Rainer Ptacek (7 de junio de 1951–12 de noviembre de 1997) fue un guitarrista y compositor de origen alemán asentado en Tucson, Arizona, Estados Unidos. Su técnica de guitarra, que incorporaba slide, fingerpicking, bucles y manipulación electrónica, le ganó la admiración de algunos músicos notables como Robert Plant y Billy Gibbons. En el álbum de tributo a Ptacek The Inner Flame colaboraron entre otros Plant, Jimmy Page, PJ Harvey y Emmylou Harris, lo que da una idea de su reputación como "músico de músicos". Se le diagnosticó un tumor cerebral a comienzos de 1996 y murió casi dos años después, al reproducirse su enfermedad.

Primeros pasos y carrera
Ptacek nació en Berlín Este en una familia de origen checo y alemán. Su familia dejó Alemania del Este y emigró a Estados Unidos cuando Ptacek tenía cinco años. Se asentaron en Chicago, donde el joven Ptacek tuvo su primer contacto con el blues. A comienzos de los 70 se trasladó a Tucson, donde emprendió una carrera musical, generalmente como solista, aunque en ocasiones actuaba como líder de un trío, Rainer & Das Combo. Fundó Giant Sandworms con Howe Gelb a finales de los 70. Cuando el grupo decidió marcharse a Nueva York, optó por quedarse en Tucson con su familia. Aunque nunca llegó a ser muy conocido en Estados Unidos, en Europa fue adquiriendo cada vez más prestigio. Billy Gibbons quedó tan impresionado con Ptacek que logró que Kurt Loder reseñara la cassette de Ptacek's Mush Mind Blues en la revista Rolling Stone. Robert Plant, también impresionado, llevó a Ptacek al Reino Unido para grabar la cara B de los sencillos de su disco Fate of Nations.

Enfermedad y muerte
Se le diagnosticó un tumor cerebral y un linfoma en febrero de 1996. No tenía seguro médico y sus facturas se amontonaban. Howe Gelb y Robert Plant organizaron sesiones para grabar un disco en su beneficio. El álbum resultante, The Inner Flame: Rainer Ptacek Tribute, está formado por canciones de Ptacked interpretadas por Gelb (con Giant Sand), Plant, Jimmy Page, Emmylou Harris, Evan Dando, Victoria Williams, Vic Chesnutt, PJ Harvey, The Drovers, Madeleine Peyroux, Kris McKay, Jonathan Richman y Bill Janovitz. El propio Ptacek participó en la mayoría de las canciones.

Unas sesiones de intensa quimioterapia lograron que su tumor remitiera y Ptacek reanudó su actividad en vivo, apareciendo como artista invitado en el espectáculo de Greg Brown en noviembre de 1996. En esta época, atrajo mayor atención de los medios. Justo cuando parecía haber vencido su enfermedad, esta se reprodujo en octubre de 1997, y murió tres semanas después, a los 46 años.

Discografía
 Avid Demo List (hacia 1979, casete)
 The Mush Mind Blues (1983, con Das Combo, casete)
 Live Downtown (1985, con Das Combo, casete)
 Barefoot Rock with Rainer and Das Combo (editado como LP en 1986, reeditado en CD en 1994)
 Worried Spirits (1992)
 The Texas Tapes (1993, con Das Combo)
 D.Y.O. Boot (1995)
 Nocturnes (1995)
 Rainulator (1996, casete)
 The Inner Flame: Rainer Ptacek Tribute (álbum tributo, editado en 1997)
 Alpaca Lips (editado en 2000)
 Live at the Performance Center (editado en 2001)
 The Farm (editado en 2002)
 17 Miracles (2005, recopilación)
 The Rainer Collection (2006, recopilación)
 The Westwood Sessions, Volume I (con Das Combo, editado en noviembre de 2007)
 Roll Back The Years (con Joey Burns & John Convertino, editado en mayo de 2011)

Notas

Enlaces externos
 , mantenido por su viuda, Patti Keating

 Página de tributo a Rainer de KXCI
 Compilación de artículos de The Weekly Wire sobre Ptacek
 Discografía completa de Ptacek

Personas de Berlín
Guitarristas de rock de Estados Unidos
Guitarristas de blues de Estados Unidos
Cantantes de blues de Estados Unidos
Fallecidos por tumor cerebral
Fallecidos por cáncer en Arizona

Rainer Ptacek


Bankja () er en lille by i yderkanten af Sofia i det vestlige Bulgarien. I 1969 blev landsbyen Bankja udråbt til by, og i 1979 blev den en del af Sofia, Bulgariens hovedstad.

Henvisninger

Byer i Bulgarien

Bankja


A temporada 2022 da Major League Soccer foi a 110ª temporada de futebol sancionada pela FIFA nos Estados Unidos e no Canadá, a 44ª como primeira divisão nacional na América do Norte e a 26ª temporada da Major League Soccer. A temporada regular começou em 26 de fevereiro de 2022 e terminará em 5 de novembro.

Charlotte FC ingressou na liga como uma franquia de expansão, elevando o número total de clubes para 28.

O New York City FC é o atual campeão competição, enquanto que o New England Revolution é o atual vencedor do Supporters' Shield.

Regulamento

Formato da temporada regular
Os 28 clubes se dividem em 2 conferências (Oeste e Leste) de 14 clubes cada. Assim, cada clube jogará 34 jogos, incluindo 17 jogos em casa e 17 jogos fora. O sistema de jogos para essa temporada foi decidido da seguinte forma:
 Todos os times de cada Conferência irão se enfrentar 2 vezes, como visitante e mandante.
 Cada equipe irá jogar contra 8 times da outra Conferência.

O mais bem colocado de cada conferência está garantido nas semifinais de conferência da MLS e classificado para a Liga dos Campeões da CONCACAF de 2022. Do 2º aos 7º colocados de cada conferência jogam as quartas de final de conferência da MLS.

Critérios de desempate

Os critérios de desempate são, nessa ordem:
Pontos
Total de vitórias
Saldo de gols
Gols marcados
Menos pontos disciplinários
Gols marcador como visitante
Gols marcados como mandante
Cara ou coroa (2 times) ou sorteio (3 ou mais clubes)

Pontos disciplinários foram decididos como segue:
Falta (1 ponto)
Aviso da área técnica (2 pontos)
Cartão amarelo (3 pontos)
Segundo cartão amarelo (7 pontos)
Cartão vermelho (7 pontos)
Demissão do técnico (7 pontos)
Alguma disciplina suplementar (8 pontos)

Participantes

Temporada regular

Conferencia Oeste

Conferência Leste

Playoffs

Classificação Geral
O Los Angeles FC ganhou o título Supporters' Shield, pois terminou em 1º lugar na classificação geral da temporada. Essa é a 2ª vez que o time conquista o título, a outra foi em 2019.

Premiação

Major League Soccer de 2022


Esta é uma lista de títulos do Club Alianza Lima. Apresenta uma relação de conquistas no futebol, principal modalidade praticada pelo clube. Os títulos obtidos pelo Alianza Lima, cuja sede está localizada em Lima, o tornam um dos clubes mais importantes e premiados do Peru.

Títulos no futebol

Títulos principais

Outros torneios oficiais

Outros títulos

internacionais

  90 anos do Alianza Lima: 1991
  Centenário do Club Alianza Lima: 2001
  Copa Cidade de Rosário: 2011
 Copa EuroAmericana: 2014

Categorias de base

Internacionais

  Bogotá Cup Sub 19: 2019
  Mundialito Austral Cup Sub-15: 2020

Nacionais

  Torneo de Reserva: 2 vezes (2011 e 2022)
 Torneo Élite Sub-18: 2022
 Torneo Élite Sub-15: 2022
 Torneo Élite Sub-14: 2022
 Torneo Élite Sub-13: 2022

Club Alianza Lima
Listas de títulos no futebol

Títulos do Club Alianza Lima


Cuci (d. 1182 - ö. 1227), Cengiz Han'ın en büyük oğlu. Bazı kaynaklarda Cuci Han olarak geçse de Cengiz Han'dan önce öldüğü için hanedan, kardeşleri ve oğullarıyla sürmüştür, kendisi han olmamıştır.

Yaşamı
Temuçin daha tüm Moğol boylarını bir bayrak altında toplamadan önce, babası Yesügey'den öç almak isteyen Merkitler eşi Börte'yi kaçırır. Daha sonra Temuçin Börte'yi kan kardeşi Camuka'nın yardımıyla kurtarmış olsa da Börte öyle bir zamanda doğum yapar ki, bu bebeğin Temuçin'e mi yoksa onu esir eden Merkitli'ye mi ait olduğunu kimse anlayamaz. Bu yüzden adı Moğolca "Misafir/Konuk" anlamına gelen "Cuci" koyulur.

Cuci, babasının yanında birçok sefere katıldı. Cengiz Han'ın Harzemşahlar seferini dönüşüne denk gelen 1225 yılında babası tarafından kendisine Harezm ve Doğu Kıpçak toraklarının idaresi verildi. Cengiz Han ölümünden birkaç yıl önce imparatorluğunu oğulları arasında paylaştırırken, Deşt-i Kıpçak olarak adlandırılan topraklar Cuci'nin payına düştü.

Cuci'nin idaresi altındaki topraklarda yaşayan kavimler, adına izafeten "Cuci Ulusu" olarak adlandırılmıştır. 1227 yılındaki bir av partisi esnasında kaza sonucu öldü. Ölümünden sonra toprakları Cengizhan tarafından, oğulları Batu (Gök Orda) ve Orda (Ak Orda) arasında paylaştırıldı.

Kaynakça

Popüler kültürdeki yeri
 2021 yılında Milliy TV'de (Özbekçe) ve ATV'de (Türkçe) yayınlanan Bozkır Arslanı Celalettin dizisinde Ali Khan tarafından canlandırılmıştır.

Moğol hanları
1185 doğumlular
1227 yılında ölenler
Zehirlenerek ölenler
Tahta çıkamayan varisler

Cuci


الكاف الأخضر، بلدية بدائرة عين بوسيف ولاية المدية الجزائرية.

تنسب لجبل الكاف الأخضر الذي يمتد من شلالة العذاورة شرقا إلى الربعية غربا والذي يعرف تاريخيا باسم تيطري

المصادر

أماكن مأهولة في ولاية المدية
كاف الأخضر

الكاف الأخضر


89. breddegrad kan henvise til:

 89. nordlige breddekreds
 89. sydlige breddekreds

89. breddegrad


Olivier Masson, né le  à Paris et mort le  dans la même ville est un linguiste français intéressé par l'épigraphie grecque, chypriote et phénicienne, en particulier avec le syllabaire chypriote et l'archéologie chypriote en général. Il a été professeur de philologie grecque à l'École pratique des hautes études.

Il est aussi intéressé à l'écriture chypro-minoenne, dont il a compilé un corpus d'inscriptions (aujourd'hui obsolète, mais le corpus plus récent de S. Ferrara n'est que partiellement réalisé).

Il épouse Émilia Masson (1940-2017), née Jovanovic, originaire de Serbie. Hittitologue de formation, elle contribue à l'archéologie des Balkans et de l'Asie Mineure du Néolithique et de l'âge du bronze, ainsi qu'à l'étude des inscriptions de Chypre et de la culture Vinca. Après sa mort, la fille d'Olivier et d'Emilia, Diana Masson, fait don de la bibliothèque de ses parents au Centre d'études chypriotes.

