and good governance in South Vietnam, most reports focused on corruption and fraud. The heavy and negative coverage of the election provoked angry debate in the US Congress, criticising Kỳ's junta and Johnson's policies. Such sentiment came from both houses and political parties. On 10 August 57 members of the United States House of Representatives signed a statement condemning Kỳ's electoral malpractices and threatening a review of US policy in Vietnam.

Kỳ and Thiệu were reluctant to campaign and meet the populace as they saw such events as liabilities rather than opportunities to win over the public, and showed little interest in gaining popular support in any case, as they could always count on a rigging of the ballot. The CIA reported that the pair had no intention of participating on the arranged rallies with the civilian candidates because they felt that "possible heckling from the audience that would be too humiliating." Thiệu and Kỳ were correct; they made one public campaign appearance at a rally, where a very disapproving crowd in Huế assailed Kỳ as a "hooligan" and "cowboy leader". Kỳ and Thiệu decided to campaign indirectly by appearing at set piece ceremonial appointments, such as transferring land titles to peasants, as hostile elements from the general population were less likely to be present. Thiệu took a restrained and more moderate stance during the campaign toward the issue of democracy, while Kỳ, the public face of the ticket and the incumbent government, went on the attack, damaging the pair's image and supposed commitment to democracy. Kỳ did not hide his distaste for democracy or his opponents and "described the civilian candidates as 'ordure' [dirt, filth, excrement], 'traitors,' and 'destroyers of the national interest.'" He continued on to say that if his opponents continued to attack him, he would cancel the poll. In the accompanying senate election, Kỳ openly endorsed 11 slates, but only one was successful in gaining one of the six seats.

1967–71: Vice President
He served as vice president to President Nguyễn Văn Thiệu, although behind the scenes there was a fierce rivalry that left Kỳ marginalized. In the aftermath of the Tết Offensive, Thiệu enforced martial law and used the situation to consolidate his personal power. Kỳ's supporters in the military and the administration were quickly removed from power, arrested, or exiled, ending any hopes of Kỳ exerting any power through the SMC or elsewhere. Alienated from Thiệu, Kỳ intended to oppose him in the 1971 elections, but Thiệu introduced laws to stop most of his rivals from running. Realizing that the poll would be rigged, Kỳ withdrew from politics. Thiệu ran unopposed and took 94 percent of the vote.

Life in exile

After the defeat of South Vietnam by North Vietnam, on the last day of the fall of Saigon, 30 April 1975, Kỳ left Vietnam aboard the  and fled to the United States and settled in Westminster, California, where he ran a liquor store. Kỳ wrote two autobiographies, How We Lost the Vietnam War and Buddha's Child: My Fight to Save Vietnam.

Historian James McAllister openly questioned Kỳ's honesty, saying that Buddha's Child, as Kỳ called himself, "is filled with unverifiable conversations and arguments that do not at all correspond with the historical record. Like his earlier memoir, it is often a self-serving attempt to continue his ongoing feud with the late president Nguyễn Văn Thiệu." He said "with everything Ky writes about Vietnam . . . skepticism is in order."

Kỳ made headlines in 2004 by being the first South Vietnamese leader to return to Vietnam after the reunification, a move that was seen as a shameful one by many anticommunist groups in the Vietnamese American community. Kỳ had previously been critical of the Vietnamese government while in exile and had been denied a visa on several occasions. Upon setting foot on Vietnam, Kỳ defended his actions by saying that the Vietnam War was "instigated by foreigners, it was brothers killing each other under the arrangements by foreign countries."

He added, "In another 100 years, the Vietnamese will look back at the war and feel shameful. We should not dwell on it as it will not do any good for Vietnam's future. My main concern at the moment is Vietnam's position on the world map." Kỳ said that he only wanted to help build up Vietnam and promote national harmony, and assailed critics of his return, saying that "those who bear grudges only care about themselves."

Kỳ later returned to Vietnam permanently and campaigned for increased foreign investment. Kỳ was involved in organizing trips to Vietnam for potential US investors.

Style
Kỳ was well known for his flamboyant, colorful conduct and dress during his younger days. His trademark fashion accessory before he faded from public view in the 1970s was a silk scarf, which he wore with his black flight suit. He often raised eyebrows when he was the military prime minister by arriving at events to meet civilians with his wife in matching black flight suits, boots, blue caps, and silk scarves. He rarely was seen without a cigarette. He was notorious for his love of gambling, women, and glamour, which made American officials wary of him. He was also obsessed with cock fighting, not only hosting such fights in his own house but even traveling to Viet Cong zones without an escort to find fights. One official called him an "unguided missile". When he was a young pilot, Kỳ once landed a helicopter in the road in front of a girlfriend's house in order to impress her, causing the locals to panic and earning the ire of his commander for misusing military equipment. On one occasion, Kỳ is said to have pulled a handgun on a journalist whose questions annoyed him. Many in the South Vietnamese public service, military, and some of the general public disliked his tempestuous and impetuous style and regarded him as a "cowboy". and a "hooligan". At his only public campaign appearance during the 1967 presidential election, the large crowd repeatedly heckled him loudly, calling him a "cowboy leader" and "hooligan" and as a result he did not make any more appearances at rallies.

Oriana Fallaci, who interviewed him in 1968, included him in The Egoists: Sixteen Surprising Interviews, as one of the few people who surprised and impressed her the most relative to their controversial public personas. In the interview, Kỳ decried the corruption and poverty of South Vietnam, lamented about the inability of the government and the United States to solve their problems, compared the Catholics to the Communists, and openly agreed with many of the social aims of Ho Chi Minh and the Viet Cong. When an astounded Fallaci asked if he considered himself on the wrong side, Ky said "Well yeah.... if my destiny had been different, I could have been on [Ho Chi Minh's] side". American officials were outraged by the interview, but Fallaci would praise him in her book as "the only possible leader in a country painfully poor in leaders. Yet he is. And you realize it, with astonishment, when you listen to him for more than ten minutes. The man is not stupid. He has something to say, and he says it without fear."

Personal life
Kỳ met and married his first wife, a Frenchwoman, in the 1950s when he was training as a pilot in France. In the 1960s, he divorced her and married Đặng Tuyết Mai, an Air Viet Nam flight attendant, who was his spouse during his years in power. He later married for a third time. His daughter from his second marriage, Nguyễn Cao Kỳ Duyên, is well known in the overseas Vietnamese entertainment industry as a mistress of ceremonies and singer on the music variety show Paris By Night. Many Vietnamese Americans called for her sacking after her father returned to Vietnam.

Death
Kỳ died on 23 July 2011, aged 80, at a hospital in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia, where he was receiving treatment for "respiratory complications". He was married three times and survived by six children. His ashes are interred at the Buddhist Columbarium of Rose Hills Memorial Park in Whittier, California.

Honour

National honours
:
 Grand Officer of the National Order of Vietnam
 Military Merit Medal
 Army Distinguished Service Order, First Class
 Air Force Distinguished Service Order, First Class
 Air Force Meritorious Service Medal
 Special Service Medal
 Vietnamese Gallantry Cross
 Air Gallantry Cross, Gold wing
 Wound Medal
 Armed Forces Honor Medal, First Class
 Vietnam Staff Service Medal, First Class
 Vietnam Campaign Medal
 Military Service Medal, Second Class
 Vietnam Air Service Medal, First Class

Foreign honour
 :
 Honorary Grand Commander of the Order of the Defender of the Realm (S.M.N.) (1965)
:
 Knight Grand Cross of the Order of the White Elephant (1965)
 :
 Presidential Unit Citation (Air Force)

References

Sources

External links

 Speech by General Nguyen Cao Ky
 Buddha's Child: My Fight to Save Vietnam by General Nguyễn Cao Kỳ
 Book Review "Buddha's Child: My Fight to Save Vietnam" by the Washington Post
 Who's Who in Vietnam in 1967

|-

1930 births
2011 deaths
Vietnamese people of the Vietnam War
Generals of South Vietnam
South Vietnam Air Force generals and air marshals
Vietnamese Buddhists
Leaders who took power by coup
Recipients of the National Order of Vietnam
Recipients of the Gallantry Cross (Vietnam)
Recipients of the Distinguished Service Order (Vietnam)
Recipients of the Air Gallantry Cross
Military personnel from Hanoi
South Vietnamese politicians
Prime Ministers of South Vietnam
Vice presidents of South Vietnam
Burials at Rose Hills Memorial Park

Nguyễn Cao Kỳ


Cette page liste les titres musicaux numéro un au classement radio en France pour l'année 2022 selon le Syndicat national de l'édition phonographique (SNEP). Ce classement est établi par Yacast en partenariat avec le SNEP, d'après les diffusions radiophoniques de titres sur un panel de plus d'une centaine de radios françaises (musicales ou généralistes, nationales ou régionales).

Classement des titres les plus diffusés par semaine

Classement des titres les plus diffusés de l'année
Voici la liste des titres les plus diffusés lors de l'année 2022.

