O Projeto de Lei 2630/2020, também conhecido como PL das Fake News, é um projeto de lei em tramitação no Congresso Nacional do Brasil que visa instituir a "Lei Brasileira de Liberdade, Responsabilidade e Transparência na Internet", cujo objetivo é regulamentar e fiscalizar as atividades das plataformas digitais, especialmente daquelas controladas por grupos empresariais multinacionais do setor das tecnologias da informação, conhecidos como big techs. A discussão sobre a regulamentação ganhou destaque após as ações violentas em escolas brasileiras e pelos ataques de 8 de janeiro em Brasília, quando uma multidão de bolsonaristas extremistas invadiu e depredou as sedes dos Três Poderes para instigar um golpe militar no Brasil.

O projeto foi originalmente proposto pelo senador Alessandro Vieira (MDB-SE) em 13 de maio de 2020 com o intuito de estabelecer diretrizes e mecanismos de transparência de redes sociais e de serviços de mensagens privadas através da internet, a fim de desestimular o abuso e a manipulação com potencial de dar causa a danos individuais ou coletivos. Entre as principais ações propostas pelo PL estão a obrigatoriedade na produção de relatórios de transparência, a implementação de mecanismos de proteção a crianças e adolescentes, assim como a intensificação do combate à desinformação. Após aprovação pelo Senado Federal em 2020, o projeto passou a tramitar na Câmara dos Deputados, onde teve o escopo ampliado. Em 25 de abril de 2023 a Câmara aprovou urgência da tramitação do PL por 238 votos a 192, gerando reações da oposição.

A proposta atribui responsabilidade às empresas que permitem, de maneira desenfreada, o impulsionamento de conteúdo inadequados e o uso de robôs, reforçando, ainda, a necessidade de cumprimento de decisões judiciais que determinam a remoção de conteúdos ilícitos em até 24 horas. Entre as razões que motivam a proposta, inclui-se a necessidade de responsabilização jurídica das empresas de tecnologia perante casos que envolvem a disseminação de discurso de ódio, a divulgação sem controle de notícias falsas pelos usuários, além da apologia a crimes como nazismo, racismo e pedofilia. Além disso, o projeto busca fortalecer a proteção aos direitos autorais, uma vez que cria novas regras para remuneração de conteúdo restrito, como músicas e vídeos. As novas regras não se aplicariam a empresas cujas atividades se relacionem com comércio eletrônico, reuniões fechadas por vídeo ou voz, enciclopédias online sem fins lucrativos, repositórios científicos e educativos e plataformas de desenvolvimento e compartilhamento de software de código aberto.

O projeto foi tema de controvérsia desde sua apresentação. Defensores ressaltam a sua importância no combate à desinformação e a proteção de direitos humanos no ambiente online. Apoiadores notórios da regulamentação incluem o Ministro do STF Alexandre de Moraes e o Governo Lula. Críticos questionam a eficácia no combate à desinformação e apontam riscos à privacidade e à liberdade de expressão online, e incluem entidades de defesa dos direitos humanos como a Human Rights Watch, empresas de tecnologias como a Google, Meta e Yahoo!, além de opositores políticos, dentre eles aqueles ligados ao ex-presidente Jair Bolsonaro. Outro ponto de disputa desde a concepção do projeto foi a extensão da imunidade parlamentar para as redes sociais.

Antecedentes e tramitação
O uso de plataformas sociais para a difusão de notícias falsas tem sido uma problemática relevante nos países democráticos e tem se configurado como estratégia política ligada à extrema-direita. As fake news foram capazes de influenciar o debate político em países como Estados Unidos e Brasil. As estratégias de desinformação foram creditadas como influenciadoras na eleição de Donald Trump na eleição presidencial nos Estados Unidos em 2016, além de apontadas como fator determinante na eleição de Jair Bolsonaro nas eleições presidenciais brasileiras de 2018. Tal conjuntura forçou as autoridades a discutirem formas de amenizar o impacto dessa estratégia no debate político, que passaram a discutir soluções e meios para regulação das plataformas digitais a fim de dirimir o impacto dos grupos que encabeçam a difusão de conteúdos falsos, que foram chamados de milícias digitais.

A desinformação notabilizou-se, também, como marco negativo durante a pandemia de COVID-19, contexto em que grupos utilizaram as redes sociais para distorcer fatos em prol do negacionismo, promovendo medo e atrapalhando as estratégias de combate ao SARS-CoV-2. Os grupos promoveram desinformação sobre as vacinas e desincentivaram o uso de máscaras e o isolamento social. As plataformas também são palco de disseminação de conteúdos relacionados ao terrorismo.

Propositura e escopo
O projeto de lei nº 2.630/2020, de iniciativa do senador Alessandro Vieira, visa criar medidas de prevenção, combate e responsabilização pela disseminação de notícias falsas nas plataformas digitais. O PL estabeleceria novas regras para a moderação de conteúdo pelas mídias sociais, que deveriam agir para prevenir e mitigar práticas ilícitas no âmbito de seus serviços" sob pena de elevadas multas. O PL 2630 se inspira especialmente na Lei de Serviços Digitais ("DSA" na sigla em inglês), aprovada pela União Europeia em 2023.

O projeto responsabilizaria civilmente as plataformas digitais pela circulação de conteúdos que se enquadrem nos seguintes crimes já legalmente tipificados no Brasil: crimes contra o Estado Democrático de Direito; atos de terrorismo e preparatórios de terrorismo; crime de induzimento, instigação ou auxílio a suicídio ou automutilação, crimes contra crianças e adolescentes e de incitação à prática de crimes contra crianças e adolescentes; racismo; violência contra a mulher; e infração sanitária, por deixar de executar, dificultar ou opor-se à execução de medidas sanitárias quando sob situação de emergência em saúde pública de importância nacional.  O projeto também restringiria a criação de contas falsas "criadas ou usadas com o propósito de assumir ou simular identidade de terceiros para enganar o público, ou explorar o serviço de maneira automatizada".

Controvérsias
O projeto estenderia a imunidade parlamentar para as mídias sociais. Segundo o presidente da Câmara dos Deputados, Arthur Lira (PP-AL) o projeto dificilmente seria aprovado sem essas garantias. O projeto foi tema de controvérsia desde sua apresentação, principalmente em relação a sua eficácia em combater a disseminação de notícias falsas e a seu possível impacto na liberdade de expressão e privacidade dos usuários da internet.  Aprovado pelo Senado Federal em 30 de junho de 2020, o projeto seguiu para análise da Câmara dos Deputados, onde está sob a relatoria do deputado Orlando Silva (PCdoB-SP).

Um ponto de polêmica no projeto, a extensão da imunidade parlamentar ao meio digital foi criticada por dificultar o combate à desinformação nas redes sociais. Segundo especialistas, há evidências de envolvimento de parlamentares na difusão de desinformação, e, com a aprovação do PL, pode-se formar uma situação de impunidade em que os parlamentares podem escrever qualquer coisa nas redes sociais, permitindo a formação de "gabinetes do ódio". Segundo Ronaldo Lemos, diretor do Instituto de Tecnologia e Sociedade do Rio de Janeiro, "é muito perturbador porque aumenta o poder de quem está no poder e diminui o de quem é tutelado."

Recepção

Apoiadores
Os defensores do projeto de lei defendem que as novas ferramentas estabelecidas pela legislação aprimoraria o combate à desinformação, ao discurso de ódio e a outros conteúdos criminosos no ambiente digital, que se configura como um espaço essencial para debate público e participação política.  Os apoiadores sustentam, ainda que a concentração de poder econômico e político das plataformas digitais e seu uso em campanhas de desinformação têm causado preocupação em todo o mundo, contexto que enseja novas regras para proteger os direitos humanos na internet, mitigando, assim, a concentração de poder e a degradação do espaço público.

Os apoiadores do projeto afirmam, também, que este vem sendo debatido há mais de três anos, uma vez que, considerando apenas os debates realizados no âmbito do Grupo de Trabalho: Aperfeiçoamento da Legislação Brasileira sobre Internet (GT-NET) criado pela Câmara dos Deputados para debater o projeto e as respectivas críticas. O grupo realizou 27 reuniões técnicas, incluindo quinze audiências públicas que ouviram mais de 150 especialistas de diversos setores e áreas. Até 8 de maio, 38 organizações assinaram a carta aberta em apoio ao projeto, publicada pela Coalizão Direitos na Rede, rede de entidades que reúne mais de 50 organizações acadêmicas e da sociedade civil em defesa dos direitos digitais.  Veículos de imprensa independente e advogados também apoiam o projeto.

Na interpretação do jurista Ricardo Campos, professor na Universidade Goethe (Frankfurt) e diretor do LGPD (Legal Grounds for Privacy Design) – instituto de proteção de dados – as big techs não estão preocupadas com liberdade de expressão, mas com os novos custos e limitações. Na interpretação do NetLab, a motivação das big techs é o dinheiro.

Ao sair em defesa do PL das Fake News, Luís Roberto Barroso, ministro do Supremo Tribunal Federal (STF), declarou que a aprovação do projeto é "absolutamente inevitável" e que esta "não deve ser vista como censura". Barroso destacou que "é preciso apontar o dedo para as pessoas que difundem a mentira deliberada quando ela seja perigosa. "[...] As sociedades civilizadas precisam se proteger contra esse tipo de comportamento" e salientou, ainda, que a internet democratizou o acesso à informação e ao conhecimento, mas que há um subproduto negativo, que é a expansão da desinformação e dos discursos de ódio, além de teorias conspiratórias e ações em prol da destruição de reputações.

Alexandre de Moraes, também ministro do STF, declarou que "Nós precisamos regulamentar isso, venho conversando muito com presidente do Senado, da Câmara. Se não houver uma autoregulação e uma regulamentação por determinados modelos a serem seguidos, nós vamos ver a continuidade dessa instrumentalização pelas redes para incentivar ataques a escolas". Ao defender a regulamentação, ele destacou que o aumento no número de suicídios e depressão em crianças e adolescentes está relacionado à falta de regulação das redes.

O governo do presidente Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva tem como bandeira a regulamentação das mídias sociais e defende que as empresas de tecnologia que administram as redes sociais devem ser responsabilizadas pela divulgação de conteúdos que desrespeitem as leis ou que encorajem essa violação. Ao ser questionado sobre o assunto, Flávio Dino, ministro da Justiça, declarou que as big techs faltaram com a responsabilidade no que tange à propagação de convocações para os atos atentatórios ao Estado de Direito do dia 8 de janeiro de 2023. Ele destacou, ainda, que existem meios tecnológicos para tal, mas que as empresas não quiseram utiliza-los.