Publications
 Masson, O. (1957). Les inscriptions étéochypriotes: II. IV. Syria, 34 (1/2), 61-80.
 Masson, O. (1957). Cylindres et cachets chypriotes portant des caractères chyprominoens. Bulletin de Correspondance Hellénique, 81(1), 6-37.
 Masson, O. (1981). À propos des inscriptions chypriotes de Kafizin. Bulletin de correspondance hellénique, 105(2), 623-649.
 Masson, O. (1984). Cesnola et le Tresor de Curium (i). Cahiers du Centre d'Etudes Chypriotes, 1(1), 16-26.
 Masson, O., & Hermary, A. (1988). Le voyage de Ludwig Ross à Chypre en 1845 et les antiquités chypriotes du Musée de Berlin. Cahiers du Centre d'Études Chypriotes, 9(1), 3-10.
 Masson, O. (1990). Paul Perdrizet à Chypre en 1896. Cahiers du Centre d'Études Chypriotes, 13(1), 27-42.
 Masson, O. (1992). Encore les royaumes chypriotes dans la liste d'Esarhaddon. Cahiers du Centre d'Études Chypriotes, 18(2), 27-30.
 Masson, O. (1992). Diplomates et amateurs d'antiquités à Chypre vers 1866-1878. Journal des savants, 1(1), 123-154.
 Masson, O. (1996). La dispersion des antiquités chypriotes: les deux collections Cesnola. Cahiers du Centre d'Études Chypriotes, 25(1), 3-28.
 Masson, O. (1997). Bibliographie thématique des travaux d'Olivier Masson concernant Chypre. Cahiers du Centre d'Études Chypriotes, 27, 3-13.

Références

Liens externes

Linguiste français
Historien français du XXe siècle
Professeur
Naissance en avril 1922
Naissance dans le 4e arrondissement de Paris
Décès en février 1997
Décès dans le 14e arrondissement de Paris
Décès à 74 ans

Olivier Masson


Torsten Sommer (* 28. September 1971 in Hagen-Haspe) ist ein deutscher Kaufmann und war Abgeordneter der Piratenpartei im Landtag von Nordrhein-Westfalen.

Biografie
Torsten Sommer absolvierte eine Ausbildung zum Groß- und Außenhandelskaufmann (1994–1997). 1998 begann er bei der WAZ-Mediengruppe als kaufmännischer Angestellter. Ein Jahr später wurde er DTP-Operator. Bis 2013 war er dort auch Mitglied des Betriebsrates.

Torsten Sommer ist verheiratet und hat drei Kinder.

Politik
Sommer trat 2009 der Piratenpartei bei und war von 2010 bis 2011 Schatzmeister im Kreisverband Dortmund. Auf dem Landesparteitag 2012 am 24. und 25. März 2012 in Münster wurde er auf Platz 11 der Landesliste gewählt. Bei der Landtagswahl in Nordrhein-Westfalen 2012 bekam er mit diesem Listenplatz ein Mandat im Landtag.
Er war ordentliches Mitglied im Hauptausschuss und im Ausschuss für Arbeit, Gesundheit und Soziales, sowie stellvertretendes Mitglied im Rechtsausschuss und im Ausschuss für Wirtschaft, Energie, Industrie, Mittelstand und Handwerk. Ab 2013 war er Mitglied in der neu konstituierten Verfassungsänderungskommission. Für seine Fraktion war er arbeitsmarktpolitischer Sprecher.

Seit März 2017 war er parlamentarischer Geschäftsführer der Piratenfraktion im Landtag. Er trat die Nachfolge von Marc Olejak an, der dieses Amt am 1. März 2017 aus persönlichen Gründen niedergelegt hatte. Mit dem Ausscheiden der Piraten bei der Landtagswahl in Nordrhein-Westfalen 2017 verlor er sein Mandat.

Sommer leitete das Heimatbüro des Dortmunder Bundestagsabgeordneten Marco Bülow (SPD).

Weblinks

 Torsten Sommer bei abgeordnetenwatch.de

Einzelnachweise

Landtagsabgeordneter (Nordrhein-Westfalen)
Mitglied der Piratenpartei Deutschland
Deutscher
Geboren 1971
Mann
Politiker (21. Jahrhundert)

Torsten Sommer


مجزرة سجن بوسليم يعتقد أنها عملية قتل جماعية وقعت في 29 يونيو 1996م واعتبرت كأكبر انتهاك ارتكبه نظام العقيد معمر القذافي في ليبيا، حيث راح ضحيتها نحو 1269 معتقل معظمهم من سجناء الرأي. وتعد إحدى أبرز القضايا التي ألهبت مشاعر الثورة الليبية التي انطلقت منتصف فبراير 2011 م.

أحداث
ووقعت المجزرة عندما داهمت قوات خاصة يوم 30 يونيو 1996 م سجن أبو سليم الواقع في ضواحي العاصمة طرابلس، وأطلقت النار على السجناء بدعوى تمردهم داخل السجن الذي يعد الأكثر تحصينا وحراسة في ليبيا. ثم قامت تلك القوات بدفن الجثث في باحة السجن وفي مقابر جماعية متفرقة في ضواحي طرابلس.

وينتمي أغلب السجناء القتلى إلى جماعات إسلامية متعددة المشارب والاتجاهات، ورغم أن غالبيتهم ليبيون فإن من بينهم فلسطينيين وعربا آخرين.

التكتم
طالب أهالي الضحايا ومنظمات حقوق الإنسان طيلة سنوات بالكشف عن مصير السجناء، إلا أن نظام معمر القذافي بقي يتكتَّم على الجريمة وينكر حدوثها ويمنع أي حديث عنها، حتى العام 2009 م عندما بدأ بإبلاغ أهالي القتلى نبأ وفاة أبنائهم.

وخلال عامي 2009 و2010 م صعّد أهالي الضحايا والمفقودين من تحركاتهم ووقفاتهم الاحتجاجية للمطالبة بمعرفة مصير جميع المعتقلين، والكشف عن أسباب الوفاة عبر تشريح الجثث، وفتح تحقيق يحدد المسؤوليات.

التعويضات
في مواجهة الضغوط عرض النظام الليبي منح أهالي الضحايا تعويضات تقدر بـ120 ألف دينار ليبي (98 ألف دولار) للأعزب، و130 ألف دينار (106 آلاف دولار) للمتزوج، مقابل عدم مقاضاة أجهزة الدولة في الداخل والخارج.

لكن الأهالي تمسكوا بحقهم في معرفة ما جرى في السجن وأماكن دفن القتلى ومعاقبة المسؤولين.

المحامي فتحي تربل
تولى قضية الدفاع عن الأهالي في مجزرة سجن أبو سليم محام ليبي اسمه فتحي تربل. وقامت السلطات الليبية باعتقاله يوم الثلاثاء 15 فبراير 2011 عشية الموعد المحدد لانطلاق الاحتجاجات الليبية في 17 فبراير والتي اندلعت للإطاحة بالنظام الليبي. فكان اعتقاله بمثابة الشرارة التي ألهبت الثورة. ثم أطلقت السلطات سراحه فجر اليوم التالي 16/2/2011 م بعد خروج مظاهرات في بنغازي تندد باعتقاله.

يروي فتحي تربل قائلاً عن المجزرة التي قتل فيها 1200 سجين بينهم أحد أشقائه وابن عمه وزوج شقيقته: «تمرد المعتقلون للمطالبة بشروط اعتقال أفضل وبمحاكمة عادلة وبالحق في تلقي زيارات»، مضيفا أن «هذا النظام القمعي والوحشي نفذ مجزرة بحقهم في ساعتين أو ثلاث ساعات وحاول طمس هذه الجريمة».

ومنذ ذلك الحين تولى فتحي تربل الذي «اعتقل سبع مرات منها عندما كان طالبا» تمثيل مجموعة من عائلات بنغازي، خسرت أفرادا أثناء المجزرة.

شاهد عيان
 القتلى 1200 قتيلاً.
 الجثث نقلت في شاحنات (ثلاجات) تابعة لشركة نقل اللحوم لتدفن في مقابر جماعية, وحسب التحقيقات مع المتورطين اكدو ان الجثث تم التنقيب عليها بعد عدة سنوات وتم طحن وتكسير العظام واشعلت النار بها لمدة ثلاثة أيام تحت درجة حرارة عالية قبل ذر رمادها في البحر بعد ذلك.
 أبرز المتهمين في المجزرة: خيري خالد، عبد الله السنوسي، خليفة حنيش، عمار لطيف، مصطفى الزائدي، موسى كوسا.
 استخدمت في هذه المجزرة رمانات (قنابل يدوية) وبنادق الكلاشنكوف ورشاشات الأغراض العامة والغدارات وغيرها.
لم يتول فتحي تربل الدفاع في قضية بوسليم بل الذي رفع الدعوى وترافع عن أهالي الضحايا هو المحامي عبد الحفيظ غوقة.

سجن أبو سليم
تعود تسمية سجن بوسليم إلى اسم منطقة بوسليم التي يوجد بها، وهي تقع إلى الغرب من العاصمة الليبية طرابلس.

وقد افتتح السجن عام 1984 م كمعسكر للشرطة العسكرية على مساحة تقدر بـ30 هكتارا، لكن مع ازدياد أعداد السجناء السياسيين أصبح يستخدم كمعتقل أيضا لسجناء الرأي والسياسة.

وخلافا لبقية السجون، لا سلطة لوزارة العدل الليبية على سجن بوسليم الذي يتولى الأمن الداخلي الإشراف عليه والمسؤولية عنه، وهو ما يشكل مخالفة للقانون الليبي الذي يعطي الوصاية عن السجون لوزارة العدل.

انظر أيضاً
 ثورة 17 فبراير.
 سجن أبو سليم.
 فتحي تربل.

مراجع

ليبيا في 1996
ليبيا في عهد القذافي
مجازر السجون
مجازر في ليبيا

مجزرة سجن أبو سليم


David Clark Cabeen  (* 24. Juni 1886 in Baraboo, Sauk County, Wisconsin; † 28. März 1965) war ein US-amerikanischer Romanist und Literaturwissenschaftler.

Leben und Werk

Cabeen studierte an der University of Pennsylvania bei Hugo Albert Rennert, Jean Beck und  James Pyle Wickersham Crawford. Er promovierte mit der Arbeit The African novels of Louis Bertrand. A phase of the renascence of national energy in France (Philadelphia 1922).

Weitere Werke

 (Hrsg.) Victorien Sardou, Madame Sans-Gêne, New York 1934
 Montesquieu. A bibliography, New York 1947, 1957
 (Hrsg. mit Richard A. Brooks and Jules Brody) A critical bibliography of French literature, Syracuse, New York 1947–1994
 I, The medieval period, hrsg. von Urban Tigner Holmes, Jr., 1947, 1952
 II, The sixteenth century, hrsg. von  Alexander Herman Schutz, 1956, 1966; (Neuauflage hrsg. von Raymond C. La Charité, 1985)
 III, The seventeenth, hrsg. von Nathan Edelman, 1961
 IV, The eighteenth century, hrsg. von George Remington Havens und Donald F. Bond, 1951 (Neuauflage hrsg. von Richard A. Brooks, 1968)
 V, The nineteenth century, hrsg. von David Baguley, 1994
 VI, The twentieth century, hrsg. von Douglas William Alden und Richard A. Brooks, 1980

Literatur
 Contemporary Authors. Gale Research Company, Detroit, 1975, S. 103.

Weblinks

Romanist
US-Amerikaner
Geboren 1886
Gestorben 1965
Mann

David Clark Cabeen


Nova Luzitâniaes un municipio brasileño del estado de São Paulo. Se localiza a una latitud 20º51'22" sur y a una longitud 50º15'42" oeste, estando a una altitud de 420 metros. La ciudad tiene una población de 3.441 habitantes (IBGE/2010). Nova Luzitânia pertenece a la Microrregión de Auriflama.
Posee un área de 74,1 km².

