Walter Cohen (né le  à Bonn et mort  dans le camp de concentration de Dachau) est un historien de l'art, collectionneur d'art et commissaire d'exposition allemand.

Biographie
Walter Cohen est le plus jeune des onze enfants de Friedrich Moritz (1836-1912) et Helena Cohen (1839-1914). Son frère est le libraire et éditeur . Walter Cohen est malentendant depuis l'enfance, il doit donc surtout lire les mots de les lèvres. Issu d'une famille juive, il est baptisé et reçoit une éducation protestante. En 1898, il est diplômé du lycée municipal.

À partir de 1898, Cohen étudie l'histoire de l'art, l'archéologie classique et la philosophie d'abord à Bonn, puis à Munich et Berlin et enfin à Strasbourg, où il obtient son doctorat en 1903 avec Georg Dehio. Après un long voyage d'études à l'étranger, il travaille de 1904 à 1905 comme éditeur pour l'encyclopédie générale des artistes visuels de l'Antiquité à nos jours à Leipzig. En 1906, il fait un stage aux Musées d'État de Berlin (Musée empereur-Frédéric et Musée des arts décoratifs). Il trouve un emploi à partir de 1908, d'abord comme assistant de recherche, puis comme assistant de direction au Musée provincial sous  à Bonn. Il y réorganise les départements d'art médiéval et d'art moderne et fait en sorte que la galerie d'images soit fusionnée avec la collection Wesendonk.

Lorsque August Macke, originaire de Tegernsee, installe son atelier dans la Bornheimerstraße à Bonn en 1911, il devient le lieu de rencontre de la scène artistique. Il élargit rapidement son réseau à Bonn : il comprend Walter Cohen, qui travaille au musée provincial de Bonn, et ses deux frères aînés, Friedrich et Heinrich, qui tiennent une librairie et un marchand d'art en face de l'université. Cohen devient ami avec Macke, comme il l'a fait avec de nombreux artistes.

Cohen participe aux préparatifs de l'exposition internationale d'art du Sonderbund, inaugurée le  à Cologne, qui, d'un point de vue actuel, fait partie des expositions d'art pionnières du début du . Cette exposition a été précédée par l'association fondée en 1909 à Düsseldorf par des artistes, des directeurs de musée, des collectionneurs et des marchands qui s'étaient réunis pour ouvrir l'art de l'avant-garde à un large public. Karl Ernst Osthaus en est le président et Walter Cohen est l'un des membres du conseil d'administration.

En 1912, un projet d'embauche aux musées de Berlin échoue en raison de sa surdité. En 1914, Cohen rejoint la Collection d'art municipale de Düsseldorf et en 1920 devient conservateur de la collection de peintures. Karl Koetschau, le directeur, veut compléter la collection d'art ancien par des acquisitions. Avec le conservateur Walter Cohen, il acquit des œuvres allemandes modernes.

Cohen invente le nom "La Jeune Rhénanie" pour l'association des artistes modernes fondée en 1919. En 1918, lui et le groupe organisent la première exposition au Kölnischer Kunstverein. 113 artistes y exposent déjà, le nombre d'adhérents augmentant rapidement.

Walter Cohen est un collectionneur de nombreuses œuvres d'éminents expressionnistes allemands d'artistes des associations d'artistes "Die Brücke", "Le Cavalier bleu" et "La Jeune Rhénanie", tels que Max Beckmann, Otto Dix, Käthe Kollwitz, Paula Modersohn-Becker, Emil Nolde, , Karl Schmidt-Rottluff, Gabriele Münter, Erich Heckel, Christian Rohlfs et bien d'autres artistes. En plus de collectionner, Cohen est un mécène engagé de l'avant-garde de l'époque, notamment des artistes Dix, Rohlfs, August Macke, Gerhard Marcks.

Il a une relation amicale et professionnelle avec le galeriste Alfred Flechtheim. Pour la réouverture de la galerie Flechtheim après la Première Guerre mondiale, à Pâques 1919, avec une première exposition sur les expressionnistes, il apporte sa contribution par une préface.