Oposição política
A  oposição faz pressão contrária à própria ideia de regulamentação, retratando-a como tentativa de implantação de censura, referindo-se ao projeto como "PL da Censura".  A oposição mais ferrenha vem de bolsonaristas. Segundo pesquisa do Laboratório de Estudos de Internet e Mídias Sociais (NetLab) da Universidade Federal do Rio de Janeiro (UFRJ), o bolsonarismo pensou, organizou e orquestrou a campanha de boicote ao PL nas redes, onde a extrema direita domina o debate.  "Eles não estão entrando de verdade na discussão, eles estão criticando conceitualmente a ideia de se regulamentar e não o que está se regulamentando", avalia Rose Marie Santini, doutora em Ciência da Informação pela Universidade Federal do Rio de Janeiro (UFRJ) e pós-doutora pela Universidade Autônoma de Barcelona, na Espanha. Segundo ela, o Twitter se destaca.  "Com essa nova versão Elon Musk, o Twitter está privilegiando bastante esse tipo de narrativa e perfis da extrema-direita".

No Twitter o bolsonarismo domina a discussão sobre o PL, uma vez que a regulamentação das plataformas é atacada por 70% dos perfis, dos quais 32% foram identificados com bots. As postagens da plataforma apontam, sem apresentar fontes confiáveis, George Soros e a Open Society Foundations como os principais articuladores da "censura da internet" no Brasil e no mundo.  Soros, bilionário investidor financeiro, é retratado como "chefe do comunismo". O PL é atacado, ainda, nas redes sociais WhatsApp, Telegram, YouTube, TikTok e Facebook.  Rose aponta como "fundamentais" as publicações de sites de desinformação, como o Jornal da Cidade Online e Revista Oeste, e veículos hiper partidários, como Jovem Pan e Gazeta do Povo: "são a fonte paralela da extrema direita".

Estudo do NetLab aponta que "parlamentares da extrema direita como Flávio Bolsonaro, Eduardo Bolsonaro, Carla Zambelli, Gustavo Gayer e Mário Frias e influenciadores como Leandro Ruschel, Elisa Brom e Kim Paim se destacam como principais porta-vozes da campanha contra o PL 2630 nas diferentes plataformas". O senador Sérgio Moro e o Partido Novo também se destacam.  De acordo com o estudo, o sítio eletrônico "Boletim da Liberdade", articulador da campanha contrária ao projeto de lei, "está sendo intensamente compartilhado nas redes sociais" e mantém a campanha "PL da censura". O sítio é atualmente mantido por ex-deputado federal do Partido Novo. A pesquisa identificou, ainda, a veiculação de teorias conspiratórias que apontam para uma suposta "implementação da desgraça" que funcionaria para dominar o povo através do medo.

Em 2 de maio, líderes religiosos, especialmente evangélicos, protestaram em Brasília pela aprovação do projeto, divergindo da Frente Parlamentar Evangélica. Esta endossou a narrativa de Deltan Dallagnol que atribui ao PL suposta censura a trechos da Bíblia. O Projeto Comprova avaliou tal narrativa como enganosa. Em manifestação promovida pelo movimento cívico Avaaz, foram colocadas 35 mochilas em frente ao Congresso Nacional para homenagear as 35 crianças vítimas de massacres escolares no Brasil desde 2002. A Avaaz, que tem mais de 69 milhões de membros no mundo, argumenta que o PL traria mais "honestidade, transparência e responsabilidade" nas redes sociais.

Posição de entidades de tecnologia
Em 25 de junho de 2020, grandes empresas de tecnologia, entidades civis em defesa dos direitos humanos e da privacidade on-line, estudiosos, associações nacionais do setor de tecnologia e agências de checagem de notícias publicaram nota contrária ao texto então em debate no Senado Federal, afirmando que ameaçaria privacidade, liberdade de expressão e segurança de cidadãos brasileiros.  O Instituto de Tecnologia e Sociedade (ITS Rio), a Human Rights Watch e a Associação Brasileira das Empresas de Software (ABES) estavam entre os signatários.

O IAB Brasil, que representa as agências de publicidade, publicou nota de "firme preocupação" com o debate e o texto do projeto.  A nota reivindica mais ciclos de debate e alega que as empresas foram "pouco ouvidas" e não seria possível debater os temas "às pressas". O projeto também sofre pressão contrária das big techs (gigantes transnacionais de tecnologia) como Alphabet (dona de Google e YouTube);  Meta (dona de Facebook, Instagram e WhatsApp); Twitter; e TikTok, e empresas de tecnologia como Mercado Livre, Yahoo!, Trivago, QuintoAndar e extra.com. Em 25 de abril de 2023, o YouTube publicou carta pública argumentando que o PL poderia impactar criadores da plataforma.

Ações publicitárias de empresas de tecnologia e denúncias de abuso de poder econômico

Com o avançar do projeto, algumas empresas de tecnologia, especialmente as chamadas big techs, iniciaram uma campanha publicitária em oposição à medida, utilizando seus próprios mecanismo de busca e anúncio para induzir percepções negativas sobre a proposta, configurando, segundo a avaliação de juristas e pesquisadores, uma forma de abuso de poder econômico e violação dos termos de transparência exigidos de ações publicitárias.

Às vésperas da votação do projeto na Câmara dos Deputados, Google, Meta, Spotify e Brasil Paralelo veicularam anúncios contrários ao projeto. De acordo com relatório de pesquisadores do NetLab, a Google apresentou resultados de busca enviesados para usuários que pesquisavam por termos relacionados ao projeto de lei. O NetLab apontou ainda que o Facebook teria publicado anúncios da Google de ataque à proposta sem sinalizá-los como sensíveis, categoria definida pela Meta para propaganda de temas políticos. Na interpretação do ministro Alexandre de Moraes do Supremo Tribunal Federal (STF), o NetLab apontava que "Google, Meta, Spotify e Brasil Paralelo anunciam e veiculam anúncios contra o PL 2630 (PL das Fake News) de forma opaca e burlando seus próprios termos de uso".

Alphabet Inc. (Google, Youtube)
Em 1º de maio, a Google passou a exibir em sua página inicial uma ligação para artigo da própria empresa com críticas ao projeto. No mesmo dia, com base no estudo do NetLab, o Ministério Público Federal (MPF), expediu ofício à Google solicitando informações sobre alegada alteração dos resultados de buscas e anúncios, impulsionando aqueles contrários ao PL. O MPF, embora tenha considerado legítima a oposição ao projeto, alertou para a possível caracterização de abuso de poder econômico. A Secretaria Nacional do Consumidor (órgão do MJSP) acusou de propaganda enganosa a gigante de tecnologia e fixou multa de R$ 1 milhão por hora, caso ela não ajustasse o conteúdo. Em 2 de maio, o governo impôs medida cautelar determinando que a Google sinalizasse seu posicionamento contrário ao PL como publicidade, já que a plataforma se coloca como empresa de tecnologia e não de comunicação. Determinou ainda necessidade de "contrapropaganda", mostrando a opinião dos que defendem o PL, conforme determina o Código de Defesa do Consumidor.

Segundo apuração da Agência Pública, o Google gastou mais de R$470 mil para impulsionar anúncios contra o Projeto de Leis em redes sociais como o Facebook e Instagram, entre 30 de abril e 6 de maio. Na véspera da votação de 2 de maio, a empresa gastou mais de R$200 mil na divulgação de apenas um vídeo de 15 segundos que atribuia ao projeto a possibilidade de piorar a situação da desinformação no país.

Telegram
Em 9 de maio, o Telegram enviou mensagens aos seus usuários dizendo que o Projeto de Lei irá acabar com a liberdade de expressão e que a democracia Brasileira está sob ataque. O ministro Paulo Pimenta chamou de "absurdo" a mensagem do Telegram e o relator do projeto de "jogo sujo" e fake news.

Spotify
A empresa de streaming de música e áudio também veiculou anúncios do Google contra o Projeto de Lei, na contramão de sua própria política expressa nos termos de uso, que afirma não permitir conteúdos pagos de natureza política. A empresa não possui nenhum mecanismo de transparência para os contratos publicitários que estabelece, tornando obscuro o valor e o alcance da campanha.

Respostas jurídicas
Diante da campanha, o judiciário brasileiro emitiu uma série de determinações sobre a conduta das empresas, exigindo a remoção dos anúncios e o esclarecimento dos dados e responsáveis. A abertura de inquéritos e comissões acerca da ação das plataformas também tem sido considerada. O ministro da Justiça e Segurança Pública afirmou ter acionado a Secretaria Nacional do Consumidor, órgão do ministério, para a análise das irregularidade das práticas das plataformas. Já o Ministério Público Federal fez questionamentos ao Google, demandando informações detalhadas sobre a manipulação dos mecanismos de busca para impulsar conteúdos contrários ao projeto, como também sobre os valores mobilizados para anúncios em outras redes sociais. O senador Randolfe Rodrigues afirmou solicitou a abertura de um inquérito no Conselho Administrativo de Defesa Econômica sobre a infração da ordem econômica por parte do Google.

Com base no estudo do NetLab, o ministro Alexandre de Moraes do STF determinou que a Polícia Federal colhesse depoimentos dos presidentes no Brasil das empresas Google, Meta, Spotify e Brasil Paralelo. Determinou ainda que em até um hora removessem "todos os anúncios, textos e informações veiculados, propagados e impulsionados a partir do blog oficial da Google com ataques ao PL 2630". A Google negou irregularidade mas removeu a ligação da a página inicial de seu buscador web.
A Procuradoria-Geral da República abriu um pedido para a instauração de um inquérito das ações do Google e Telegram e dirigentes envolvidos, motivada pela notícia-crime enviada pelo presidente da Câmara, que sinaliza a "contundente e abusiva ação" das plataformas, configurando uma forma de desinformação, manipulação, e violação das instituições democráticas, como também dos direitos do consumidor e leis econômicas.

Votações no Senado Federal
Havia 79  senadores presentes na 62ª Sessão Deliberativa Remota que ocorreu em 30 de junho de 2020, dentre das votações, houve 44 votos pelo "sim", 32 votos pelo "não", 2 abstenções e 2 ausências". Abaixo é possível ver o voto de cada senador.

Votações na Câmara dos Deputados
A votação do projeto de lei na Câmara dos Deputados, programada para 2 de maio de 2023, foi adiada pelo presidente Arthur Lira devido à incerteza se havia votos suficientes para a aprovação e a pedido de deputados para maior tempo de análise.

Como cada partido declarou o voto

Ligações externas
 Tramitação do PL 2630/2020 no Congresso Nacional
 Nota do Wiki Movimento Brasil sobre o PL 2630/2020

Projetos de lei do Brasil
!Artigos a revisar desde 2023

Medidas contra a desinformação

Projeto de Lei 2630/2020


Les Amazones, Op. 26, é uma sinfonia dramática para orquestra e coro com três solistas escrita em 1 movimento pela pianista e compositora francesa Cécile Chaminade em 1884 (ano de publicação), com texto de Charles Grandmougin,   apresentada pela primeira vez em um concerto organizado pelo 'Cercle Catholique' em Anvers em 18 de abril de 1888, com a própria Chaminade como solista.

