Body image is a person's thoughts, feelings and perception of the aesthetics or sexual attractiveness of their own body. The concept of body image is used in a number of disciplines, including neuroscience, psychology, medicine, psychiatry, psychoanalysis, philosophy, cultural and feminist studies; the media also often uses the term. Across these disciplines, there is no single consensus definition, but broadly speaking body image consists of the ways people view themselves; their memories, experiences, assumptions, and comparisons about their own appearances; and their overall attitudes towards their own respective heights, shapes, and weights—all of which are shaped by prevalent social and cultural ideals.

Body image can be negative ("body negativity") or positive ("body positivity"). A person with a negative body image may feel self-conscious or ashamed, and may feel that others are more attractive. In a time where social media holds a very important place and is used frequently in our daily lives, people of different ages are affected emotionally and mentally by the appearance and body size/shape ideals set by the society they live in. These standards created and changed by society created a world filled with body shaming; the act of humiliating an individual by mocking or making critical comments about a person's physiological appearance.

Aside from having low self-esteem, sufferers typically fixate on altering their physical appearances. Such behavior creates body dissatisfaction and higher risks of eating disorders, isolation, and mental illnesses in the long term. In eating disorders, a negative body image may also lead to body image disturbance, an altered perception of the whole one's body. Body dissatisfaction also characterizes body dysmorphic disorder, an obsessive-compulsive disorder defined by concerns about some specific aspect of one's body (usually face, skin or hair), which is severely flawed and warrants exceptional measures to hide or fix. Often, people who have a low body image will try to alter their bodies in some way, such as by dieting or by undergoing cosmetic surgery. On the other hand, positive body image consists of perceiving one's figure clearly and correctly, celebrating and appreciating one's body, and understanding that one's appearance does not reflect one's character or worth.

Many factors contribute to a person's body image, including family dynamics, mental illness, biological predispositions and environmental causes for obesity or malnutrition, and cultural expectations (e.g., media and politics). People who are either underweight or overweight can have poor body image. However, when people are constantly told and shown the cosmetic appeal of weight loss and are warned about the risks of obesity, those who are normal or overweight on the BMI scale have higher risks of poor body image.  "We expected women would feel worse about their bodies after seeing ultra-thin models, compared to no models if they have internalized the thin ideal, thus replicating previous findings."

A 2007 report by the American Psychological Association found that a culture-wide sexualization of girls and women was contributing to increased female anxiety associated with body image. An Australian government Senate Standing Committee report on the sexualization of children in the media reported similar findings associated with body image. However, other scholars have expressed concern that these claims are not based on solid data.

History

In Ancient Egypt, the perfect woman was said to have a slender figure, with narrow shoulders, and a tall waist. Ancient Greece focused more on the male figure, but its female ideal was full-figured and plump with fair skin tones. Han Dynasty China primarily emphasized the face, skin, and hair. Ideal traits included clear, white skin; long, dark hair; and, for men, a stalwart frame. Any feature that implied social status or wealth was ideal.

During the Italian Renaissance, a wife's appearance was taken as an important reflection of her husband's status; size was linked to wealth, and so the ideal wife was held to have full hips and an ample bosom. The Victorian Era witnessed a similar movement, but the popularity of the waist-cinching corset led to the desirability of the hourglass figure. In the 1900s U.S. fashion and media industries celebrated the Gibson Girl: slim and tall, with a large bust and wide hips, but a narrow waist.

After World War I, the Gibson Girl transformed into the Flapper, an ideal type which dominated the period of the "Roaring Twenties". Women transitioned towards androgynous looks, in which hair styles were kept short, and brassieres were worn to flatten the chest.

Dress sense became more casual as well, perhaps reflecting a postwar relaxation of social and political tension, and a reaction against the matronly image of the women behind the alcohol Prohibition movement in the USA. With advertisements increasingly advocating the need to achieve a thinner frame, many women therefore pursued diets and exercise. Although slimmer body types were favoured, a sporty and healthy appearance was still prized above the frail and sickly look from the Victorian Era.

Austrian neurologist and psychoanalyst Paul Schilder coined the phrase 'body-image' in his book The Image and Appearance of the Human Body (1935).

The 1930s and 1940s witnessed the devastating effects of the second World War. While men were out on the battlefield, women began entering the workforce. This resulted in more formal and traditional military dress styles for women, which caused another shift in body image. While waists remained thin but prominent, the media embraced a more curvaceous look similar to the hourglass figure, through the addition of broad shoulders and large breasts as well.

Since this era was part of the golden age of Hollywood, many celebrities continued to influence this trend by wearing tight-fitting clothing that emphasized their figures. Pin-up girls and sex symbols radiating glamour soon followed in the 1950s, and the proportions of the hourglass figure expanded. Notable names include Marilyn Monroe and Sophia Loren. In order to achieve this ideal figure, women consumed weight-gain supplements.

Depictions of the perfect woman slowly grew thinner from the 1960s onward. The "Swinging Sixties" saw a similar look to the Flapper with the emergence of high-fashion model Twiggy, who promoted the thin and petite frame, with long slender legs, and an adolescent but androgynous figure. Other characteristics include, small busts, narrow hips, and flat stomachs. Many women either underwent diets or switched to weight-loss supplements to achieve the new look. This eventually resulted in an increase in anorexia nervosa during the 1970s.

Greater importance was soon placed on fitness. Actress Farrah Fawcett introduced a more toned and athletic body type. The exercise craze continued in the 1980s with Jane Fonda and the release of workout videos, motivating women to be thin but fit and svelte. This era also saw the rise of tall, long-legged supermodels, such as Naomi Campbell and Cindy Crawford, who set a new beauty standard for women around the world.

In the 1990s, supermodel Kate Moss popularized the stick-thin figure instead. The fashion industry pushed her image further with the heroin chic look, which dominated the catwalks during that time.: waifish appearances, bony structures, thin limbs, and an androgynous figure. As of 2017, efforts to promote a better body image have included an emphasis on fitness and plus-size models in the fashion and media industries. However, the advancement of technologies and pressures from the media have led to even greater importance being placed on the way we look as an indication of our personal value.

Advancements in communication technology have resulted in a "platform of delivery in which we intercept and interpret messages about ourselves, our self-worth, and our bodies." Social media in particular has reshaped the "perfect body". Apps and filters retouch images to make people look beautiful, often with inconsistent ideals for hair, body type, and skin tone.

According to a study by Dove, only 4% of women thought they were beautiful, while approximately 70% of women and girls in the UK believed the media's portrayal of impractical beauty standards fueled their appearance anxieties. As a result, the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services reported that, 91% of women were mostly unhappy with their bodies, while 40% will consider cosmetic surgery to fix their flaws.

Demographics

Women

"Social currency for girls and women continues to be rooted in physical appearance". Women "all over the world are evaluated and oppressed by their appearances", including their ages, skin tones, or sizes.

Many advertisements promote insecurities in their audiences in order to sell them solutions, and so may present retouched images, sexual objectification, and explicit messages that promote "unrealistic images of beauty" and undermine body image, particularly in female audiences.

Body dissatisfaction creates negative attitudes, a damaging mentality, and negative habits in young women.

The emphasis on an ideal female body shape and size is especially psychologically detrimental to young women, who may resort to grooming, dieting, and surgery in order to be happy. A negative body image is very common among young adult women. "The prevalence of eating disorder development among college females is especially high, with rates up to 24% among college students."  Body dissatisfaction in girls is associated with increased rate of smoking and a decrease in comfort with sexuality when they're older, which may lead them to consider cosmetic surgery.

Global eating disorder rates such as anorexia and bulimia are gradually rising in adolescent girls. The National Eating Disorders Association, reported that 95% of individuals who suffer from an eating disorder are aged 12 to 26, and anorexia is the third-most-common illness among teenagers. Teenage girls are most prone "to internalize negative messages and obsess about weight loss to obtain a thin appearance".

The pressure on women and girls "to cope with the effects of culturally induced body insecurity" is severe, with many reporting that "their lives would be better if they were not judged by their looks and body shape, [as] this is leading to low self-esteem, eating disorders, mental health problems and depression."

"Cultural messages about beauty (i.e. what it is, how it should be cultivated, and how it will be rewarded) are often implicitly conveyed through media representations of women."

Women who compare themselves to images in the media believe they are more overweight than they actually are. One reason for this is because "idealised media images are routinely subjected to computer manipulation techniques, such as airbrushing (e.g. slimming thighs and increasing muscle tone). The resulting images present an unobtainable 'aesthetic perfection' that has no basis in biological reality."

However, other researchers have contested the claims of the media effects paradigm. An article by Christopher Ferguson, Benjamin Winegard, and Bo Winegard, for example, argues that peer effects are much more likely to cause body dissatisfaction than media effects, and that media effects have been overemphasized. It also argues that one must be careful about making the leap from arguing that certain environmental conditions might cause body dissatisfaction to the claim that those conditions can cause diagnosable eating disorders.

When female undergraduates were exposed to depictions of thin women their body satisfaction decreased; when they were exposed to larger models, it rose. Many women engage in "fat talk" (speaking negatively about the weight-related size/shape of one's body), a behavior that has been associated with weight dissatisfaction, body surveillance, and body shame. Women who overhear others using fat talk may also experience an increase in body dissatisfaction and guilt.

Monteath and McCabe found that 44% of women express negative feelings about both individual body parts and their bodies as a whole. 37.7% of young American males and 51% of young American females express dissatisfaction with their bodies.

In America, the dieting industry earns roughly 40 billion dollars per year. A Harvard study (Fat Talk, Harvard University Press) published in 2000 revealed that 86% of teenage girls are on a diet or believe they should be on one. Dieting has become common even among very young children: 51% of 9- and 10-year-old girls feel better about themselves when they are on diets.

Men
Similarly, media depictions idealizing a muscular physique have led to body dissatisfaction among young men. As many as 45% of teenage boys may suffer from Body Dysmorphic Disorder (BDD), a mental illness whereby an individual compulsively focuses on self-perceived bodily flaws. Men may also suffer from muscle dysmorphia and may incessantly pursue muscularity without ever becoming fully satisfied with their physiques.

Research shows that the greatest impact on men's criticism of their bodies comes from their male peers, including likeminded individuals or potentially people they admire who are around the same age, as opposed to romantic partners, female peers, or male relatives like fathers or brothers.