Références

Chronologie
 Liste des titres musicaux numéro un au classement radio en France en 2021

Classement musical de 2022
Thématique musique pop en radio
2022 à la radio
2022 en France

Liste des titres musicaux numéro un au classement radio en France en 2022


Grayndler ist einer von 150 Wahlkreisen, die zur Wahl des australischen Repräsentantenhauses genutzt werden.

Er liegt innerhalb Sydneys im Bundesstaat New South Wales in Australien. Er umfasst den Inner West definiert durch die Stadtteile Annandale, Ashfield, Dulwich Hill, Enmore, Haberfield, Hurlstone Park, Leichhardt, Marrickville, Newtown, Petersham, Stanmore und Summer Hill.

Der Wahlkreis wurde 1949 angelegt und nach dem australischen Politiker Edward Grayndler benannt. Zur Gründung des Wahlkreises lebten dort viele Arbeiter. Durch Gentrifizierung und Migration änderte sich die Demografie stark. Dennoch blieb die Australian Labor Party die führende Partei. Bei den Parlamentswahlen 2010 erreichten die Australian Greens 25,9 %. Gewinner der Wahl war jedoch Anthony Albanese von der Australian Labor Party.

Bisherige Abgeordnete

Wahlkreis in Australien
Politik (New South Wales)
Geographie (New South Wales)

Grayndler (Wahlkreis)


Henry Venn ( - ) est un pasteur anglican reconnu comme l'un des plus grands stratèges missionnaires protestants du . Il est un administrateur exceptionnel qui est secrétaire honoraire de la Church Mission Society de 1841 à 1873. Il est également un militant, dans la tradition de la Secte de Clapham, qui fait fréquemment pression sur le Parlement britannique sur les questions sociales de son époque, notamment pour assurer l'éradication totale de la traite négrière atlantique en conservant l'escadron ouest-africain de la Royal Navy . Il expose les principes de base des missions chrétiennes indigènes : celles-ci seront généralisées bien plus tard par le Congrès de Lausanne de 1974.

Biographie
Fils de John Venn, recteur de Clapham, et petit-fils de Henry Venn, il est né à Clapham le 10 février 1796. Il s'inscrit au Queens' College de Cambridge en 1814, obtient un baccalauréat en tant que dix-neuvième wrangler en 1818 et est élu membre de son collège en janvier 1819. Il est diplômé MA en 1821 et BD en 1828 .

Il est ordonné diacre d'Ely en 1819, et prêtre en 1820, et peu après prend la cure de St Dunstan-in-the-West. En pratique, c'est une charge unique, et il y reste quatre ans. Il retourne à Cambridge en 1824, où il est chargé de cours, puis tuteur. Il est surveillant en 1825 et, pendant une courte période, chargé de cours du soir à Great St Mary's. En 1826, il est nommé par un vieil ami de sa famille, nommé Wilberforce, au poste de Drypool, Kingston upon Hull. Il démissionne de sa bourse en 1829 à son mariage. En 1834, il accepte la cure de St John's, Holloway, de Daniel Wilson qui est alors vicaire de l'église St Mary, Islington, qu'il occupe pendant douze ans. Il est nommé prébendier de la cathédrale Saint-Paul en 1846 .

Il démissionne de St John's en 1846 et se consacre au travail de la Church Missionary Society. Il est secrétaire honoraire pendant trente-deux ans, de 1841 à 1873 . Lorsqu'il entreprend le travail pour la première fois, il y a 107 membres du clergé européens employés par la Société, et neuf personnes locales. Lorsqu'il meurt en 1873, ces chiffres sont passés respectivement à 230 et 148. Pendant son mandat, 498 membres du clergé sont envoyés à l'étranger, tous passant sous son inspection; avec la plupart d'entre eux, il entretient, en tant que secrétaire, une correspondance régulière. Il participe à l'établissement de huit ou neuf évêchés pour la surintendance du clergé missionnaire et est souvent consulté dans les nominations faites . Venn et  du Conseil américain des commissaires pour les missions étrangères sont les premiers à utiliser le terme « église indigène » au milieu du . Ils écrivent sur la nécessité de créer des églises dans le domaine des missions qui sont autosuffisantes, autogouvernées et autopropagées (Venn utilise le terme «auto-étendant») . Venn est souvent cité comme encourageant « l'euthanasie des missions », ce qui signifie que les missionnaires doivent être considérés comme des travailleurs temporaires et non permanents .

Dans le but d'endiguer la traite des esclaves sur la côte ouest de l'Afrique, Venn se consacre à développer le commerce des produits africains. Il fait envoyer de jeunes Africains en Angleterre pour apprendre les méthodes de préparation du coton, de l'huile de palme et d'autres articles de commerce ; et il rend visite à des amis à Manchester dans l'industrie du coton. Dans ses dernières années, sa position d'évangélique dans l'Église d'Angleterre est reconnue par son entrée dans deux commissions royales .

Venn est mort à 76 ans, à Mortlake, Surrey, où il a résidé pendant douze ans, le 13 janvier 1873, et est enterré dans le cimetière là-bas. Il y a un portrait de lui, par George Richmond, dans la salle de comité de la Church Missionary Society, et un relief en marbre dans la crypte de la Cathédrale Saint-Paul de Londres .

Henry est rappelé (avec Henry et John) dans l'Église d'Angleterre avec une commémoration le  juillet .

Œuvres
Venn publie des sermons occasionnels et des brochures sur des questions soulevées dans son travail professionnel. Parmi ceux-ci figurent «Législation de l'Église coloniale», 1850; «Lord Langdale et le jugement Gorham», 1853; « Rétrospective et perspective des opérations de la Church Missionary Society », 1865. Ses seules œuvres de fond sont la «Vie et les lettres d'Henry Venn» (son grand-père), publiées pour la première fois en 1834; et sa « Vie missionnaire de Xavier », 1866, une tentative de construire la vie de François Xavier entièrement à partir de ses propres lettres .

Famille
Le 21 janvier 1829, il épouse Martha, quatrième fille de Nicholas Sykes de Swanland, près de Hull  et ont le logicien et philosophe, John Venn.

Références

Liens externes

Étudiant de Queens' College (Cambridge)
Décès en janvier 1873
Naissance en février 1796
Décès à 76 ans

Henry Venn (1796-1873)


The Yorktown class was a class of three aircraft carriers built for the United States Navy and completed shortly before World War II, the , , and . They immediately followed , the first U.S. aircraft carrier built as such, and benefited in design from experience with Ranger and the earlier , which were conversions into carriers of two battlecruisers that were to be scrapped to comply with the Washington Naval Treaty, an arms limitation accord.

These ships bore the brunt of the fighting in the Pacific during 1942, and two of the three were lost: Yorktown, sunk at the Battle of Midway, and Hornet, sunk in the Battle of the Santa Cruz Islands.

Enterprise, the sole survivor of the class, was the most decorated ship of the U.S. Navy in the Second World War. After efforts to save her as a museum ship failed, she was scrapped in 1958.

Development

In an early example of modern weapons development, the Yorktown class was a result of standardized war gaming exercises using  and the Newport Naval War College. Analysis of the results, combined with lessons learned from operations with the large converted battlecruiser Lexington-class in comparison with the smaller purpose-built Ranger, highlighted the greater flexibility presented by large air groups and fast ships.  These became, along with torpedo protection, the guiding principles in the Yorktown class designs.

With the commissioning of USS Ranger, the USN had 54,400 tons of carrier construction left under the Washington Treaty. Initially, the development plan for the class envisioned a 17,000-ton design that would allow the Navy to build three ships and stay within the 135,000-ton Washington Naval Treaty limit on aircraft carrier tonnage.  However, this design could not achieve the desired high operating speed without sacrificing protection features and air wing capacity.  In addition, the London Treaty of 1930 required that the USS Langley be added into the tonnage limits, no longer being classified as an "experimental" carrier. In the end, the Navy chose instead to build two 19,000-ton carriers that could fulfill the design vision; though smaller in displacement than the USS Lexington class and a nominal 27,000-ton limit design, the ships retained high-powered machinery, hull volume and flight deck area that allowed for a fast and capacious design, but also improved durability and provided close to an all-weather ability to launch aircraft. These were versatile carriers that could carry and operate over 80 aircraft, almost as many as the much larger Lexington class.

Plans initially called for a flush deck with no island.  However, the Royal Navy had constructed several flush-deck carriers, and the problems encountered in those designs were known to the US Navy; the US naval attaché in Britain, J.C. Hunsacker, reported that  had problems exhausting boiler smoke without proper smoke stacks.  In addition to the engineering constraints, it was becoming evident that larger air groups and antiaircraft batteries would be easier to command from an island design. In the end BuAer retracted all demands for flush decked carriers.

Conversion of USS Langley into a seaplane tender allowed the Navy to fill in the remaining available treaty tonnage with a scaled-down version of the class, which became the 14,700-ton . Service experience validated the advantages of the larger hull design. USS Ranger proved to be unable to withstand rougher weather in the Pacific, while lack of virtually any protective features soon relegated her to a training ship. USS Wasps lack of torpedo protection contributed to her loss in the Pacific theater.