Texto
Les Amazones usa um libreto escrito por Charles Grandmougin que se concentra em uma batalha entre as amazonas e os persas masculinos. Himrims, rainha das Amazonas, ordena que o único prisioneiro da guerra, o líder persa Gandhar, seja trazido até ela. Gandhar é apresentado à rainha e declara com orgulho que não tem medo das consequências de suas decisões. Himris resolve a punição exata e Gandhar vacila, pois ela sabe que o príncipe percebe sua crescente atração por ele, mas Kalyani, conselheira de Himris, insta a rainha a lembrar o decreto sobre os cativos de guerra. Himris, então. se resigna a cumprir a lei amazônica, apesar de seu coração pesado, até que Gandhar também começe à exibir sinais de atração. Sua paixão os encoraja a planejar sua fuga, o que os libertará de suas respectivas responsabilidades. Infelizmente, enquanto eles estão galopando à noite, as forças da Amazônia os alcançam e os matam. A obra termina com um lamento de 'espíritos' muito no estilo do refrão final de Henry Purcell em Dido e Aeneas.

Música
De acordo com o libreto, a música de "Les Amazones" divide-se em três partes distintas: uma primeira seção, mais longa, coral masculino, retrata a batalha entre as duas partes em conflito e apresenta os três solistas. A segunda seção, o "duo", inclui a cena de amor e a fuga de Himris e Gandhar. Esta seção é um poslúdio que consiste no Côro dos Mortos.

Instrumentação
1 flautim, 2 flautas, 2 oboés, 2 clarinetes, 2 fagotes, 4 trompas, 2 trompetes naturais, 2 trompetes de pistão, 3 trombones, 1 tuba baixo, tímpanos, bumbo, pratos, 2 harpas, conjunto de cordas.

Movimentos
Allegro moderato, Andante, Duo: Allegro con fuoco, Moderato, Choeur des Péris: Andantino.

Definição
A palavra 'Gandhar' é um nome mais antigo da atual Kandahar, Afeganistão. 'Himris' parece se referir ao nome de uma família na trilogia de J. R. R. Tolkien O Senhor dos Anéis (Grandmougin e Tokkien estão separados por mais de uma geração - Grandmougin nasceu em 1850 e Tokkien em 1892).

Ver também
Lista de composições de Cécile Chaminade → Les Amazones, Op. 26
Lista de editores e ilustradores das composições de Cécile Chaminade → Les Amazones, Op. 26
Lista de libretistas e dedicados das composições de Cécile Chaminade

Notas

Ligações externas
Les Amazones, Op.26 (Chaminade, Cécile) no IMSLP

1888 na música
Composições de 1888
1888
Obras de 1888
Composições de Cécile Chaminade

Les Amazones, Op. 26


Domænegård er navnet på 36 gårde i Sønderjylland, som det preussiske styre erhvervede i årene 1896 til 1916 som led i fortyskningen i grænseområderne. Tyske domænegårde kendes også fra Tysklands daværende polske og franske grænseområder. Ordet domæne er afledt af det franske domaine de l'état, som betyder statsgods.

Baggrund
Efter krigen i 1864 overgik Slesvig til Prøjsen, som efterhånden indledte en massiv fortyskningspolitik. Mange unge danskere valgte at forlade regionen. En del flyttede over den nye grænse til Danmark, andre udvandrede til bl.a. Nordamerika. Det skønnes, at cirka 60.000 danske slesvigere emigrerede frem til år 1900. Stærkt medvirkende til dette var den tyske treårige værnepligt. Resultatet var, at mange landbrugsejendomme stod tomme. Situationen åbnede imidlertid en mulighed for det prøjsiske styre, som opkøbte gårde og forpagtede dem ud, mod en beskeden afgift til nyankommne, hvervede tyske bønder. Forpagterne skulle være politisk aktive for den tyske bevægelse, skulle ansætte tyske medarbejdere og være engagerede landmænd, der kunne drive en mønstergård. Der kunne være op til 80 personer tilknyttet en domænegård. Resultatet var, at andelen af tyske stemmer steg markant i områder med domænegårde. Påfaldende mange opkøbte gårde brændte ned, hvorefter nye gårde i typisk tysk byggestil blev opført på samme sted. Gårdene blev dermed et middel i den dansk-tyske nationalitetskonflikt og indledte den såkaldte jordkamp. Danske sønderjyder reagerede i 1898 med oprettelsen af Foreningen af 5. Oktober 1898 (Oktoberforeningen), for at hjælpe dansksindede landmænd med lån, så de kunne holde jorden på danske hænder. Oktoberforeningen blev senere til Nordslesvigsk Kreditforening. I 1913 blev Landeværnet oprettet. Den danske politiker H.P. Hanssen opfordrede til at standse udvandringen for at bevare ejendomsretten til gårdene.

Efter 1920 overgik de 36 sønderjyske domænegårde til den danske stat. De fik danske bestyrere og kom efterhånden i privat eje.

Litteratur
 Historisk Samfund for Sønderjylland: Sønderjylland A-Å, Aabenraa 2011, side 80/81

Noter

Eksterne henvisninger
 Jyllands Posten: Sønderjyllands tyske gårde
 Information.dk: Mathias, Ahmed og kampen om jorden
 Vejen kommune: Tyske domænegårde i Sønderjylland
 Fortegnelse over de sønderjyske domænegårde

Sønderjyllands historie
Landbohistorie
Bygninger, konstruktioner og anlæg i Sønderjylland (i Danmark)

Domænegård


يوسف الصيداوي (1930 – 2003) م عالم لغوي سوري، وأديب مرب، وخبير بالموسيقا والأنغام. ولد بدمشق عام 1930 لأسرة فقيرة.
أدى أنشودة في احتفال كبير حضره الرئيس السوري تاج الدين الحسني لما كان له من صوت بديع. حفظ الصيداوي القرآن وأتقن تلاوته وتجويده وهو صغير.
قرأ علوم العربية والتجويد في المدرسة المحسنية على يد الشيخين علي الجمّال ومحمد علي صندوق. قرأ قدرًا كبيرًا على يد المقرئ الشيخ محمد بشير الشلاح، وأجازه شيخ قراء الشام الشيخ محمد سليم الحلواني.

انتسب إلى كلية الآداب بجامعة دمشق، وتخرج في قسم اللغة العربية فيها سنة 1959 م. عمل مدرسًا للغة العربية في مدارس دمشق ومعاهدها، وكان مُعَلِّمًا ناجِحًا ألمَعِيًّا. لازم الأستاذ سعيد الأفغاني شيخ النحاة وصارَ من أوثَقِ الناس صِلَةً به، ومن أوفى طُلاَّبه له.

قدَّمَ في التِّلفاز السُّوريِّ بَرْنامَجًا لغَويًّا مُمتِعًا بعُنوان: اللغة والناس، على مَدى إحدَى عَشْرَة سنةً، بَدْءًا بعام 1982 م، قدَّمَ فيه أزيدَ على 400 حَلْقَة.
كانت له عنايَةٌ خاصَّة ومَعرفَةٌ عَميقَةٌ واسِعَةٌ بإعجاز القُرآن الكَريم وبلاغَتِه.
وكان له مُشارَكاتٌ في بَعض نَدوات مَجْمَع اللغة العربيَّة بدمشقَ.
جَمَعَ مكتبةً عَظيمةً غَنيَّةً، أَوصَى أن تُوقَفَ بعـدَ وَفاتِه على طُلاَّب العلم بالمدرسَة الْمُحْسِنيَّة؛ وَفاءً للمكان الذي تعَلَّم فيه وتثَقَّف، ومَلَكَ مكتبةً سَمعيَّةً ضَخمةً ضمَّت تَسجيلاتِ أساطينِ الطَّـرَب والغِناء والتَّلحين.

تُوفِّيَ بدمشقَ ودُفِنَ فيها.

من أقواله
"من كان يريد أن يحسن اللغة، فسبيله استظهار روائعها، لا قراءة النحو واستظهار مسائله! كل كتب النحو، كلها كلها، من كتاب سيبويه فنازلاً، لا تعدل في موازين إحسان اللغة مثقال ذرة من: {وهي تجري بهم في موج كالجبال، ونادى نوح ابنه، وكان في معزل يا بني اركب معنا ولا تكن مع الكافرين}"

"إن إحسان اللغة، إنما يكون في مصاحبة القرآن والحديث ونهج البلاغة، وديوان زهير وجرير والفرزدق والأخطل، وبشار وأبي العتاهية، وأبي تمام والبحتري والمتنبي، وفي ملازمة الجاحظ، وأسألك بالله أن تستمسك بكتب الجاحظ، فإنها ينبوع لغة وأدب لا ينضب، وفي ملازمة الأغاني فإنه مدرسة لطواعية المفردات، في مواضعها من جزل التراكيب.."

أعماله
 اللغة والناس:  نشرَ فيه 100 حَلْقَة من حَلَقات بَرْنامَجِه التِّلْفازي (ISBN 1-57547-265-1).
 بيضة الديك: كتاب رد فيه على كتاب المهندس د. محمد شحرور: الكتاب والقرآن قراءة معاصرة.
 الكفاف: كتابٌ يعيدُ صَوْغَ قواعد اللغة العربيَّة، في مجلدين، وقد كانَ له صَدًى قويٌّ واسِعٌ، بين مُؤَيِّدٍ له ومُعارِض، أمضى سبع سنوات في تأليفه. (ISBN 1-57547-679-7)
 العربية بين خراكوفسكي ودك الباب: وهي رسالة في الرد على  د. جعفر دك الباب.
 على هامش اللغة في القرآن: وهو دراسة لغوية معمقة لألفاظ القرآن الكريم، توفي وقد أنجز ثلث الكتاب، وتركه مخطوطًا.
 المُتَدارَك: جمعَ فيه ما نَشَرَهُ من مَقالات، وما ألقاهُ من مُحاضَرات، ولم يطبع.
 وضْعُ منهجٍ تأسيسي لتعليم اللغة العربية في المرحلة الابتدائية (الحلقة الأولى).

المصادر

 الأستاذُ اللغويُّ المربِّي يوسُف الصَّيداوي مقالة لتلميذه الأستاذ أيمن بن أحمد ذو الغنى، من موقع رابطة أدباء الشام.
 الأستاذ.. يوسف الصيداوي.. نمطٌ لا يُنسى مقالة للدكتور محمد حسان الطيّان من موقع الألوكة.
 يوسف الصيداوي: اللغوي المجدِّد مقالة للدكتور محمد مكي الحسني الجزائري من موقع الألوكة.

لغويون سوريون
تربويون سوريون
كتاب وكاتبات سوريون
لغويون عرب في القرن 20
لغويون عرب في القرن 21
كتاب بالعربية في القرن 20
كتاب بالعربية في القرن 21

يوسف الصيداوي (لغوي)


The year 1945 in science and technology involved some significant events, listed below.

Biology
 Salvador Edward Luria and Alfred Day Hershey independently recognize that viruses undergo mutations.