Geografía

Demografía
Datos del Censo - 2010

Población Total: 3.441
 Urbana: 3.087
 Rural: 354
 Hombres: 1.820
 Mujeres: 1.621

Densidad demográfica (hab./km²): 46,46

Mortalidad infantil hasta 1 año (por mil): 21,96

Expectativa de vida (años): 68,26

Tasa de fertilidad (hijos por mujer): 1,96

Tasa de Alfabetización: 84,55%

Índice de Desarrollo Humano (IDH-M): 0,740
 IDH-M Salario: 0,671
 IDH-M Longevidad: 0,721
 IDH-M Educación: 0,828
(Fuente: IPEADATA)

Administración
 Prefecto: Laerte Aparecido Roca (2005/2008)
 Viceprefecto:
 Presidente de la cámara: (2007/2008)

Referencias

Enlaces externos

Localidades de São Paulo

Nova Luzitânia


العربية للطيران المغرب هي شركة طيران مغربية خاصة، تعمل بنظام الطيران منخفض التكلفة، وهي إحدى الشركات التابعة لشركة العربية للطيران، وتعد العربية للطيران المغرب مشروع مشترك بين شركتي العربية للطيران، والخطوط الجوية الجهوية، وبنك إثمار البحريني، لإنشاء شركة طيران اقتصادي منخفض التكاليف في المملكة المغربية، بغرض إطلاق رحلات جوية منخفضة التكلفة من المغرب، يقع المقر الرئيسي للشركة في مطار الدار البيضاء محمد الخامس الدولي، وتقدم العربية للطيران المغرب خدماتها إلى عدة وجهات في أوروبا بالإضافة إلى خطوط داخلية تربط بين مدن مغربية، وبالإضافة إلى مركزها الرئيسي بالدار البيضاء، تقوم الشركة بتسيير رحلات جوية من مدن مغربية أخرى كطنجة والناظور وفاس ومراكش وأكادير.

تاريخ
يرجع تاريخ إنشاء العربية للطيران المغرب إلى 3 نوفمبر 2008 عندما أعلنت العربية للطيران عن إطلاقها لمركز عملياتها الثاني في المغرب، وجاء في الإعلان أنه سيتم إنشاء شركة جديدة تابعة للعربية للطيران تسمى «العربية للطيران المغرب»، وستتخذ الشركة الجديدة من مطار محمد الخامس الدولي بمدينة الدار البيضاء مركزاً لعملياتها، وتم هذا الإعلان عقب توقيع الشركة إتفاقية مع الخطوط الجوية الجهوية وبنك الإثمار البحريني، وتقوم شركة العربية للطيران بموجب هذه الاتفاقية بإدارة وتطبيق نموذج الطيران الاقتصادي الناجح الذي تعتمده الشركة.

في عام 2009 تم تدشين الرحلات من الدار البيضاء إلى لندن، بروكسيل، ميلان، ليون، باريس، برشلونة، واسطنبول، امستردام، بولونيا، والبندقية، ثم في

وفي عام 2011 تم تعزيز الرحلات بمطار الناظور، حيث شهد شهر أكتوبر من العام 2011 افتتاح عدة وجهات من الناظور نحو مدن بروكسل، برشلونة، مونتبلييه، امستردام، كولونيا، ولاحقا في عام 2012 افتتحت خطوط جديدة من الناظور نحو بالما دي مايوركا وبازل ومدريد في نفس العام 2012 افتتحت بمطار طنجة خطوط نحو مدريد ولندن.

أما فيما يخص مطار مراكش، فقد تم في عام 2015 افتتاح خطين وهما فرانكفورت ومونتبلييه، وفي نفس العام افتتحت الرحلات من الدار البيضاء نحو مونبلييه ونابلس.

في أكتوبر 2017 أعلنت العربية للطيران المغرب عن انطلاق عملياتها رسميا بمدينة أكادير إلى سبعة وجهات أوروبية (تولوز، مانشستر، ستوكهولم، كوبنهاغن، كولونيا، ميونخ، دبلن).

في 2018 قامت العربية للطيران المغرب بتوقيع عدة إتفاقيات مع مجالس الجهات لتشيجع السياحة الداخلية عبر إطلاق العديد من الخطوط الجوية الداخلية في المغرب بأثمنة جد مخفضة وقد قامت الشركة بموجب هذه الإتفاقيات بفتح الخطوط الجوية: الناظور-الدار البيضاء، الناظور-طنجة، مراكش-طنجة، مراكش-الداخلة، الدار البيضاء-الداخلة، أكادير-الرباط، أكادير-فاس، أكادير-طنجة، فاس-الرشيدية، فاس-طنجة وقد عرفت نفس السنة إطلاق خطوط دولية جديدة مراكش-فيينا، أكادير-برمينغهام، أكادير-بازل.

مع نهاية عام 2019، أعلنت العربية للطيران المغرب عن إيقاف مركز عملياتها في أكادير بسبب قلة عدد المسافرين على الرحلات الدولية، وبالمقابل قررت الشركة الإبقاء على الرحلات الداخلية من أكادير والزيادة في عددها نظراً لكونها عرفت إقبالاً كبيراً.

الوجهات

الأسطول
إلى غاية دجنبر 2019 يتكون أسطول العربية للطيران المغرب من الطائرات التالية:

انظر أيضاً
 العربية للطيران الإمارات
 العربية للطيران مصر
 العربية للطيران الأردن
 العربية للطيران أبوظبي

مصادر

وصلات خارجية
 الموقع الرسمي للعربية المغرب
 تفاصيل أسطول العربية للطيران المغرب

العربية للطيران
تأسيسات سنة 2009 في المغرب
شركات طيران أسست سنة 2009
شركات طيران مغربية
شركات طيران منخفضة التكلفة
شركات مقرها في الدار البيضاء

العربية للطيران المغرب


An insurgency is a violent, armed rebellion by small, lightly armed bands who practice guerrilla warfare from primarily rural base areas against a larger authority. The key descriptive feature of insurgency is its asymmetric nature: small irregular forces face a large, well-equipped, regular military force state adversary. Due to this asymmetry, insurgents avoid large-scale direct battles, opting instead to blend in with the civilian population (mainly in the countryside) where they gradually expand territorial control and military forces. Insurgency frequently hinges on control of and collaboration with local populations.

An insurgency can be fought via counter-insurgency warfare, as well as other political, economic and social actions of various kinds. Due to the blending of insurgents with the civilian population, insurgencies tend to involve considerable violence against civilians (by the state and the insurgents). State attempts to quell insurgencies frequently lead to the infliction of indiscriminate violence, whereas rebel control of territory frequently involves violence against the civilian population.

Where a revolt takes the form of armed rebellion, it may not be viewed as an insurgency if a state of belligerency exists between one or more sovereign states and rebel forces. For example, during the American Civil War, the Confederate States of America was not recognized as a sovereign state, but it was recognized as a belligerent power, and thus Confederate warships were given the same rights as United States warships in foreign ports.

Sometimes there may be two or more simultaneous insurgencies (multipolar) occurring in a country. The Iraq insurgency is one example of a recognized government versus multiple groups of insurgents. Other historic insurgencies, such as the Russian Civil War, have been multipolar rather than a straightforward model made up of two sides. During the Angolan Civil War there were two main sides: MPLA and UNITA. At the same time, there was another separatist movement for the independence of the Cabinda region headed up by FLEC. Multipolarity extends the definition of insurgency to situations where there is no recognized authority, as in the Somali Civil War, especially the period from 1998 to 2006, where it broke into quasi-autonomous smaller states, fighting among one another in changing alliances.

Definition

James Fearon and David Laitin define insurgency as "a technology of military conflict characterized by small, lightly armed bands practicing guerrilla warfare from rural base areas." Austin Long defines insurgency as "the use of political and military means by irregular forces to change an existing political order. These forces typically mingle with civilians in order to hide from the forces defending the political order." According to Matthew Adam Kocher, Thomas Pepinsky and Stathis Kalyvas, a central objective in insurgencies is to achieve control over civilians. To exercise control armed groups apply a variety of practices, including different types of violence, dispute resolution, taxation, regulation of movement, access to aid and services, and social strictures.

Insurgency and civil wars
According to James D. Fearon, wars have a rationalist explanation behind them, which explains why leaders prefer to gamble in wars and avoid peaceful bargains. Fearon states that intermediate bargains can be a problem because countries cannot easily trade territories with the spread of nationalism. Furthermore, wars can take the form of civil wars. In her article Why Bad Governance Leads to Civil Wars, Barbara F. Walter has presented a theory that explains the role of strong institutions in preventing insurgencies that can result in civil wars. Walter believes that institutions can contribute to four goals.

Institutions are responsible for checking the government, creating multiple peaceful routes to help the government solve problems, making the government committed to political terms that entails preserving peace, and creating an atmosphere where rebels do not need to form militias. Furthermore, Walter adds that if there is a conflict between the government and the insurgents in the form of a civil war, that can bring about a new government that is accountable to a wider range of people, who have to commit to a compromise in political bargains. According to Walter, the presence of strong influential institutions can be beneficial to prevent the repetition of civil wars, but autocratic governments are less likely to accept the emergence of strong institutions because of their resulting constraint of governmental corruption and privileges.

In her book, Insurgent Collective Action and Civil War in Salvador, Elisabeth Jean Wood explains that participants in high-risk activism are very aware of the costs and benefits of engaging in civil wars. Wood suggests that "participants in the 1964 Freedom Summer campaign in the US South ran high risks of bodily harm in challenging the long-standing practices of racial exclusion in Mississippi." There are many selective incentives that encourage insurgency and violent movements against autocratic political regimes. For example, the supply of safety as a material good can be provided by the insurgents, which abolishes the exploitation of the government and thus forms one of the main incentives. The revolutionary power can help manifest a social-political network that in return provides access to political opportunities to diverse candidates, who share a collective identity and cultural homogeneity. Also, civil wars and insurgencies can provide employment and access to services and resources that were once taken over by the autocratic regimes.

Tactics

Insurgencies differ in their use of tactics and methods. In a 2004 article, Robert R. Tomes spoke of four elements that "typically encompass an insurgency":
cell-networks that maintain secrecy
terrorism used to foster insecurity among the population and drive them to the insurgents for protection
multifaceted attempts to cultivate support in the general population, often by undermining the new regime
attacks against the government

Tomes' is an example of a definition that does not cover all insurgencies. For example, the French Revolution had no cell system, and in the American Revolution, little to no attempt was made to terrorize civilians. In consecutive coups in 1977 and 1999 in Pakistan, the initial actions focused internally on the government rather than on seeking broad support. While Tomes' definition fits well with Mao's Phase I, it does not deal well with larger civil wars. Mao does assume terrorism is usually part of the early phases, but it is not always present in revolutionary insurgency.

Tomes offers an indirect definition of insurgency, drawn from Trinquier's definition of counterinsurgency: "an interlocking system of actions—political, economic, psychological, military—that aims at the [insurgents' intended] overthrow of the established authority in a country and its replacement by another regime."

Steven Metz observes that past models of insurgency do not perfectly fit modern insurgency, in that current instances are far more likely to have a multinational or transnational character than those of the past. Several insurgencies may belong to more complex conflicts, involving "third forces (armed groups which affect the outcome, such as militias) and fourth forces (unarmed groups which affect the outcome, such as international media), who may be distinct from the core insurgents and the recognized government. While overt state sponsorship becomes less common, sponsorship by transnational groups is more common. "The nesting of insurgency within complex conflicts associated with state weakness or failure..." (See the discussion of failed states below.) Metz suggests that contemporary insurgencies have far more complex and shifting participation than traditional wars, where discrete belligerents seek a clear strategic victory.