The abandonment of the arms limitation treaties system in 1937 allowed the US to begin building more carriers, and the first of this new carrier program was Hornet, another of the class, commissioned in 1941. Improvements to the Yorktown design and freedom from the Washington Treaty limitations brought about the s.

The Yorktowns carried a seldom-used catapult on the hangar deck. This catapult was subsequently eliminated from U.S. carriers as it was relatively useless in operation. The hangar-deck catapult was removed from Enterprise and Hornet in late June 1942.

All three ships of the Yorktown class were built at the Newport News Shipbuilding Company, Newport News, Virginia.

Ships in class

Operational history
The three ships of this class are noted for bearing the brunt of the fighting in the early months of the Pacific War, most notably during the Battle of the Coral Sea, the Battle of Midway, and the Guadalcanal campaign. During the latter campaign, Hornet and later Enterprise had the distinction of being the only operational carrier in the United States Pacific Fleet.

Enterprise was at sea on the morning of 7 December 1941 (the day of the Attack on Pearl Harbor). That evening, Enterprise, screened by six of her Grumman F4F Wildcat fighters, put into Pearl Harbor for fuel and supplies. The aircraft were fired on by anti-aircraft defenses, and one pilot radioed in, reporting that his aircraft was an American aircraft. Enterprise later participated in the first offensive actions against Japan, launching attacks against the Marshall Islands, Wake, and Marcus Island.

Yorktown transferred to the Pacific on 16 December 1941 and later raided the Gilbert Islands in the same operation as Enterprise. Along with , she raided bases in New Guinea, then participated in the Battle of the Coral Sea. Her planes helped sink the  and damaged the carrier . Damaged by Japanese carrier aircraft, Yorktown returned to Pearl Harbor and was hastily repaired in time to participate in the Battle of Midway.

Hornet spent the first months of the war training in Norfolk, Virginia, before being assigned to the Doolittle Raid. Loaded with a squadron of B-25 bombers and escorted by Enterprise, the ship launched the first air raids against the Japanese mainland.

All three ships of the class saw action during the Battle of Midway (4–7 June 1942), Enterprise and Yorktown aircraft were responsible for sinking all four Japanese carriers engaged in the battle, while Hornet assisted in the sinking of one heavy cruiser and severely damaging another. All three carriers suffered severe losses among their air groups, most notably Hornets Torpedo Squadron 8, which lost 15 aircraft with only a single surviving airman. Yorktown was damaged by aerial bombs and torpedoes and abandoned on 4 June. Later re-manned by repair crews, the ship was spotted and torpedoed by a Japanese submarine and eventually sank on 7 June 1942.

Enterprise was assigned to the invasion of Guadalcanal and participated in preliminary strikes on the island. She suffered moderate damage during the Battle of the Eastern Solomons but was repaired in time to join Hornet in the Battle of the Santa Cruz Islands. Hornet was severely damaged during the latter engagement and had to be abandoned. Attempts to scuttle the ship by her escorts failed, and she was left adrift before finally being sunk by Japanese destroyers on 27 October 1942. Enterprise was again damaged during the battle, but was repaired enough to deliver her air group to Guadalcanal, where it participated in the Naval Battle of Guadalcanal. Enterprise aircraft assisted in finishing off the heavily damaged battleship  and were instrumental in destroying the Japanese transport fleet, thereby ending Japan's last serious attempt at reclaiming the island.

After a lengthy overhaul and repair period at Bremerton, Washington, Enterprise joined the Central Pacific Fleet as part of the Fast Carrier Task Force. She participated in every major invasion of the Central Pacific campaign, including the Battle of the Philippine Sea and the Battle of Leyte Gulf. Her air groups contributed to the development of carrier night operations, executing a night air raid on Truk Lagoon and operating as a specialized night air group towards the end of the war.

Enterprise was finally put out of action on 14 May 1945 when she was struck in the forward elevator by a kamikaze aircraft flown by Japanese pilot Lt. Shunsuke Tomiyasu, which destroyed the elevator and severely damaged her hangar deck. She was still out of action on V-J Day but was subsequently fitted out for Operation Magic Carpet, ferrying over 10,000 veterans home from Europe.

By the end of World War II, Enterprise had been considerably modified. Her final displacement was 32,060 tons and her final armament was 8 single 5-inch/38 caliber DP guns, 40 40 mm Bofors AA guns, 6 quad and 8 twin (replacing the ineffective 1.1"/75 caliber gun quad mounts which the Yorktown class had initially been fitted with) and 50 single 20 mm Oerlikon AA cannons. The Yorktowns had proved to be vulnerable to torpedoes, and while undergoing repairs at Bremerton, Washington, from July to October, 1943, Enterprise received an extensive refit, which included an anti-torpedo blister that significantly improved her underwater protection.

With the commissioning of the more advanced Essex and  carriers, Enterprise was surplus for post war needs. She entered New York Naval Shipyard on 18 January 1946 for deactivation, and was decommissioned on 17 February 1947. Stricken from the list in 1959 after multiple attempts to preserve her as a museum and memorial, ex-Enterprise met her fate in the breaker's yards at Kearny, New Jersey, in 1960, although several artifacts were retained.

See also

List of ship classes of the Second World War

Notes

References

External links
Naval Aviation news July August 1994
Builder's Plan USS Yorktown c.1940

Aircraft carrier classes

 Yorktown-class aircraft carrier

Yorktown-class aircraft carrier


Peter Mørk (* 1. September 1982) ist ein dänischer Badmintonspieler.

Karriere
Peter Mørk siegte 2007 im Herrendoppel mit Mads Pieler Kolding bei den Hungarian International. Ebenfalls 2007 wurde er Dritter bei den Greece International im Doppel. 2008 gewann er dort Silber im Mixed und Bronze im Doppel. Im gleichen Jahr siegte er bei den Cyprus International im Mixed mit Maria Helsbøl.

Sportliche Erfolge

Weblinks

Badmintonspieler (Dänemark)
Geboren 1982
Mann
Däne

Peter Mørk


Alexander Sadecky (* 6. Juli 1987 in Zürich) ist ein ehemaliger Schweizer Tennisspieler.

Karriere
Alexander Sadecky ist der Sohn des Schweizer Tischtennisspielers Thomas Sadecky.

In seiner Karriere gewann er fünf Future-Turniere im Einzel sowie zehn Future-Turniere im Doppel. Von seinen drei Spielen auf der ATP World Tour gewann er eines, als er bei seinem Heimturnier in Gstaad die zweite Runde erreichte. Das Auftaktspiel gewann er gegen seinen Landsmann Yann Marti, in der zweiten Runde unterlag er jedoch dem topgesetzten Russen Michail Juschny in zwei Sätzen mit 7:5 und 6:4.

2014 spielte er das letzte Mal Profiturniere und wird seitdem nicht mehr in der Weltrangliste geführt.

Weblinks

Einzelnachweise

Tennisspieler (Schweiz)
Schweizer
Geboren 1987
Mann

Alexander Sadecky


Acero aleado es una posible variedad de elementos químicos en cantidades en peso del 1,0 % al 50 % para mejorar sus propiedades mecánicas. Los aceros aleados se dividen en dos grupos: aceros de baja aleación y aceros de alta aleación. La distinción entre los dos varía: Smith and Hashemi sitúan la barrera en el 4 % en peso de aleantes, mientras que Degarmo lo define en el 8,0 %. La expresión acero aleado designa más comúnmente los de baja aleación.

Todo acero es en realidad una aleación, pero no todos los aceros son "aceros aleados". Los aceros más simples son hierro (Fe) (alrededor del 99 %) aleado con carbono (C) (alrededor del 0,1 -1 %, dependiendo del tipo). Sin embargo, el término "acero aleado" es el término estándar referido a aceros con otros elementos aleantes además del carbono, que típicamente son el manganeso (el más común), níquel, cromo, molibdeno, vanadio, silicio, y boro. Aleantes menos comunes pueden ser el aluminio, cobalto, cobre, cerio, niobio, titanio, tungsteno, estaño, zinc, plomo, y zirconio.

La mejora de propiedades de los aceros aleados se muestra a continuación, con respecto a los aceros al carbono: resistencia, dureza, tenacidad, resistencia al desgaste, templabilidad, y resistencia en caliente. Para alcanzar esas mejores propiedades el acero puede necesitar un tratamiento térmico.

Algunos de estos aceros aleados encuentran aplicaciones altamente exigentes, como en los álabes de turbina de un motor de reacción, en vehículos espaciales, y en reactores nucleares. Debido a las propiedades ferromagnéticas del hierro, algunos aceros aleados tiene aplicaciones en donde su respuesta al magnetismo es muy importante, como puede ser un motor eléctrico o un transformador.

Aceros de baja aleación
Se emplean estos aceros para alcanzar una templabilidad mayor, lo cual mejora otras propiedades mecánicas. También se usan para aumentar la resistencia a la corrosión en ciertas condiciones ambientales.