18% of adolescent males were most worried about their weights and physiques (Malcore, 2016); 29% frequently thought about their appearances.; 50% had recently complained about the way they looked.

25% of males report having been teased about their weight, while 33% specify social media as the source for self-consciousness. Following celebrities on social media sites makes it possible to interact personally with celebrities, which has been shown to influence male body image. A number of respondents also admitted to being affected by negative body talk from others.

The ideal male body is perceived to feature a narrow waist and hips, broad shoulders, a well-developed upper body, [and] toned "six-pack" abs. The figure may be traced back to an idealized male doll, G.I. Joe. The "bulked-up action heroes, along with the brawny characters in many video games, present an anatomically impossible ideal for boys, much as Barbie promotes proportions that are physically impossible for girls."  Boys who are exposed to depictions of muscular warriors who solve problems with their fists may internalize the lesson that aggression and muscles are essential to masculinity.

53% of boys cited advertisements as a "major source of pressure to look good; [though] social media (57%) and friends (68%) exerted more influence, while celebrities (49%) were slightly less persuasive". In spite of this, 22% of adolescent boys thought that the ideals depicted by the media were aspirational, while 33% called them healthy.

Some studies have reported a higher incidence of body dissatisfaction among Korean boys and girls than among boys and girls living in the United States, while noting that these studies fail to control for the slimmer and smaller size of Koreans as compared with Westerners. A cross-cultural analysis of the United States and South Korea focusing on social media found that between South Korean men and American men, Korean men are more concerned with their body image in relation to their social media use.

Many teenage boys participate in extreme workouts and weight training, and may abuse supplements and steroids to further increase muscle mass. In 2016, 10.5% acknowledged the use of muscle-enhancing substances, while 5 to 6% of respondents admitted to the use of steroids. Although dieting is often overlooked, a significant increase in eating disorders is present among men. Currently, 1 out of 4 men suffer from eating disorders, while 31% have admitted to purging or binge eating in the past.

Men often desire up to 26 pounds of additional muscle mass. Men who endorse traditional masculine ideas are more likely to desire additional muscle.  The connection between masculinity and muscle can be traced to Classical antiquity.

Men with lower, more feminine waist–hip ratios (WHR) feel less comfortable and self-report lower body esteem and self-efficacy than men with higher, more masculine, WHRs.

Gender differences
Although body dissatisfaction is more common in women, men are becoming increasingly negatively affected. In a longitudinal study that assessed body image across time and age between men and women, men placed greater significance on their physical appearances than women, even though women reported body image dissatisfaction more often. The difference was strongest among adolescents. One theory to explain the discrepancy is that women have already become accustomed and desensitized to media scrutiny.

Studies suggest that the significance placed upon body image improved among women as they got older; men in comparison showed little variation in their attitude. Another suggested that "relative to men, women are considerably more psychologically aware of their appearances. Moreover, women's greater concern over body image has a greater impact on their daily lives."

As men and women reach older age, body image takes on a different meaning.  Research studies show that the importance attached to physical appearance decreases with age.

Weight

The desire to lose weight is highly correlated with poor body image. Kashubeck-West et al. reported that when considering only men and women who desire to lose weight, sex differences in body image disappear.

In her book The Beauty Myth, Naomi Wolf reported that "thirty-three thousand women told American researchers they would rather lose ten to fifteen pounds than achieve any other goal." Through repeated images of excessively thin women in media, advertisement, and modeling, thinness has become associated with not only beauty, but happiness and success. As Charisse Goodman put it in her article, "One Picture is Worth a Thousand Diets", advertisements have changed society's ideas of beauty and ugliness: "Indeed to judge by the phrasing of the ads, 'slender' and 'attractive' are one word, not two in the same fashion as 'fat' and 'ugly.'"

Research by Martin and Xavier (2010) shows that people feel more pressure from society to be thin after viewing ads featuring a slim model. Ads featuring a larger sized model resulted in less pressure to be thin. People also felt their actual body sizes were larger after viewing a slim model as compared to a larger model.

Many, like journalist Marisa Meltzer, have argued this contemporary standard of beauty to be described as anorexic thinness, an unhealthy idea that is not representative of a natural human body: "Never before has the 'perfect' body been at such odds with our true size."

However, these figures do not distinguish between people at a low or healthy weight who are in fact overweight, between those whose self-perception as being overweight is incorrect and those whose perception of being overweight is correct.

Post-1997 studies indicate that around 64% of American adults are overweight, such that if the 56%/40% female/male dissatisfaction rates in the Psychology Today study have held steady since its release, those dissatisfaction rates are if anything disproportionately low: although some individuals continue to believe themselves to be overweight when they are not, those persons are now outnumbered by persons who might be expected to be dissatisfied with their bodies but are not.

In turn, although social pressure to lose weight has adverse effects on some individuals who do not need to lose weight, those adverse effects are arguably outweighed by social pressure's positive effect on the overall population, without which the recent increases in obesity and associated health and social problems (described in both popular and academic parlance as an "obesity epidemic") would be even more severe than they already are.

Overweight children experience not only discrimination but overall body dissatisfaction, low self-esteem, social isolation and depression. Because of the negative stigma, the child may suffer severely from emotional and physical ailments that could persist past childhood into adulthood.

Race
The association of light skin with moral virtue dates back at least to the medieval era, and was reinforced during the Atlantic slave trade. The medieval theory that all races had originated from the white race was an early source of the longstanding association of white bodies and beauty ideals with "normality," and other racial phenotypes as aberrant. The 1960s Black is Beautiful movement explicitly attempted to end that mindset.

A lack of black women in the fashion industry contributes to body image issues among African-American women. However, a 2003 experiment presented 3 photographs of attractive white, black and Asian women to white, black and Asian students. The study concluded that Asian women and white women both reported similar levels of body dissatisfaction, while the black women were less dis-satisfied with their own appearances. These findings are consistent with previous research showing that black women generally have higher self-esteem than white or Asian women in America.

One study found that, among women, East Asian women are more satisfied with their bodies than white women. East Asian men however reported more body dissatisfaction than white males did.

Western men desire as much as 30 pounds more muscle mass than do Asian men.

Sexuality
There is no scientific consensus on how a person's sexuality affects their body image. For example, a 2013 study found that lesbian-identifying women reported less body dissatisfaction than did heterosexual women. In contrast, a 2015 study found no differences in weight satisfaction between heterosexual and lesbian and bisexual women, and no differences in the amount of pressure to be thin they experienced from the media, sexual partners, friends or family. This research did find that heterosexual women were more likely to have internalised the thin ideal (accepted the Western concept that thinness equals attractiveness) than lesbian and bisexual women. Lesbian and bisexual women have said that while they are often critical of mainstream body size/shape ideals these are still the ideals that they feel social pressure to conform to. In a study conducted in 2017, Henrichs-Beck and Szymanski claimed that lesbian gender definition within the lesbian culture may dictate whether or not they are dissatisfied with their bodies. They suggested that lesbians who identified as more stereotypically 'feminine' were at greater risk of body dissatisfaction, while those who identified as more 'butch', were traditionally more satisfied with their bodies. Qualitative research with non-heterosexual women found that female sexual/romantic partners were a source of both body confidence and concerns. These women reported that while they compared their body size and shape to that of their partner, and could feel more self-conscious if their partner was slimmer than them, their attractions to women who did not conform to the narrow Western definition of 'beauty' gave them confidence in their own appearance.

A 2005 study found that gay men were more likely than straight men to have body image dissatisfaction, diet more, and were more fearful of becoming fat. There is some evidence to link the sexual objectification of gay males and heterosexual females by men in general as a reason for increased numbers in these groups for eating disorders and stimulants addictions. Bisexual people have historically been overlooked within body image research, either subsumed under gay/lesbian labels or ignored completely.

Causes

The fashion industry
Fashion industry insiders argue that clothes hang better on tall, thin catwalk models, but critics respond that an overemphasis on that body type communicates an unhealthy and unrealistic body image to the public.

Fashion magazines directed at females subtly promote thinness and diet practices, and teenagers heavily rely on them for beauty and fashion advice. Seventeen in particular recorded one of the highest number of articles devoted to appearances; 69% of girls reported that it had influenced their ideal body shapes. 50% of advertisements featured also used beauty appeal to sell products. The U.S. Department of Health and Human Services reported that 90% of teenage girls felt a need to change their appearances, and that 81% of 10-year-olds were already afraid of being fat. According to a survey by the Manchester Metropolitan University, "self-esteem and views of body image suffered after the participants were shown magazine pictures of models, [suggests] that media portrayal of images can prolong anorexia and bulimia in women and may even be a cause of it".  A 2014 survey of 13- to 17-year-old Americans found that 90% "felt pressured by fashion and media industries to be skinny", and that 65% believed that the bodies portrayed were too thin. More than 60% habitually compared themselves to models, and 46% strove to resemble models' bodies.

According to Dove's Global Beauty And Confidence report, "a total of 71% of women and 67% of girls want to call on the media to do a better job portraying women of diverse physical appearance, age, race, shape and size." In addition, 67% of men now strongly believe that it is unacceptable for brands to use photo manipulation techniques to alter the body image of a model.

In response, the fashion magazine industry has made efforts to include 'real' women, and to reduce or ban the use of airbrushing tools. Likewise, fashion brands and retailers adopt vanity sizing in their assortments to intentionally raise a customer's self-esteem while shopping in stores. This involves labeling clothes with smaller sizes than the actual cut of the items, to trick and attract the consumer.

Fashion models themselves have experienced negative body image due to industry pressures: 69% were told to tone up, while 62% reported that their agencies had required them to lose weight or change their body shapes. 54% of models revealed that they would be dropped by their agencies if they failed to comply.  Models frequently have underweight body mass index (BMI): a study published in the International Journal of Eating Disorders discovered that a majority of models had a BMI of 17.41, which qualifies as anorexia.  In the past twenty years, runway models have also transformed from a typical size 6–8 to 0–2. The average weight of an American model was recorded to be twenty-three percent less than an average American woman. In 2006, the fashion industry came under fire due to the untimely deaths of two models, Luisel Ramos and Ana Carolina Reston, both of whom had suffered from eating disorders and been severely underweight. Other models endure intensive exercise regimes, diets, fasts, and detoxes; in order to maintain or lose weight. In addition, 17% have admitted to stimulant abuse, while another 8% frequently engaged in self-induced vomiting to induce weight loss.