Terrorism

Many insurgencies include terrorism. While there is no accepted definition of terrorism in international law, United Nations-sponsored working definitions include one drafted by Alex P. Schmid for the Policy Working Group on the United Nations and Terrorism. Reporting to the Secretary-General in 2002, the Working Group stated the following:

Yet another conflict of definitions involves insurgency versus terrorism. The winning essay of the 24th Annual United States Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Strategic Essay Contest, by Michael F. Morris, said [A pure terrorist group] "may pursue political, even revolutionary, goals, but their violence replaces rather than complements a political program." Morris made the point that the use, or non-use, of terrorism does not define insurgency, "but that organizational traits have traditionally provided another means to tell the two apart. Insurgencies normally field fighting forces orders of magnitude larger than those of terrorist organizations." Insurgencies have a political purpose, and may provide social services and have an overt, even legal, political wing. Their covert wing carries out attacks on military forces with tactics such as raids and ambushes, as well as acts of terror such as attacks that cause deliberate civilian casualties.

Mao considered terrorism a basic part of his first part of the three phases of revolutionary warfare. Several insurgency models recognize that completed acts of terrorism widen the security gap; the Marxist guerrilla theoretician Carlos Marighella specifically recommended acts of terror, as a means of accomplishing something that fits the concept of opening the security gap. Mao considered terrorism to be part of forming a guerilla movement.

Subversion

While not every insurgency involves terror, most involve an equally hard to define tactic, subversion. "When a country is being subverted it is not being outfought; it is being out-administered. Subversion is literally administration with a minus sign in front." The exceptional cases of insurgency without subversion are those where there is no accepted government that is providing administrative services.

While the term "subversion" is less commonly used by current U.S. spokesmen, that may be due to the hyperbolic way it was used in the past, in a specifically anticommunist context. U.S. Secretary of State Dean Rusk did in April 1962, when he declared that urgent action was required before the "enemy's subversive politico-military teams find fertile spawning grounds for their fish eggs."

In a Western context, Rosenau cites a British Secret Intelligence Service definition as "a generalized intention to (emphasis added) "overthrow or undermine parliamentary democracy by political, industrial or violent means." While insurgents do not necessarily use terror, it is hard to imagine any insurgency meeting its goals without undermining aspects of the legitimacy or power of the government or faction it opposes. Rosenau mentions a more recent definition that suggests subversion includes measures short of violence, which still serve the purposes of insurgents. Rarely, subversion alone can change a government; this arguably happened in the liberalization of Eastern Europe. To the Communist government of Poland, Solidarity appeared subversive but not violent.

Political rhetoric, myths and models
In arguing against the term Global War on Terror, Francis Fukuyama said the United States was not fighting terrorism generically, as in Chechnya or Palestine. Rather, he said the slogan "war on terror" is directed at "radical Islamism, a movement that makes use of culture for political objectives." He suggested it might be deeper than the ideological conflict of the Cold War, but it should not be confused with Samuel Huntington's "clash of civilizations." Addressing Huntington's thesis, Fukuyama stressed that the US and its allies need to focus on specific radical groups rather than clash with global Islam.

Fukuyama argued that political means, rather than direct military measures, are the most effective ways to defeat that insurgency. David Kilcullen wrote "We must distinguish Al Qa'eda and the broader militant movements it symbolises – entities that use terrorism – from the tactic of terrorism itself."

There may be utility in examining a war not specifically on the tactic of terror but in co-ordination among multiple national or regional insurgencies. It may be politically infeasible to refer to a conflict as an "insurgency" rather than by some more charged term, but military analysts, when concepts associated with insurgency fit, should not ignore those ideas in their planning. Additionally, the recommendations can be applied to the strategic campaign, even if it is politically unfeasible to use precise terminology. Insurgent groups often struggle to maintain coherency and authority due to their decentralized nature, and thus rely heavily upon ethnic, religious, or ideological bounds to avoid splintering.

While it may be reasonable to consider transnational insurgency, Anthony Cordesman points out some of the myths in trying to have a worldwide view of terror:
Cooperation can be based on trust and common values: one man's terrorist is another man's freedom fighter.
A definition of terrorism exists that can be accepted by all.
Intelligence can be freely shared.
Other states can be counted on to keep information secure and use it to mutual advantage.
International institutions are secure and trustworthy.
Internal instability and security issues do not require compartmentation and secrecy at national level.
The "war on terrorism" creates common priorities and needs for action.
Global and regional cooperation is the natural basis for international action.
Legal systems are compatible enough for cooperation.
Human rights and rule of law differences do not limit cooperation.
Most needs are identical.
Co-operation can be separated from financial needs and resources.

Social scientists, soldiers, and sources of change have been modeling insurgency for nearly a century if one starts with Mao. Counterinsurgency models, not mutually exclusive from one another, come from Kilcullen, McCormick, Barnett and Eizenstat. Kilcullen describes the "pillars" of a stable society, while Eizenstat addresses the "gaps" that form cracks in societal stability. McCormick's model shows the interplay among the actors: insurgents, government, population and external organizations. Barnett discusses the relationship of the country with the outside world, and Cordesman focuses on the specifics of providing security.

Recent studies have tried to model the conceptual architecture of insurgent warfare using computational and mathematical modelling. A recent study by Juan Camilo Bohorquez, Sean Gourley, Alexander R. Dixon, Michael Spagat, and Neil F. Johnson entitled "Common Ecology Quantifies Human Insurgency", suggests a common structure for 9 contemporary insurgent wars, supported on statistical data of more than 50,000 insurgent attacks. The model explains the recurrent statistical pattern found in the distribution of deaths in insurgent and terrorist events.

Kilcullen's pillars

Kilcullen describes a framework for counterinsurgency. He gives a visual overview of the actors in his model of conflicts, which he represents as a box containing an "ecosystem" defined by geographic, ethnic, economic, social, cultural, and religious characteristics. Inside the box are, among others, governments, counterinsurgent forces, insurgent leaders, insurgent forces, and the general population, which is made up of three groups:
those committed to the insurgents;
those committed to the counterinsurgents;
those who simply wish to get on with their lives.

Often, but not always, states or groups that aid one side or the other are outside the box. Outside-the-box intervention has dynamics of its own.

The counterinsurgency strategy can be described as efforts to end the insurgency by a campaign developed in balance along three "pillars": security, political, and economical.

"Obviously enough, you cannot command what you do not control. Therefore, unity of command (between agencies or among government and non-government actors) means little in this environment." Unity of command is one of the axioms of military doctrine that change with the use of swarming:. In Edwards' swarming model, as in Kilcullen's mode, unity of command becomes "unity of effort at best, and collaboration or deconfliction at least."

As in swarming, in Kilcullen's view unity of effort "depends less on a shared command and control hierarchy, and more on a shared diagnosis of the problem (i.e., the distributed knowledge of swarms), platforms for collaboration, information sharing and deconfliction. Each player must understand the others' strengths, weaknesses, capabilities and objectives, and inter-agency teams must be structured for versatility (the ability to perform a wide variety of tasks) and agility (the ability to transition rapidly and smoothly between tasks)."

Eizenstat and closing gaps
Insurgencies, according to Stuart Eizenstat grow out of "gaps". To be viable, a state must be able to close three "gaps", of which the first is most important:
Security: protection "... against internal and external threats, and preserving sovereignty over territory. If a government cannot ensure security, rebellious armed groups or criminal nonstate actors may use violence to exploit this security gap—as in Haiti, Nepal, and Somalia."
Capacity: the survival needs of water, electrical power, food and public health, closely followed by education, communications and a working economic system. "An inability to do so creates a capacity gap, which can lead to a loss of public confidence and then perhaps political upheaval. In most environments, a capacity gap coexists with—or even grows out of—a security gap. In Afghanistan and the Democratic Republic of the Congo, for example, segments of the population are cut off from their governments because of endemic insecurity. And in postconflict Iraq, critical capacity gaps exist despite the country's relative wealth and strategic importance."
Legitimacy: closing the legitimacy gap is more than an incantation of "democracy" and "elections", but a government that is perceived to exist by the consent of the governed, has minimal corruption, and has a working law enforcement and judicial system that enforce human rights.

Note the similarity between Eizenstat's gaps and Kilcullen's three pillars. In the table below, do not assume that a problematic state is unable to assist less developed states while closing its own gaps.

McCormick Magic Diamond
McCormick's model is designed as a tool for counterinsurgency (COIN), but develops a symmetrical view of the required actions for both the Insurgent and COIN forces to achieve success. In this way the counterinsurgency model can demonstrate how both the insurgent and COIN forces succeed or fail. The model's strategies and principle apply to both forces, therefore the degree the forces follow the model should have a direct correlation to the success or failure of either the Insurgent or COIN force.

The model depicts four key elements or players:
Insurgent force
Counterinsurgency force (i.e., the government)
Population
International community

All of these interact, and the different elements have to assess their best options in a set of actions:
Gaining support of the population
Disrupt opponent's control over the population
Direct action against opponent
Disrupt opponent's relations with the international community
Establish relationships with the international community

Barnett and connecting to the core
In Thomas Barnett's paradigm, the world is divided into a "connected core" of nations enjoying a high level of communications among their organizations and individuals, and those nations that are disconnected internally and externally. In a reasonably peaceful situation, he describes a "system administrator" force, often multinational, which does what some call "nation-building", but, most importantly, connects the nation to the core and empowers the natives to communicate—that communication can be likened to swarm coordination. If the state is occupied, or in civil war, another paradigm comes into play: the leviathan, a first-world military force that takes down the opposition regular forces. Leviathan is not constituted to fight local insurgencies, but major forces. Leviathan may use extensive swarming at the tactical level, but its dispatch is a strategic decision that may be made unilaterally, or by an established group of the core such as NATO or ASEAN.

Cordesman and security
Other than brief "Leviathan" takedowns, security building appears to need to be regional, with logistical and other technical support from more developed countries and alliances (e.g., ASEAN, NATO). Noncombat military assistance in closing the security gap begins with training, sometimes in specialized areas such as intelligence. More direct, but still noncombat support, includes intelligence, planning, logistics and communications.

Anthony Cordesman notes that security requirements differ by region and state in region. Writing on the Middle East, he identified different security needs for specific areas, as well as the US interest in security in those areas.
 In North Africa, the US focus should be on security cooperation in achieving regional stability and in counterterrorism.
 In the Levant, the US must largely compartment security cooperation with Israel and cooperation with friendly Arab states like Egypt, Jordan, and Lebanon, but can improve security cooperation with all these states.
 In the Persian Gulf, the US must deal with the strategic importance of a region whose petroleum and growing gas exports fuel key elements of the global economy.

It is well to understand that counterterrorism, as used by Cordesman, does not mean using terrorism against the terrorism, but an entire spectrum of activities, nonviolent and violent, to disrupt an opposing terrorist organization. The French general, Joseph Gallieni, observed, while a colonial administrator in 1898,

Both Kilcullen and Eizenstat define a more abstract goal than does Cordesman. Kilcullen's security pillar is roughly equivalent to Eizenstat's security gap:
 Military security (securing the population from attack or intimidation by guerrillas, bandits, terrorists or other armed groups)
 Police security (community policing, police intelligence or "Special Branch" activities, and paramilitary police field forces).
 Human security, building a framework of human rights, civil institutions and individual protections, public safety (fire, ambulance, sanitation, civil defense) and population security.