En 1924, il publie son ouvrage Cent ans de peinture rhénane, dans lequel quarante artistes, principalement des , sont présentés. Walter Cohen est largement reconnu dans les années 1920 comme un conservateur de musée clairvoyant, un brillant critique d'art et un mécène engagé.

En 1928, il installe le nouveau bâtiment du musée à la . Mais ensuite les nazis arrivent, confisquent 137 acquisitions et renvoient Cohen. Sa collection privée d'art contemporain est également diffamée par les nationaux-socialistes comme de l'art dégénéré. Malgré le baptême et une éducation protestante, Cohen est contraint à la retraite en 1933 en tant que non-aryen conformément à l'article 3 de la loi pour la restauration de la fonction publique et est renvoyé du service des musées, perdant son statut de fonctionnaire et un grand une partie de sa pension. Une action en justice pour réintégration est rejetée. Dans les années qui suivent, il travaille comme évaluateur dans le commerce de l'art. Les conditions économiques difficiles le dérangent et il a aussi des problèmes de santé.

Sous toute la pression, son mariage avec sa femme non juive Margarete Umbach (1892-1960), elle-même artiste et collectionneuse, qu'il a épousée en 1920, se rompt également. Un procès pour falsification d'image présumée se solde par un acquittement. Toutefois, Cohen est mis en détention et emmené au camp de concentration de Dachau, où il est assassiné.

Sa femme Margarete Umbach cache la collection dans une ville près de Mulhouse en Alsace, mais elle est presque entièrement détruite. Après la guerre, avec son deuxième mari, Richard Vogts (1906-1984), fils du portraitiste de Düsseldorf , elle tente de reconstituer la collection et de la poursuivre dans l'esprit de Walter Cohen. La collection de la fondation "Cohen-Umbach-Vogts" au musée des Trois Pays de Lörrach comprend environ 200 estampes expressionnistes d'artistes tels que Max Beckmann, Wassily Kandinsky, Otto Dix, Käthe Kollwitz et Erich Heckel et reflète tragiquement la vie et le destin de leurs trois collectionneurs en Allemagne du .

Publications (sélection)

 Studien zu Quinten Metsys. Inaugural-Dissertation zur Erlangung der Doktorwürde bei einer Hohen Philosophischen Fakultät der Kaiser-Wilhelms-Universität Straßburg. München: Alphons Bruckmann, München 1904.
 Katalog der Gemäldegalerie. Vorwiegend Sammlung Wesendonk. Provinzial-Museum in Bonn. Kommissionsverlag von Friedrich Cohen, 1914.
 August Macke. Klinkhardt & Biermann. Leipzig 1922.
 Hundert Jahre rheinischer Malerei. Kunstbücher deutscher Landschaften, Cohen Verlag, Bonn 1924.

 Articles de revues (sélection)

 Alfred Rethel. In: Die Rheinlande. 1918.
 Düsseldorfer und Frankfurter Kunst auf der "Ausstellung deutscher Malerei im neunzehnten Jahrhundert" zu Dresden. In: Die Rheinlande. 1919.
 Erinnerung an Seehaus. In: Das Kunstfenster. 1921.

Bibliographie
 Reichshandbuch der deutschen Gesellschaft – Das Handbuch der Persönlichkeiten in Wort und Bild. Erster Band, Deutscher Wirtschaftsverlag, Berlin 1930 .
 Martina Sitt: Auch ein Bild braucht einen Anwalt. Walter Cohen – Leben zwischen Kunst und Recht. Deutscher Kunstverlag, München/Berlin 1994 .
 Entartet – zerstört – rekonstruiert: die Sammlung "Cohen-Umbach-Vogts". Hrsg. Markus Moehring und Barbara Hauss, Lörracher Hefte, Bd. 9 (Rote Schriftenreihe des Dreiländermuseums), Verlag W. Lutz, Lörrach 2008 .
 Erich Cohen: Aufbewahrtes Leben unter schützenden Händen. Düsseldorf 1998 , S. 502 ff.
 Helga Fremerey-Dohnau und Renate Schoene, Bearbeitung: Jüdisches Geistesleben in Bonn 1786–1945. Verlag Ludwig Röhrscheid, Bonn 1985 , S. 32–34, Bild S. 3.