Attempts to improve

Various jurisdictions have taken steps to protect models and promulgate healthier body image.  The UK and US have pursued social education campaigns. Spain, Italy, Brazil, and Israel prohibit models from working with a BMI below 18.5. France similarly forbids the employment of extremely skinny models, and requires medical certificates to verify their health.

France is also working on ensuring retailers specify when an image is airbrushed in magazines, websites, and advertisements, although it is unclear whether consumers are already aware of digital retouching techniques.

Some brands voluntarily promote better body images. Fashion conglomerates Kering and LVMH recently "announced that they will no longer hire models smaller than a U.S. size 2". in hopes of improving the working conditions of models and inspiring others to follow suit. Critics have objected that to ban size-zero models from working constitutes discrimination or thin-shaming. Moreover, the announcement of a small minimum dress size, which does not fit the average body type of most countries, continues to "send the message that super slim body types is the 'ideal'".

Plus-size models are slowly emerging in mainstream media, which may improve body image. Prominent plus-size models include Ashley Graham, the face of popular plus-size retailer Lane Bryant, and Iskra Lawrence, a classified role model for lingerie and swimwear retailer aerie. Christian Siriano cast five plus-size models for his New York Fashion Week shows. Siriano also made global headlines after he designed a gown for plus-sized actress Leslie Jones when other designers would not.

Models have notably used Instagram as a tool to "encourage self-acceptance, fight back against body-shamers, and post plenty of selfies celebrating their figure".  In the U.S., a group of plus-size models launched the #DearNYFW campaign, which targeted the fashion industry's harmful approach towards their bodies. This movement was broadcast across different social media platforms, with other models using the hashtag to share their experiences, in hopes of persuading the American fashion industry to start "prioritizing health and celebrate diversity on the runway".

Fashion photographer Tarik Carroll released a photo series titled the EveryMAN Project to showcase large-framed queer and transgender men of color, with the purpose of "challenging hyper-masculinity and gender norms, while bringing body-positivity to the forefront".

The lack of fashion-forward plus-size clothing in the fashion industry has given rise to the #PlusIsEqual movement. High-street brands such as Forever 21 and ASOS have increased plus-size product offerings. Other brands include Victoria Beckham's, who plans to release a range of high-street clothing with sizes up to XXXL, and Nike, which expanded its plus-size collection sizes 1X to 3X. In response to the criticism that the term plus-size caused unnecessary labeling, Kmart replaced its numerical sizing with positive tags such as, "lovely" and "fabulous" instead.

Another tactic to promote body positivity has been to protest against photo retouching.  In 2014, the Aarie Real campaign promised to display "campaign spreads and brand imagery with stomach rolls, gapless thighs and other perceived flaws that would normally have been edited out of the ads". Neon Moon, a feminist lingerie brand from London, advocates the beauty of flaws, instead of the need to retouch its models for aesthetic purposes. Campaigns often feature a range of "diverse models and lack of airbrushing as a marketing tool". U.S. e-tailer ModCloth explored other methods, such as employing its own staff as models for its swimwear collection.

Social media
Beauty standards are being enforced and shaped by social media. Users are constantly bombarded by notifications, posts, and photos about the lives of others, "sending messages about what we could, should, or would be if we only purchased certain products, made certain choices, or engaged in certain behaviors". Despite the ability to create and control content on social media, the online environment still enforces the same beauty standards that traditional media promoted. Over-engagement with social networking platforms and images will lead to unattainable ideas of beauty standards which ultimately results in low self-esteem and body image issues.

A study by the Florida Health Experience found that "87% of women and 65% of men compare their bodies to images they consume on social and traditional media." They also found that users felt like they got more positive attention towards their body if they altered it in some way. A study by the University of South Australia discovered that individuals who frequently uploaded or viewed appearance-related items were more likely to internalize the thin ideal.

Applications such as Instagram have become a "body-image battleground", while the "selfie" is now the universal lens which individuals use to criticize their bodies and others. Facebook and Snapchat also allow users to receive appearance approvals and community acceptance through the ratio of views, comments, and likes. Since individuals who use social media platforms often only display the high points of their lives, a survey by Common Sense Media reported that 22% felt bad if their posts were ignored, or if they did not receive the amount of attention they had hoped for. Instagram is ranked at the most detrimental to mental health according to a study done by the Royal Society for Mental Health. The increased use of body and facial reshaping applications such as Snapchat and Facetune has been identified as a potential cause of body dysmorphia. Social media apps that have body altering filters contribute to body image issues which most often result in eating disorders and body dysmorphia. Recently, a phenomenon referred to as 'Snapchat dysmorphia' has been used to describe people who request surgery to look like the edited versions of themselves as they appear through Snapchat Filters.

Many users digitally manipulate the self-portraits they post to social media. According to research by the Renfrew Center Foundation, 50% of men and 70% of 18 to 35-year-old women edited their images before uploading. 35% of respondents were also actively concerned about being tagged in unattractive photos, while 27% fretted about their appearances online.

Reports have also shown that the messages delivered by "fitspiration" websites are sometimes identical to the "thinspiration" or pro-anorexia types. This is evident through "language inducing guilt about weight or the body, and promoted dieting". The marketing of restrictive diets to young women as a form of self care can cause "increasingly disordered eating", and orthorexia, an obsession with the right and wrong types of food.

In an international study of social media apps, photo-based social media apps, predominately Facebook, Instagram and Snapchat, are found to have a negative impact on the body image of men more than non photo-based social media apps.

Unrealistic beauty standards
On the other hand, social media has created unrealistic beauty standards. Many individuals are mentally and physically struggling to keep a healthy mind and body. Men and women often harm themselves by trying all sorts of diets or taking all sorts of pills to look like their favorite influencers and celebrities, unfortunately often times the look of the people they idealized is the result of medical procedures. In fact, more and more influencers and celebrities change the way they look, with the help of medical procedures. For example, the "plump lip" trend appeared years ago advertised by celebrities which resulted in an increase of 759% in botox procedures since the 2000s. We can also notice that the images that are posted every day on social media are idealized and unrealistic resulting from society's unreasonably high expectations.

Attempts to improve
In an attempt to tackle such issues, the UK launched a national campaign called Be Real, after findings showed 76% of secondary school students who learnt about body confidence in class felt more positive about themselves. The goal of this movement was thus to improve body confidence through educational resources provided to schools, and persuading the media, businesses, and the diet industry to endorse different body shapes and sizes instead.

Social media platforms such as Instagram have banned the use of "thinspiration and "thinspo" related hashtags. Other solutions include the promotion of hashtags such as #SelfLove and #BodyPositivity, and the promotion of "transformation photos", side-by-side images displaying an individual's fitness or weight-loss progress, which users have utilized to showcase the deceptiveness of social media. In an effort to alleviate eating disorders, Eating Disorder Hope launched the Pro-Recovery Movement, a live Twitter chat encouraging sufferers to celebrate self-love and a positive body image, through recovery subject matters.

Project HEAL introduced a campaign called #WhatMakesMeBeautiful, with the aim of celebrating admirable attributes other than appearance.

There have been recent demands for social media sites to highlight photos that have been edited and prevent universal publication.

Companies in France who want to avoid a fine must label their post if the image has been altered for enhancement.

Measurement
Body image can be measured by asking a subject to rate their current and ideal body shape using a series of depictions. The difference between these two values is the measure of body dissatisfaction.

There are currently more than 40 "instruments" used to measure body image. All of these instruments can be put into three categories: figure preferences, video projection techniques, and questionnaires. Because there are so many ways to measure body image, it is difficult to draw meaningful research generalizations. Many factors have to be taken into account when measuring body image, including gender, ethnicity, culture, and age.

Figure rating scales
One of the most prominent measures of body image is Figure Rating Scales, which present a series of body images graded from thin to muscular or from thin to obese. The subject is asked to indicate which figure best represents their current perceived body, and which represents their ideal or desired body. Bodies depicted in figure rating scales are either hand-drawn silhouettes, computer rendered images, or photographic images.

Video projection techniques
One study showed each participant a series of images of himself or herself with either increased weight or decreased weight. Each participant was asked to respond to the pictures, and their startle and eyeblink response were measured. "Objective, psychophysiological measures, like the affect modulated startle eyeblink response, are less subject to reporting bias."

Questionnaires
BASS is a 9-item subscale of the Multidimensional Body-Self Relations Questionnaire. It uses a rating scale from −2 to +2 and assesses eight body areas and attributes and overall appearance (face, hair, lower torso, mid-torso, upper torso, muscle tone, height, and weight).

Questionnaires can have confounding variable responses. For instance, "Acquiescent response style (ARS), or the tendency to agree with items on a survey, is more common among individuals from Asian and African cultures."

Body size and shape misperception
As well as being dissatisfied with their body sizes, exposure to idealized images of thin bodies is associated with overestimation of one's own body size. Recent research suggests that this exposure to images of thin bodies may cause a recalibration of the visual perceptual mechanisms that represent body size in the brain, such that the observer sees subsequently-viewed bodies, including their own bodies, as heavier than they really are, a process known as "visual adaptation". There is evidence that individuals who are less satisfied with their bodies may spend a disproportionate amount of time directing their visual attention towards unusually thin bodies, resulting in an even greater overestimation of the size of subsequently-viewed bodies. Further evidence suggests that a similar mechanism may be at play in people (particularly young men) who underestimate their muscularity, such as those suffering from muscle dysmorphia. The nature of the interaction between body size and shape misperception and body dissatisfaction is not yet fully understood, however.

See also

References

Further reading

 Blakeslee, S. "Out-of-Body Experience? Your Brain is to Blame". The New York Times, October 3, 2006.

 Ramachandran, V.S. A Brief Tour of Human Consciousness. New York: Pearson Education, 2004.

 Sacks, Oliver. The Man Who Mistook His Wife for a Hat. New York: Simon & Schuster, 1985.
 Sherrington, C. S. The Integrated Action of the Nervous System. C Scribner's Sons, 1906.

Body image in popular culture
Body shape
Feminism and sexuality
Feminist theory
Human appearance
Self
Sexualization

Body image


Sea Control Squadron 21 (VS-21) was an aviation unit of the United States Navy. It served from 1945 to 2005 and was mainly tasked with anti-submarine warfare while operating from aircraft carriers. It was the only squadron to receive the designations VA-1E, VC-21, or VS-21.