Anthony Cordesman, while speaking of the specific situation in Iraq, makes some points that can be generalized to other nations in turmoil. Cordesman recognizes some value in the groupings in Samuel P. Huntington's idea of the clash of civilizations, but, rather assuming the civilizations must clash, these civilizations simply can be recognized as actors in a multinational world. In the case of Iraq, Cordesman observes that the burden is on the Islamic civilization, not unilaterally the West, if for no other reason that the civilization to which the problematic nation belongs will have cultural and linguistic context that Western civilization cannot hope to equal.

The heart of strengthening weak nations must come from within, and that heart will fail if they deny that the real issue is the future of their civilization, if they tolerate religious, cultural or separatist violence and terrorism when it strikes at unpopular targets, or if they continue to try to export the blame for their own failures to other nations, religions, and cultures.

Asymmetric and irregular conflicts
Asymmetric conflicts (or irregular conflicts), as the emerging type of insurgencies in recent history, is described by Berman and Matanock in their review as conflicts where "the government forces have a clear advantage over rebels in coercive capacity." In this kind of conflicts, rebel groups can reintegrate into the civilian population after an attack if the civilians are willing to silently accept them. Some of the most recent examples include the conflicts in Afghanistan and Iraq. As the European countries intervenes in the conflicts, creating asymmetry between the government forces and rebels, asymmetric conflict is the most common form of subnational conflicts and the most civil conflicts where the western countries are likely to be involved. Such interventions and their impacts can be seen in the NATO operation in Libya in 2011 and the French-led intervention in Mali in 2013.

Berman and Matanock suggested an information-centric framework to describe asymmetric conflicts on a local level. Three parties are involved in framework: government forces, rebels and civilians. Government forces and rebels attack each other and may inadvertently harm civilians whereas civilians can anonymously share local information with government forces, which would allow government forces to effectively use their asymmetric advantage to target rebels. Taking the role of civilians in this framework into consideration, the government and rebels will divert resources to provide services to civilians so as to influence their decision about sharing information with the government.

The framework is based on several assumptions:
 The consequential action of civilians is information sharing.
 Information can be shared anonymously without endangering the civilians who do so and civilians are assumed to respond to incentives.
 Neither side of government forces and rebels will actively target civilians with coercion or intimidation.
This framework leads to five major implications for counterinsurgency strategies:
 The government and rebels have an incentive to provide services to civilians, which increases with the value of the information shared.
 Rebel violence may be reduced by service provision from the government.
 Projects that address the needs of the civilians in the local communities and conditioned on information sharing by the community are more effective in reducing rebel violence. In practice, these may be smaller projects that are developed through consultation with local communities, which are also more easily revoked when information is not shared.
 Innovations that increase the value of projects to local civilians, such as including development professionals in project design and implementation, will enhance the effect of violence-reducing.
 Security provided by the government and service provision (i.e. development spending) are complementary activities.
 If either side of the government forces or rebels causes casualties among civilians, civilians will reduce their support for that side.
 Innovations that make anonymous tips to the government easier, of which are often technical, can reduce rebel violence.
These implications are tested by empirical evidences from conflicts in Afghanistan, Iraq and several other subnational conflicts. Further research on governance, rule of law, attitudes, dynamics and agency between allies are needed to better understand asymmetric conflicts and to have better informed decisions made at the tactical, strategic and public policy levels.

Counter-insurgency

Before one counters an insurgency, one must understand what one is countering. Typically the most successful counter-insurgencies have been the British in the Malay Emergency and the Filipino government's countering of the Huk Rebellion. In the Philippine–American War, U.S. forces successfully quelled the Filipino insurgents by 1902, albeit with tactics considered unacceptable by the majority of modern populations.

See also

 Asymmetric warfare
 Fourth generation warfare
 Insurrectionary anarchism
 Irregular warfare
 Political warfare
 Revolutionary warfare
 Violent non-state actor
 COIN (board game)

National doctrines
 Foreign internal defense
 Reagan Doctrine
 Unconventional warfare (United States Department of Defense doctrine)

Case studies
 List of revolutions and rebellions
 Hearts and Minds (Vietnam)
 Insurgency in North East India
 Insurgency in the North Caucasus
 Islamic insurgency in the Philippines
 South Thailand insurgency

Notes

References

External links

How Insurgencies End by Ben Connable, Martin C. Libicki

Military doctrines

Insurgency


Le brûleur d'encens en céladon avec couvercle en forme de lion est l'un des Trésors nationaux de la Corée du Sud, le n°60.

Si les brûleurs d'encens étaient généralement fabriqués en métal,  l'avancée des techniques permit l'utilisation du céladon,  notamment  par la céramique de Goryeo. Nombre d'entre eux avaient des couvercles décorés d'animaux, soit des animaux réels comme des lions, des canards, soit des créatures imaginaires comme des dragons ou des qilins (ou kirin).  Les récipients de Sanggyeong en céladon de (en forme de personnes, de plantes ou d'animaux) ont été principalement produits au XIIe siècle, à l'apogée du céladon de Goryeo.

Le couvercle de ce brûleur d'encens a la forme d'un lion, considéré comme le protecteur dans le bouddhisme, et qui apparaît fréquemment dans les pagodes, sur les lanternes et autres instruments de cérémonie bouddhistes. Ce lion présente des caractéristiques très particulières : sa patte droite repose sur un chintamani (bijou magique bouddhique) et une cloche est suspendue à son poitrail ; les pupilles de ses yeux larges et fixes sont assombries par un vernis brun ; ses oreilles sont repliées vers le bas et sa queue est enroulée sur son dos.

Ce brûleur d'encens présente des points communs avec celui décrit en 1124 dans Xuanhe Fengshi Gaoli Tujing (宣和奉使高麗圖經), par Xu Jing (徐兢), un envoyé de la dynastie Song, on peut donc dire qu'il est représentatif d'une époque

Références

Trésor national en Corée du Sud
Céramique coréenne
Encens

Brûleur d'encens en céladon avec couvercle en forme de lion


La réserve naturelle « la Cascade de Wilczka » est une réserve naturelle paysagère qui est située dans la voïvodie de Basse-Silésie, le district de Kłodzko et dans la commune de Bystrzyca Kłodzka, près du village Międzygórze.

Position et description
La réserve se trouve dans le Parc Paysager de Śnieżnik, à l'altitude de , dans la zone spéciale de conservation PLH020016 du Réseau Natura 2000.

La réserve qui a  de surface a été fondée en 1958. Elle englobe le territoire autour de la cascade, du bassin et de la gorge de Wilczka. Dans un arrêté de 2012, on a annoncé la diminution de surface de la réserve à , mais il s'est avéré qu'on a omis deux paragraphes pendant les travaux sur l'arrêté. Un arrêté de 2016 a corrigé cette erreur et il a rétabli la surface correcte de .

Sur le territoire de la réserve, il y a une forêt de hêtres avec le sapin, l'érable sycomore et l'épicéa. On peut y trouver les espèces de plantes suivantes : cardamine glanduligera, le gaillet odorant, le sceau-de-Salomon verticillé, le prénanthe pourpre, elymus europaeus, l'athyrium fougère-femelle, phegopteris connectilis, dryopteris dilatata, le lamier jaune, festuca altissima. Le microclimat frais, sombre et humide est favorable pour la végétation des bryophytes. Le fond et l'entrée du ravin sont recouverts de communautés végétales des pétasites et d'espèces qui ont besoin d'humidité, telles que : le pétasite blanc, l'adénostyle à feuilles d'alliaire, la laitue des Alpes et la lunaire vivace.

Chute d'eau
La cascade Wilczka (en allemand : Wölfelsfall) qui était appelée autrefois la cascade Żeromski (en polonais : Wodogrzmoty Żeromskiego) est située sur la rivière Wilczka dans le mont Śnieżnik (Sudètes orientales), à côté de Międzygórze. Elle a  de la hauteur et elle est la deuxième cascade la plus haute dans les Sudètes polonais, après la Cascade de Kamieńczyk. Avant la grande inondation de 1997, l'eau tombait d'une hauteur de  de plus. Il s'est avéré que l'inondation a causé une érosion du surplomb artificiel du début du . Avant 1945, la cascade atteignait  de hauteur. La cascade tombe du rocher de  au bassin creusé dans les micaschistes moins résistants. En hiver, la cascade de glace se forme autour de la chute d'eau.

La création de la cascade est liée à une élévation d'une faille du Tertiaire qui coupe le cours de la rivière. Les rochers autour de la cascade, ce sont les gneiss de Gierałtów. La gorge d'environ  de largeur,  de longueur et  de profondeur est appelée le canyon américain. Après environ , la rivière Wilczka coule dans la vallée bien plus large, coupée par le barrage de 1908.

Tourisme
La première description de cet endroit de H. Reisser vient de 1781. La gorge de la rivière était considérée comme infranchissable jusqu'en 1834, quand les officiers Lutz et von Leuthold l'ont traversé à la nage. Depuis la fin du , la cascade était la destination des excursions de ressorts de Lądek-Zdrój et Długopole-Zdrój. Au , à l'époque de la princesse Marianne d'Orange-Nassau, on a créé un petit parc avec une fontaine dans le style du jardin romantique au-dessus de la cascade. À l'initiative de la famille Negler, on a construit l'escalier, les balustrades et les passerelles pour pouvoir accéder aux points de vue panoramiques et au fond du ravin. On a demandé les droits d'entrée aux visiteurs. L'ancien parc n'a pas survécu à nos jours.

Actuellement, il existe plusieurs parcours pour les piétons dans la réserve.

 Aux environs de la réserve, il y a un sentier de randonnée de Międzygórze au mont Igliczna.
 Au-dessus de la cascade, il y a un petit pont d'acier et un point de vue panoramique sécurisé de l'autre côté.
 On a tracé deux sentiers botaniques sur le terrain de la réserve.
 À quelques dizaines de mètres de la cascade, le long de la route à Międzygórze, il se trouve un hôtel et un parking.

Références

Bibliographie

  Krzysztof R. Mazurski Masyw Śnieżnika i Góry Bialskie, SUDETY Oficyna Wydawnicza Oddziału Wrocławskiego PTTK, Wrocław 1995
  Słownik geografii turystycznej Sudetów. Marek Staffa (redakcja).  : Masyw Śnieżnika i Góry Bialskie. Warszawa: Wydawnictwo PTTK "Kraj", 1993

Voïvodie de Basse-Silésie
Réserve naturelle en Europe
Chute d'eau en Europe

Réserve naturelle de la Cascade de Wilczka


Ragtime er en dansk eksperimentalfilm fra 1995 instrueret af Søren Martinsen.

Handling
»Ragtime« er en kort beretning om en ung mand, der drikker en kop te, hører radio og tænker lidt over sit liv. Er han ensom, har han problemer? Et anfald af Weltschmerz? I hvert fald må han gøre noget radikalt for at opnå følelsen af at være til stede. Søren Martinsen har i mange af sine arbejder udtrykt sig omkring den enkeltes forhold til den store socialitet. Selv skriver han i en kort kommentar til denne video: "Hvad er der galt med mig? A) Jeg er syg og må forsøge at helbrede mig selv. B) Jeg er en flage skæl på en sort skjorte."