Chemistry
 A team at Oak Ridge National Laboratory led by Charles Coryell discovers chemical element 61, the only one still missing between 1 and 96 on the periodic table, which they will name promethium. Found by analysis of fission products of irradiated uranium fuel, its discovery is not made public until 1947.
 Dorothy Hodgkin and C. H. (Harry) Carlisle publish the first three-dimensional molecular structure of a steroid, cholesteryl iodide. In January, Hodgkin also discovers the structure of penicillin, not published until 1949.
 A team at American Cyanamid's Lederle Laboratories, Pearl River, New York, led by Yellapragada Subbarow, obtain folic acid in a pure crystalline form.

Computer science
 June 30 – Distribution of John von Neumann's First Draft of a Report on the EDVAC, containing the first published description of the logical design of a computer with stored-program and instruction data stored in the same address space within the memory (von Neumann architecture).
 July – Publication of Vannevar Bush's article "As We May Think" proposing a proto-hypertext collective memory machine which he calls 'memex'.
 November – Assembly of the world's first general purpose electronic computer, the Electronic Numerical Integrator Analyzer and Computer (ENIAC), is completed in the United States, covering  of floor space, and the first set of calculations is run on it.

History of science and technology
 Douglas Guthrie's A History of Medicine is published in the U.K.

Mathematics
 George Stigler solves the Stigler diet problem heuristically.

Medicine
 February – Raymond L. Libby of American Cyanamid's research laboratories at Stamford, Connecticut, announces a method of orally administering the antibiotic penicillin.
 The Amsler grid is introduced for monitoring of the central visual field.

Meteorology
 High-altitude west-to-east winds across Pacific, discovered by Japanese in 1942 and by Americans in 1944, are dubbed "jet stream".

Physics
 July 16 – Nuclear testing: the Trinity test, the first test of an atomic bomb, using 6 kilograms of plutonium, succeeds in detonating an explosion equivalent to that of 20 kilotons of TNT.
 August 6 and 9 – Atomic bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki make the world aware of the power of nuclear weapons.
 August 12 – The Smyth Report is released by the United States government, informing the public of the basics of nuclear fission and its military and civilian applications, and emphasizing the role played by physics in the development of the atomic bomb.
 August 21 – American physicist Harry Daghlian accidentally drops a tungsten carbide brick onto a plutonium–gallium alloy bomb core, exposing himself to a lethal dose of neutron radiation and becoming the first known fatality due to a criticality accident 25 days later.

Technology
 March 2 – The Bachem Ba 349 Natter is launched from Stetten am kalten Markt. The Natter is the first manned rocket, developed as an anti-aircraft weapon. The launch fails and the pilot dies.
 October – Arthur C. Clarke puts forward the idea of a geosynchronous communications satellite.
 November – Slinky toy first demonstrated by engineer Richard T. James in Philadelphia.
 The first desalination plant becomes operational.

Institutions
 Kathleen Lonsdale and Marjory Stephenson become the first women elected as Fellows of the Royal Society of London.

Publications
 Argentine physicist Ernesto Sabato publishes Uno y el Universo ("One and the Universe"), a collection of essays criticizing the apparent moral neutrality of science and warning of dehumanization in technological societies.
 First book in the New Naturalist series is published in the United Kingdom, E. B. Ford's Butterflies.

Awards
 Nobel Prizes
 Physics – Wolfgang Pauli
 Chemistry – Artturi Ilmari Virtanen
 Medicine – Sir Alexander Fleming, Ernst Boris Chain, Sir Howard Walter Florey

Births
 January 4 – Richard R. Schrock, American chemist, Nobel Prize laureate.
 February 9 – Yoshinori Ohsumi, Japanese cell biologist, Nobel Prize laureate.
 February 26 – Michael Marmot, English epidemiologist.
 February 28 – Alexey Ekimov, Russian-born chemist, Nobel Prize laureate.
 March 31 – Edwin Catmull, American computer scientist.
 April 11 – John Krebs, English zoologist.
 April 24 – Larry Tesler (died 2020), American computer scientist.
 April 30 – Mike Smith (killed 1986 in rocket accident), American astronaut.
 May 3 – Jeffrey C. Hall, American geneticist and chronobiologist, Nobel Prize laureate.
 May 20 – Anton Zeilinger, Austrian quantum physicist, Nobel Prize laureate.
 July 7 – Adele Goldberg, American computer scientist.
 July 19 – Richard Henderson, Scottish molecular biologist, Nobel Prize laureate.
 August 1 – Douglas Osheroff, American physicist, Nobel Prize laureate.
 September 18 – John McAfee (presumed suicide 2021), British American computer programmer.
 September 19 – Ruxandra Sireteanu (died 2008), Romanian neuroscientist.
 October 2 – Martin Hellman, American cryptologist.
 Undated – Lyn Evans, Welsh physicist.

Deaths
 March 23 – Sir Napier Shaw (born 1854), English meteorologist.
 April 22 – Wilhelm Cauer (born 1900), German mathematician and electronic engineer.
 May 12 – Julius Fromm (born 1883), German businessman, inventor known for the Condom machine
 May 14 – Isis Pogson (born 1852), English astronomer and meteorologist.
 August 4 – Gerhard Gentzen (born 1909), German mathematician.
 August 10 – Robert Goddard (born 1882), American rocket scientist.
 August 31 – Stefan Banach (born 1892), Polish mathematician.
 September 15 – Richard Friedrich Johannes Pfeiffer (born 1858), German physician and bacteriologist.
 September 24 – Hans Geiger (born 1882), German inventor of the Geiger counter.
 October 1 – Walter Bradford Cannon (born 1871), American physiologist.
 November 20 – Francis William Aston (born 1877), English chemist, Nobel Prize laureate.
 December 4 – Thomas Hunt Morgan (born 1866), American biologist, Nobel Prize laureate.
 December 11 – Charles Fabry (born 1867), French optical physicist.
 December 21/22 – Arthur Korn (born 1870), German-born inventor.

References

20th century in science
1940s in science

1945 in science


جولي دلبي  (ولدت في 21 ديسمبر 1969) هي ممثلة فرنسية/أمريكية, ومخرجة, وكاتبة سيناريو ومغنية, درست صناعة الأفلام في جامعة نيويورك ضمن مدرسة تيسك للفنون, وأخرجت وكتبت ومثلت في أكثر من 30 فيلماً

مراجع

وصلات خارجية

 جولي دلبي موقع تقديري
 مقابلة, 7/18/04, موقع التايمز على الإنترنت
 مقابلة, 7/01/04, أفلام IGN
 مقابلة, 7/04, About.com
 IONCINEMA.com مقابلة مع جولي دلبي لفيلم يومان في باريس
 مقابلة فيديو على موقع JewReview مع جولي دلبي لفيلم يومان في باريس
 EyeForFilm.co.uk مقابلة مع جولي دلبي في مهرجان إدنبره للأفلام 2007

أشخاص على قيد الحياة
أمريكيون متجنسون
خريجو مدرسة تيش العليا للفنون
فرنسيون مغتربون في إسبانيا
كاتبات سيناريو أمريكيات
كاتبات سيناريو فرنسيات
كتاب وكاتبات سيناريو فرنسيون
مخرجات أفلام فرنسيات
مخرجو أفلام أمريكيون
مخرجو أفلام فرنسيون
مغنون فرنسيون باللغة الإنجليزية
مغنون ومغنيات وكتاب أغان أمريكيون
مغنون ومغنيات وكتاب أغان فرنسيون
مغنيات فرنسيات
مغنيات وكاتبات أغان أمريكيات
ممثلات أفلام أمريكيات
ممثلات أفلام فرنسيات
ممثلات أمريكيات في القرن 21
ممثلات تلفاز فرنسيات
ممثلات تلفزيون أمريكيات
ممثلات فرنسيات في القرن 20
ممثلات فرنسيات في القرن 21
ممثلات من باريس
مهاجرون فرنسيون إلى الولايات المتحدة
مواليد 1969
مواليد في باريس
موسيقيون من باريس
موسيقيون نسويون
مؤلفو موسيقى أفلام أمريكيون
مؤلفو موسيقى أفلام فرنسيون
نسويون أمريكيون
نسويون فرنسيون

جولي دلبي


Natalie (나탈리, Natalli) est un film sud-coréen réalisé par Joo Kyung-jung, sorti en 2010.

Synopsis
Mi-ran, une belle étudiante en danse, devient le modèle, la muse et l'amante du sculpteur coureur de jupons Jun-hyuk.

Fiche technique
 Titre : Natalie
 Titre original : 나탈리 (Natalli)
 Réalisation : Joo Kyung-jung
 Scénario : Joo Kyung-jung
 Photographie : Kim Yung-chul
 Montage : Steve M. Choe, Kim Chang-ju
 Production : Kang Sung-wook
 Pays :
 Genre : Romance
 Durée : 90 minutes
 Dates de sortie :
 :

Distribution
 Kim Ji-hoon : Jang Min-woo
 Kim Ki-yeon : Park Hyo-rin
 Lee Seong-jae : Hwang Jun-hyuk
 Park Hyeon-jin : Oh Mi-ran

Box-office
Le film a rapporté 1042048 dollars au box-office.

Notes et références

Liens externes

Film sud-coréen sorti en 2010
Film romantique sud-coréen
Thriller érotique (film) sud-coréen
Film en relief
Film mettant en scène un sculpteur

Natalie (film)


Ada je riječni otok na rijeci Bosni. Nalazi se u Zenici, između Odmuta i Bilmišća. Pruža se u pravcu sjever - jug, u smjeru toka rijeke. S istočne strane je ušće Babine rijeke u Bosnu. Preko južnog dijela Ade vodi most. Nedaleko od Ade je turbe.

Izvori

Zenica
Bosanskohercegovački riječni otoci
Otoci na Bosni

Ada (Zenica)


The South African Navy (SA Navy) is the naval warfare branch of the South African National Defence Force.

The Navy is primarily engaged in maintaining a conventional military deterrent, participating in counter-piracy operations, fishery protection, search and rescue, and upholding maritime law enforcement for the benefit of South Africa and its international partners.

Today the South African Navy is one of the most capable naval forces in the African region, operating a mixed force of sophisticated warships, submarines, patrol craft, and auxiliary vessels, with over 7,000 personnel; including a marine force.

With formerly deep historical and political connections to the United Kingdom, the first emergence of a naval organisation was the creation of the South African Division of the British Royal Naval Volunteer Reserve in 1913, before becoming an nominally independent naval service for the Union of South Africa in 1922.

In its history, South African naval vessels and personnel have participated in the First and Second World Wars, as well as the South African Border War. In the apartheid post-war era, the South African Navy was extensively aligned with NATO and other Western nations against the Soviet Bloc.

History

Beginnings
Officially, the South African Navy can trace its origins back to the creation of the South African Naval Service on 1 April 1922. Unofficially, however, the Navy has an unbroken association with the Natal Naval Volunteers, formed in Durban on 30 April 1885, and the Cape Naval Volunteers, formed in Cape Town in 1905. Loosely, and indirectly however, the earliest naval establishment was the Port Elizabeth Naval Volunteer Brigade, founded in 1861. On 1 July 1913, following the creation of the Union of South Africa in 1910, the South African Division of the Royal Navy Volunteer Reserve (RNVR[SA]) was established, although with complete organisational and operational control being directed by the Royal Navy.