Liens externes

Références

Historien de l'art allemand
Collectionneur d'œuvres d'art
Naissance en février 1880
Naissance à Bonn
Naissance dans la province de Rhénanie
Décès en octobre 1942
Personnalité morte au camp de concentration de Dachau
Décès à 62 ans

Walter Cohen


අත්‍යුත්තර සංඛ්‍යා කුලකය ගැණිය නොහැකි අපරි‍මිතයකි. සාධනය සරලය. නිඛිලමය සංගුණකවලින් යුත් බහු පද ගැණිය හැකි නිසා හා එවැනි එක් එක් බහු පදයට මූලයන් පරිමිත සංඛ්‍යාවක් ඇති නිසා වීජීය සංඛ්‍යා ද ගැණිය හැකි විය යුතුය. නමුත් කැන්ටර්ගේ විකර්ණ තර්කය මඟින් තාත්වික සංඛ්‍යා (එමනිසා සංකීර්ණ සංඛ්‍යා ද) ගැණිය නොහැකි බව ඔප්පු කරයි. එම නිසා සියලු අත්‍යුත්තර සංඛ්‍යා කුලකය ද ගැණිය නොහැකි විය යුතුය.

අත්‍යුත්තර සංඛ්‍යා කිසි විටෙක පරිමේය නොවන නමුත් සමහරක් අපරිමේය සංඛ්‍යා අත්‍යුත්තර නොවේ. උදාහරණ ලෙස 2හි වර්ගමූලය අපරිමේය වේ නමුත් එය x2 − 2 = 0 බහුපදයේ විසඳුමයි. එමනිසා එය අත්‍යුත්තර නොව වීජීය වේ.

ඕනෑම තනි විචල්‍යයක නියත නොවන වීජීය ශ්‍රිතයක් , අත්‍යුත්තර ස්වායත්ත විචල්‍ය අගයක් යෙදු විට අත්‍යුත්තර අගයක් ලබා ගනී. එම නිසා උදාහරණයක් ලෙස π අත්‍යුත්තර ලෙස දන්නා විට අපට ඉතා ඉක්මණින් 5π, (π − 3)/√2, (√π − √3)8 and (π5 + 7)1/7 වැනි සංඛ්‍යා අත්‍යුත්තර බව අපෝහණය කළ හැක.

කෙසේ නමුත්, විචල්‍ය කිහිපයක් ඇති වීජීය ශ්‍රිතයක් අත්‍යුත්තර සංණ්‍යාවකට යෙදූ විට, එම සංඛ්‍යා වීජීය වශයෙන් ස්වායත්ත නොවේ නම් ශ්‍රිතය ලබා ගන්නේ වීජීය සංඛ්‍යාවකි. උදාහරණ ලෙස π හා 1 − π යන ද්විත්වය අත්‍යුත්තර වේ. නමුත් π + (1 − π) = 1 එසේ නොවේ. තවදුරටත් උදාහරණ ලෙස π + e යන්න අත්‍යුත්තර යයි නොදනී. එසේ වුවත් π + e හා πe යන  2න් එකක් අත්‍යුත්තර විය යුතු වේ. වඩාත් සාමාන්‍ය ලෙස, a හා b  අත්‍යුත්තර සංඛ්‍යා 2 සඳහා අඩු තරමින් a + b හා  ab යන දෙකෙන් එකක් වත් අත්‍යුත්තර විය යුතුය. මෙය නිරීක්ෂණය සඳහා  (x − a) (x − b) = x2 − (a + b)x + ab  බහු පදය සලකන්න.  (a + b) හා ab  යන දෙකම වීජීය වේ නම් මෙය වීජීය සංගුණක ඇති බහු පදයක් විය යුතුය. වීජීය සංඛ්‍යා වීජීය වශයෙන් සංවෘත ක්ෂේත්‍රයක් ඇතිකරන නිසා මෙමගින් අදහස් වන්නේ බහුපදයේ මුල a හා b වීජීය  විය යුතු බවයි. නමුත් මෙය පරස්පර විරෝධීතාවකි. ඒ අනුව සංගුණක දෙකෙන් එකක් වත් අත්‍යුත්තර විය යුතුය.