Referencer

Eksterne henvisninger

Eksperimentalfilm fra Danmark
Danske film fra 1995

Ragtime (eksperimentalfilm)


B.C.'s Quest for Tires je videoigra autora Ricka Banksa i Michaela Batea. Na tržište ju je 1983. godine izdala tvrtka Sierra On-Line. Igra je zasnovana na stripu B.C. autora Johnnyja Harta dok je naslov bio igra na filma koji bio izašao u isto vrijeme s naslovom  Quest for Fire. Nastavak igre izašao je 1984. pod naslovom Grog's Revenge.

Priča

Glavni lik igre je pećinski čovjek Thor koji mora spasiti svoju djevojku 'Zgodnu Curu' koju je oteo dinosaur. Da bi stigao do svoje djevojke, Thor mora voziti svoj unicikl, u stvari nemogući kotač preko nekoliko nivoa. Na svakom nivou Thor se giba s lijeve na desnu stranu zaslona, izbjegavajući razne prepreke.

Igra

B.C.'s Quest for Tires akcijska je igra koja se prenosi preko nekoliko povezanih nivoa. Na početku igre prepreke su jednostavne, Thor mora preskočiti preko rupa i sagnuti se da ne bi udario glavom o granu. Kasniji nivoi postaju složeniji: npr. Thor mora skočiti na kornjače da bi uspio prijeći preko jezera, ili treba uhvatiti noge ptice Dooky kako bi uspio preskočiti preko jezera s lavom.

Platforme

 Commodore 64
 Obitelj 8-bitnih Atarija
 ColecoVision
 ZX Spectrum
 MSX
 Apple II

Izvori

Videoigre za Commodore 64

B.C.'s Quest for Tires


B 49 steht für:
 Bundesstraße 49 in Deutschland
 Bernstein Straße, Landesstraße in Österreich

B49 steht für:
 nicht näher bezeichnete Mykose (ICD-10-Code)

B-49 steht für:
 Northrop YB-49, Prototyp eines Nurflügel-Bombers

B49

B49


Zhao Xintong () este un jucător chinez de snooker. În 2021, a câștigat Campionatul Regatului Unit, trecând în finală cu 10-5 de Luca Brecel.

A disputat semifinala Campionatului Chinei din 2018, pierzând 4-6 contra lui Mark Selby.

S-a perfecționat și la Sheffield în Anglia.

Note

Nașteri în 1997
Nașteri pe 3 aprilie
Jucători de snooker
Oameni în viață
Sportivi chinezi

Zhao Xintong


La gare de Virginal est une gare ferroviaire belge, fermée, de la ligne 106, de Lembeek à Écaussinnes située à Virginal-Samme sur la commune d'Ittre, dans la province du Brabant wallon en Région wallonne.

Situation ferroviaire
La gare de Virginal était établie au  (PK) 9,1 de la ligne 106, de Lembeek à Écaussinnes, via Clabecq, entre les haltes d'Oisquercq et de Fauquez.

Histoire
La station de Virginal entre en service le  lorsque les Chemins de fer de l'État belge ouvrent à l'exploitation la section de Clabecq à Écaussinnes. La gare, à l'écart du bourg, est située près d'un méandre désormais abandonné du Canal Charleroi-Bruxelles, non loin du village d'Asquemont ; une série d'usines s'implanteront à proximité.Elle devient un point d'échange avec les tramways à voie étroite de la Société nationale des chemins de fer vicinaux (SNCV) avec la mise en service d'une ligne entre Braine-l'Alleud/Nivelles et Braine-le-Comte/Rebecq. Un dépôt pour les locomotives à vapeur puis les autorails diesel verra le jour à proximité de la gare. La SNCV met fin au service des marchandises à Virginal-Samme en 1959 et remplace du même coup les autorails par la ligne de bus 65.

La gare, mal située, cesse de servir d'arrêt aux trains de la ligne 106 de la SNCB en 1980 ou 1981. Le bâtiment des recettes  est démoli en 1982. Les trains de voyageurs cessent de parcourir la ligne 106 en 1984 et la voie est démontée entre Clabecq et Écaussinnes cinq ans plus tard.

Notes et références

Voir aussi

Articles connexes
 Ligne 106 (Infrabel)
 Liste de gares en Belgique

Liens externes

Gare
Ligne 106 (Infrabel)
Gare disparue dans la province du Brabant wallon
Gare mise en service en 1884

Gare de Virginal


Masovna grobnica Dabina jama, masovna grobnica u Dabinoj jami. Nalazi se u gustoj šumi na Dabinu vrhu u blizini Donjeg Srba, iznad sela Brotnja, općina Gračac.

Za postojanje se odavno znalo, ali zbog političkih nemoguće situacije nije se ni mogla ni smjela izvršiti ekshumacija. Poznato je da su na ovome mjestu su žrtve žive bacane u tu jamu, odmah nakon pucnja prve puške u Srbu. Ekshumacija je dovršena 27. srpnja 2014. godine. Ekshumaciju je organiziralo Ministarstvo branitelja po nalogu Državnog odvjetništva Republike Hrvatske. Posao izvlačenja posmrtnih ostataka izveli su članovi Hrvatske gorske službe spašavanja. U dubokoj jami pronađeni su ostatci 19 žrtava, mještana hrvatskih sela ubijenih u ljeto 1941. u danima četničke pobune nakon koje je istočna Lika etnički očišćena od Hrvata. Tad je pobijena cijela hrvatska obitelj Ivezić, njih 32 člana. Smatra se da su ostatci ostalih nestalih osoba na nekoj drugoj lokaciji. Pronađeni ostatci pripadaju osobama od dječje dobi od staraca. Pretpostavljalo se da su to posmrtni ostatci obitelji Ivezić te se mora od živućih članova obitelji uzeti krvne uzorke DNK da bi se moglo pristupiti identifikaciji.

Ceremonija posljednjeg ispraćaja 24 civilne žrtve roda Ivezić koje su ubili srpski ustanici 27. srpnja 1941. godine na lokaciji Dabin Vrh održana je u Boričevcu, u općini Donjem Lapcu u četvrtak, 27. srpnja 2017. godine. U crkvi Rođenja blažene Djevice Marije sv. misu zadušnicu predvodio je biskup u miru mons. Mile Bogović, u koncelebraciji sa svećenicima Gospićko-senjske biskupije. Upriličeno je otkrivanje spomen-obilježja za ubijene žrtve roda Ivezić, koje su zajednički otkrili član obitelji potomaka žrtava Ivan Pražetina, izaslanik predsjednika Vlade RH i ministra hrvatskih branitelja, državni tajnik Ivan Vukić i predsjednik Udruge povratnika Ličko-senjske županije Frane Vrkljan. Spomen obilježje "Dabin vrh" podiže Republika Hrvatska u spomen na 24 civilne žrtve roda Ivezić koje su ubili srpski ustanici prije punih 86 godina i treće je do sada podignuto spomen-obilježje u Republici Hrvatskoj.

Izvori

Masovne grobnice u Hrvatskoj
Masovne grobnice žrtava partizanskih zločina u Drugom svjetskom ratu i poraću

Masovna grobnica Dabina jama


A análise cultural marxista é uma forma de análise cultural e crítica cultural anticapitalista, que assume a teoria da hegemonia cultural e, a partir disso, visa especificamente os aspectos da cultura que são movidos pelo lucro e produzidos em massa sob o capitalismo.

A teoria original por trás dessa forma de análise é comumente associada a Georg Lukacs, à Escola de Frankfurt e a Antonio Gramsci, representando uma tendência importante dentro do marxismo ocidental . A análise cultural marxista, tomada como uma área do discurso, tem comumente considerado a industrialização e a produção em massa da cultura pela " indústria cultural " como tendo um efeito negativo geral na sociedade, um efeito que reifica as reações do público, afastando-o do desenvolvimento de um sentido mais autêntico dos valores humanos .

A tradição da análise cultural marxista ocasionalmente também foi referida como "marxismo cultural" e "teoria cultural marxista", em referência às ideias marxistas sobre cultura. No entanto, desde a década de 1990, esse termo se refere amplamente à teoria da conspiração do marxismo cultural, um discurso influente na extrema direita sem qualquer relação clara com a análise cultural marxista.

Desenvolvimento da teoria

Antonio Gramsci
Antonio Gramsci foi um filósofo marxista italiano, escrevendo principalmente antes e depois da Primeira Guerra Mundial . Ele tentou romper com o determinismo econômico do pensamento do marxismo clássico e, portanto, é considerado um neomarxista chave.

Gramsci é mais conhecido por sua teoria da hegemonia cultural, que descreve como o estado e a burguesia como a classe capitalista dominante usam as instituições culturais para manter o poder nas sociedades capitalistas. Segundo Gramsci, a burguesia desenvolve uma cultura hegemônica por meio da ideologia, e não pelo uso da violência, do poder econômico ou da coerção. A cultura hegemônica promove seus  valores e normas para  se tornarem os valores "comuns" de todos e manter o status quo. Gramsci argumentou que o poder hegemônico é usado para manter o consentimento à ordem capitalista, em vez do poder coercitivo que usa a força para manter a ordem, e que a classe dominante produz e reproduz essa hegemonia cultural  por meio das instituições que formam a superestrutura.

Escola de Birmingham
O humanismo marxista de EP Thompson, bem como as filosofias individuais dos fundadores da Escola de Birmingham ( Stuart Hall, Richard Hoggart e Raymond Williams ) fornecem as influências para os Estudos Culturais Britânicos, conforme abrigados no Centro de Estudos Culturais Contemporâneos em Birmingham . A Escola de Birmingham desenvolveu-se depois da Escola de Frankfurt e é vista como uma resposta paralela. Assim, os Estudos Culturais Britânicos se concentram em questões posteriores, como americanização, censura, globalização e multiculturalismo . The Uses of Literacy (1957) de Hoggart, Culture and Society (1958) de Williams e The Making of the English Working class (1964) de Thompson formam os textos fundamentais para a escola, com o modelo de codificação/decodificação de comunicação de Hall, bem como seus escritos sobre o multiculturalismo na Grã-Bretanha chegando mais tarde, mas carregando a mesma seriedade.

A Escola de Birmingham valorizou muito e contribuiu para a consciência de classe dentro da estrutura da sociedade britânica . Devido às suas posições como especialistas literários, Hoggart e Williams foram chamados como testemunhas durante R v Penguin Books Ltd, um processo judicial relativo à censura na publicação, cujo resultado é amplamente considerado como a definição da Grã-Bretanha na década de 1960 como uma " sociedade permissiva ". Eles argumentaram a favor da liberdade de linguagem e contra a censura.

Na obra mais importante de Hoggart, The Uses of Literacy, ele lamenta a perda da autêntica cultura popular da classe trabalhadora na Grã-Bretanha e denuncia a imposição da cultura de massa por meio da publicidade, da mídia e da americanização. Ele se opõe ao termo "massas", que ele diz ser condescendente e elitista. Essa "massa" da produção cultural foi mais tarde chamada de "a colonização das comunidades locais e o roubo de sua identidade". Enquanto a Escola de Frankfurt incentivava os valores da alta cultura, a Escola de Birmingham tentava trazer a alta cultura de volta à vida real, evitando o relativismo moral..

Crítica da política de identidade e pós-modernismo
Na história mais recente, a análise cultural marxista criticou o pós-modernismo e a política de identidade, também conhecida como política de reconhecimento, alegando que a política redistributiva deveria manter proeminência em seu discurso. Jürgen Habermas, filósofo acadêmico associado à Escola de Frankfurt, é um crítico das teorias do pós-modernismo, tendo apresentado argumentos contra seu estilo e estrutura em sua obra " O Discurso Filosófico da Modernidade ", na qual expõe a importância da racionalidade comunicativa e Ação. Ele também defende que, por ser fundado na e de dentro da modernidade, o pós-modernismo tem contradições internas que o tornam insustentável como argumento.