First World War
As part of the British Empire, South Africa went to war against the Central Powers on 4 August 1914, despite significant Afrikaner opposition. A total of 412 South Africans served in the RNVR[SA] during the war, with 164 members volunteering for the Royal Navy directly. One officer and eight ratings died during the course of the war.  South Africans would see service on warships in European waters and the Mediterranean, as well as participate in the land campaigns in German South West Africa and German East Africa. Under Royal Navy jurisdiction, the RNVR (SA) patrolled South African waters in converted fishing vessels, helping in mine clearance in response to the operations of the German raider  in 1917, as well as protecting the strategically important Royal Navy naval base at Simon's Town.

Interwar
On 1 April 1922, the South African Naval Service (SANS) was formed and, alongside the RNVR (SA), tasked with the protection of territorial waters, minesweeping and hydrography. In the same year, the SANS commissioned the small hydrographic survey ship HMSAS (His/Her Majesty's South African Ship) Protea, two minesweeping converted trawlers HMSAS Immortelle and HMSAS Sonneblom, and the training ship General Botha - all formerly in Royal Navy service. As a result of the Great Depression in 1929, coupled with lack of government investment, the SANS by 1939 had been forced to return all vessels to the Royal Navy. At the outbreak of the Second World War, the service had only three officers and three ratings in its ranks.

Second World War
The British declaration of war against Germany on 3 September 1939 threw South Africa into a constitutional dilemma due to her status as an autonomous Dominion within the Commonwealth. Prime Minister J.B.M. Hertzog and other anti-British factions of the coalition United Party called for strict neutrality, whilst the more anglophile Deputy Prime Minister Jan Smuts advocated that South Africa was constitutionality, and morally, obliged to support Britain and fight fascism. Two days later, after a close parliamentary vote of 80 to 67 in favour of Smuts, South Africa followed Britain and declared war on Germany.

During October 1939, Rear-Admiral Guy Halifax, a retired Royal Navy officer living in South Africa, was appointed Director of the South African Naval Service, later renamed Seaward Defence Force (SDF) in January 1940. Overseeing a large industrial program of converting civilian whalers and fishing trawlers into military vessels, despite being highly primitive, over 80 such craft would go on to be the backbone of the South African naval forces.

In South African waters, the SDF, in partnership with the Royal Navy, ensured maritime control around the strategic Cape Sea route and was primarily involved in coastal patrol, mine clearance, and significant anti-submarine operations between 1942 and 1945 due to a sustained U-boat offensive, with over 100 merchant ships being sunk off the South African coast.South African naval vessels similarly contributed to the Mediterranean theatre, and later the Far East. From 1941, South Africa assisted in escorting convoys along the North African coast, including the resupply and eventual evacuation of Tobruk, embarked on mine clearance operations, successfully engaged enemy submarines and undertook harbour salvage tasks. In 1942, a unified national naval service emerged following the successful amalgamation of the SDF and RNVR(SA), creating the South African Naval Forces (SANF). As the war came to its end, South Africa received its first purpose-built warships, three  frigates from the Royal Navy. Deployed to the Far East under British command, South Africa later contributed to operations to liberate Japanese held territory.

In total, over 10,000 service personnel volunteered for service in the SANF, and its predecessors, with 324 losing their lives and 26 battle honours gained.

Post war

A year after the end of hostilities, on 1 May 1946 South African Naval Forces were reconstituted as part of the Union Defence Force before undertaking its final name change in July 1951, when the SANF officially became known as the South African Navy. The year 1948 was a turning point, not only for South Africa as a country following the National Party's electoral victory, but also the direction of the Navy. British influence became increasingly diminished and curtailed across the service. In 1952, the previously used ship prefix of HMSAS (His/Her Majesty's South African Ship) changed to just SAS (South African Ship), in 1957, the Royal Navy transferred control of Simon's Town naval base to the SA Navy after 70 years of occupancy and later, in 1959, the St Edward's Crown, which had featured in the Navy cap badge and other insignia, was replaced by the Lion of Nassau from South Africa's coat of arms.

In the immediate post-war years the South African Navy underwent significant levels of qualitative, and quantitative, expansion as the Royal Navy disposed of its surplus war materiel. In 1947, two surplus s, were acquired from the United Kingdom,  and , as well as a  which was converted into the hydrographic survey ship . In 1950, South Africa further expanded her naval capability and purchased the first of two former British W-class destroyers, , in 1952 , and later, the Type 15 anti-submarine frigate  (formerly HMS Wrangler).

By the early 1960s, the South African Navy was fast reaching its highpoint of international inclusion and is generally considered to be the golden age of a well balanced, modern, and effective service optimised for conventional naval engagement alongside friendly Western international partners.

From 1962 to 1964, the South African Navy received three Type 12 President-class frigates: ,  and  respectively. These were first rate, ocean going fast fleet anti-submarine escorts that propelled the South African Navy into the age of a modern warship operator on equal footing with the West. The order of three  from France in 1968—to operate submarines for the first time—again catapulted the service further. The early 1970s would see the South African Navy operating at the height of its blue-water power projection ability with the first of the Daphné-class submarines, , being commissioned in 1970, with  and  entering service the following year.

The second half of the 1970s however saw South Africa facing severe amounts of international isolation and criticism. In 1973 the UN labelled the policy of apartheid a "Crime against Humanity", magnified further by the brutal state repression and subsequent mass incarcerations and deaths following the Soweto uprising in 1976 and the death of prominent anti-apartheid activist Steve Biko in 1977. The following year a UN arms embargo, loosely in place since 1962, became mandatory. The ensuing international economic disinvestment from South Africa was stepped up, placing huge strains on the economy. Coupled with these severe problems, the cornerstones of the country's regional foreign policy faced collapse and complete transformation with the end of Portuguese rule in Angola and Mozambique in 1975, and the negotiated settlement in Ian Smith's Rhodesia to the end of white minority rule in 1979. As South Africa became increasingly involved in the Border War in South West Africa (modern day Namibia) and Angola, the Navy began to readjust its previous international outlook and organisation. The then Minister of Defence, P. W. Botha successfully sought military connections with Israel and nine "Reshef"— in South African service—missile strike craft were ordered in 1974. Following the Soweto uprising and subsequent mandatory arms embargo, South Africa had been forced to accept the cancellation of another significant naval procurement of two new Type-69A light frigates and two s from France.

In 1987, South Africa commissioned the locally designed and built Fleet Replenishment ship . Constructed in Durban, it remains the largest and most sophisticated warship to ever have built in South Africa. Three years earlier, the Navy's other support ship, , had undergone a refit that greatly increased her amphibious capabilities. A real boost for the Navy's influence, Tafelberg could deploy a company strength landing force, six landing craft, two medium helicopters and be equipped with a small hospital. Throughout the decade, the South African Navy continued to participate in the Border War and coastal protection. For 23 years (1976–1989) the South African Navy maintained determined sea control around Southern Africa and provided valuable support to land operations. By the end of the 1980s, as white minority rule was coming to a negotiated end, the Navy had lost all of its major surface warships, had a drastically reduced anti-submarine/anti-aircraft capability across the board, and almost complete international isolation. As South Africa disentangled itself from external and internal security operations, the South African Defence Force underwent severe budgetary cuts. The Navy endured a reduction of personnel by 23%, the disbandment of the Marines, the closure of two Naval Commands (Naval Command East and Naval Command West), two Naval Bases at Cape Town and Walvis Bay, and the termination of the relatively advanced program to domestically build replacement submarines. A positive for the Navy during this period however was the acquisition of the multipurpose sealift/replenishment ship , a former Soviet-built Arctic supply vessel, in September 1992 as a replacement for the 35-year-old Tafelberg.

Despite the austere cutbacks, the Navy was leading the way for a South Africa that was slowly being welcomed back into the international community, even before the landmark elections of 1994. In 1990, the survey vessel  became the first South African naval vessel to visit Europe since 1972, and in the same year  and two ,  and , sailed for Taiwan in what would be the first time South African vessels had been in the Far East since 1945. Other international visits in the following years included Zaire, Kenya, Bangladesh, Turkey, France, Portugal, and Uruguay. As the "Rainbow nation" was lauded following the ANC victory in the first free democratic elections in 1994, one of the starkest symbols of this new era was the explosion of foreign warships and dignitaries visiting South African ports, often from countries that did not have a previous connection, such as Russia, Poland and Japan. In 1994, 21 foreign vessels from eight countries called at South African ports, with 26 visits from 12 countries in 1995, and 27 from ten countries in 1996. In 1997 the navy celebrated 75 years, with 15 countries sending ships for the festivities.

The acute need to re-equip the navy, including the wider Armed Forces after the lifting of apartheid-era sanctions, was addressed by the Strategic Defence Package of 1999. Better known as the infamous "Arms Deal", the acquisitions in the package, and those persons involved, have been repeatedly subject to substantive allegations of corruption, fraud and bribery. A total of R30 billion (US$4.8 billion in 1999) was pledged to the purchase of modern military equipment. For the navy, its share led to a total transformation from a "brown-water" force of ageing missile patrol craft and short-range submarines, to a force with significant "green-water" combat capability once again. In 2001, with an initial request of five vessels, later reduced to four, the German Meko A200SAN general purpose corvette design was procured (designated frigates in South Africa), along with four British Super Lynx naval helicopters, and three German Type 209/1400 diesel-powered submarines. Also under construction from 1991 were three locally built T-Craft inshore patrol boats. As South Africa approached the millennium, and beyond, the ANC government gradually returned the Navy to a level of maritime power last seen in the 1960s and 1970s, and successfully reintegrated the service back into maritime operations with regional and international partners.

South African Navy

Surface fleet
Commissioned into service from 2006, at a total cost of R9.65 billion, the four Meko A200SANs, the  in South African service, became "easily the most powerful surface combatants in sub-Saharan Africa, and...restored South African naval pre-eminence." Constructed with principles of stealthy design, the class has a 50% smaller radar signature of similar vessel size, 75% less infrared emissions, 20% lower life-cycle cost, 25% lower displacement and 30% fewer crew members. Specifically designed to conduct sustained operations in the sea conditions found off the South African coast, the four frigates are able to undertake a range of tasks from maritime law enforcement, to civil support, and military operations such as area denial, gunfire support and intelligence collection. The embarked SuperLynx helicopters significantly improve and extend surveillance, as well as all-round operational capabilities. With a return to operating general-purpose, multi-mission warships, the Valour class have been hailed as modern, impressive and major regional anti-surface, anti-air, and anti-submarine platforms. , , , and  possess two four-cell launchers for eight Exocet surface to surface missiles, 16 to 32-cell domestically built Umkhonto VLS missiles for air defence, a single OTO Melara  main gun, a twin Denel  Dual Purpose Gun, two Oerlikon  cannon, and two  remotely operated guns.