සියලු වීජීය සංඛ්‍යා ගණනය කළ හැකි නිසා ගණනය නල නොහැකි සියලු සංඛ්‍යා ද අත්‍යුත්තර සංඛ්‍යා වේ.

සියලු ලියුවිල් සංඛ්‍යා අත්‍යුත්තර වේ. එසේ වුවත් සියලු අත්‍යුත්තර සංඛ්‍යා ලියුවිල් සංඛ්‍යා නොවේ. ඕනෑම ලියුවිල් සංඛ්‍යාවක සන්තත භාග ප්‍රසාරණයේ අපර්යන්තගත ආංශික ලබ්ධි පැවතිය යුතුය. බැඳුණු ආංශික ලබ්ධි ඇති නමුත් ලියුවිල් අංක නොවන අත්‍යුත්තර සංඛ්‍යා පවතින බව ගණන තර්කයකින් පෙන්වා දිය හැක.

e හි ප්‍රකාශිත සන්තත භාග ප්‍රසාරණය යොදා ගෙන e ලියුවිල් සංඛ්‍යාවක් නොවන බව පෙන්විය හැක. (එහි සන්තත භාග ව්‍යාප්තියේ ආංශික ලබ්ධි අපර්යන්තගත වූවත්) 1953 දී කර්ට් මාලර් π ද ලියුවිල් සංඛ්‍යාවක් නොවන බව පෙන්වා දුනි. පර්යන්තගත පද ඇති අවසානයේ දී ආවර්තික නොවන සියලු අපරිමිත සන්තත භාග අත්‍යුත්තර බව අනුමාන කර ඇත. (අවසානයේ දී අවාර්තික සන්තත භාග වර්ගජ අපරිමේයයන්ට අනුරූප වේ)

ගණිතය

අත්‍යුත්තර සංඛ්‍යාවල ගුණ


Diego Losada (Montevideo, ) es un exbaloncestista uruguayo. Jugaba en la posición de escolta y se ha consagrado ocho veces como campeón federal con varios equipos y dos veces como campeón sudamericano junto a la selección uruguaya. Diego tuvo una hija en 1999 llamada Lucia después vino el varón en 2002 llamado Tiago y después en 2004: llamada Ñocio. Está divorciado

Carrera
Losada proviene de una familia basquetbolera, siendo hijo de José "el bocha" Losada, recordado jugador de Cordón y Stockolmo, además de técnico de diversos equipos. Diego se formó en las divisiones inferiores del Club Biguá, hasta que debuta en la primera división en Cordón donde logra consagrarse campeón federal durante tres años consecutivos, 1991, 1992 y 1993, no pudiendo conservar el título en 1994 donde junto a Cordón llega hasta la semifinal. En 1995 vuelve a lograr hacerse con el campeonato, sumando por ahora cuatro federales con Cordón. En 1996 pasa a ser jugador de Club Biguá, por un tiempo pues ese mismo año tiene un pasaje por el básquetbol de Alemania. Al año siguiente vuelve al país donde juega con Welcome, durante dos años (1997 y 1998) consagrándose campeón en ambas ocasiones. En 1999 y el 2000 juega para el Club Atlético Aguada, donde duranté su primer año logra llegar a la semifinal en cambio en el 2000 debe jugar la rueda de permanencia. Luego volvió a Cordón donde se obtuvo nuevamente el título en el 2001 y el 2002. Durante el 2003 tiene un pasaje por España, juega con Welcome el federal llegando hasta cuartos de final y junto a Paysandú BBC llega a la final de la LUB 2003, perdiendo en un final muy polémico que hizo dudar sobre el resultado del último partido. Tras esto vuelva a jugar para Aguada en los años 2004, 2005 y 2006 siendo lo más destacado la participación en la LUB 2005-06 donde logra el vicecampeonato. En sus últimos años juega en Olimpia y Unión Atlética retirándose finalmente en la LUB 2008-09 donde jugó para Tabaré llegando a los cuartos de final.