History

World War II
The squadron originally as VT-41 established in the final year of World War II, and served after the war aboard USS Badoeng Strait CVE-116 helping to develop hunter-killer ASW tactics for the U.S. Navy, and ultimately operated from full-size aircraft carriers in the sea control role, capable of anti-submarine and anti-surface warfare.

Late 1940s
The squadron was established as VT-41 at Naval Air Station Seattle, Washington (USA), under the command of LT. Joseph P. Keigher, with the General Motors-built TBM-1, TBM-1C, and TBM-3 Avenger torpedo bomber as part of CVEG-41. Commander Air Force Pacific Fleet had designated the squadron upon formation as having anti-submarine warfare as its primary mission.

On 15 November 1946, as part of a service-wide reorganization, VT-41 was redesignated VA-1E, while CVEG-41 was simultaneously redesignated CVEG-1. The group, which consisted of VA-1E and fighter squadron VF-1E, was assigned on 4 December 1946, on the Badoeng Strait. VA-1E was identified by the tail code "BS" (call sign "Beef Steak"). In 1947–1948, VA-1E conducted regular ASW exercises aboard Badoeng Strait between the U.S. West Coast and the Western Pacific. The squadron saw extensive service in ASW trials and tactics development aboard Badoeng Strait.
When the US Navy turned back to the designation system used before November 1946, both CVEG-1 squadrons VA-1E and VF-1E were merged into Composite Squadron 21 (VC-21) on 1 September 1948, creating one of six new anti-submarine squadrons.

1950s
VC-21 was redesignated VS-21 (Air Anti-Submarine Squadron 21) on 23 April 1950. The squadron became the first US Navy ASW Squadron to depart from the US on a deployment in response to the Korean War on 4 July that year on board the USS Sicily CVE-118. During the cruise, they were responsible for the evacuation of wounded US Marine service members from Koto-ri Airfield during the Battle of Chosin Reservoir.

On 3 December, the squadron transferred during the deployment to the USS Bairoko CVE-115, moving from the TBM-3E to the TBM-3S ASW aircraft before returning on 16 February 1951. Another Korean War deployment with the Bairoko took place between 3 February and 8 May 1953. This was VS-21's first deployment the Grumman AF-2S/2W Guardian. In December 1954, VS-21 began to operate the Grumman S2F-1 Tracker. In 1955, the squadron began to display the red lightning bolt on their engine and later tailfins of their aircraft. The following year, the squadron made deployment to the West Pacific and Indian Ocean on board the USS Princeton CV-37, becoming the first Pacific Fleet VS squadron to win the Battle E award. This was followed by deployment in 1958 on board the Philippine Sea and in late 1959 to early 1960 on the Kearsarge, both of these with addition of the S2F-2 variant for the first time.

1960s
After returning from its 1959 deployment, in April 1960, the squadron was split in two, with one half continuing as VS-21 while the other half became VS-29. Both VS-21 and VS-29 along with the Helicopter ASW squadron HS-6 were assigned to CVSG-53, embarking on the air group's first cruise in 1961 with the Kearsarge. Another deployment in 1962 took the squadron to the Pacific Missile Range, deploying the S2F-1 and 1S and 1S1 aircraft. During this cruise, the squadron supported the recovery of Mercury-Atlas 8 on October 3, 1962.

After another deployment in 1963, VS-21 and the Kearsarge left what was to become a major Westpac deployment on 19 June 1964. On 5 August 1964, while carrier was inport at Yokosuka, Japan; the ship was ordered to provide ASW protection for US Navy Attack Carriers in the South China Sea near North Vietnam, as a result of the Gulf of Tonkin Incident. By that afternoon, VS-21 and the rest of CVSG-53, which had been temporarily based at NAF Atsugi; had returned to the carrier. In 1965, the squadron transferred to the S-2E Tracker and became the first VS squadron to operationally employ the AGM-12 Bullpup. Three more deployments to the Vietnam War in 1966, 1968 and 1969 also took place, all as part of CVSG-53, operating on board the Kearsage.

1970s
In 1971, VS-21 was reassigned to the USS Saratoga CV-60 to validate the ability to operate ASW units with an Attack Carrier (the CV Concept). This test was deemed successful and as a result, the Attack Carriers (CVA) became Carriers (CV). VS-21 made its last deployment with CVSG-53 and its last Vietnam War deployment between 17 May and 29 July 1972. 1974 saw the squadron being selected to become the first squadron in the US Navy to operate the Lockheed S-3A Viking. That same year, the squadron changed its name from the Lightning Bolts to the Fighting Red Tails. Between 28 June 1975 and 27 January 1976, VS-21 made the first S-3 Viking deployment as part of CVW-1 assigned to the USS John F Kennedy CV-67, sailing to the Mediterranean Sea. The squadron also won a Battle E award as well as a CNO Safety Award CAPT. Arnold J. Isbell Trophy for ASW excellence in 1975.

After being reassigned to CVW-9 and the USS Constellation CV-64, the squadron deployed on 12 April 1977 to the West Pacific, returning on 21 November. On 30 May 1979, VS-21 deployed with CVW-15 aboard the USS Kitty Hawk CV-63 with the addition of the US-3A Viking COD aircraft, returning on 25 February 1980.

1980s
VS-21 made one operational deployment with the USS Ranger CV-61 between 7 April and 18 October 1982 before being reassigned to CVW-11. Beginning in May 1984, VS-21 made five operation cruises with CVW-11 between 1984 and 1990 on board the USS Enterprise CVN-65, including a 1986 World Cruise through the Suez Canal and taking part in Operation Earnest Will.

After leaving for another cruise on 5 January 1988, VS-21 and her air wing replaced the USS Midway and her air wing on 14–15 February before arriving in the Persian Gulf for Earnest Will on 18 February. Between 18 February and 10 March and then from 19 March and 22 May, VS-21 and CVW-11 conducted operations in the Persian Gulf which included taking part in a supporting role during Operation Praying Mantis on 18 April. During their transit to British Hong Kong, on 5–6 June, one of their S-3A Vikings during takeoff rolled to left and crashed into the sea. Despite ejecting, three of the four crew on board perished, including VS-21's CO. VS-21 returned to the States on 1 July 1988.

VS-21, CVW-11 and the Enterprise left NAS Alameda for a World Cruise on 25 July 1989. After taking part in PACEX '89 with the Carl Vinson and Constellation Battlegroups, VS-21 took part in several war games in the Sea of Japan, Western Pacific and off Okinawa with 48 vessels including the Carl Vinson, the Battleships USS New Jersey BB-62 and USS Missouri BB-64 as well as several vessels of the JMSDF.

More exercises with the Carl Vinson and her air wing occurred with VS-21 and CVW-11 while in coordination with the ROK Armed Forces off South Korea between 18 and 28 October. After making port calls in British Hong Kong and Subic Bay as well as avoiding Typhoon Hunt in late November, VS-21 and Enterprise's Battlegroup conducted operations with Midway Battlegroup as part of Operation Classic Resolve during the 1989 Philippines coup attempt. The final operations for VS-21 in 1989 brought them to Singapore as well taking part in war games with the Royal Malaysian Navy

1990s
On 27 January 1990, NH704, one of VS-21's S-3As; had to divert to RAFO Masirah due to partial loss of flight control movement. The aircraft later returned to Enterprise on 31 January. After conducting anti-drug interdiction operations with the air wing's E-2Cs on 2 March, Enterprise and arrived at Norfolk, Virginia, on 17 May 1990 before VS-21 and CVW-11 returned to bases between 24 and 29 May. Around December 1990, VS-21 began receiving the S-3B Viking with the tailcode of CVW-5, the air wing they would move to 1991.

Temporarily assigned to CVW-14, VS-21 departed with the USS Independence CV-62 on 5 August 1991 from NAS North Island. Arriving at Pearl Harbor on 22 August, most of CVW-14's squadrons including VS-21 were officially reassigned to CVW-5, while some of CVW-14 and CVW-5 moved to the older Midway as it got replaced. VS-21, CVW-5 and the Independence then departed Pearl Harbor for US Fleet Activities Yokosuka on 28 August 1991, arriving in Japan on 11 September. VS-21's first operation deployment with CVW-5 occurred between October 15 and 24 November 1991, largely occurring in the Western Pacific and the Sea of Japan.

VS-21's first Persian Gulf deployment since 1990 began on 15 April 1992, arriving in the region on 10 August. They became the first US Navy VS squadron to take part in Operation Southern Watch when the Independence and her air wing were assigned to begin the No-Fly Zone over Southern Iraq on 26 August 1992. VS-21 and the Independence were relieved by the Ranger Battlegroup on 14 September 1992, before returning to Japan on 13 October 1992.

Between February and July 1993, VS-21 conducted two short deployments in the Western Pacific and the Sea of Japan. On 1 October 1993, the squadron was redesignated Sea Control Squadron 21 (retaining the abbreviated form VS-21). VS-21 made another deployment to Persian Gulf as part of Southern Watch between 17 November 1993 and 17 March 1994, followed by taking part in RIMPAC 1994 during June to July 1994.

During March 1996, VS-21 along with CVW-5 and the Independence took part in contingency operations as the Republic of China (Taiwan) held its first democratic elections during the 1996 Taiwan Strait Crisis.

After two more deployments (including one to the Persian Gulf in 1998), in July 1998; VS-21 and the Independence transited to Pearl Harbor to conduct another Carrier swap, arriving on 17 July 1998. VS-21 and CVW-5 moved to the USS Kitty Hawk CV-63 and departed on 24 July from Hawaii before arriving back in Japan on 11 August. VS-21 and the Kitty Hawk deployed to the Persian Gulf between March and August 1999 as well as taking part in a Westpac deployment between October and November that same year. That same year, VS-21 received newer Vikings from several squadrons including one from VS-29 (April 1999), two from VS-41 (September 1999) and 5 from VS-38 (which VS-21 swapped all of its older aircraft with in Hawaii during November 1999).

2000s

VS-21 conducted its first two deployments of the 2000s between April and November 2000 in the Western Pacific and the Sea of Japan. Another Westpac deployment also took place between March and June 2001. VS-21 also assigned several of three of their aircraft to CVW-5 Detachment A as part of Operation Enduring Freedom between 1 October and 23 December 2001. VS-21 made two more deployments in 2002.