A associada da Escola de Frankfurt, Nancy Fraser, fez críticas à política de identidade moderna e ao feminismo em seu artigo da New Left Review "Rethinking Recognition", bem como em sua coleção de ensaios "Fortunes of Feminism: From State-Managed Capitalism to Neoliberal Crise" (1985-2010).

Teoria da conspiração do "marxismo cultural"
Embora o termo "marxismo cultural" tenha sido usado em um sentido geral, para discutir a aplicação das ideias marxistas no campo cultural, o termo variante "marxismo cultural" geralmente se refere a uma teoria da conspiração anti-semita . Partes da teoria da conspiração fazem referência a pensadores e ideias reais selecionados da tradição marxista ocidental, mas eles deturpam severamente o assunto. Os teóricos da conspiração exageram a influência real dos intelectuais marxistas, por exemplo, alegando que os estudiosos marxistas pretendiam se infiltrar nos governos, realizar o controle da mente sobre as populações, e destruir a civilização ocidental. Como não há movimento específico correspondente ao rótulo, Joan Braune argumentou que não é correto usar o termo "marxismo cultural".

Na Noruega, Anders Behring Breivik citou o uso conspiratório do "Marxismo Cultural" em seu manifesto político 2083: Uma Declaração Europeia de Independência, que ele enviou por e-mail para 1.003 pessoas apenas 90 minutos antes de matar 77 pessoas em seus ataques a bomba e armas em Oslo e em Utøya . Na linguagem política mais convencional, os conservadores culturais afirmam ter identificado o "marxismo cultural" como a base teórica para aspectos do liberalismo cultural .

Referências

Marxismo
Estudos culturais

Análise cultural marxista


Rodney William Whitaker (d. 12 Haziran 1931, Granville, Washington County, New York - ö. 14 Aralık 2005 Birleşik Krallık), Amerikalı yazar. Romanlarında genellikle Trevanian takma adını kullandığı için bu isimle tanınır.

14 Aralık 2005'te 74 yaşında hayata veda etti. Birleşik Krallık'ın batısında adı açıklanmayan bir yerde kronik akciğer hastalığı tedavisi gören Whitaker, 15 Aralık'ta toprağa verildi. Vasiyetine uygun olarak mezarının yeri açıklanmadı.

"Trevanian" adıyla yazdığı casusluk ve macera romanlarıyla ünlenen Rod Whitaker, kendi adının dışında, "Nicholas Seare" ve "Benat LeCagot" gibi birçok takma isimle değişik konularda eserler yayımladı.

Katya'nın Yazı, Şibumi, Hesaplaşma, Yirminci Mil, Kasaba, İnci Sokağı, Kentte Sıcak Gece, İnfazcı, Ölüm Dansı, (Nicolas Seare adıyla) Kaba Saba Masallar ve 1339 Türkçeye çevrilen ve en bilinen kitapları. Kitapları dünyada milyonlarca basılan Whitaker, yaşamı süresince hiç ortaya çıkmayarak kendisini gizledi.

Şibumi (Shibumi) adlı macera romanı dünyada satış rekorları kırmıştır (Şibumi). Yazarın Yayımlanmış 10 kadar romanı 5 milyonun üzerinde satış yapmıştır. Türkçeye İnfazcı adıyla çevrilen ilk romanı The Eiger Sanction, ünlü oyuncu / yönetmen Clint Eastwood tarafından sinemaya kazandırılmış ve çok başarılı performans sergilemiştir.

Kitapları

Kendi adı (Rodney Whitaker) ile

 The

Trevanian takma adıyla

 1972 The Eiger Sanction (İnfazcı)
 1973 The Loo Sanction (Hesaplaşma)
 1976 The Main (Kasaba)
 1979 Shibumi (Şibumi)
 1983 The Summer of Katya (Katya'nın Yazı)
 1998 Incident at Twenty-Mile (Yirminci Mil)
 2000 Hot Night in The City (Kentte Sıcak Gece)
 2005 The Crazyladies of Pearl Street (İnci Sokağı)

Nicholas Seare takma adıyla

 1975 1339 ... or So: An Apology for A Pedlar (1339 ya da Öyle Bir Yıl, Bir Sokak Satıcısı Adına Özür)
 1983 Rude Tales and Glorious (Kaba Saba Masallar)

Dış bağlantılar
 http://www.trevanian.com/

1931 doğumlular
Washington County, New York doğumlular
2005 yılında ölenler
20. yüzyıl Amerikalı roman yazarları
21. yüzyıl Amerikalı roman yazarları

İngiltere'de ölenler

Trevanian


هايلاند  هي إحدى مدن مقاطعة سان بيرناردينو، كاليفورنيا. تم إعطاءها لقب مدينة في 24 نوفمبر، 1987.

التركيبة السكانية
حدّد مكتب تعداد الولايات المتحدة بيانات التركيبة السكانية لهايلاند في تعداد الولايات المتحدة. في ما يلي، التركيبة السكانية حسب تعدادي 2000 و2010.

تعداد عام 2000
بلغ عدد سكان هايلاند 44,605 نسمة بحسب تعداد عام 2000، وبلغ عدد الأسر 13,478 أسرة وعدد العائلات 10,780 عائلة مقيمة في المدينة. في حين سجلت الكثافة السكانية . وبلغ عدد الوحدات السكنية 14,858 وحدة بمتوسط كثافة قدره .
وتوزع التركيب العرقي للمدينة بنسبة 56.25% من البيض و12.11% من الأمريكيين الأفارقة و1.30% من الأمريكيين الأصليين و6.14% من الأمريكيين ذوي الأصول الآسيوية و0.34% من سكان جزر المحيط الهادئ و18.62% من الأعراق الأخرى و5.23% من عرقين مختلطين أو أكثر و36.64% من الهسبانيون أو اللاتينيون من أي عرق.

بلغ عدد الأسر 13,478 أسرة كانت نسبة 53.5% منها لديها أطفال تحت سن الثامنة عشر تعيش معهم، وبلغت نسبة الأزواج القاطنين مع بعضهم البعض 55.1% من أصل المجموع الكلي للأسر، ونسبة 19% من الأسر كان لديها معيلات من الإناث دون وجود شريك،  بينما كانت نسبة 6% من الأسر لديها معيلون من الذكور دون وجود شريكة وكانت نسبة 20% من غير العائلات. تألفت نسبة 15.4% من أصل جميع الأسر من عدة أفراد يعيشون في نفس المنزل ونسبة 4.8% كانت تتألف من شخص يعيش بمفرده يبلغ من العمر 65 عاماً أو أكثر. وبلغ متوسط حجم الأسرة المعيشية 3.29، أما متوسط حجم العائلات فبلغ 3.64.

بلغ العمر الوسطي للسكان 29.3 عاماً. وكانت نسبة 35.5% من القاطنين تحت سن الثامنة عشر، وكانت نسبة 9% بين الثامنة عشر والرابعة والعشرين عاماً، ونسبة 29.8% كانت واقعةً في الفئة العمرية ما بين الخامسة والعشرين والرابعة والأربعين عاماً، ونسبة 18.7% كانت ما بين الخامسة والأربعين والرابعة والستين، ونسبة 6.4% كانت ضمن فئة الخامسة والستين عاماً فما فوق. يوجد لكل 100 أنثى 95.2 ذكر، ويوجد لكل 100 أنثى في الثامنة عشر من عمرها فما فوق 91.5 ذكر.

بلغ متوسط دخل الأسرة في المدينة 41,230 دولارًا، أما متوسط دخل العائلة فبلغ 43,649 دولارًا. وكان متوسط دخل الذكور 38,695 دولارًا مقابل 27,308 دولارًا للإناث. وسجل دخل الفرد الخاص بالمدينة 16,039 دولارًا. وكانت نسبة 17.5% من العائلات ونسبة 21.5% من السكان تحت خط الفقر، وكان من هؤلاء نسبة 29.4% تحت سن الثامنة عشر ونسبة 10.9% في الخامسة والستين من العمر وما فوق.

تعداد عام 2010
بلغ عدد سكان هايلاند 53,104 نسمة بحسب تعداد عام 2010، وبلغ عدد الأسر 15,471 أسرة وعدد العائلات 12,542 عائلة مقيمة في المدينة. في حين سجلت الكثافة السكانية . وبلغ عدد الوحدات السكنية 16,578 وحدة بمتوسط كثافة قدره .
وتوزع التركيب العرقي للمدينة بنسبة 52.42% من البيض و11.09% من الأمريكيين الأفارقة و1.02% من الأمريكيين الأصليين و7.45% من الأمريكيين ذوي الأصول الآسيوية و0.32% من سكان جزر المحيط الهادئ و22.27% من الأعراق الأخرى و5.44% من عرقين مختلطين أو أكثر و48.12% من الهسبانيون أو اللاتينيون من أي عرق.

بلغ عدد الأسر 15,471 أسرة كانت نسبة 51.2% منها لديها أطفال تحت سن الثامنة عشر تعيش معهم، وبلغت نسبة الأزواج القاطنين مع بعضهم البعض 54.8% من أصل المجموع الكلي للأسر، ونسبة 18.6% من الأسر كان لديها معيلات من الإناث دون وجود شريك،  بينما كانت نسبة 7.6% من الأسر لديها معيلون من الذكور دون وجود شريكة وكانت نسبة 18.9% من غير العائلات. تألفت نسبة 14.6% من أصل جميع الأسر من عدة أفراد يعيشون في نفس المنزل ونسبة 4.9% كانت تتألف من شخص يعيش بمفرده يبلغ من العمر 65 عاماً أو أكثر. وبلغ متوسط حجم الأسرة المعيشية 3.42، أما متوسط حجم العائلات فبلغ 3.74.

بلغ العمر الوسطي للسكان 30.6 عاماً. وكانت نسبة 31.9% من القاطنين تحت سن الثامنة عشر، وكانت نسبة 11.1% بين الثامنة عشر والرابعة والعشرين عاماً، ونسبة 26.1% كانت واقعةً في الفئة العمرية ما بين الخامسة والعشرين والرابعة والأربعين عاماً، ونسبة 23.3% كانت ما بين الخامسة والأربعين والرابعة والستين، ونسبة 7.7% كانت ضمن فئة الخامسة والستين عاماً فما فوق. وتوزع التركيب الجنسي للسكان بنسبة 48.7% ذكور و51.3% إناث.

المناخ
يظهر الجدول التالي التغييرات المناخية على مدار السنة لهايلاند:

أعلام
 تشارلز إي. يونغ
 ميخائيل بي كولاكوف
 فرانك فابلر

مراجع

أماكن مأهولة أسست في 1987
تأسيسات سنة 1987 في كاليفورنيا
مدن كاليفورنيا
مدن في مقاطعة سان بيرناردينو (كاليفورنيا)
هايلاند (كاليفورنيا)

هايلاند (كاليفورنيا)


Fringe science refers to ideas whose attributes include being highly speculative or relying on premises already refuted. Fringe science theories are often advanced by persons who have no traditional academic science background, or by researchers outside the mainstream discipline. The general public has difficulty distinguishing between science and its imitators, and in some cases a "yearning to believe or a generalized suspicion of experts is a very potent incentive to accepting pseudoscientific claims".

The term "fringe science" covers everything from novel hypotheses which can be tested by means of the scientific method to wild ad hoc hypotheses and mumbo jumbo.  This has resulted in a tendency to dismiss all fringe science as the domain of pseudoscientists, hobbyists, and quacks.