Selección nacional
Previamente a su debut con la con la selección mayor participó en selecciones juveniles, siendo lo más destacado la clasificación a un mundial. Con la selección mayor jugo desde 1993 hasta el 2001 siendo sus mayores logros el consagrarse campeón en los sudamericanos de 1995 y 1997.

Trayectoria
 Cordón - (Uruguay): 1991-1995.
 Club Biguá - (Uruguay): 1996.
 Pasaje por Alemania: 1996.
 Welcome - (Uruguay): 1997-1998.
 Aguada - (Uruguay): 1999-2000.
 Cordón - (Uruguay): 2001-2002.
 Lobos de Cantabria - (España): 2003.
 Paysandú BBC - (Uruguay): 2003.
 Welcome - (Uruguay): 2003.
 Aguada - (Uruguay): 2004-2006.
 Olimpia (Por la Liga Sudamericana) - (Uruguay): 2007.
 Unión Atlética - (Uruguay): 2007.
 Tabaré - (Uruguay): 2008.

Palmarés

Campeonatos nacionales
 Cordón - (Uruguay): 1991, 1992, 1993, 1995, 2001, 2002.
 Welcome - (Uruguay): 1997, 1998.

Campeonatos internacionales
 Campeonato Sudamericano de Básquetbol - 1995, 1997 .

Referencias

Enlaces externos
 Trayectoria Diego Losada

Nacidos en Montevideo
Baloncestistas de Uruguay
Baloncestistas de la selección de Uruguay
Baloncestistas del Club Atlético Cordón
Baloncestistas del Club Biguá
Baloncestistas del Club Atlético Welcome
Baloncestistas del Club Atlético Aguada
Baloncestistas del Club Atlético Olimpia
Baloncestistas del Club Unión Atlética
Baloncestistas del Club Atlético Tabaré

Diego Losada (baloncestista)


Les élections générales des Palaos ont lieu dans des Palaos le  pour élire le président et les membres du Congrès national. L'élection présidentielle est remportée par Johnson Toribiong. Le président sortant Tommy Remengesau n'étant pas éligible car ayant déjà effectué les deux mandats consécutifs autorisés par la constitution a pour sa part annoncé qu'il briguerait un siège au Sénat.

Il s'agit de la première élection aux Palaos au cours de laquelle les candidats à la présidentielle se présent avec un candidat déclaré à la vice-présidence. Lors des élections précédentes, le président et les vice-présidents avaient été élus séparément, et les vainqueurs de ces élections faisaient partie d'une « équipe dirigeante nationale ».

Candidats présidentiels
Des élections primaires ont lieu le , les deux candidats élus peuvent ainsi continuer aux élections générales de novembre. Quatre candidats sont inscrits pour les élections primaires :

 Elias Camsek Chin : Le vice-président sortant cherchant une ascension à la présidence des Palaos, avec pour  colistier le sénateur Alan R. Seid.
 Johnson Toribiong : L'actuel ambassadeur de la République de Chine (Taïwan), candidat avec le délégué Kerai Mariur.
 Surangel S. Whipps : Président du Sénat et son colistier Billy Kuartei est le chef de cabinet du président Remengesau.
 Joshua Koshiba : Sénateur dont le colistier est le gouverneur de Peleliu Jackson Ngiraingas.