On 23 January 2003, VS-21 and the Kitty Hawk Battlegroup deployed to take part in Operations of the coast of North Korea due to the latter's nuclear and military developments in light of the positioning of US forces near Iraq. VS-21 and the carrier then transited to the Persian Gulf for their last Southern Watch deployment. Starting on 19 March, the squadron took part in Operation Iraqi Freedom, before finishing operations in the Gulf on 23 April, arriving back in Japan on 6 May 2003.

VS-21 made three more deployments during 2003 and 2004 which included its last deployment with the Kitty Hawk's Air Wing as it took part in Summer Pulse 2004 between 19 July and 7 September 2004. The squadron was finally disestablished on 28 February 2005.

Aircraft assignment
 TBM-1 Avenger from March 1945
 TBM-1C Avenger from March 1945
 TBM-3 Avenger from March 1945
 TBF-1 Avenger from April 1945
 TBM-3E Avenger from May 1945
 TBM-3S Avenger from 1948
 AF-2 Guardian
 S2F-1 Tracker
 S2F-2 Tracker
 S-2E Tracker
 S-3A Viking
 S-3B Viking

See also

History of the United States Navy
List of inactive United States Navy aircraft squadrons
List of United States Navy aircraft squadrons

References

External links
Wings for the Navy: 100 Years of Naval Aviation (video)

Military units and formations established in 1950
001E
Sea control squadrons of the United States Navy
Military units and formations disestablished in 2005
Military units and formations established in 1945

Sea Control Squadron 21


Der Rotbart-Sternkolibri (Microstilbon burmeisteri) oder Burmeisterkolibri ist ein Vogel aus der Familie der Kolibris (Trochilidae) und die einzige Art der somit monotypischen Gattung Microstilbon. Er kommt in den südamerikanischen Ländern Bolivien und Argentinien vor. Der Bestand wird von der IUCN als "nicht gefährdet" (least concern) eingestuft.

Merkmale

Der Rotbart-Sternkolibri erreicht abhängig von der Schwanzlänge eine Körperlänge von etwa 7 bis 9 cm. Der leicht gebogene Schnabel macht dabei ca. 15 mm aus. Die Oberseite ist bei beiden Geschlechtern bronzegrün. Die rötlich-violette Färbung der Kehle des Männchens zieht sich bis über den Ohrbereich. Die Unterseite ist hellgrau mit bronzegrünen Seiten. Der Steiß ist zimtfarben. Der ca. 3 cm lange zweilappige Schwanz besteht jeweils aus zwei äußeren Steuerfedern. Im Schlichtkleid ist die Kehle des Männchens blass. Das Weibchen hat dunkle Wangen mit einem weißen Strich hinter den Augen. Die gelbbraune Unterseite weist an der Bürzelseite einen weißen Fleck auf. Der kurze zimtfarbene rechtwinklige Schwanz ist von einem dunklen dünnen Band durchzogen. Die zentralen Steuerfedern sind ebenfalls dunkel.

Jungvögel ähneln den ausgewachsenen, haben aber eine gestreifte Oberseite. Beim Männchen ist ca. ein Drittel der Schwanzfedern schwarz.

Verbreitung und Lebensraum

Rotbart-Sternkolibris leben an Hängen und in Schluchten mit Gebüsch. Hier findet man sie im mit Schlingpflanzen überwachsenen Dickicht und dornigen Gestrüpp. Oft sitzen sie auf laubabwerfenden Bäumen in Höhen zwischen 1600 und 2600 Metern. Ihr Verbreitungsgebiet reicht von Tintin im Nationalpark Carrasco über das Departamento Cochabamba in Bolivien bis in die Provinz Catamarca in Argentinien.

Verhalten
Über das Verhalten des Rotbart-Sternkolibris ist bisher nicht viel bekannt.

Lautäußerungen
Der Ruf klingt wie ein leises Zhrzhrzhr bzw. Tthrrr.

Etymologie und Forschungsgeschichte
Philip Lutley Sclater beschrieb den Rotbart-Sternkolibri zunächst unter dem Namen Chætocercus burmeisteri. Erst im Jahr 1913 schlug Walter Edmond Clyde Todd ihn der Gattung Microstilbon zu. Allerdings erkannte er zu diesem Zeitpunkt nicht, dass die Art bereits durch Sclater beschrieben war. So existiert auch das Synonym Microstilbon insperatus. Der Rotbart-Sternkolibri gilt als einzige Art seiner Gattung.

Der Begriff Microstilbon leitet sich aus den griechischen Wörtern  für "klein" und  für "funkeln, glitzern" ab.

Das Artepitheton wurde zu Ehren von Hermann Burmeister (1807–1892) vergeben. Dieser hatte Sclater ein Wasserfarbbild des Typusexemplars aus dem Museo Argentino de Ciencias Naturales Bernardino Rivadavia zugesandt. Nachdem Sclater bei Osbert Salvin und Graf Hans von Berlepsch Rat eingeholt hatte, kam er zu dem Schluss, dass es sich hierbei um eine neue Art handelt.

Literatur

Weblinks

 Factsheet auf BirdLife International

Einzelnachweise

Kolibris

Rotbart-Sternkolibri


The Mirabal sisters ( ) were four sisters from the Dominican Republic, three of whom (Patria, Minerva and María Teresa) opposed the dictatorship of Rafael Trujillo () and were involved in clandestine activities against his regime. The three sisters were assassinated on 25 November 1960. The last sister, Adela, who was not involved in political activities at the time, died of natural causes on 1 February 2014.

Minerva was the one who had the most active role in politics, being the founder of the June 14 Revolutionary Movement together with her husband Manolo Tavárez Justo es. Maria Teresa also became involved in the Movement. The older sister, Patria, did not have the same level of political activity as her other sisters, but supported them. She lent her house to store weapons and tools from the insurgents. They are considered heroines for the Dominican Republic. Their remains rest in a mausoleum that was declared an extension of the National Pantheon, and is located in the Hermanas Mirabal House-Museum, the last residence of the sisters.

The assassinations turned the Mirabal sisters into "symbols of both popular and feminist resistance". In 1999, in their honor, the United Nations General Assembly designated 25 November as the International Day for the Elimination of Violence against Women.

The Mirabal Sisters

The Mirabal family were from the central Cibao region of the Dominican Republic and had a farm in the village of Ojo de Agua, near the town of Salcedo. Their parents Enrique Mirabal Fernández and Mercedes Reyes Camilo were landowners in the area. All four sisters attended primary school in their village, Ojo de Agua, and attended a Catholic boarding school, El Colegio de la Inmaculada, for their secondary education in the city of La Vega. Once Rafael Trujillo took power it was customary to have a picture of him in the household, however, the Mirabal house never had a picture of Trujillo and were subsequently considered people in disagreement with the Trujillo regime.

When Trujillo came to power, the family lost almost their entire fortune. The sisters, especially Minerva, believed that the dictatorship was ruining the country, so they participated in the creation and organization of the June 14 Revolutionary Movement. Within this group, they were known as Las Mariposas.

Two of the sisters, Minerva and María Teresa, were imprisoned on several occasions in both La Victoria and La 40 prisons. They and their husbands were subjected to cruel torture during the Trujillo regime. Despite these facts, they continued to fight against the dictatorship.

Patria Mercedes Mirabal Reyes
Patria Mercedes Mirabal Reyes (27 February 1924 – 25 November 1960), commonly known as Patria was the oldest of the four Mirabal sisters. When she was 14, she was sent by her parents to a Catholic boarding school, Colegio Inmaculada Concepción in La Vega. She left school when she was 17 and married Pedro González, a farmer, who would later aid her in challenging the Trujillo regime.

Patria had three children. She once said "We cannot allow our children to grow up in this corrupt and tyrannical regime. We have to fight against it, and I am willing to give up everything, even my life if necessary."

Bélgica Adela Mirabal Reyes
Bélgica Adela Mirabal Reyes (1 March 1925 – 1 February 2014), commonly known as Dedé, was the second daughter of the Mirabal family. Unlike her sisters, she did not go to college. Instead, she became the traditional homemaker,, and helped her father with the family business. The Mirabal patriarch, Enrique, died after his political imprisonment, and Dedé took over the family finances.  She did not become involved with her sisters' political work. After the murder of her sisters, Dedé took care of their children adn rasied them right. Between 1992 and 1994 Dedé started the Mirabal Sisters Foundation and the Mirabal Sisters Museum to continue her sisters' legacy. Dedé was the last surviving sister of the family. She died at the age of 88, and professed her entire life that it was her destiny to survive so that she was able to "tell their story".

María Argentina Minerva Mirabal Reyes

María Argentina Minerva Mirabal Reyes (12 March 1926 – 25 November 1960), commonly known as Minerva, was the third daughter. At the age of 12, she followed Patria to the Colegio Inmaculada Concepción.  In 1949, the Mirabal family was invited to a party for the local elite where Minerva first caught the eye of Rafael Trujillo, so much so that the Mirabals were invited to a different party by Trujillo himself. At this party, Trujillo made more sexual advances toward Minerva who slapped him in the face because of this. After Minerva's rejection of Trujillo, her parents prohibited Minerva from registering for law school due to concerns that she would get involved in politics and ultimately be killed. However, after seeing how upset Minerva was, her parents relented six years later and she enrolled at the University of Santo Domingo, where she later graduated summa cum laude. Minerva was the first woman to graduate from law school in the Dominican Republic. Due to her previous rejection of Trujillo's advances, when Minerva graduated, her diploma was stripped of her honors and her license to practice law was ultimately turned down.

At university, she met her husband, Manolo Tavárez Justo, who would help her fight the Trujillo regime. Minerva was the most vocal and radical of the Mirabal daughters. According to the theologian Nancy Pineda-Madrid, she was arrested and harassed on multiple occasions on orders given by Trujillo himself. According to the historian Bernard Diederich, Minerva Mirabal was arrested twice; she was first jailed in January 1960, at the start of the wave of repression of 1J4 members where "hundreds of 1J4 members are rounded up and tortured" She once said "It is a source of happiness to do whatever can be done for our country that suffers so many anguishes. It is sad to stay with one's arms crossed."