A concept that was once accepted by the mainstream scientific community may become fringe science because of a later evaluation of previous research. For example, focal infection theory, which held that focal infections of the tonsils or teeth are a primary cause of systemic disease, was once considered to be medical fact. It has since been dismissed because of lack of evidence.

Description
The boundary between fringe science and pseudoscience is disputed. The connotation of "fringe science" is that the enterprise is rational but is unlikely to produce good results for a variety of reasons, including incomplete or contradictory evidence. Pseudoscience, however, is something that is not scientific but is incorrectly characterised as science.

The term may be considered pejorative. For example, Lyell D. Henry Jr. wrote that, "fringe science [is] a term also suggesting kookiness." This characterization is perhaps inspired by the eccentric behavior of many researchers of the kind known colloquially (and with considerable historical precedent) as mad scientists.

Although most fringe science is rejected, the scientific community has come to accept some portions of it. One example of such is plate tectonics, an idea which had its origin in the fringe science of continental drift and was rejected for decades.

Examples

Historical
Some historical ideas that are considered to have been refuted by mainstream science are:

Wilhelm Reich's work with orgone, a physical energy he claimed to have discovered, contributed to his alienation from the psychiatric community. He was eventually sentenced to two years in a federal prison, where he died. At that time and continuing today, scientists disputed his claim that he had scientific evidence for the existence of orgone. Nevertheless, amateurs and a few fringe researchers continued to believe that orgone is real.
Focal infection theory (FIT) as the primary cause of systemic disease rapidly became accepted by mainstream dentistry and medicine after World War I. This acceptance was largely based upon what later turned out to be fundamentally flawed studies. As a result, millions of people were subjected to needless dental extractions and surgeries. The original studies supporting FIT began falling out of favor in the 1930s. By the late 1950s, it was regarded as a fringe theory.
The Clovis First theory held that the Clovis culture was the first culture in North America. It was long regarded as a mainstream theory until mounting evidence of a pre-Clovis culture discredited it.

Modern
Relatively recent fringe sciences include:

 Aubrey de Grey, featured in a 2006 60 Minutes special report, is  studying human longevity. He calls his work "strategies for engineered negligible senescence" (SENS). Many mainstream scientists believe his research is fringe science (especially his view of the importance of nuclear epimutations and his timeline for antiaging therapeutics). In a 2005 article in Technology Review (part of a larger series), it was stated that "SENS is highly speculative. Many of its proposals have not been reproduced, nor could they be reproduced with today's scientific knowledge and technology. Echoing Myhrvold, we might charitably say that de Grey's proposals exist in a kind of antechamber of science, where they wait (possibly in vain) for independent verification. SENS does not compel the assent of many knowledgeable scientists; but neither is it demonstrably wrong."
 A nuclear fusion reaction called cold fusion which occurs near room temperature and pressure was reported by chemists Martin Fleischmann and Stanley Pons in March 1989. Numerous research efforts at the time were unable to replicate their results. Subsequently, a number of scientists have worked on cold fusion or have participated in international conferences on it. In 2004, the United States Department of Energy commissioned a panel on cold fusion to take another look at it. They wanted to determine whether their policies concerning it should be altered because of new evidence.
The theory of abiogenic petroleum origin holds that petroleum was formed from deep carbon deposits, perhaps dating to the formation of the Earth. The ubiquity of hydrocarbons in the solar system is taken as evidence that there may be a great deal more petroleum on Earth than commonly thought, and that petroleum may originate from carbon-bearing fluids which migrate upward from the Earth's mantle. Abiogenic hypotheses saw a revival in the last half of the twentieth century by Russian and Ukrainian scientists. More interest was generated in the West after the 1999 publication by Thomas Gold of The Deep Hot Biosphere. Gold's version of the theory is partly based on the existence of a biosphere composed of thermophile bacteria in the Earth's crust, which might explain the existence of certain biomarkers in extracted petroleum.

Accepted as mainstream
Some theories that were once rejected as fringe science, but were eventually accepted as mainstream science, are:

 Plate tectonics
 The existence of Troy
 Heliocentrism
 Norse colonization of the Americas
Helicobacter pylori bacteria as the causative agent of peptic ulcer disease
The germ theory of disease
Neanderthal-Homo sapiens hybridization

Responding to fringe science
Michael W. Friedlander has suggested some guidelines for responding to fringe science, which, he argues, is a more difficult problem than scientific misconduct. His suggested methods include impeccable accuracy, checking cited sources, not overstating orthodox science, thorough understanding of the Wegener continental drift example, examples of orthodox science investigating radical proposals, and prepared examples of errors from fringe scientists.

Friedlander suggests that fringe science is necessary so that mainstream science will not atrophy. Scientists must evaluate the plausibility of each new fringe claim, and certain fringe discoveries "will later graduate into the ranks of accepted" — while others "will never receive confirmation".

Margaret Wertheim profiled many "outsider scientists" in her book Physics on the Fringe, who receive little or no attention from professional scientists.  She describes all of them as trying to make sense of the world using the scientific method, but in the face of not being able to understand the complex theories of modern science.  She also finds it fair that credentialed scientists do not bother spending a lot of time learning about and explaining problems with the fringe theories of uncredentialed scientists, since the authors of those theories have not taken the time to understand the mainstream theories they aim to disprove.

Controversies

As Donald E. Simanek asserts, "Too often speculative and tentative hypotheses of cutting edge science are treated as if they were scientific truths, and so accepted by a public eager for answers." But the public is ignorant of the fact that "As science progresses from ignorance to understanding it must pass through a transitional phase of confusion and uncertainty."

The media also play a role in propagating the belief that certain fields of science are controversial. In their 2003 paper "Optimising Public Understanding of Science and Technology in Europe: A Comparative Perspective", Jan Nolin et al. write that "From a media perspective it is evident that controversial science sells, not only because of its dramatic value, but also since it is often connected to high-stake societal issues."

See also

 Books
 13 Things That Don't Make Sense (a book by Michael Brooks)
 The Structure of Scientific Revolutions (a book by Thomas S. Kuhn)

References

Bibliography

 CSICOP On-line: Scientifically Investigating Paranormal and Fringe Science Claims—Committee for Skeptical Inquiry

External links

Science
Scientific method

Fringe science


L'Équipe de Thaïlande de hockey sur gazon représente la Thaïlande dans les compétitions internationales masculines de hockey sur gazon. En septembre 2019, la Thaïlande est classée  au classement mondial.

Histoire dans les tournois

Jeux asiatiques
 1966 -  place
 1970 -  place
 1994 -  place
 1986 -  place
 1998 -  place
 2018 -  place

Coupe d'Asie
 1994 -  place
 2007 -  place

Ligue mondiale
 2012-2013 -  tour
 2014-2015 -  tour
 2016-2017 -  tour

Hockey Series
 2018-2019 - Open

Coupe AHF
 2008 -
 2012 -
 2016 -
 2022 - Qualifié

Composition
L'effectif suivant de la Thaïlande pour la Coupe AHF 2022.

Entraîneur :  Kim Kyung Soo

Voir aussi
 Équipe de Thaïlande féminine de hockey sur gazon

Références

Équipe de Thaïlande
Thaïlande
Hockey sur gazon en Thaïlande

Équipe de Thaïlande de hockey sur gazon


Daniel Amardeilh (né le  à Saint-Victor-Rouzaud en Ariège) est un coureur cycliste français, champion de France sur route amateur en 1984 puis en 1985. Il est actif dans les années 1970 et 1980.

Biographie

Ancien membre de l'équipe de France amateurs, Daniel Amardeilh a été licencié à l'AC Pamiers, à l'AS Varennes, au CM Aubervilliers, au CV Montastruc et au GSC Blagnac.

En 1984, il participe aux Jeux olympiques de Los Angeles, où il se classe  et meilleur coureur tricolore de la course en ligne.

Il devient champion de France sur route amateur en 1984 et 1985.

Palmarès
 1976
  du Grand Prix d'Espéraza
 1977
 Grand Prix d'Espéraza
 1978
 Boucles de la Cère
 1979
 Paris-Montargis
  du championnat de France militaires sur route
  de Paris-Roubaix amateurs
 1981
  du Grand Prix d'Espéraza
 1982
 Une étape du Tour de Vendée amateurs
 Tour de Bigorre :
 Classement général
 Une étape
  de la Route de France
 Trophée des Pyrénées
 1983
  du Tour de Normandie
 Tour Toulouse-Pyrénées :
 Classement général
 Deux étapes
 Trophée des Pyrénées
  des Boucles du Tarn
  du championnat de Midi-Pyrénées sur route
  des Boucles catalanes
 1984
  Champion de France sur route amateurs
 Tour de Gironde
  des Boucles du Tarn
 1985
  Champion de France sur route amateurs
 Boucles du Tarn
  du Tour de Yougoslavie
 Tour du Roussillon :
 Classement général

 Grand Prix d'Espéraza
  du Circuit du Cantal
  du Grand Prix de Monpazier
 1987
  du championnat de Midi-Pyrénées sur route

Notes et références

Voir aussi

Articles connexes
 Championnats de France de cyclisme sur route#Amateurs Hommes

Liens externes

Coureur cycliste français
Coureur cycliste aux Jeux olympiques d'été de 1984
Naissance en juillet 1959
Naissance dans l'Ariège

Daniel Amardeilh


The Royal Central School of Speech and Drama was founded by Elsie Fogerty in 1906, as The Central School of Speech Training and Dramatic Art, to offer a new form of training in speech and drama for young actors and other students. It became a constituent college of the University of London in 2005 and is a member of Conservatoires UK and the Federation of Drama Schools.

Courses
The school offers undergraduate, postgraduate, research degrees and short courses in acting, actor training, applied theatre, theatre crafts and making, design, drama therapy, movement, musical theatre, performance, producing, research, scenography, stage management, teacher training, technical arts, voice and writing.

History

In 2006, the Webber Douglas Academy of Dramatic Art was absorbed into Central.

On 29 November 2012, the 'Royal' title was bestowed on the school by Queen Elizabeth II in recognition of its reputation as a "world-class institution for exceptional professional training in theatre and performance studies". It is entitled to use it in official documentation, although it continues to be colloquially referred to as "Central". The school's Patron, Princess Alexandra of Kent, played a role in recommending the institution for the title.

Buildings
The school is located at Swiss Cottage in North London, an area which is being redeveloped as a "civic and cultural quarter" which includes a new extension building for the school, replacing 1960s accommodation. The school's theatre is located inside the new building which was awarded a BREEAM rating of "very good".

Administration

Past presidents of the school include Laurence Olivier and Judi Dench. In October 2008 Harold Pinter, who attended the school in 1950–51, became its president, succeeding Peter Mandelson. He was to receive an honorary fellowship in December 2008, but had to receive it in absentia because of ill health; he died two weeks later. Michael Grandage became  president in 2010.

Former presidents
 Harold Pinter (2008)
 Peter Mandelson (2001 to 2008)
 Judi Dench (1992 to 1997)
 Peggy Ashcroft (1989 to 1992)
 Laurence Olivier (1983 to 1989)

Research
In the 2008 Research Assessment Exercise the majority of Central's submission was judged "world leading" or "internationally excellent". The school has been ranked highly by The Guardian, placing it sixth in its league table of specialist institutions and ninth for Drama and Dance.

The school has over 20 doctoral candidates and the first graduate of the programme, Broderick Chow, was awarded his PhD at the December 2010 graduation ceremony.

Alumni

References

External links
 "Education Guide" (Higher Education) in The Guardian
  The Royal Central School of Speech and Drama – Official Website

1906 establishments in England
Drama schools in London
Educational institutions established in 1906

Universities UK
University of London