Campagne
Les quatre candidats et leurs colistiers organisent des rassemblements dans l'ensemble des Palaos. Des campagnes ont également lieu dans les communautés palaosiennes d'outre-mer aux États-Unis, à Hawaï, à Guam et dans les îles Mariannes du Nord.

Un total de  se présentent pour les treize sièges du Sénat, tandis que  concourent pour les seize sièges de la Chambre des délégués. Un nombre record de dix femmes sont dans la compétition pour des sièges du Sénat et de la Chambre des délégués, dont sept en lice pour la course au Sénat.

Résultats

Président
Elias Chin et Johnson Toribiong remportent les deux premières places aux élections primaires. Il s'affrontent ainsi tous deux lors des élections législatives. Au début des résultats préliminaires, Toribiong détient une avance de , avec  contre  pour Chin. Toribiong et son colistier, Kerai Mariur, sont déclarés vainqueurs des élections le . Il a été rapporté que Toribiong avait reçu un appel téléphonique de concession du vice-président Chin.

Sénat
Surangel Whipps Jr. est entré dans l'histoire en devenant le premier sénateur à gagner par écrit. Il surpasse largement tous les autres sénateurs avec une victoire de 65,2 % des votes. Il s'agit du plus haut score depuis la victoire de son père qui l'avait emporté avec 73,5 % des votes.

Note :
 Chaque votant peut faire autant de vote que le nombre de sénateurs possible. Ainsi,  ont été enregistrés, dont  bulletins blancs ou nuls pour un total de .

Membres élus

 Surangel Whipps Jr. ()
 Raynold "Arnold" Oilouch ()
 Mlib Tmetuchel ()
 Joël Toribiong ()
 Katharine Kesolei ()
 Mark U. Rudimch ()
 Hokkons Baules ()
 Adalbert Eledui ()
 Régina Mesebeluu ()
 Alfonso N. Diaz ()
 Tommy E. Remengesau Jr. ()
 Régis Akitaya ()
 Paul Ueki ()

Chambre des délégués

Membres élus

Références

Liens externes

 Pacific Magazine : un nombre record de femmes briguent des sièges au Sénat des Palaos
 Okedyulabeluu : résultats mis à jour ci-dessous

Politique aux Palaos
Élection aux Palaos
Élection en Océanie en 2008

Élections générales des Palaos de 2008


Australian Open-mesterskabet i herredouble 2020 var den 108. turnering om Australian Open-mesterskabet i herredouble. Turneringen var en del af Australian Open 2020 og blev spillet i Melbourne Park i Melbourne, Victoria, Australien i perioden 22. januar - 2. februar 2020 med deltagelse af 64 par.

Mesterskabet blev vundet af Rajeev Ram og Joe Salisbury, som i finalen besejrede det australske wildcard-par Max Purcell and Luke Saville med 6-4, 6-2 på 70 minutter. Både Ram og Salisbury, der var seedet som nr. 11 og spillede deres femte grand slam-turnering som makkere, vandt dermed deres første grand slam-titel i herredouble, og Rajeev Ram satte en ny åben æra-rekord for det højeste antal spillede grand slam-turneringer i herredouble inden første sejr. Han vandt sin første titel i sin 58. grand slam-herredoubleturnering, og indtil da havde Martin Damm haft rekorden, idet han vandt sin første titel i den 55. spillede turnering. Rajeev Ram vandt sin anden grand slam-titel i karrieren, idet han tidligere havde vundet Australian Open-mesterskabet i mixed double 2019, og han blev den første amerikanske vinder af herredoublemesterskabet i Melbourne, der ikke hed Bryan, siden Rick Leach sikrede sig titlen i 2000. Joe Salisbury vandt sin første grand slam-titel i karrieren, og han blev den blot anden britiske vinder af titlen i den åbne æra.