Antonia María Teresa Mirabal Reyes

Antonia María Teresa Mirabal Reyes (15 October 1935 – 25 November 1960), commonly known as María Teresa, was the fourth and youngest daughter. She attended the Colegio Inmaculada Concepción, graduated from the Liceo de San Francisco de Macorís in 1954, and went on to the University of Santo Domingo, where she studied mathematics.

Later in her life, María Teresa dated Leandro Guzmán. While dating, before Leandro was allowed to hold María Teresa's hand, she asked him how his family felt about Trujillo. Leandro responded, "... there's no problem. At home, that was the first thing I learned... to hate Trujillo." After this response María Teresa let him hold her hand and they eventually married after she finished her education.  María Teresa was influenced by her older sister Minerva's political views and was involved in the clandestine activities against Trujillo's regime. As a result, she was harassed and arrested on the direct orders of Trujillo. She greatly admired her older sister Minerva and became passionate about Minerva's political views. She once said, "Perhaps what we have most near is death, but that idea does not frighten me. We shall continue to fight for that which is just."

Political activities
While attending the Colegio Inmaculada Concepción,  Minerva discovered that her friend Deisi Ariza's father was killed by Trujillo for opposing the regime. This event along with many others ultimately influenced Minerva's fight against the regime. Minerva became involved in the political movement against Trujillo, who was the country's official president from 1930 to 1938 and from 1942 to 1952, but ruled behind the scenes as a dictator from 1930 until his assassination in 1961. Minerva's sisters followed her into the movement: first María Teresa, who joined after staying at Minerva's house and learning about her activities, and then Patria, who joined after witnessing a massacre by some of Trujillo's men while on a religious retreat. Dedé did not join in, partly because her husband, Jaimito, did not want her to.

The husbands of Minerva, María Teresa, and Patria were among the leaders of the 14th of June Movement, nicknamed 1J4. The movement was created in support, and then in honor, of the Dominican rebels who were killed while attempting to overthrow the Rafael Trujillo regime. Everyone in the family, including Patria's teenaged children, helped distribute pamphlets about the many people whom Trujillo had killed, and obtained materials for guns and bombs to use when they eventually openly revolted. Within the group, the sisters called themselves "Las Mariposas" ("The Butterflies"), after Minerva's underground name. The secret movement was discovered weeks after its founding leading to Patria's house (where the group met) being burned to the ground and María Teresa and Minerva's arrests.

In 1960, Minerva and María Teresa were incarcerated from January 22 to February 7, then from May 18 to August 9. They were not tortured thanks to mounting international opposition to Trujillo's regime. Patria was never arrested but her husband and son were jailed. The three husbands were incarcerated in January at La Victoria Penitentiary in Santo Domingo, and then, in November, two of them were transferred to Puerto Plata.

In 1960, the Organization of American States condemned Trujillo's actions and sent observers. Minerva and María Teresa were freed, but their husbands remained in prison. On a remembrance website, Learn to Question, the author writes, "No matter how many times Trujillo jailed them, no matter how much of their property and possessions he seized, Minerva, Patria and María Teresa refused to give up on their mission to restore democracy and civil liberties to the island nation."

Assassination
On 25 November 1960, Patria, Minerva, María Teresa, and their driver, Rufino de la Cruz, were visiting María Teresa and Minerva's incarcerated husbands. Patria's husband was not incarcerated but she went along for moral support.  On the way home, they were stopped by Trujillo's henchmen. The sisters and de la Cruz were separated, strangled and clubbed to death. The bodies were then gathered and put in their Jeep, which was run off the mountain road in an attempt to make their deaths look like an accident.

After Trujillo was assassinated on 30 May 1961, General Pupo Román admitted to having personal knowledge that the sisters were killed by Victor Alicinio Peña Rivera, Trujillo's right-hand man, along with Ciriaco de la Rosa, Ramon Emilio Rojas, Alfonso Cruz Valeria, and Emilio Estrada Malleta, members of his secret police force. As to whether Trujillo ordered the killings or whether the secret police acted on its own, one historian wrote, "We know orders of this nature could not come from any authority lower than national sovereignty. That was none other than Trujillo himself; still less could it have taken place without his assent." Also, one of the murderers, Ciriaco de la Rosa, said "I tried to prevent the disaster, but I could not because if I had he, Trujillo, would have killed us all."

Aftermath

According to historian Bernard Diederich, the sisters' assassinations "had greater effect on Dominicans than most of Trujillo's other crimes". The killings, he wrote, "did something to their machismo" and paved the way for Trujillo's own assassination six months later.

However, the details of the Mirabal sisters' assassinations were "treated gingerly at the official level" until 1996, when President Joaquín Balaguer was forced to step down after more than two decades in power. Balaguer was Trujillo's protégé and had been the president at the time of the assassinations in 1960 (though, at the time, he "distanced himself from General Trujillo and initially carved out a more moderate political stance").

A review of the history curriculum in public schools in 1997 recognized the Mirabals as national martyrs. The post-Balaguer era has seen a marked increase in homages to the Mirabal sisters, including an exhibition of their belongings at the National Museum of History and Geography in Santo Domingo.

After the assassinations, the surviving sister, Dedé, devoted her life to the legacy of her sisters. She raised their six children, including Minou Tavárez Mirabal, Minerva's daughter, who has served as deputy for the National District in the lower house of the Dominican Congress since 2002 and was deputy foreign minister before that (1996–2000). Of Dedé's own three children, Jaime David Fernández Mirabal was the minister for environment and natural resources and a former vice president of the Dominican Republic. In 1992, Dedé created the Mirabal Sisters Foundation, and in 1994, she opened the Mirabal Sisters Museum in the sisters' hometown, Salcedo. She published a book, Vivas en su Jardín, on 25 August 2009. She lived in the house in Salcedo where the sisters were born until her death in 2014, aged 88.

Legacy

On 17 December 1999, the United Nations General Assembly designated 25 November as the International Day for the Elimination of Violence against Women in honor of the sisters. It marks the beginning of a 16-day period of Activism against Gender Violence. The last day of that period, 10 December, is International Human Rights Day.

On 21 November 2007, Salcedo Province was renamed Hermanas Mirabal Province.

Hermanas Mirabal station of the Santo Domingo Metro is named to honor the Mirabal sisters.

The 200 Dominican pesos bill features the sisters, and a stamp was issued in their memory.

The 137-foot obelisk that Trujillo built in 1935 to commemorate the renaming of the capital city from Santo Domingo to Ciudad Trujillo has been covered with murals honoring the sisters. In 1997, the telecommunications company CODETEL (now Claro) sponsored a mural by Elsa Núñez. Every few years, the mural changes.

In 2005, Amaya Salazar created one; in 2011, Banco del Progreso sponsored Dustin Muñoz to redo the mural.

In 2019, the southeast corner of 168th street and Amsterdam Avenue in Washington Heights, Manhattan  was designated "Mirabal Sisters Way" by the Council of the City of New York. In addition, there is a school campus in Washington Heights, Manhattan, Mirabal Sisters Campus.

In 2021, Rosa Hernández de Grullón, Ambassador of the Dominican Republic in France, inaugurated a plaque in Paris in honor of the famous Dominican resistance fighters murdered under the Trujillo dictatorship in 1960.

Being globally recognized as a symbol of social justice and feminism, the sisters have inspired the creation of many organizations that focus on keeping their legacy alive through social actions. An example of one of these organizations is the Mirabal Sisters Cultural and Community Center, a non-profit organization that seeks to improve the status of immigrant families.

In popular culture
 In 1994, Dominican-American author Julia Alvarez published her novel In the Time of the Butterflies, a fictionalized account of the lives of the Mirabal sisters. Alvarez called the sisters "feminist icons" and "a reminder that we have our revolutionary heroines, our Che Guevaras, too". The novel was adapted into a 2001 movie of the same name, starring Salma Hayek as Minerva, Edward James Olmos as Trujillo, and singer Marc Anthony in a supporting role.
 The sisters are mentioned in The Brief Wondrous Life of Oscar Wao, a 2007 novel by Dominican-American writer Junot Díaz.
 The story is fictionalized in the children's book How the Butterflies Grew Their Wings by Jacob Kushner.
 Chilean filmmaker Cecilia Domeyko produced Code Name: Butterflies, a documentary about the Mirabal sisters. It contains interviews with Dedé and other members of the Mirabal family.
 Actress Michelle Rodriguez co-produced the film Trópico de Sangre, which recounts the lives of the sisters. She also starred in the film as Minerva. Dedé Mirabal participated in the development of the film.
 Mario Vargas Llosa's 2000 novel, The Feast of the Goat, portrays the assassination of Trujillo and its effect on the lives of Dominicans. It refers often to the Mirabal sisters.
 Jon M. Chu's 2021 movie In The Heights, based on the musical of the same name, references the Mirabal sisters.

Places
In the Dominican Republic:
 Esperanza
 Hato del Yaque
 Puerto Plata
 Salcedo
 Santiago de los Caballeros
 Santo Domingo
 Tamboril

In Spain:
 Alaquàs
 Albacete
 Burgos
 Mairena del Aljarafe

See also

 Women in the Dominican Republic
 Virgins of Galindo
 Villa sisters

References

External links

 Mirabal Sisters Cultural and Community Center

Assassinated activists
Assassinated Dominican Republic people
Dominican Republic activists
Dominican Republic women activists
Sibling quartets
Hermanas Mirabal Province
People murdered in the Dominican Republic
People killed in intelligence operations
Deaths by beating

Mirabal sisters


Eurocopter Tiger, saldırı helikopteri
 Panzerkampfwagen VI Tiger, II. Dünya Savaşı dönemine ait Alman tankı
 Mac OS X 10.4, Apple'nın Mac'ler için düzenlediği işletim sisteminin kod adı

Tiger


Le mot plumipes est une déclinaison (notamment le nominatif singulier masculin, féminin ou neutre) d'un adjectif latin signifiant « aux pieds couverts de plumes ».

En taxonomie, le mot plumipes est employé comme épithète spécifique ou nom subnominal pour nommer diverses espèces d'animaux (oiseaux, insectes, araignées) aux pattes recouvertes de plumes ou de téguments ressemblant à des plumes. Pour les articles consacrés à de telles espèces, consulter la liste générée automatiquement.