Los aceros de baja aleación con contenidos medios o altos en carbono son difíciles de soldar. Bajar el contenido en carbono hasta un 0,10 % o 0,30 %, acompañada de una reducción en elementos aleantes, incrementa la soldabilidad y formabilidad del acero manteniendo su resistencia. Dicho metal se clasifica como un HSLA steel (acero de baja aleación de alta resistencia).
Algunos aceros de baja aleación comunes son:

 D6AC
 300M
 256A

Ciencia del material

Referencias

Notas

Bibliografía
 .
 Groover, M. P., 2007, p. 105-106, Fundamentals of Modern Manufacturing: Materials, Processes and Systems, 3rd ed, John Wiley & Sons, Inc., Hoboken, NJ, .

Aceros

Acero aleado


La Copa Intercontinental 1995 fue la 34.ª edición del torneo. Enfrentó al campeón de Europa ante el campeón de Sudamérica.

Clubes clasificados

Sede

Final

Referencias

1995
Fútbol en Japón en 1995
Campeonatos internacionales entre clubes de fútbol organizados por Japón

Copa Intercontinental 1995


Der Roudon ist ein Fluss in Frankreich, der im Département Allier in der Region Auvergne-Rhône-Alpes verläuft. Er entspringt beim Weiler Les Pérochons, im Gemeindegebiet von Montcombroux-les-Mines, entwässert in mehreren großen Schleifen, jedoch generell in nördlicher Richtung, durch das dünn besiedeltes Gebiet der Sologne Bourbonnaise und mündet nach rund 36 Kilometern im Gemeindegebiet von Diou als linker Nebenfluss, etwa 200 Meter oberhalb der Besbre-Mündung, in die Loire. Im Mündungsabschnitt unterquert der Roudon den Canal latéral à la Loire, der hier parallel zur Loire verläuft.

Orte am Fluss
 Montcombroux-les-Mines
 Saligny-sur-Roudon
 Odépierre, Gemeinde Diou

Sehenswürdigkeiten
 Schloss Château de Saligny (Monument historique) in Saligny-sur-Roudon

Anmerkungen

Roudon


Yarrowit ist ein  seltenes Mineral aus der Mineralklasse der Sulfide und Sulfosalze. Es kristallisiert im hexagonalen Kristallsystem mit der chemischen Formel Cu9S8 und bildet massive oder sternförmige Mineral-Aggregate von blauer Farbe.

Etymologie und Geschichte
Yarrowit wurde 1980 von R.J. Goble am Yarrow Creek im Südwesten der kanadischen Provinz Alberta gefunden. Er benannte es nach dem Fundort. In der Nähe des Fundortes liegt auch die Typlokalität des sehr ähnlichen Spionkopites. Vor dem Fund in Kanada war blaubleibender Covellin bekannt, der erstmals 1959 von G. Frenzel synthetisiert wurde. Dabei handelte es sich aber nicht um ein einheitliches Material, sondern sowohl um Yarrowit, als auch um Spionkopit.

Klassifikation
Yarrowit wird in der Systematik nach Strunz zu den Sulfiden und Sulfosalzen gezählt. In der 8. Auflage zählt es zur zusammen mit Anilith, Chalkosin, Digenit, Djurleit, Geerit, Roxbyit und Spionkopit zur Untergruppe der Kupfersulfide der Sulfide und Sulfosalze mit einem Verhältnis von Metall zu Schwefel von größer 1:1.

In der 9. Auflage der Systematik ist es mit Covellin, Klockmannit und Spionkopit ein Teil der Covellingruppe, einer Untergruppe der Sulfide und Sulfosalze mit einem Verhältnis von Metall zu Schwefel von 1:1 und Kupfer.

Nach der Systematik nach Dana bildet Yarrowit eine eigene Untergruppe der Sulfide, Selenide und Telluride mit der Zusammensetzung AmBnXp und dem Verhältnis von (m+n) zu p von 9:8.

Modifikationen und Varietäten
Yarrowit zählt mit Chalkosin, Djurleit, Anilith und Spionkopit zu einer sich bei niedrigen Temperaturen (<100 °C) bildenden Mischkristallreihe mit unterschiedlichen stöchiometrischen Verhältnissen von Kupfer und Schwefel.

Bildung und Fundorte
Da Yarrowit metastabil ist, bildet es sich nur unter speziellen Bedingungen bei niedrigen Temperaturen, wenn die Bildung der stabilen Phasen Anilith und Chalkosin kinetisch gehemmt sind, durch Verwitterung anderer Kupfersulfide. Es ist mit Anilith, Djurleit, Spionkopit und Tennantit vergesellschaftet.

Neben der Typlokalität und weiteren Orten in Kanada wurde Yarrowit bislang unter anderem in Graz und Köflach in Österreich, dem Schwarzwald, Spessart, Hunsrück, Harz sowie dem Mansfelder Becken und Horscha in Deutschland, Saint-Luc im Schweizer Kanton Wallis, Kolwezi in der Demokratischen Republik Kongo, Bogor auf der indonesischen Insel Java, Ardakan im Iran, Killarney in Irland, Sondrio in Italien, Iwaki und Shimohei in Japan, Lubin in Polen, Gümüşhane in der Türkei, Caldbeck Fells, Stanton under Bardon, Cannington, Nuneaton und Wethel im Vereinigten Königreich sowie den US-Bundesstaaten Arizona, New Mexico und Virginia gefunden.

Kristallstruktur
Yarrowit kristallisiert im hexagonalen Kristallsystem mit der , ,  oder , den Gitterparametern a = 3,80 Å und c = 67,26 Å, sowie drei Formeleinheiten pro Elementarzelle.

Siehe auch
 Liste der Minerale

Einzelnachweise

Literatur
 Yarrowit. In: Anthony et al.: Handbook of Mineralogy, 1990, 1, 101 (pdf)

Weblinks

 Mineralienatlas:Yarrowit (wiki)
 mindat.org - Yarrowite (engl.)

Mineral
Sulfide und Sulfosalze
Kupfermineral
Hexagonales Kristallsystem
Schwefelmineral

Yarrowit


David W. Allen (* 25. Oktober 1961) ist ein US-amerikanischer Kartograf. Er ist Autor einiger ESRI-GIS-Tutorials.

Leben

Allen ist GIS-Manager der Stadt Euless in Texas. Er unterrichtete seit 1999 Geoinformation am Tarrant County College in Arlington. Seine Erfahrung in der Lehre waren die Grundlage für seine Tutorials. Allens Reisen durch verschiedene Landschaften halfen ihm bei seinen GIS-Analysen.

Publikationen

 GIS Tutorial 2: Spatial Analysis Workbook, 2010, ISBN 9781589482012
 GIS Tutorial 3: Advanced Workbook
 Getting to Know ArcGIS ModelBuilder

Kartograf (21. Jahrhundert)
Kartograf (20. Jahrhundert)
US-Amerikaner
Geboren 1961
Mann

David W. Allen


Meadows Township ist der Name folgender Townships in den Vereinigten Staaten:

 Meadows Township (Minnesota)
 Meadows Township (North Carolina)

Siehe auch:
 Meadow Township

Meadows Township


O mergulhão-de-clark (Aechmophorus clarkii) é uma espécie de mergulhão de porte médio, encontrado na da América do Norte. Até à década de 1980, era considerado um morfo pálido do mergulhão-americano-ocidental, ao qual se assemelha em tamanho, área de distribuição e comportamento. São conhecidos indivíduos intermédios entre as duas espécies.

Aechmophorus
Aves descritas em 1974

Mergulhão-de-clark


The Art Car Museum is a private museum of contemporary art located in Houston, Texas, United States. The museum, nicknamed the "Garage Mahal," opened in February, 1998. Its emphasis is on art cars, fine arts, and artists that are rarely seen in other cultural institutions. The museum's mission is to elevate awareness of the political, economic, and personal dimensions of art.

The museum was founded by Ann Harithas, artist and long-time supporter of the Art Car movement, and James Harithas, former director of the Corcoran Gallery of Art, Washington, D.C., the Everson Museum of Art, Syracuse, New York, the Contemporary Arts Museum Houston and late director of the Station Museum, Houston, Texas.

The museum showroom celebrates the spirit of this post-modern age of car-culture, in which artists have remolded stock cars to the specifications of their own idiosyncratic images and visions. The museum features elaborate art cars, lowriders, and mobile contraptions, as well as organizing a number of temporary exhibitions by local, national, and international artists, some accompanied by catalogs, such as a retrospective of the social/political, pointillist paintings by Houston artist Ron Hoover (1944-2008) held in 2010. and a survey of the work of artist John Atlas in 2014.

It is located at 140 Heights Blvd, Houston, TX 77007.

See also
 Art car
 Houston Art Car Parade
List of museums in the Texas Gulf Coast

References

External links
 Art Car Museum website
 Station Museum website

Art museums and galleries in Texas
Museums in Houston
Modern art museums in the United States
Automobile museums in Texas
1998 establishments in Texas
Art museums established in 1998

ArtCar Museum


مولاي إدريس الكتاني مخرج مغربي من مواليد سنة 1947، أخرج عدة أفلام من بينها فيلم الناعورة بالمناصفة مع عبد الكريم الدرقاوي، توفي إدريس سنة 1994.