Alletiders mest succesrige herredoublepar, Bob og Mike Bryan, deltog i mesterskabet for 21. og sidste gang, inden de senere på sæsonen stoppede deres karrierer i forbindelse med US Open 2020. De amerikanske brødre tabte i tredje runde til Ivan Dodig og Filip Polášek.

Pengepræmier og ranglistepoint

Den samlede præmiesum til spillerne i herredouble androg A$ 3.884.000 (ekskl. per diem), hvilket var en stigning på knap 10 % i forhold til året før.

Turnering

Deltagere

Turneringen havde deltagelse af 64 par, der er fordelt på:
 57 direkte kvalificerede par i form af deres ranglisteplacering.
 7 par, der havde modtaget et wildcard.

Seedede par

De 16 bedst placerede af parrene på ATP's verdensrangliste blev seedet:

Wildcards

Syv par modtog et wildcard til hovedturneringen.

Resultater

Kvartfinaler, semifinaler og finale

Første, anden og tredje runde

Se også
 Australian Open-mesterskabet i herresingle 2020
 Australian Open-mesterskabet i damesingle 2020
 Australian Open-mesterskabet i damedouble 2020
 Australian Open-mesterskabet i mixed double 2020

Eksterne henvisninger
 Australian Open

Noter

Australian Open 2020
2020
ATP Tour 2020


Ema Talijanska (talijanski Emma d'Italia, fra. Emma d'Italie) bila je kraljica supruga Francuske 965. – 986.

Bila je kći (jedino dijete) kralja Lotra II. Talijanskog (? – 950.) i njegove jedine supruge, kraljice Adelajde Talijanske (Adelaide; 931. – 999.). Emin je polubrat po majci bio car Oton II.

Ema se udala za kralja Francuske, Lotra I., kojem je rodila sina Luja V. Lijenog. Karlo, brat Lotra te šogor Eme, optužio je Emu za preljub s biskupom Laona. Ema i biskup bili su oslobođeni svih optužbi, a Karlo je morao pobjeći iz Francuske.

Kralj Lotar je umro 986. i Luj ga je naslijedio. On je optužio svoju majku Emu za ubojstvo Lotra otrovom. Luj je umro sljedeće godine te ga je naslijedio kralj Hugo Capet, iz nove dinastije.

Nije točno poznato što se dogodilo s kraljicom Emom poslije toga. Prema jednoj teoriji, Ema je otišla u opatiju u Burgundiju; druga teorija kaže da je Ema postala supruga Boleslava II. Pobožnoga od Češke.

Poveznice
Luj V. Lijeni, Emin sin
Ema od Mělníka

Izvori

Francuske kraljice
Franačke kraljice

Ema Talijanska


Saab 18 er et tomotoret bombe- og rekognosceringsfly designet og bygget af Svenska Aeroplan AB til det svenske Flygvapnet, der havde anmodet om udvikling af flyet i 1938. Som følge af flere forsinkelser blev flyet først taget i tjeneste i 1944, men det blev hurtigt det primære svenske bombefly. Flyet blev anvendt som bombefly, rekognosceringsfly og tung jagerbomber, og blev tillige benyttet i udviklingen af katapultsæder, luft til jord-missiler, indtil flyet blev afløst af Saab 32 Lansen i slutningen af 1950'erne.

Der blev fremstillet i alt 245 eksemplarer af flyet, der alene blev anvendt i Sverige.

Design og udvikling
Det svenske luftvåben anmodede i 1938 de svenske flyproducenter AB Svenska Järnvägsverkstädernas Aeroplanavdelning (ASJA), SAAB og AB Götaverken (GV) om at udvikle et design for et fly til afløsning af det tyske bombefly Junkers Ju 86. Det nye fly skulle have en besætning på tre mand, have høj hastighed og kunne udfylde rollen som rekognosceringsfly. ASJA, SAAB og GV sendte alle designforslag til luftvåbnet. GV's GV8 forekom at være det bedste design for opgaven, men på grund af prisen og som følge af, at GV's chefdesigner havde forladt virksomheden, besluttede det svenske flyvevåben i stedet at satse på SAAB's forslag. SAAB, der i mellemtiden var fusioneret med ASJA, fik herefter tildelt kontrakten med flyvevåbnet om udvikling af det nye fly.