Notes et références

Épithète spécifique

Plumipes


ABC Daytime (simplificado como ABC-D o ABCD) es un bloque de programación de la cadena de televisión estadounidense American Broadcasting Company que abarca seriales, concursos, y talk shows.

Horario

Nota: Los horarios corresponden al tiempo del este; por ende los horarios de algunas emisoras afiliadas pueden variar de estos.

Programación actual

Noticias

Good Morning America
Primera emisión: 3 de noviembre de 1975
Reemplazo de: AM America
Creadores: Donald L. Perris, William F. Baker
Equipo de producción: James Goldston (productor ejecutivo), Tom Cibrowski
Presentadores: Robin Roberts, George Stephanopoulos, Josh Elliott, Sam Champion, Lara Spencer

Talk show

The View
Primera emisión: 11 de agosto de 1997
Reemplazo de: Caryl & Marilyn: Real Friends
Creadores: Barbara Walters, Bill Geddie
Equipo de producción: Bill Geddie (productor ejecutivo), Barbara Walters, Alexandra Cohen
Equipo de dirección: Mark Gentile
Presentadoras: Whoopi Goldberg (moderadora), Joy Behar, Elisabeth Hasselbeck, Sherri Shepherd, Barbara Walters

Programas de estilo de vida

The Chew
Primera emisión: 26 de septiembre de 2011
Reemplazo de: All My Children
Creador: Gordon Elliott
Equipo de producción: Gordon Elliott (productor ejecutivo)
Equipo de dirección: John D'Incecco
Presentadores: Mario Batali, Michael Symon, Carla Hall, Clinton Kelly, Daphne Oz

The Revolution
Primera emisión: 16 de enero de 2012
Reemplazo de: One Life to Live
Creador: J.D. Roth
Equipo de producción: J.D. Roth (productor ejecutivo)
Equipo de dirección: Manny Rodriguez
Presentadores: Tim Gunn, Ty Pennington, Harley Pasternak, Jennifer Ashton, Tiffanie Davis

Seriales Televisivos

General Hospital
Primera emisión: 1 de abril de 1963
Creadores: Frank Hursley, Doris Hursley
Equipo de producción: Frank Valentini (Productor ejecutivo), Mary O'Leary, Mercer Barrows, Michelle Henry, Deborah Genovese
Equipo de dirección: Matthew Diamond, Craig McManus, William Ludel, Phideaux Xavier, Scott McKinsey, Owen Renfroe, Penny Pengra, Christine Magarian, Ron Cates , Peter Fillmore, Ronald C. Cates, Dave MacLeod
Escritor en jefe: Garin WolfAsociado jefe de los guionistas: Elizabeth KorteOtros escritores: Garin Wolf, Jim Reitzel, Michael Conforti, Heidi Ploen, Sasha Cartullo, Nathan Fissel, David Goldschmid, Meg Bennett, Susan Wald , Michele Val Jean, Mary Sue Price, Tracey Thomson, Karen Harris, Elizabeth Korte, Dave Ryan, Michelle PatrickDirectores de casting: Mark Teschner, Gwen HillierReparto:' Bradford Anderson, Brandon Barash, Maurice Benard, Julie Marie Berman, Sean Blakemore, Steve Burton, Nathin Butler, Jason Cook, Chad Duell, Jane Elliot, Anthony Geary, Nancy Lee Grahn, Rebecca Herbst, John Ingle, Kodi Kitchen, Lisa Lo Cicero, Kimberly McCullough, Kelly Monaco, Nathan Parsons, Scott Reeves, Kirsten Storms, Kelly Sullivan, Jason Thompson, Laura Wright, John J. York, Dominic Zamprogna

 Antiguos Programas de ABC Daytime
 Series All My Children (1970–2011)The Best of Everything (1970)The City (1995–1997)Confidential for Women (1966)Sombras tenebrosas (1966–1971)The Edge of Night (1975-1984)A Flame in the Wind (1964–1966)Loving (1983–1995)Never Too Young (1965–1966)The Nurses (1965–1967)One Life to Live (1968–2012)Port Charles (1997–2003)Road to Reality (1960-1961)Ryan's Hope (1975–1989)A World Apart (1970–1971)The Young Marrieds (1964–1966)

 Talk shows y programas de estilo de vida Caryl & Marilyn: Real Friends (1996–1997)Fame, Fortune & Romance (1986–1987)Home (1988–1994)Mike and Maty'' (1994–1996)

Ejecutivos

Referencias

Enlaces externos

Disney•ABC-TV Group Talent Development

Daytime

ABC Daytime


De Nygifte er en dansk stumfilm fra 1915 instrueret af Lau Lauritzen Sr. og efter manuskript af Carl Waldemar.

Handling

Medvirkende
 Lauritz Olsen, Aage Schultz
 Agnes Andersen, Sigrid Schultz
 Carl Schenstrøm
 Axel Boesen

Eksterne henvisninger

Kortfilm fra Danmark
Stumfilm fra Danmark
Danske film fra 1915

De Nygifte (film fra 1915)


Aceasta este o listă de actori uruguayeni.

A
Gabriela Acher
Marta Albertini
Anita Almada
Julia Amoretti
Santiago Arrieta

B
Rosita Baffico
Esther Boggini
Roxana Blanco
Jorge Bolani
Fernando Borel
Rosa Bozán
Paquito Busto

C
María Carámbula
Eunice Castro
Florencia Colucci
Baby Correa
Villanueva Cosse
César Troncoso

D
Maximiliano de la Cruz
Diego Delgrossi
Mary da Cuña
María Esther Duckse
Adriana Ducret

E
Jorge Echagüe
Carlos Enríquez (actor)
Ricardo Espalter

F

Mónica Farro
Mario Faig
Isabel Figlioli
Roberto Fugazot

G
Ruben García (actor)
María Noel Genovese
Pedro Gialdroni
Adela Gleijer
Santiago Gómez Cou
Trinidad Guevara
Héctor Guido

H
Daniel Hendler
George Hilton

K
Fernando Kliche
Walter Kliche

M

Juan Carlos Mareco
Domingo Márquez
Laura Martínez
Miguel Ángel Manzi
Elli Medeiros
María Mendive
Leticia Moreira
Barbara Mori
Carlos Muñoz (actor)
Alicia Muñiz
Margarita Musto

O
Natalia Oreiro

P
Jesús Pampín
Mirella Pascual
Gustaf van Perinostein
Antonio Podestá
Celia Podestá
Segundo Pomar

R

Mirtha Reid
Leal Rey
Walter Reyno
Orfilia Rico
Graciela Rodríguez

S
Atilio Supparo

T
Jorge Temponi
Mirtha Torres
Henny Trayles

U
Jael Unger

V
Federico Veiroj
Helen Velando
Alberto Vila

Z

Magela Zanotta
Fabio Zerpa
China Zorrilla
Elena Zuasti

Note

Vezi și
 Listă de regizori uruguayeni

uruguayeni
Actori
 Listă

Listă de actori uruguayeni


Larry Rapp (29 de fevereiro de 1948) é um ator estadounidense.

É conhecido para ter estreado a parte de Fat Moe em Era uma Vez na América de 1984.

Filmografia

No cinema

Ligações externas

Atores dos Estados Unidos

Larry Rapp


Mănuși roșii este un film românesc din 2010 regizat de Radu Gabrea. Rolurile principale au fost interpretate de actorii Alexandru Mihăescu, Andi Vasluianu, Marcel Iureș.

Prezentare

Distribuție
Distribuția filmului este alcătuită din:

Primire
Filmul a fost vizionat de 2.564 de spectatori în cinematografele din România, după cum atestă o situație a numărului de spectatori înregistrat de filmele românești de la data premierei și până la data de 31 decembrie 2014 alcătuită de Centrul Național al Cinematografiei.

Note

Legături externe

Vezi și
 2010 în film

Filme românești
Filme în limba română
Filme din 2010
Filme regizate de Radu Gabrea
Filme dramatice românești

Mănuși roșii


Bouchtyno () est une commune urbaine de l'oblast de Transcarpatie, en Ukraine.

Présentation
Le village compte  en 2021. Il se trouve à la confluence des rivières Tisza et Tereblia.

La première mention du village date de 1373 ; en 1910 il fit partie du  comté de Máramaros en Hongrie sous le nom de Bustyaháza.

En images

Références

Commune urbaine dans l'oblast de Transcarpatie

Bouchtyno


Don Osvaldo es una banda de rock argentina formada en noviembre de 2010, tras la disolución de Callejeros, el 12 de noviembre de ese mismo año, liderada por Patricio Santos Fontanet. La banda fue primeramente llamada Casi Justicia Social, conocida también como CJS (por sus iniciales, que abreviaban el nombre del grupo Callejeros). Sin embargo, el 29 de septiembre de 2014, se anunció que el grupo musical cambiaría su nombre al actual de Don Osvaldo en homenaje a Osvaldo Pugliese.

Historia

Formación
A finales de 2010, tras la disolución de Callejeros debido a problemas internos en el grupo, que surgieron después de los trágicos eventos ocurridos en la discoteca República Cromañón y las posteriores implicaciones legales y tensiones con los familiares de las víctimas, Patricio Santos Fontanet anunció la formación de Casi Justicia Social. Este nuevo proyecto incluyó a algunos excompañeros de Callejeros. El grupo finalmente se conformó con Christián "Dios" Torrejón en el bajo (uno de los fundadores de Callejeros), Álvaro "Pedi" Puentes en la guitarra (quien había ocupado el lugar de Maxi Djerfy desde su partida de Callejeros en 2008), Luis "Lulú" Lamas en la batería (sustituyendo a Eduardo Vázquez después de su salida de Callejeros en febrero de 2010), y Abel "Crispín" Pedrello en la guitarra (quien reemplazó a Elio Delgado después de su salida de Callejeros en junio de 2010). La nueva banda adoptó las iniciales CJS, que eran emblemáticas de Callejeros.

2010 - 2012 como Casi Justicia Social
Tras su renovada formación, Casi Justicia Social presentó una serie de conciertos en distintos puntos de Argentina, interpretando canciones de Callejeros y sus propias demos, como "O no," "Suerte," "Acordate," y "Tanto de todo." La nueva banda debutó el 30 de noviembre de 2010 en el Club Banda Norte de Río Cuarto, Córdoba, ante una audiencia de 800 personas, seguido de dos actuaciones en la capital cordobesa los días 1 y 2 de diciembre.