مراجع

روابط خارجية

مخرجون مغاربة
مواليد 1947

مولاي إدريس الكتاني


ඇලෙක්සී  අනතෝලිවිච් නවාල්නී (; උපත 4 ජූනි 1976) යනු  රුසියානු විපක්ෂ නායකයෙක්, නිතිඥයෙක්, සහ දූෂණ-විරෝධී ක්‍රියාකරුවෙක් වෙයි.

ඇලෙක්සී නවාල්නී


Olimpos antik kenti, Antalya'nın batısında Kumluca İlçesi Tahtalı dağının 10 km kuzeyinde kalan Likya yerleşimidir. Antalya'ya 85,7 km. uzaklıkta, Caretta Caretta kaplumbağalarının yavrulama alanı olduğundan sit alanı olarak korunan, genellikle üniversite öğrencileri ve sırt çantalı turistlerin tercih ettiği bir tatil mahallesidir. Ağaç evleri, çadır mekanı olarak kullanılabilecek açık alanları, Likya Yolu üzerinde bulunması önemli özellikleridir. Olimpos Beydağları Millî Parkı sınırları içinde yer almaktadır.

Tarihçe

Olympos'un ilk kuruluş tarihi hakkında yeterli bilgi olmamakla birlikte kent tarihi hakkında en geniş bilgi arkeolojik yüzeysel araştırmalarda günyüzüne çıkmış veriler ışığında ve antik kenti ziyaret eden belgesel yönetmeni Tekin Gün antik kentin ilk yerleşim temel kalıntılarının M.Ö.300' Helenistik dönem izleri taşıdığı sanılmaktadır. Helenistik duvar kalıntıları halen görülebildiği antik kent. M.Ö.2.yüzyıldan itibaren Roma ile Anadolu'daki kentler arasında çatışmalar yaşadığını göstermekte. Strabon'un Artemidoros'tan aktararak anlattığı yazılı bilgilere göre, Olympos Likya Birliği'nde üç oy hakkına sahip altı şehirden biridir ve Likya'nın doğusunu temsil etmiştir. Tarihi birçok olaya tanıklık eden antik kent  Büyük İskender'in fetihlerine ilk başladığı yıllarda kış aylarını, Olympos'a komşu bir liman şehri olan Phaselis'te geçirdiğini ve bazı tarihçilere göre Olympos şehrini ziyaret ettiğine düşünülmektedir. Antik kaynaklar, Olympus'un tarihi kayıtlarda izine ilk defa M.Ö. 78 yılında, Sicilya'daki Roma Valisi Servilius Vatia'nın zamanın en büyük korsanı Zenicetes'i deniz savaşında yendiği sene rastlanır. Gemilerini Porto Ceneviz ve Sazak'ın gizli limanlarında saklayarak civardaki tüm kıyı şeridini hakimiyeti altına alan Zenicetes, Olympos'u da kendisine kale yaptığı gözükmektedir. Olimpos çayı'nın kuzey ve güney yakasında kurulmuş antik kent her iki taraftan da limana uzanan taş döşemeler görülmektedir. Yapılan arkeolojik araştırmalar neticesinde kentin kuzeyinde Olimpos çayının denizle birleştiği harabelerin olduğu iki mezar odası tespit edilmiştir. M.S. 2.yüzyıl sonlarında yapılmış lahit mezarların Zosimos ve dayısı Eudemos'a ait olduğu lahitin ön yüzünde (tabula ansata) yazılmış yazıtlardan anlaşılmaktadır. Ayrıca antik kentin güney kısmında limana yakın konumu ile dikkat çeken Roma dönemi inşa edilmiş hamam kalıntıları Olimpos liman kentinde yaşanan deniz trafiği ve çevre limanlara hakim olduğunu anlatır niteliktedir. Antik kent güneyi yamaçlarında Bizans dönemine ait Kilise kompleksi ve sarnıç içinde kök boyası ile gemi grafitisi betimlemesi Bizans dönemi limanda yaşananları tasvir etmektedir.

Konaklama
Portakal ağaçları, nar ağaçları ve armut ağaçları ile çevrelenmiş bungalov evlerinde konaklama yapılabildiği gibi son zamanlarda değişik tarzlarda birçok işletme açılmıştır. Sahile yakın yerlerde kamp şeklinde çadırla konaklama imkanı sunan işletmeler de mevcuttur.

Resimler

Kaynakça

Dış bağlantılar

Antalya ilindeki arkeolojik sitler
Türk Rivierası
Likya antik kentleri
Arkeoloji taslakları

Olimpos, Kumluca


O Ministério das Relações Exteriores (em finlandês: ulkoministeriö) é o setor governamental responsável pela administração e implementação da política externa da Finlândia. Suas principais tarefas incluem assuntos relacionados à diplomacia do país com outras nações e assuntos correlacionados, tais como segurança e comércio. É um dos doze ministérios do governo finlandês e atualmente chefiado pelo ministro Pekka Haavisto.

Relações Exteriores

Ministério das Relações Exteriores (Finlândia)


هدف القرن ويُعرف أيضاً بـ أفضل هدف في تاريخ كأس العالم، كانت جائزة تهدى من قبل الفيفا لأروع عشرة أهداف سجلت في تاريخ نهائيات كأس العالم. ويتم التقرير للأهداف بواسطة تصويت على موقع الفيفا، كجزء من التغطية لبطولة كاس العالم 2002 في اليابان.

أفضل هدف كان لمارادونا، وهو ثاني هدف سجله في مباراة ربع نهائي كأس العالم 1986 لصالح منتخبه الأرجنتيني ضد المنتخب الإنجليزي في 22 يونيو 1986، في ملعب إستادو أزاتيكا في مدينة مكسيكو سيتي، وقد تم تسجيل الهدف بعد تسجيل مارادونا هدف يد الله الشهير الذي سجله بيده.

قائمة أفضل 10
أفضل عشرة أهادف في تاريخ نهائيات كأس العالم حسب التصويت، كالتالي:

انظر أيضا

 الاتحاد الدولي لكرة القدم
 كرة القدم
 رياضة

المراجع

وصلات خارجية

 من البي بي سي

تاريخ كرة القدم
جوائز الفيفا
قوائم متعلقة بكأس العالم
كأس العالم 1958
كأس العالم 1970
كأس العالم 1986
كأس العالم 1990
كأس العالم 1994
كأس العالم 1998
منتخب الأرجنتين لكرة القدم

هدف القرن


La Coupe des Pays-Bas de football 1961-1962, nommée la KNVB beker, est la  édition de la Coupe des Pays-Bas. La finale se joue le 20 juin 1962 au Sparta Stadion Het Kasteel à Rotterdam.

Le club vainqueur de la coupe est qualifié pour la Coupe des coupes 1962-1963.

Finale
Le Sparta Rotterdam bat le , club de deuxième division, 1 à 0, après prolongation, et remporte son deuxième titre.

Notes et références

1961-1962
Pays-Bas
Football
Football


Germeçtepe Barajı, Kastamonu'da, Şadibey Çayı üzerinde, sulama amacıyla 1977-1984 yılları arasında inşa edilmiş bir barajdır.

Kaya gövde dolgu tipi olan barajın gövde hacmi 309.000 m³, akarsu yatağından yüksekliği 42,00 m., normal su kotunda göl hacmi 7,26 hm³, normal su kotunda göl alanı 0,45 km²'dir. Baraj 968 hektarlık bir alana sulama hizmeti vermektedir.

Ayrıca bakınız
 Türkiye'deki barajlar listesi

Kaynakça

Dış bağlantılar

Kastamonu ilindeki barajlar

Germeçtepe Barajı


Ludwig Prandtl (Freising, 4. veljače 1875. – Göttingen, 15. kolovoza 1953.), njemački fizičar. Od 1901. profesor mehanike u Hannoveru, a od 1904. u Göttingenu. Od 1925. bio je direktor Instituta cara Vilima za dinamiku fluida (od 1948. Institut Max Planck za dinamiku fluida). Njegovo otkriće (1904.) graničnoga sloja koji se nalazi uz površinu tijela koje se giba kroz zrak ili vodu dovelo je do razvoja prvih aerodinamičkih (i hidrodinamičkih) teorija krila i letenja uopće.

Po njem je nazvan prizemni sloj Zemljine atmosfere, najviše 100 kilometara (Prandtlov sloj), u kojem brzina vjetra gotovo pravilno raste s visinom po logaritamskom, odnosno eksponencijalnom odnosu; Prandtlov faktor međudjelovanja među krilima zrakoplova dvokrilaca; Prandtlov odnos: , brzina strujanja v1 (tijela koje se giba) i v2 (fluida), uz graničnu kritičnu brzinu ckr; Prandtlova polara, polara induciranog otpora tijela koje se giba kroz fluid izazvana uzgonom koji je posljedica oblika površine tijela u gibanju, i tako dalje. Postavio je jednadžbe za laminarni granični sloj ravninskoga stacionarnog strujanja (Prandtlove jednadžbe). Usavršio je i Pitotovu cijev (danas se naziva i Prandtl-Pitotova cijev), koja služi za precizno mjerenje brzina i većih od brzine zvuka.