As the SA Navy has a strength of only four primary surface warships, in an effort to improve asset availability in more routine littoral patrol operations and ease the stress on sophisticated, but ill-suited, warships, three previously decommissioned  were modernised and recommissioned as offshore patrol vessels (OPVs) between 2012 and 2014 - ,  and . As of February 2023, only Makhanda remains in service. From June 2022, the Patrol Flotilla was strengthened by the commissioning SAS King Sekhukhune I, the first of three Multi-Mission Inshore Patrol Vessels (MMIPVs) being constructed by Damen Shipyards Cape Town.

Primarily, the Patrol Flotilla undertake the more traditional naval task of patrolling South Africa's exclusive economic zone and upholding maritime law enforcement. Ordinary tasks include anti-smuggling, monitoring against illegal immigration, search and rescue, fishery inspection, and routine border protection. With the ability to operate far out into the Cape and handle the often rough seas, the Flotilla is also expected to complement the navies combat ability, particularly when undertaking anti-piracy patrols in the Mozambique Channel.

Reflecting their new policing role, the Warriors' old Skerpioen missile launchers and the rear 76 mm gun was removed. In replacement, the craft have gained the capacity to support a small rigid-hulled inflatable boat (RHIB) and a limited contingent of Naval Infantry for boarding suspect vessels, as well as maintaining their original 20 mm cannon and 12.7 mm heavy machine guns.

As of 2020, two  coastal mine countermeasures vessels are still in service with the SA Navy, however, they are believed to have lost their mine-hunting capabilities due to the retirement of the antiquated PAP104 autonomous underwater vehicles (AUVs). Whilst still maintaining a decompression chamber for operational diving, the River class are now deployed on general coastal defence duties, and are equipped with a single Oerlikon 20 mm cannon, two 12.7 mm machine guns, and a RHIB.

Alongside the Warrior and River classes are the more modern , with three entering service from 1992. Constructed with twin-hulled catamarans of glass-reinforced plastic sandwich construction, three have also been built for Israel in 1997. The T Craft, with their far lighter construction and smaller size, undertake maritime security patrols considerably closer to the shore and inspect various inlets and bays. SAS Tobie, SAS Tern, and SAS Tekwane are equipped with a single 12.7 mm Browning machine gun and have the capacity to embark a RHIB with a small complement of Naval Infantry to inspect vessels.

Submarine fleet
Between 2004 and 2008, three German built Type 209/1400 submarines were delivered as a like for like replacement for the obsolescent  submarines. The  represents a significant upgrade of the navy's sub-surface force due to considerable advancement in underwater performance and endurance.. As of 2020, South Africa is one of only three states on the African continent, along with Algeria and Egypt, that currently operate submarine assets, and the only state in the sub-Saharan region. At the same time, this capability was at risk of eroding. As of 2019, two of the submarines were reported to be in need of "urgent and complete" refits. The recommended approach was to move to a contracting phase in 2020. The Armscor annual report to parliament indicated that should the refits not take place, the submarine capability would not available after FY2022/23. As of March 2021, the contracting phase had still not been initiated and no dates had been announced for any upgrades of the submarines.

In August 2021 it was reported that Charlotte Maxeke was being refitted at the Armscor Dockyard. Funding in the amount of R189 million had reportedly been made available to ensure the completion of the refit during the 2023/24 financial year. Funding for the refit of Queen Modjadji was not available, though the reported focus of the Navy was to prioritise essential maintenance and repair of SAS Manthatisi (which had been last refitted during 2013/14) to ensure "expedited operational availability."

Highly sophisticated vessels, the Heroine class' utility, aside from traditional anti-ship engagement and area denial, is its intelligence collection via special forces deployment. A series of modifications have been made to the class so as to undertake these clandestine operations.

Currently fitted only with regular torpedo tubes, the Heroines do have optional UGM-84 Harpoon integration capacity for further anti-ship potential, however, as of 2020, this has not been utilised. Similarly, whilst currently not able to deploy any land attack armaments, Germany is developing a medium-range missile, the IDAS, for their own Type 209s which would primarily be targeted against air threats, but also small surface vessels and coastal land targets.

Auxiliary fleet
With the retirement of  in 2004,  is the sole fleet replenishment ship with the primary role of supporting combat vessels at sea. Drakensberg is also modified to carry two RHIBs, as well as two landing craft utility (LCU) for limited amphibious use. Since the end of minority rule, Drakensberg has undertaken numerous humanitarian and anti-piracy operations, consistently shown the 'rainbow flag' on global voyages of goodwill, and reintegrated South Africa back into international naval exercises.

The SA Navy continues to operate the specialist hydrographic survey vessel , which was commissioned in 1972.

Marines

The South Africa Marine Corps was first established as a sub-branch of the Navy in 1951 until 1955 and then reformed in 1979 until 1990, both times with the primary purpose of protecting the country's harbours. The Marines also acted as regular infantry during the war until 1988, as well as performing counter-insurgency operations inside South Africa. The Marines had an amphibious landing capability by operating from  and SAS Drakensberg, with an elite company, named the Marine Amphibious Company (MAC), being formed to ensure beach-head capability for landing large task forces, along with a small elite reconnaissance detachment between 1983 and 1989. The Marines were disbanded on 18 January 1990, following a major restructuring of the Navy at the end of the South African Border War.

In 2005, the decision was taken to create a Naval Rapid Deployment Force so that South Africa could commit more to peacekeeping operations across the continent, particularly in the Great Lakes region. In 2006, this force became the Maritime Reaction Squadron. The Maritime Reaction Squadron provides an amphibious, diving and small boat capability to the Navy, deploying infantry-trained South African Navy personnel in various peacekeeping roles within the African continent, as well as assisting in boarding operations at sea, and humanitarian and disaster relief.

The squadron consists of the following components:

 Operational Boat Division (OBD) with 10 Namacurra-class harbour patrol boats and six Lima-class utility landing craft
 Reaction Force Division (RFD) consisting of one naval infantry company with a command and support element
 Operational Diving Division (ODD) consisting of four operational diving teams of 17 divers.

Current deployments
The SA Navy maintains the traditional role of providing a credible military deterrent, protecting South African interests against possible enemy attack, and participating in African Union peacekeeping missions. As the likelihood of a naval engagement against a conventional enemy is extremely unlikely, the South African Navy today is primarily engaged in counter-piracy, fishery protection, and anti-smuggling operations.

Deploying at least a single Valour-class frigate or one Heroine-class submarine, along with aircraft from the South African Air Force, the SA Navy often undertakes exercises with others, such as the United States Navy (Exercise Shared Accord/Southern Accord), NATO naval battlegroups (Exercise Amazolo), the French Navy (the annual Exercise Oxide), the German Navy (the biennial Exercise Good Hope), the Royal Navy (ad hoc exercises when visiting South African waters), the Indian Navy (the biennial Exercise IBSAMAR),  the navies of Uruguay and Brazil (Exercises Atlasur and IBSAMAR), and controversially, exercises with fellow BRICS members Russia and China (Exercise Mosi), which are due to take place following the 2022 Russian invasion of Ukraine.

For the 2010 FIFA World Cup, the navy provided air and sea security by deploying three frigates as guard ships off the cities of Durban, Port Elizabeth and Cape Town.

Operation Copper
Since 2011, one of the SA Navy's major and long-standing focuses has been that of the anti-piracy initiative, Operation Copper. After increased pirate activity in the Mozambique Channel (a crucial import/export sea lane for South Africa), and subsequent requests for help from fellow Southern African Development Community (SADC) members (Mozambique and Tanzania), the navy has routinely deployed assets in an effort to provide maritime security in the region.

Since the operation first began, every Valour-class frigate has been deployed to the region on rotation, with the refurbished Warrior-class OPVs also being utilised. In 2012, the replenishment ship SAS Drakensberg was likewise deployed to the region, and alongside European warships, successfully captured seven Somail pirates. Elements of the Navy's Maritime Reaction Squadron (MRS) are routinely embarked on deployed warships so as to give the ability to board suspect vessels.

Gaps in deployment have previously occurred as a result of mechanical issues, as well as the South African Air Force withdrawing C-47TP maritime patrol aircraft in 2016 from Mozambique due to maintenance problems and lack of sufficient aircrew. In 2018 the SA Navy notably deployed two warships simultaneously for Operation Copper, and were independent of foreign support.

Piracy, and other maritime crime, has fallen substantially in the Mozambique Channel since the SADC operation began in 2011. Due to the success of the operation, expenditure for the future 2021/22 deployment is estimated to be R38.9 million, down from R154 million the previous year.

Operation Copper's mandate could be subject to official change as a result of increasing Islamist violence in the Cabo Delgado province of Mozambique. On 9 August 2021, the SADC formally announced the deployment of troops into the troubled province. Alongside regional partners such as Botswana, Tanzania and Zimbabwe, the South African government has informed parliament that it intends to deploy 1,495 personnel to Mozambique. SAS Makhanda, a modernised Warrior-class patrol OPV, has reportedly been seen in Pemba, the capital of Cabo Delgado province.

Operation Corona
For the continued safeguarding of South Africa's borders, Operation Corona aims to combat illegal fishing, poaching, and smuggling within its territorial waters. The SA Navy plans to carry out five maritime patrols in line with Operation Corona, with 84 days of surface and 22 days of subsurface patrols allocated for the financial year 2020/21. Deploying to known hotspot areas, the SA Navy works alongside other Government departments such as the SA Police Service and Department of Environment, Forestry and Fisheries, in an effort to deter rather than arrest.

Relationship with Russian and Chinese Navies

In February 2023, the South African Navy planned to engage in joint exercises with the Chinese and Russian navies that were to be held in waters off South Africa. The exercises, which were highly controversial given Russia's invasion of Ukraine, followed on a January 2023 visit by the Russian foreign minister Sergei Lavrov to Pretoria for meetings with his South African counterpart. Although the exercises were similar to exercises held in previous years, some suggested that they signalled a significant shift in South African policy toward more overt military engagement with China and Russia. The exercise began on 18 February and involved the frigate  and the tanker Kama from the Russian Navy along with the destroyer , the frigate  and the support ship  from the Chinese Navy. Several vessels from the South African Navy were expected to participate including the frigate  as well as the  patrol vessel King Sekhukhune I and the hydrographic survey vessel .

In April of the same year, the Chinese surveillance ship Yuan Wang 5 docked at Cape Town, overlapping with the presence of the Iranian Navy vessels,  and Dena.

Future of the South African Navy
As the SA Navy enters the 2020s, the service faces significant challenges if it is to arrest its current decline. At the opening of the South African Maritime Security Conference on 31 May 2018 in Cape Town, Chief of the Navy Vice Admiral Hlogwane warned that:'the navy sits at the crossroads where its very existence is threatened... Some of the countries in the SADC are injecting financial resources to build their military capacity through acquisition programmes. Conversely, South Africa is on a path of reduced defence expenditure."At a speech a year later on 12 July 2019, Hlongwane, recognising the struggling economy, again reminded his audience that:"in the absence of a clear and present military threat, the government will find it difficult to justify spending large sums of money on defence. The platforms acquired under the Strategic Defence Packages (four frigates and three submarines) are beginning to suffer from lack of funds for support and maintenance, [and] urgently require refits in order to keep them operational to the end of their 30-year design lives...while the new hydrographic survey vessel and IPVs are modern robust ships fully suited to perform their missions, they will not significantly improve the combat capability of the SAN which is required to defend our country and national interests in terms of our constitutional mandate...the naval balance of power is shifting on our continent."