Durante todo el año 2011, el grupo emprendió una gira que los llevó a presentarse en todo el país. Además, grabaron nuevamente las canciones estrenadas en el año anterior en formato de demo.

El 10 de febrero de 2012, se presentaron en el festival de Cosquín Rock ante una audiencia de aproximadamente 40,000 personas, interpretando una lista de 20 temas.

En marzo de 2012, realizaron una gira por Cuyo, programada para Mendoza, San Luis y San Juan. Sin embargo, debido a problemas relacionados con la Vendimia, la gira musical se pospuso una semana más tarde, durante la cual agotaron las entradas en las tres provincias.

El 10 de marzo de 2012, se presentaron en Mendoza, convocando a alrededor de 5000 espectadores, y luego hicieron lo mismo en San Juan, con una audiencia similar. El concierto programado para el 11 de marzo en San Luis fue suspendido dos horas antes de lo previsto debido a que el lugar no estaba en condiciones de albergar a la cantidad de asistentes esperados.

El 21 de abril de 2012, se presentaron ante una audiencia de 10,000 personas en el Anfiteatro Pedro Carossi, ubicado en la ciudad de Baradero, Buenos Aires. En este espectáculo, se incorporó la participación de la violinista Fani Corsini, el trompetista Hugo Lobo (de Dancing Mood), y se reintrodujo la percusión a cargo de Juano Falcone. Además, como sorpresa, lanzaron un nuevo demo titulado "Dos Secas."

El 12 y 13 de mayo de 2012, realizaron dos presentaciones en las ciudades de Santa Fe y Reconquista, respectivamente. En Santa Fe, tocaron en el Estadio Cubierto del Club Unión, y en Reconquista, en el Estadio Platense Porvenir. Ambos eventos se llevaron a cabo sin publicidad en los medios, siendo promocionados únicamente a través de su página web.

A finales de mayo de 2012, después de reprogramar su agenda de conciertos para junio y julio, anunciaron que comenzarían con la preproducción de su primer álbum de estudio.

Sin embargo, tras la detención de los músicos de Callejeros, incluyendo a Pato y Dios, la banda no volvió a subirse a ningún escenario. De esta manera, los conciertos que ofrecieron el 1 y 2 de diciembre de 2012 en Baradero marcaron el final de la banda tal como se conocía hasta entonces.

2014 - presente, como Don Osvaldo (Casi Justicia Social)
El 15 de enero de 2014, tras varios adelantos proporcionados por Estefanía Miguel (la esposa de Patricio Fontanet), la banda confirmó en su página oficial de Facebook la finalización de la primera etapa de lo que sería su primer álbum de estudio. Según lo anunciado en la red social, este álbum contenía catorce canciones, todas ellas ya grabadas en su versión demo.

El 5 de agosto de 2014, la Corte Suprema ordenó la liberación de los músicos imputados en el caso Cromañón. Como resultado, Fontanet y Torrejón salieron de prisión al día siguiente, y la banda pudo reunirse nuevamente.

El 29 de septiembre de ese mismo año, se anunció a través de las redes sociales que el grupo cambiaría su nombre a Don Osvaldo. En la madrugada de ese día, Fontanet hizo una aparición en un recital de la Mona Jiménez y anunció que la banda (ahora con un nuevo nombre) volvería a los escenarios en Córdoba el 12 de noviembre, exactamente cuatro años después de la consolidación de Casi Justicia Social. Además, el sitio web oficial de Don Osvaldo confirmó que habría presentaciones en Santa Fe, Mendoza y Tucumán. También se mencionó la realización de un nuevo disco que ya había sido anunciado meses atrás, con el nombre de "Casi Justicia Social", el mismo nombre que la banda había llevado entre 2010 y 2014.

En 2015, Don Osvaldo realizó su primera gira internacional, con actuaciones en Montevideo, Uruguay, los días 24 y 25 de abril, así como en Santiago de Chile el 15 de agosto. Además, llevaron a cabo una gira por todo el país, lo que marcó el año con más actuaciones en vivo de la banda. A finales de 2015, la banda ya estaba interpretando en directo las canciones de su nuevo álbum. El 4 de diciembre de 2015, lanzaron su primer álbum como Casi Justicia Social, que incluía 15 canciones destacadas como "Suerte", "Misterios" y "O no", entre otras. Este disco fue presentado el 16 de enero de 2016 en el anfiteatro de Villa María, Córdoba, y el 24 de enero en el Estadio Metropolitano de Rosario.

En abril de 2016, Fontanet y Torrejón fueron condenados a siete y cinco años de prisión, respectivamente, en relación con el caso Cromañón. Torrejón fue liberado poco tiempo después de cumplir dos tercios de su condena, y en mayo de 2018, Fontanet fue puesto en libertad condicional.

En junio y julio de 2018, Don Osvaldo regresó a los escenarios con 10 conciertos en la provincia de Córdoba, con entradas agotadas en la mayoría de ellos. En septiembre del mismo año, la banda tocó en Corrientes en dos ocasiones (con 6000 personas por función), así como en Salta y Tucumán. Al mes siguiente, Don Osvaldo ofreció tres conciertos en el Arena Maipú de Mendoza. En octubre de 2018, la banda anunció cuatro presentaciones para cerrar el año, con un público de aproximadamente 9000 personas en el Anfiteatro Pedro Carossi de Baradero.

En enero de 2019, Don Osvaldo brindó un concierto en la Ciudad de la Costa, Uruguay, y en febrero regresaron después de tres años al Festival Cosquín Rock en Córdoba, siendo la banda más destacada del festival con alrededor de 90,000 asistentes. Posteriormente, anunciaron una gira por tres ciudades del Sur Argentino para finales de marzo de ese año, pero todos los conciertos fueron cancelados una semana antes de la fecha programada debido a que Patricio Rogelio Santos Fontanet tuvo que someterse a una operación en las cuerdas vocales.

2019 - 2020, Casi Justicia Social II

En octubre, se hizo público el sencillo "Ciegos", el cual sirvió como el primer adelanto del segundo álbum de la banda. En el mismo mes, lanzaron los sencillos "Los dueños", "Espejito, espejito" y "Primeras piedras".

El 3 de diciembre de 2019, la banda lanzó su segundo disco, titulado "Casi Justicia Social II", el cual estuvo disponible en todas las disquerías y rockerías del país.

Originalmente, se había programado una gira por todo el país, pero lamentablemente fue suspendida debido a la pandemia mundial de coronavirus.

No fue sino hasta febrero de 2021 que la banda pudo regresar a los escenarios después de dos años de ausencia. Esto ocurrió en la Plaza de la Música en Córdoba, con un total de 11 presentaciones seguidas, todas ellas a sala llena. Durante estos conciertos, debutaron varias canciones de su álbum "Casi Justicia Social II", así como sus dos últimos sencillos.

En marzo, la banda viajó a Uruguay para ofrecer dos conciertos en el Antel Arena de Montevideo, y a finales de ese mes, realizaron cinco presentaciones a sala llena en la provincia de Santa Fe, en el Anfiteatro Juan de Garay.

A partir de septiembre, la banda volvió a presentarse en Córdoba durante tres noches consecutivas, y en octubre realizaron seis conciertos en el Metropolitano de Rosario. Sorprendentemente, cerraron el año el 30 de diciembre en el festival "No Nos Cuenten Cromañon", marcando así su regreso a la Capital Federal después de 17 años.

2020 - Actualidad, Flor de Ceibo
Después de su segundo álbum titulado "Casi Justicia Social II", la banda lanzó dos sencillos en el año 2020: uno llamado "Bienvenidos" y el otro titulado "Normal". En el transcurso del año 2021, presentaron un sencillo titulado "Estampita". Luego, en el año 2022, sorprendieron a su audiencia con dos nuevos sencillos: "Un Demonio" y "Feliz y Seguro". Finalmente, el 30 de diciembre de 2022, la banda lanzó su tercer álbum, titulado "Flor de Ceibo", que contiene un total de 11 cautivadoras canciones.

Caso Cromañón
El 17 de octubre de 2012, el cantante Patricio Santos Fontanet y el bajista Christian Eleazar Torrejón fueron condenados a prisión en relación con el Caso Cromañón. Se ordenó de inmediato el cumplimiento de la pena impuesta a todos los condenados, que sumaban un total de catorce personas.

En 2012, tras la sentencia, Santos Fontanet fue internado en una clínica psiquiátrica en Córdoba.

El 10 de junio de 2013, Santos Fontanet fue trasladado desde la clínica en Córdoba al pabellón psiquiátrico del penal de Ezeiza. Fue acompañado en su viaje por su esposa, Estefanía Miguel, y por un vehículo del Servicio Penitenciario Federal.

El 5 de agosto de 2014, la Corte Suprema de Justicia de la Nación ordenó una revisión del fallo anterior. Como resultado, Patricio Santos Fontanet y Christian Eleazar Torrejón recuperaron la libertad hasta que el próximo tribunal tomara una decisión definitiva.

Integrantes
 Patricio Santos Fontanet: Voz.
 Christian Torrejón: Bajo.
 Álvaro Puentes: Guitarra.
 Luis Lamas: Batería.
 Gastón Videla: Guitarra.
 Leopoldo Janin: Saxo.
 Gabriel Gerez: Teclados.
 Juan Julio Falcone: Percusión.

Discos de estudio
 Casi justicia social (2015)
 Casi Justicia Social II (2019)
 Flor de Ceibo (2022)
 Casi Justicia Social III (2024)

Sencillos

 Ciegos  (2019)
 Espejito, Espejito  (2019)
 Primeras Piedras  (2019)
 Los Dueños  (2019)
 Bienvenidos (2022)
 Normal (2021)
 Estampita (2021)
 Un Demonio  (2022)
 Feliz y seguro'' (2022)

Véase también
Callejeros
Patricio Santos Fontanet
Eduardo Arturo Vázquez
Viejas Locas
La Beriso

Referencias

 callejeros por siempre en memoria de los fallecidos en cromañon
Grupos de rock de Argentina
Grupos de música de los años 2010
Quintetos de música de Argentina
Implicados en la Tragedia de Cromañón
Grupos de rock del Gran Buenos Aires
Grupos de reggae rock
Grupos de rock alternativo de Argentina

Don Osvaldo