Pitotova cijev

Pitot-cijev ili Pitotova cijev (po francuskom fizičaru Henriju Pitotu, 1695. – 1771.) je mehanička naprava za precizno mjerenje brzine strujanja na temelju razlike tlaka zastoja i statičkoga tlaka koji zbog oblika cijevi nastaju u struji fluida. To je uska, podulja cijev kojoj se ulazni otvor stavlja u struju tekućine, a drugi kraj spaja na tlakomjer (manometar). Plašt cijevi ima na sebi vijenac rupica tako da mjeri statički (p2) i brzinski tlak (pv2/2) strujanja. Uz tu cijev stoji i druga, koja je nakon ulaznog otvora savijena okomito prema smjeru strujanja. Čestice tekućine koje u nju ulijeću zbog okomitog se koljena zaustavljaju, tako da se na drugom kraju mjeri tlak zastoja (p1). Obje cijevi zajedno služe za mjerenje brzine v fluida gustoće ρ, po jednadžbi:

Razlika tlakova omogućuje primjenu cijevi kao brzinomjera (na primjer u zrakoplovstvu).

Djelovanje podloge na vjetar

Atmosfera se prema djelovanju podloge sastoji od više slojeva:
 prizemni ili Prandtlov sloj (od 50 do 100 m), u kojemu brzina vjetra raste s visinom po logaritamskom ili po eksponencijalnom zakonu, a smjer se vjetra s visinom ne mijenja;
 prijelazni ili Ekmanov sloj (od 500 do 1 500 m), u kojemu brzina vjetra raste s visinom, a na sjevernoj polutki skreće s visinom udesno;
 slobodna atmosfera, u kojoj se utjecaj trenja s podlogom može zanemariti, a smjer vjetra poprima smjer geostrofičkog vjetra.

U unutrašnjem sloju atmosfere s jednolikom stratifikacijom može se promjena brzine vjetra s visinom (do visine 15 - 20 m) dobro aproksimirati s takozvanim logaritamskim zakonom:

gdje su: v2 i v1 brzine vjetra na visinama z2 i z1, a z0 je parametar hrapavosti podloge, koji je jednak visini nad tlom do koje je brzina vjetra jednaka nuli. Vrijednosti z0 ovisne su o svojstvima podloge, na primjer nad snježnim je pokrivačem z0 = 0,1 - 0,5 mm, nad travom z0 = 10 - 50 mm, a nad zgradama i nekoliko metara.

Izvori

Vanjske poveznice

Njemački fizičari

Ludwig Prandtl


Gubat ist eine philippinische Stadtgemeinde in der Provinz Sorsogon. Sie hat  Einwohner (Zensus ), die in 51 Barangays lebten. Gubat gehört zur zweiten Einkommensklasse der Gemeinden auf den Philippinen. Sie liegt ca. 17 km östlich der Provinzhauptstadt Sorsogon City, an der San-Bernardino-Straße. Ihre Nachbargemeinden sind Sorsogon City und Casiguran im Westen, Barcelona im Süden, Prieto Diaz im Norden.

Baranggays

Weblinks
Gubat auf Philippine-Islands.Ph

Ort auf den Philippinen

Gubat


Soraya Rahim Sobhrang () é uma política, médica e activista de direitos humanos afegã que serviu como comissária dos direitos das mulheres na Comissão Independente de Direitos Humanos do Afeganistão .

Sobhrang nasceu em Herat e completou a faculdade de medicina na Universidade de Cabul . Mais tarde, emigrou para a Alemanha. Sobhrang regressou ao Afeganistão em 1981 para trabalhar como vice-ministra técnica e política do Ministério de Assuntos da Mulher. Em março de 2006 ela foi nomeada pelo presidente Hamid Karzai como ministra dos assuntos da mulher, mas a sua candidatura não foi aprovada pela Câmara do Povo. Ela recebeu o Prémio Linha de Frente 2010 para Defensores de Direitos Humanos em Risco.

Mulheres do Afeganistão na política
Alunos da Universidade de Cabul
Pessoas vivas
!Mais Teoria da História na Wiki (Mulheres)
Ativistas dos direitos humanos
Médicos do Afeganistão

Soraya Rahim Sobhrang


توسمولين ، مدينة وبلدية تابعة إقليميا إلى دائرة بوقطب ولاية البيض الجزائرية.

الموقع الجغرافي
يحد توسمولين كل من:
 شمالا: بلدية بوقطب
 جنوبا: بلدية المحرة
 شرقا: بلدية كاف لحمر
 غربا: ولاية النعامة

أحياء وقرى البلدية

الاقتصاد

الفلاحة
تعتمد في اقتصادها على الزراعة وتربية المواشي بصورة كاملة حيث تشتمل زراعيا على سهول الفرعة والقريعة والضايات الحمر التي توفر الاكتفاء الذاتي للمنطقة ويوجه الفائض لدوائر المجاورة مثل : المشرية و البيض. أما رعويا، فتملك ثروة حيوانية ضخمة تزيد عن 500 ألف رأس ماشية وأبقار و ماعز.

الصناعة
تتطلع البلدية حاليا لإنجاز طريق يربطها بمركز الولاية يخفف الضغط عن الطرقات الوطنية. كما تتطلع لإنجاز مشروع السكة الحديدية الرابط ما بين مدن المشرية و البيض و الأغواط. المشروع لا يزال قيد الدراسة حيث يمر هذا المشروع على مقر البلدية الذي سيشكل لا محالة متنفسا جديدا لدى سكان المنطقة والتنمية الاقتصادية ككل.

وصلات أخرى

وصلات داخلية
 دائرة بوقطب
 ولاية البيض

وصلات خارجية
 إذاعة البيض الجهوية: الموقع الرسمي.
 الموقع الرسمي لولاية البيض.
 متوسطة ابن خلدون (البيض).
 منتدى توسمولين (البيض).

المصادر

بلديات ولاية البيض

توسمولين


Radioaktivt nedfald er en dansk dokumentarfilm fra 1961 instrueret af Helge Robbert.

Handling
Filmen skildrer Civilforsvars-Forbundets arbejde i en fingeret situation, hvor dele af landet udsættes for radioaktivt nedfald; samtidig vises hvilke forholdsregler civilbefolkningen kan og bør tage for at nedsætte risikoen for radioaktiv bestråling mest muligt. Gennem tegnefilm forklares, hvad radioaktivitet er, og på hvilken måde radioaktiv stråling indvirker på den menneskelige organisme.

Referencer

Eksterne henvisninger

Dokumentarfilm fra Danmark
Danske film fra 1961

Radioaktivt nedfald (dokumentarfilm)


ශ්‍රී ලංකා ක්‍රිකට් කණ්ඩායම 1991 තරගවාරයේ එංගලන්තයට ගොස් එංගලන්තයට එරෙහිව එක් ටෙස්ට් තරඟයක් ක්‍රීඩා කලේය.

තරගමාලාව ආරම්භයට පෙර ශ්‍රී ලංකා නායක අර්ජුන රණතුංග සංචිතයෙන් ඉවත් කල අතර නව නායකයා වූයේ අරවින්ද ද සිල්වාය. නවසීලන්තයේ සංචාරයක නිරත වූ රණතුංගගේ වැඩිමහල් සොහොයුරා වන ධම්මික රණතුංග ද පසුගිය ජනවාරි මාසයේදී ශ්‍රී ලංකා සංචිතයෙන් ඉවත් කර ඇත. තේරීම් කමිටුව ආරම්භක පිතිකරු ඇතුළු හිටපු ටෙස්ට් ක්‍රීඩකයින් තිදෙනෙකු නැවත කැඳවා ඇත. ඒ බ්‍රෙන්ඩන් කුරුප්පු, මද වේග පන්දු යවන ක්‍රීඩක සාලිය අහංගම සහ වමතින් දඟ පන්දු යවන දොන් අනුරසිරි.

ටෙස්ට් තරගය එංගලන්තය ලකුණු 137 කින් ජය ගත්තේය.

පුහුණු තරග

යෝක්ෂයර් එදිරිව ශ්‍රී ලංකාව

වෝර්සෙස්ටර්ෂයර් එදිරිව ශ්‍රී ලංකාව

ඩර්බිෂයර් එදිරිව ශ්‍රී ලංකාව

ග්ලෝස්ටර්ෂයර් එදිරිව ශ්‍රී ලංකාව

සමර්සෙට් එදිරිව ශ්‍රී ලංකාව

එංගලන්තය-ඒ එදිරිව ශ්‍රී ලංකාව

එංගලන්තය-ඒ එදිරිව ශ්‍රී ලංකාව

සසෙක්ස් එදිරිව ශ්‍රී ලංකාව

එකම ටෙස්ට් තරගය

බාහිර ප්‍රභවයන්

 CricketArchive

යොමු කිරීම්

ක්‍රිකට්
ශ්‍රී ලංකාව තුළ ක්‍රිකට්

ශ්‍රී ලංකා ක්‍රිකට් කණ්ඩායමේ එංගලන්ත තරග සංචාරය 1991


Anne Schäfer (* 23. April 1979 in München) ist eine deutsche Schauspielerin.