Budget
The South African defence budget has been on a downward trajectory since 1994 when expenditure was 2.56% of GDP. In 2010, that level was 1.12%, and in 2020, expenditure is expected to fall to around 0.95%, its lowest level since 1960. For 2020/21, the Defence Budget totals R52.4 billion (£2.4 billion), with the SA Navy being allocated R4.9 billion (£226 million), roughly 9%. South African defence spending however has not matched recent inflation levels, an average of 5% annually, which has pushed the Department of Defence deeper into financial difficulties and operational consequences.

As a whole, the Defence Budget for 2020/21 has been given 87% of its required funding, a shortfall of R9.4 billion (£433 million). The SA Navy for 2020/21 has been allocated only 65% of what is reportedly required, a shortfall of R2.8 billion (£130 million). As a result of the declining financial situation, the Navy has warned that it will seriously struggle to maintain its current capabilities, levels of investment, and international commitments. As a result of Covid-19, as well as ongoing problems within the South African economy, GDP is expected to fall by 5.6% in 2020/21, with significant ramifications for the country and the South African Navy.

Operational hours
In 2013/14, the SA Navy operated with an annual target of 22,000 hours at sea. By 2018/19 this number had been lowered to 12,000 hours, with a further reduction to 10,000 hours annually from 2019/20. By its own admission, the Navy requires a minimum of 12,000 hours (500 days) at sea per year to sufficiently train personnel, with an absolute minimum of 7,800 hours dedicated annually to fulfil its Force Employment obligations of border protection, maritime security, and anti-piracy operations. Despite these requirements, by 2019/20 the SA Navy is financially resourced for only 6,000 hours at sea, and only 4,320 hours allocated for Force Employment operations. Vice Admiral Hlongwane has warned: "Should sea hours be reduced below 10 000 per year, the SA Navy will decline rapidly and...any further reduction in sea hours will impact severely on individual and team training at sea, maintaining safety at sea and the safe navigation of all SA Navy vessels."

Skills recruitment
In addition, the SA Navy is facing an acute skills shortage which is severely frustrating vessel availability. Vice Admiral Hlongwane stated that "the Navy Engineering capability is now extremely limited, which will increasingly impact on the safety and seaworthiness of ships and submarines and their ability to deploy." It is currently a cause for concern whether or not the SA Navy has the required skills to fully crew multiple highly sophisticated warships and submarines simultaneously.

Future acquisitions
Despite the current budgetary crisis within South African defence spending, the purchase of the three new inshore patrol vessels (IPVs), termed Project Biro and also the procurement of a new hydrographic survey vessel, Project Hotel have been approved in recent years. These acquisitions have been linked to the Government's broader aims of development of the ocean economy - Operation Phakisa. With 90% of imports and exports dependent on the sea, South Africa's exclusive economic zone which is reportedly rich in natural resources, and the estimated loss of nearly $23bn annually to illegal and unregulated fishing, the SA Navy has successfully argued that maritime security is crucial to the national interest and economic development.

Project Biro

Since 2013, the ambition for the SA Navy was the domestic construction of three offshore, and a minimum of six (later reduced to three) inshore patrol vessels as a replacement for the increasingly aged Warrior-class OPVs and River-class OPV/IPVs, as part of Project Biro. However, in 2018 it was confirmed that only the three MMIPVs (multi-mission inshore patrol vessel) would be constructed, with the OPVs being cancelled as a cost-saving measure. The new vessels will also be named the Warrior-class, and cost R3.6 billion.

Whilst the introduction of these three modern IPVs will immediately play a crucial role in maritime law enforcement, it has been regretted by analysts that the offshore craft option was not also financially feasible. It had been hoped that the OPVs, with their helicopter carrying abilities, would have played a much more effective role in policing South Africa's extensive exclusive economic zone (1.5 million km), particularly in the rough seas of the Cape. It was even reported in 2011 that nine OPVs could be constructed, without any IPVs, due to the rough sea state off the coast and the practical experience gained which favoured larger vessels.

In 2021, it was announced that the aging Warrior-class OPVs would undergo phased decommissioning as the new Warrior-class IPVs come online.

First laid down in February 2019 at Damen Shipyards Cape Town (DSCT), the timeline of delivery to the SA Navy of all three vessels is March 2022, June 2023 and September 2024 respectively. Armscor, the state acquisition agency, has an option from DSCT to purchase additional inshore patrol vessels at the same price the original three were bought for.

Project Hotel

The second future acquisition programme for the SA Navy falls under Project Hotel, the replacement of the sole hydrographic survey vessel . The construction of this new vessel, currently being built by Durban based Sandock Austral Shipyard, will represent a major upgrade in capability for the Navy. Whilst SAS Protea was built in 1972, her replacement will be based on Vard Marine's VARD 9 105 science vessel, specifically adapted for South African service and 'incorporates the latest hydrographic and oceanographic sensor suite'. The ship will be an evolution from the Vard Marine designed  and  which have been in Royal Navy service since 2002.

Also as part of Project Hotel, the SA Navy will receive two next-generation survey motor boats, one sea boat, and another inshore survey motor boat to be kept ashore in reserve, as well as upgrading shore-based hydrographic infrastructure. The project has a current completion date target of August 2023, with the first of the motor boats being launched in September 2020.

Issues
As of 2020, the SA Navy's main projects are under serious threat from years of underfunding, as well as recent budget cuts. Allocation of funding for Projects Biro (modern inshore patrol vessels) and Hotel (replacement hydrographic survey vessel), as well as the Army's Project Hoefyster (new infantry combat vehicles), amounts to R2.8 billion (£129 million), however the required level of funding needed is expected to be R13.7 billion (£633 million), nearly a R11 billion shortfall (£508 million). It is currently unclear how these projects will be financed if they continue to proceed.

Similarly, Project Syne and Project Napoleon, the planned and urgently required midlife overhauls for the  and  respectively, are both currently on hold due to lack of adequate funding. According to a 2021 Department of Defence (DoD) progress report, the full repair cost requirement of R1.470 billion is only 53.4% funded, with R786 million allocated. The SA Navy is currently finding it difficult to effectively resource the growing backlog of refits, maintenance periods, and repair projects that are needed. With each delay due to financial insufficiency and every vessel that continues to operate without adequate maintenance, the SA Navy is pulled deeper into a vicious cycle of exacerbating known issues and escalating longer-term costs, until a point of forced reduced vessel availability.

Command, control & organisation

The command structure is depicted below. The Chief of the Navy, based at Navy Headquarters at the Navy Office (SAS Immortelle) located in Pretoria, is head of the South African Navy. All operational forces, including ships and submarines, fall under the control of the Flag Officer Fleet who is based in Simon's Town.

Fleet Command

Fleet Command includes all vessels and units of the Navy other than Naval Headquarters, Pretoria. Fleet Command is based in Simon's Town under control of Flag Officer Fleet.

Four directorates are responsible for the day to day control of Fleet Command:

 Director Fleet Force Preparations (DFPP) is responsible for the day-to-day running of the ships and submarines and for ensuring their operational readiness. The Maritime Reaction Squadron and NavComCens also report to DFFP
 Director Fleet Human Resources (DFHR) is responsible for all training and manning and also controls the training units.
 Director Fleet Quality Assurance (DFQA) is responsible for the output of Fleet Command and monitoring quality assurance throughout Fleet Command
 Director Fleet Logistics (DFL) is responsible for all Logistics units as well as for the maintenance of the fleet.

Naval bases

The Navy operates the following Naval Bases:
Naval Base Simon's Town – the largest and main naval base currently used by the South African Navy.  Constructed by the Dutch East India Company in 1743, and later developed by the Royal Navy, the base was transferred to South Africa in 1957 as part of the Simon's Town Agreement and expanded in 1975. Simon's Town is the homeport of the frigate and submarine flotillas, as well as housing training facilities.
Naval Base Durban – constructed during the Second World War to better serve the deployment of naval vessels off the eastern coast of Africa, particularly after the Japanese declaration of war in 1941. In 2002 Durban was downgraded to a Naval Station with much of the infrastructure being taken over by the Army and later abandoned. In 2012, the decision was taken to renovate and expand the facilities. However, it was announced in 2020 that due to budget constraints, the reclassification of Durban as a fully operational Naval Base would be delayed. The station is currently home to the fleet's offshore patrol flotilla and will continue to be so after the delivery of replacement offshore/inshore vessels.
 Naval Station Port Elizabeth – provides support to the fleet and host to visiting ships, however no major vessels are based here.

Training units
 – located on the West Coast and provides training and development for ratings.
 –  located in the Greater Cape Town area. Historically provided practical training for apprentices, but now offers training to both ratings and officers.
 SAS Simonsberg – located in Simon's Town and provides training in gunnery, anti-submarine warfare, communications, diving and seamanship. Simonsberg also includes:
 Maritime Warfare Training Centre.
 Submarine Training Centre, East Yard.
 Nuclear, Biological, Chemical, Damage Control Training Centre.
 Military Training Centre, West Yard.
South African Naval College - located in Gordon's Bay, the establishment provides training for naval officers.

Personnel

As of the end of the financial year 2018/19, there were approximately 6,816 active uniformed members of the SA Navy, just short of the 7,071 target. In addition, there are a further 1,071 civilian staff that further support the Navy.

In 2006, the old Naval Reserve Units that were modelled on the Royal Naval Reserve system were closed down. A new Navy Reserve system was created consisting of roughly 1,000 reserve posts. These posts are pooled and members are drawn from them as needed to augment full-time units and ships' companies.

Uniforms
From 1922 to the 1940s the SA Navy was effectively an extension of the Royal Navy, and therefore wore the same uniforms and similar insignia. As British influence was gradually curtailed, in 1959 the British Crown in the SA Navy cap badge was replaced with the Lion of Nassau from the crest of the country's coat of arms. A black beret later replaced the peaked cap in working uniforms.

In 2000 the new Coat of Arms was unveiled and the Chief of the Navy tasked Fleet Command to look at revising the Navy uniforms to reflect the new coat of arms. This saw new rank insignia for non-commissioned officers being implemented as well as the introduction of a side cap.

Ranks

Due to historical influence, the rank system is based on that of the Royal Navy.

Naval ensign

Naval jack

Ships and weapons

Ships

Combat fleet

Support fleet

Air force maritime aircraft
Although the SA Navy does not operate any aircraft itself, aircraft used on ships or supporting are operated by 22 Squadron SAAF:

 1 × Atlas Oryx – medium utility helicopter (deployed on SAS Drakensberg)
 4 × Westland Super Lynx 300 Mk64 – ASW and ASuW helicopter (deployed on the Valour-class frigates)
There is a planned programme to equip the frigates with UAVs to supplement the helicopters. Previously before its retirement, the SAAF operated the Westland Wasp for the SA Navy in the anti-submarine warfare role.

Naval weapons systems

Gallery

See also

 List of South African military chiefs
 Military history of South Africa
 South African environmental patrol vessels
 South African Naval Museum

Notes

References

External links

 South African Navy home page
 Ships of the South African Navy, Past & Present
 South African Navy uniform regulations

Maritime history of South Africa
Military of South Africa

South African Navy


Les sœurs passionistes de Saint Paul de la Croix sont une congrégation religieuse féminine enseignante et hospitalière de droit pontifical.

Histoire

Après son veuvage, la marquise florentine  (1771-1839) se consacre aux soins des femmes malades à l' où elle voit la réalité de la prostitution. Elle décide alors d'orienter son apostolat vers la réhabilitation des prostituées ; quatre premières jeunes femmes rassemblées par Frescobaldi deviennent une congrégation portant le nom de servantes passionnistes. Pour rédiger ses constitutions, la fondatrice s'inspire de la règle des moniales passionistes de saint Paul de la Croix (1694-1775). En 1817, on ajoute le nom de saint Paul de la Croix à la communauté.

La congrégation est supprimée par les lois anticléricales du gouvernement italien en 1866. Elle est restaurée le 14 septembre 1872 par le Père Giuseppe Fiammetti et deux sœurs. Elle obtient en 1875 la reconnaissance de l'archidiocèse de Florence.
L'institut reçoit le décret de louange le 17 juin 1931 et ses constitutions sont définitivement approuvées par le Saint-Siège en 1939.

Une sœur de la congrégation, Maria Conchita Farani (1906-1963) en religion Antoinette de saint Michel archange, est reconnu vénérable le 13 juin 1992.

Fusion

1968 : Sœurs missionnaires de la Sainte Croix fondée en 1932 par Mère Marie Marthe Vandeputte (1891-1967) en religion Marie-Marthe de Jésus Crucifié. En 1934, les premières missionnaires partent pour le Congo, où elles se mettent au service des populations les plus pauvres aux côtés des Pères Passionistes. Elles fusionnent avec les sœurs passionistes de Saint Paul de la Croix le 28 septembre 1968.

Activités et diffusion

Les sœurs se dévouent aux personnes les plus marginalisées et soumises à l'exploitation et aux centres de promotion de la femme.

Elles sont présentes en :
Europe : Belgique, Biélorussie, Bulgarie, France, Italie, Pologne, Portugal, Espagne.
Amérique : Bolivie, Brésil, Canada, Colombie, Cuba, Équateur, Panama, Paraguay, Pérou.
Afrique : République démocratique du Congo, Côte d'Ivoire, Kenya, Nigéria, Tanzanie.
Asie : Corée du Sud, Inde, Indonésie, Philippines.
Océanie : Australie.

La maison-mère est à Rome.

En 2017, la congrégation comptait 1001 sœurs dans 154 maisons.

Notes et références

Congrégation catholique féminine
Congrégation enseignante catholique
Fondation en 1815

Sœurs passionistes de Saint Paul de la Croix


Cooperative Linux, abbreviated as coLinux, is software which allows Microsoft Windows and the Linux kernel to run simultaneously in parallel on the same machine.

Cooperative Linux utilizes the concept of a Cooperative Virtual Machine (CVM). In contrast to traditional virtual machines, the CVM shares resources that already exist in the host OS. In traditional VM hosts, resources are virtualized for every (guest) OS. The CVM gives both OSs complete control of the host machine while the traditional VM sets every guest OS in an unprivileged state to access the real machine.

Overview

The term "cooperative" is used to describe two entities working in parallel. In effect Cooperative Linux turns the two different operating system kernels into two big coroutines. Each kernel has its own complete CPU context and address space, and each kernel decides when to give control back to its partner.

However, while both kernels theoretically have full access to the real hardware, modern PC hardware is not designed to be controlled by two different operating systems at the same time. Therefore, the host kernel is left in control of the real hardware and the guest kernel contains special drivers that communicate with the host and provide various important devices to the guest OS. The host can be any OS kernel that exports basic primitives that allow the Cooperative Linux portable driver to run in CPL0 mode (ring 0) and allocate memory.

History
Dan Aloni originally started the development of Cooperative Linux as a research project based on similar work with User-mode Linux. He announced the development on 25 Jan 2004. In July 2004 he presented a paper at the Linux Symposium. The source was released under the GNU General Public License. Other developers have since contributed various patches and additions to the software.

Comparisons
Cooperative Linux is significantly different from full x86 virtualization, which generally works by running the guest OS in a less privileged mode than that of the host kernel, and having all resources delegated by the host kernel. In contrast, Cooperative Linux runs a specially modified Linux kernel that is Cooperative in that it takes responsibility for sharing resources with the NT kernel and not instigating race conditions.

Distribution

Most of the changes in the Cooperative Linux patch are on the i386 tree—the only supported architecture for Cooperative at the time of this writing. The other changes are mostly additions of virtual drivers: cobd (block device), conet (network), and cocon (console). Most of the changes in the i386 tree involve the initialization and setup code. It is a goal of the Cooperative Linux kernel design to remain as close as possible to the standalone i386 kernel, so all changes are localized and minimized as much as possible.

The coLinux package installs a port of the Linux kernel and a virtual network device and can run simultaneously under a  version of the Windows operating system such as Windows 2000 or Windows XP.  It does not use a virtual machine such as VMware.

Debian, Ubuntu, Fedora and Gentoo are especially popular with the coLinux users.

Due to the rather unusual structure of the virtual hardware, installing Linux distributions under coLinux is generally difficult. Therefore, users in most cases use either an existing Linux installation on a real partition or a ready made filesystem image distributed by the project. The filesystem images are made by a variety of methods, including taking images of a normal Linux system, finding ways to make installers run with the strange hardware, building up installs by hand using the package manager or simply upgrading existing images using tools like yum and apt. An easier way to get an up-to-date filesystem image is to use QEMU to install Linux and "convert" the image by stripping off the first 63 512-byte blocks as described in the coLinux wiki.

Since coLinux does not have access to native graphics hardware, X Window or X Servers will not run under coLinux directly, but one can install an X Server under Windows, such as Cygwin/X or Xming and use KDE or GNOME and almost any other Linux application and distribution. All of these issues are fixed by using coLinux based distributions such as andLinux, based on Ubuntu, or TopologiLinux, based on Slackware.

Dedicated distributions
A few distributions were built specifically to work with coLinux.

AndLinux
speedLinux
TopologiLinux

Emulated hardware
 Ethernet network via TAP, PCAP, NDIS and SLiRP.

Limitations
 Does not yet support 64-bit Windows or Linux (nor utilize more than 4GB memory), but a port is under development by the community.
 No multi-processor (SMP) support. Linux applications and the underlying kernel are able to use only one CPU.

See also

 Win32-loader
 Platform virtualization
 Comparison of platform virtualization software
 Cygwin
 MSYS
 Wubi (installer)
 Longene
 Chroot
 Windows Subsystem for Linux

References

External links

coLinux on GitHub

Free virtualization software
Virtualization software
Windows-only free software
Linux kernel variant
Virtualization software for Linux

Cooperative Linux


Crystal City es una estación subterránea en la línea Amarilla y la línea Azul del Metro de Washington, administrada por la Autoridad de Tránsito del Área Metropolitana de Washington. La estación se encuentra localizada entre la Calle 18 y Jefferson Davis Memorial Highway y en South Bell Street en el condado de Arlington en Virginia.  La estación fue inaugurada el 1 de julio de 1977.

Conexiones
WMATA MetrobusArlington TransitFairfax ConnectorLoundoun County CommuterOmniRide Commuter

Referencias

Enlaces externos

 WMATA: Crystal City Station
 StationMasters Online: Crystal City Station
 The Schumin Web Transit Center: Crystal City Station
 18th Street entrance from Google Maps Street View

Estaciones de Metro de Estados Unidos inauguradas en 1977
Transporte de Arlington
Estaciones de la línea Amarilla (Metro de Washington)
Estaciones de la línea Azul (Metro de Washington)

Crystal City (Metro de Washington)


ضغط جوي تقني أو اختصارا جو تقني : يرمز له بـ at هي وحدة ضغط ليست من نظام الوحدات الدولي تساوي واحد كيلو غرام ثقلي في السنتيمتر المربع.

{|
|-
|valign=top rowspan=2|1  ضغط جوي تقني  ||= 98.0665 كيلوباسكال
|-
|≈ 0.96784 ضغط جوي نظامي
|}

مراجع

وصلات خارجية
 NIST Guide for the Use of the International System of Units (SI), Appendix B: Conversion Factors

غلاف جوي
وحدات ضغط
وحدات قياس بائدة
وحدات قياس ليست في النظام الدولي

ضغط جوي تقني


NGC 305 este un asterism situat în constelația Peștii. A fost descoperit în 17 octombrie 1825 de către John Herschel.

Note

Vezi și
 NGC 304
 NGC 306

Legături externe
 NGC 305 pe spider.seds.org
 NGC 305 pe WikiSky

Asterisme
Obiecte NGC
Constelația Peștii
Obiecte astronomice descoperite în 1825
Obiecte astronomice descoperite de John Herschel

NGC 305


Eduardo Fernández puede referirse a:

 Eduardo Fernández, político colombiano, gobernador 26 del departamento del Meta.
 Eduardo Fernández, político venezolano.
 Eduardo Fernández de la Garza (1964-), futbolista (portero) mexicano.
 Eduardo "Lalo" Fernández Farías (n/d), político uruguayo.
 Eduardo Fernández Meyzán "Lolín" (1923-2002), futbolista peruano.
 Eduardo Fernández, ciclista español.
 Eduardo Fernández (1952-), guitarrista clásico uruguayo.
 Eduardo Fernández (1981-), pianista español.

Otros casos de desambiguación con apellido 'Fernández'
 Fernández

Eduardo Fernández


Klorosülfonik asit veya klorosülfürik asit (IUPAC adı: sülfülokloridik asit), HSO3Cl formülüne sahip inorganik bileşiktir. Klorun sülfonik asidi olan klorosülfonik asit olarak da bilinir. Higroskopik ve güçlü bir gözyaşı yapıcı olan damıtılabilir, renksiz bir sıvıdır. Ticari numuneler genellikle açık kahverengi veya saman rengindedir.

Klorosülfürik asidin tuzları ve esterleri, klorosülfatlar olarak bilinir.

Kimyasal ayıraçlar
Kükürtlü oksiasitler
Sülfüril bileşikleri

Klorsülfonik asit


An Platystele gaileana in uska species han Liliopsida nga ginhulagway ni Carlyle August Luer ngan Endara. An Platystele gaileana in nahilalakip ha genus nga Platystele, ngan familia nga Orchidaceae. Waray hini subspecies nga nakalista.

Mga kasarigan

Platystele

Platystele gaileana