Leben
Anne Schäfer wuchs am Chiemsee auf. Sie hatte von 2001 bis 2005 an der Hochschule für Musik und Theater in Zürich Schauspiel studiert und dort auch einige kleine Rollen gespielt, bevor sie für die Spielzeit 2005/06 ihr erstes festes Engagement am Landestheater Tübingen bekam, was die Titelrolle in Goethes Iphigenie auf Tauris einschloss. Von 2006 bis 2008 war Schäfer als Gastschauspielerin am Theater Basel tätig, an dem sie unter anderem in der Uraufführung von Laura de Wecks Lieblingsmenschen in der Regie von Werner Düggelin zu sehen war. Von 2007 bis 2011 war sie Ensemblemitglied des Bayerischen Staatsschauspiels und spielte in zwölf Produktionen, unter anderem in Bühnenklassikern wie Heinrich von Kleists Der zerbrochne Krug, Molières Menschenfeind () sowie in Goethes Iphigenie auf Tauris zahlreiche Hauptrollen.

In den Jahren 2011/12 spielte sie an der Seite von Dominique Horwitz die Roxane in dem Versdrama Cyrano de Bergerac am Schauspielhaus Hamburg und auf den Ruhrfestspielen in Recklinghausen. 2011/13 war Schäfer Ensemblemitglied am Theater & Orchester Heidelberg, an dem sie in Sophokles' Tragödie Elektra die gleichnamige Titelrolle ebenso spielte wie die Rolle der Rosalinde in Shakespeares Theaterstück Wie es euch gefällt.

Schäfer arbeitete unter anderem mit den Regisseuren Werner Düggelin, Jan Philipp Gloger, Cornelia Crombholz, Hans-Ulrich Becker, Tina Lanik, Alexander Nerlich, Elias Perrig
und Dieter Dorn zusammen.

2004 erhielt sie den Publikumspreis beim Treffen deutschsprachiger Schauspielschulen und den Oprecht-Preis der Stadt Zürich. Für ihre Darstellung der Iphigenie am Residenztheater München wurde Schäfer 2008 mit der TZ-Rose ausgezeichnet. 2009 erhielt sie den Kurt-Meisel-Preis, den Förderpreis der Freunde des Bayerischen Staatsschauspiels.

Im Kino spielte sie die Hauptrolle in Hannah Schweiers Romanverfilmung Cindy liebt mich nicht an der Seite von Clemens Schick. Der Film hatte 2010 in der Berlinale-Sektion Perspektive Deutsches Kino Premiere. Für ihre Darstellung der Jasmin wurde sie im gleichnamigen Film für den Förderpreis Deutscher Film als "Beste Darstellerin" nominiert. Der Film wurde auf dem Filmfest München gezeigt, dem Indo-German-Filmfest in Bangalore und kam 2012 in die deutschen Kinos. Unter der Regie von Dominik Graf drehte sie 2012 den Kinofilm Die geliebten Schwestern, in dem sie die deutsche Schriftstellerin Charlotte von Kalb verkörpert.

Seit 2009 ist Schäfer auch regelmäßig im Fernsehen zu sehen. Sie stand in Episoden für SOKO 5113 und Unter Verdacht sowie Tatortfolgen vor der Kamera. 2012 drehte sie die erste deutsche Pay-TV-Serie Add a Friend. In der Zeit von 2013 bis Anfang 2016 sowie im November 2022 spielte sie in der ZDF-Krimiserie SOKO Köln die Rolle der Kriminalkommissarin Sophia Mückeberg. Seit 2016 arbeitet sie als freie Schauspielerin und spielte die Hauptrolle an der Seite von David Rott in der ARD Liebeskomödie Arzt mit Nebenwirkung. Außerdem drehte sie mit Anna Maria Mühe und Max von Thun die bayerische Komödie Wenn Frauen ausziehen. Sie spielte auch in der Marathon Theater Installation In deinem Pelz im ehemaligen Gefängnis in Heidelberg. Im Januar 2017 drehte Schäfer die Actionkomödie Hot Dog, in der sie an der Seite von Matthias Schweighöfer und Til Schweiger die weibliche Hauptrolle spielt.

Schäfer lebt zusammen mit ihrem Lebensgefährten und der 2011 geborenen Tochter in Hamburg.

Filmografie

Kino

Fernsehen

Theater
 2004: Parzivality Show (Theater an der Sihl Zürich)
 2005: Lisbeth ist total zu (Schauspielhaus Zürich)
 2005: Abflug (Landestheater Tübingen)
 2005: Versuchung (Landestheater Tübingen)
 2005: Wassa Schelesnowa (Landestheater Tübingen)
 2006: Nachts ist es anders (Theater Basel)
 2006: Der Streit (Landestheater Tübingen)
 2006: Iphigenie auf Tauris (Landestheater Tübingen)
 2006: The Prisoner's Dilemma (Landestheater Tübingen)
 2007: Im Dickicht der Städte (Residenztheater München)
 2007: Lieblingsmenschen (Theater Basel)
 2007: Minna von Barnhelm (Theater Basel)
 2008: Misanthrop (Residenztheater München)
 2008: Iphigenie auf Tauris (Residenztheater München)
 2008: Idomeneus (Residenztheater München)
 2008: Rattenjagd (Residenztheater München)
 2009: Der zerbrochne Krug (Residenztheater München)
 2009: Daddy (Residenztheater München)
 2010: Von Morgens bis Mitternachts (Residenztheater München)
 2010: Alpenglühen (Residenztheater München)
 2011: Das Missverständnis (Residenztheater München)
 2011: Cyrano de Bergerac (Schauspielhaus Hamburg)
 2011: Furcht und Hoffnung in Deutschland (Theater Heidelberg)
 2012: Elektra (Theater Heidelberg)
 2012: Wie es euch gefällt (Theater Heidelberg)
 2015: Jump you Fuckers (Kunsthalle Bern)
 2016: In deinem Pelz (Theater Heidelberg)

Sprechertätigkeiten
 2010: Passion und Leidenschaft, Bayerischer Rundfunk
 2010: Bilder hören. Klänge sehen, Bayerischer Rundfunk
 2011: Zündfunk am Sonntag, Bayerischer Rundfunk
 2011: Die Perser als bimediale Inszenierung, Bayerischer Rundfunk
 2011: Radiothema 50 Jahre Mauerbau, Bayerischer Rundfunk
 2011: Das Hochschulmagazin, Bayerisches Fernsehen
 2011: Radiothema Wutbürger Gutbürger, Bayerischer Rundfunk
 2011: Neue Wege in die Werbeindustrie, Zündfunk, Bayerischer Rundfunk
 2011: Des Lebens wirrende Beugung, Bayerischer Rundfunk
 2011: Stimmbänder Bandstimmen, Bayerischer Rundfunk
 2011: Morgen kein Land, Dokumentarfilm
 2012: Herr Richard Wagner in München, Hörspiel, Bayerischer Rundfunk & Bayerische Staatsoper
 2012: Vertraute Fremde, Hörspiel, Norddeutscher Rundfunk
 2012: Wenn die Chinesen kommen, Bayerischer Rundfunk
 2012: Verloren zwischen zwei Nationen, Bayerischer Rundfunk
 2012: Krach, Feature, Bayerischer Rundfunk
 2012: I have nothing to say and I'm saying it, Bayerischer Rundfunk
 2012: Hexe oder Heilige? Jeanne d'Arc, Bayerischer Rundfunk
 2012: Kurzschluss, Filmmagazin, Arte
 2012: Mushroom Music, Bayerischer Rundfunk
 2012: Sternstunden Adventskalender, Bayerisches Fernsehen
 2013: Sternstunden Adventskalender, Bayerisches Fernsehen
 2014: Sternstunden Adventskalender, Bayerisches Fernsehen
 2015: Sternstunden Adventskalender, Bayerisches Fernsehen
 2016: Sternstunden Adventskalender, Bayerisches Fernsehen

Auszeichnungen
 2004: Publikumspreis Schauspielschultreffen für Parzivality Show
 2004: Oprecht-Preis der Stadt Zürich
 2008: TZ-Rose für ihre Rolle als Iphigenie in der Inszenierung des Münchener Residenztheaters
 2009: Förderpreis der Freunde des Bayerischen Staatsschauspiels/Residenztheater
 2011: Nominierung als beste Schauspielerin für den Förderpreis Deutscher Film für Jasmin
 2019: Nominierung Jupiter Award als beste Schauspielerin national

Weblinks

 Anne Schäfer bei der Agentur Spielkind
 Interview mit Anne Schäfer, 7. Mai 2012

Einzelnachweise

Filmschauspieler
Theaterschauspieler
Darstellender Künstler (Deutschland)
Deutscher
Geboren 1979
Frau
Person (Bundesverband Schauspiel)

Anne Schäfer (Schauspielerin)


علي بن عبد العزيز بن علي بن محمد بن عثمان آل ريس''' (مواليد الرياض، عام 1920 م) بالمنطقة الشرقية جنوب (المقيبرة)،
ويعد من كبار أعيان ووجهاء مدينة الرياض، وهو من أوائل مؤسسي  الغرفة التجارية بالرياض.
وعدّ الشيخ الريس أحد رجالات الرعيل الأول في السعودية الذين أسهموا في وضع بذور شجرة القطاع التجاري في البلاد، وبالتحديد في عاصمتها الرياض، حتى نمت هذه الشجرة وأثمرت عن بزوغ العهد المؤسسي للتجارة فيها، وسجل لابن ريس مساهمته في سن قوانين وأنظمة للكثير من التنظيمات المالية المبكرة بالسعودية .
سافر لبلدان كثيرة فارتبط بعلاقات واسعة على مختلف المستويات مع شخصيات سعودية وعربية وإسلامية وأجنبية.
أشتهر بالعمل الإنساني والخيري مع الجميع ودون تمييز.
ذكرالعدد التوثيقي الذي صدر في في شهر جمادى الأولى لعام 1431هـ الموافق مايو 2010م بمناسبة مرور خمسين عاماً على إنشاء غرفة الرياض الإسهامات الجليلة للشيخ الريس في إعمار الوسط التجاري والاجتماعي بكثير من البذل والعطاء.اعتذر عن عدم الانضمام لمجلس إدارة الغرفة في دورته الأولى ثم انضم لمجلس الإدارة بدأً من الدورة الثانية إلى السادسة.
قال الكاتب خالد القويز: طلبت مكتبة الملك فهد الوطنية توثيق سيرته الذاتية في لقاء تلفزيوني لساعتين ولغزارة المعلومات والأحداث التي صاحبها الشيخ علي الريس امتد التسجيل على مدى ثلاثة أيام.
وكذلك دارة الملك عبد العزيز سجلت بالصوت والصورة مذكراته قبيل وفاته بسنتين.
كان لنبأ وفاته صدىً كبيراً في الأوساط التجارية والإعلامية وعد من أبرز الشخصيات التي رحلت عن الدنيا عام 2009م على المستويين المحلي والعربي
توفي بالرياض في نوفمبر 2009..

مراجع

وصلات خارجية
 جريدة الرياض : وفاة ابن ريس أحد أعيان الرياض عن عمر يناهز 91 عاماً.
 جريدة الشرق الأوسط : رحيل ابن ريس.. أحد مؤسسي الغرفة التجارية في الرياض.
http://www.alriyadh.com/2009/11/21/article475937.html جريدة الرياض : صفحات من حياة الوجيه الكيس علي بن ريس

http://www.aawsat.com//details.asp?section=4&issueno=11358&article=551017&search جريدة الشرق الأوسط :2009م نهاية عقد.. وجوه رحلت عنا

أصحاب أعمال سعوديون
وفيات 2009
مواليد 1920

علي بن ريس


Karl Jonas Alfred (Allen) Vannérus (født 20. marts 1862 i Ekshärad, Värmlands län, død 28. november 1946 i Stockholm) var en svensk filosof.

Vannérus blev 1890 dr. phil. i Uppsala, virkede 1901—02 som docent i Göteborg og fra 1906 i Kommercekollegiet. Han har særligt bestræbt sig for at bringe organisk Sammenhæng i filosofiens og videnskabernes forskellige forgreninger ud fra en totalopfattelse, der kunne betegnes som psykofysisk realisme. Han vil føre virkeligheden tilbage til psykofysiske substanselementer, som under deres virksomhed bliver bærere af en verdensproces, i hvilken en materiel og en åndelig side åbenbarer sig. Den åndelige fase er i bestandig udvikling og indeholder tilværelsens værdier. Systemet slutter derfor med en evolutionistisk værdiidealisme. Vannérus' tankegang er opstået under samarbejdelse af Herbert Spencers udviklingslære og Wilhelm Wundts psykofysik, men røber også indflydelse fra svensk idealisme og systematik. Dog fører den hverken til teistiske eller monistiske konsekvenser, men fastholder en pluralistisk og ateistisk grundbetragtning, fornemmelig nedlagt i Vetenskapssystematik (1907) og Värdeidealism (1914). Vannérus opgav 1924 sin stilling som amanuensis ved Kommercekollegiet, idet han fik statspension for filosofisk forfatterskab. Til sit system har han senere føjet læren om "ett förvärdsligt fält", en urgrund, til hvilken verden må tilbageføres, idet han forudser en verdens undergang på grund af materiens tilbøjelighed til at sprede sig og opløse sig. Blandt senere skrifter må nævnes Etiska tankegångar (1922), Det yttersta (1924), Materiens värld (1925), Ursprungens filosofi (samme år) og Principlära (1926).

Kilder

Filosoffer fra Sverige
Faglitterære forfattere fra Sverige
Svensksprogede forfattere fra Sverige
Svenskere i 1800-tallet
Svenskere i 1900-tallet
Personer fra Värmland

Allen Vannérus


Glóssa, en , est un village de l'île de Skópelos, en mer Égée, Grèce.

Selon le recensement de 2011, la population de la localité compte .

Notes et références

Voir aussi

Liens externes

Village en Grèce
Sporades

Glóssa (Skópelos)


18542 Broglio este un asteroid din centura principală de asteroizi.

Descriere
18542 Broglio este un asteroid din centura principală de asteroizi. A fost descoperit pe  la Sormano de Augusto Testa și Francesco Manca. Asteroidul prezintă o orbită caracterizată de o semiaxă mare de 2,58 ua, o excentricitate de 0,06 și o înclinație de 15,0° în raport cu ecliptica.

Vezi și
 Lista planetelor minore: 18001-19000
 Centura de asteroizi

Referințe

Asteroizi Maria

Obiecte astronomice descoperite în 1996
Centura de asteroizi

18542 Broglio


Ringsaker Station (Ringsaker stasjon) var en jernbanestation på Dovrebanen, der lå ved Tande i Ringsaker kommune i Norge.

Stationen åbnede 15. november 1894, da banen mellem Hamar og Tretten blev taget i brug. Oprindeligt hed den Tande, men den skiftede navn til Ringsaker 1. november 1913. Betjeningen med godstog ophørte 1. september 1965, og 22. september samme år blev stationen nedgraderet til trinbræt. Stationen blev nedlagt 29. maj 1988.

Stationsbygningen, der var en toetages bygning i gulmalet træ, blev opført til åbningen i 1894 efter tegninger af Paul Due. Den blev revet ned i 1976. Pakhuset blev flyttet til Tjønnkåsen i Oppdal omkring 1968.

Litteratur

Eksterne henvisninger

Stationer på Dovrebanen
Jernbanestationer i Norge uden persontrafik
Etableret i 1894
Ophørt i 1988
Jernbanestationer i Hedmark

Ringsaker Station


Le dème de Kóziakas, en  / Dímos Kóziaka, est un dème du district régional de Tríkala, en Thessalie, Grèce. Depuis  2010, il est fusionné au sein du dème de Tríkala.

La localité tire son nom du massif du .

Selon le recensement de 2011, la population du dème compte .

Notes et références

Voir aussi

Liens externes

Dème en Thessalie
Trikala (district régional)
Ancien dème en Grèce

Dème de Kóziakas


Narasimha Rao or Narasimharao is an Indian surname. It may refer to:
 P. V. Narasimha Rao (1921–2004), ninth prime minister of India
 Panuganti Lakshminarasimha Rao (1865–1940), Telugu writer
 Vinjamuri Venkata Lakshmi Narasimha Rao (1887–?), Indian stage actor and Telugu-Sanskrit pandit
 Sthanam Narasimha Rao (1902–1971), Indian stage artist
 Sistla Venkata Lakshmi Narasimha Rao (1911–2006), senior advocate and trade union activist
 Kovvali Lakshmi Narasimha Rao (1912–1975), Indian novelist
 M. V. Narasimha Rao (born 1954), Indian cricketer
 Garikapati Narasimha Rao (born 1958), Telugu writer and avadhani

See also
 Narasimharao Pet, a neighbourhood of Eluru, Andhra Pradesh
 Narasimha (disambiguation)

Narasimha Rao


Raionul Biaroza (în ) este un raion din Regiunea Brest, Belarus cu reședința în orașul omonim. Se afla în nord-vestul provinciei istorice Polesia.

Istorie

Raionul a fost întemeiat în 1940 după anexarea Belarusului de Vest din Polonia.

Economie

Raionul Biaroza este unul dintre cele mai industrializate raioane din Regiunea Brest. Se afla in locul 3 in topul ce privește producția dintre raioanele regiunii, ponderea produselor industriale (lucrări, servicii) fiind în valoare de aproximativ 10% din Brest.

Raioane în regiunea Brest

Raionul Biaroza