SAAB og ASJA beskæftigede på daværende tidspunkt adskillige amerikanske flykonstruktører, der bl.a. havde erfaring med konstruktion af fly bygget alene af metal, og designet af Saab 18's havde følgelig nogle ligheder med amerikanske design. Udbruddet af 2. Verdenskrig i 1939 førte til en ændring af det svenske flyvevåbens prioriteter, hvilket bl.a. betød, at udviklingen af det lette bombefly Saab 17 blev fremskyndet på bekostning af udviklingen af Saab 18. Nedprioriteringen af projektet, samt en udvidelse af specifikationerne til Saab 18 til også at omfatte rollen som mellemtungt bombe- og styrtbombefly, betød, at flyets jomfruflyvning først fandt sted den 19. juni 1942.

Flyet havde en besætning på tre personer; en pilot, en navigatør og en bombekaster placeret i flyets næse til betjening af flyets bombemekanisme. Prototypen blev udviklet som et monoplan med dobbelt halefinne og blev drevet af to Pratt & Whitney R-1830 Twin Wasp stjernemotorer. Bevæbningen bestod af tre 13,2 mm maskingeværer, ét fastmonteret betjent af piloten samt to bevægelige betjent af henholdsvis navigatøren og bombekasteren. Prototypen kunne medbringe op til 1.000 kg bomber internt og op til otte bomber á 50 kg monteret under flyets vinger.

Testflyvningerne viste, at flyet havde for lidt motorkraft. Der var imidlertid mangel på motorer, bl.a. som følge af amerikanske restriktioner mod at levere motorer til Sverige, og uden udsigt til at kunne fremskaffe kraftigere motorer blev flyet sat i produktion i to udgaver: Et bombefly (B 18A) og et rekognosceringsfly (S 18A). S'et står for spaning (: rekognoscering).

Operativ historie
Bombeflyet B 18A blev taget i tjeneste i juni 1944, og blev hurtigt det svenske flyvevåbens standardbombefly. Det lykkedes at opnå licens til at bygge den tyske vandkølede motor Daimler-Benz DB 605, der blev benyttet på den forbedrede Saab 18B, der blev benyttet som styrtbomber og fløj første gang den 10. juli 1944.

Den forbedrede B 18B blev videreudviklet til T 18B, der var et planlagt torpedofly, men da flyet fløj for hurtigt til at kunne kaste eksisterende torpedoer, blev T 18B i stedet anvendt som en tung jagerbomber med en 57 mm Bofors kanon i næsen.

I slutningen af 1940'erne blev det tredje besætningsmedlem fjernet, hvorefter flyets besætning bestod af to personer. Udviklingen af raketter mod jordmål og forbedrede bombesigter havde overflødiggjort behovet for en bombekaster. På dette tidspunkt havde Saab 18 fået ry for at have en dårlig ulykkesstatistik, hvilket førte til en beslutning om at udstyre alle eksisterende fly med katapultsæder for piloten og navigatøren/skytten.

Der blev i alt fremstillet 245 eksemplarer af Saab 18. Det sidste fly, en T 18B, blev leveret i 1948. Flyet blev anvendt af Flygvapnet indtil slutningen af 1950'erne, hvor det blev afløst af jetflyet Saab 32 Lansen. De sidste Saab 18 blev anvendt i forbindelse med afprøvning af svenske luft til jord-missiler.

Bevarede fly

Der eksisterer i dag kun et enkelt eksemplar af Saab 18; en B 18B, under navnet Röd David. Flyet er udstillet på det svenske Flygvapenmuseum nær Linköping i Sverige. Flyet et et blandt en gruppe af otte fly, der gik tabt under en snestorm i 1946. Flyet blev bjærget og restaureret i 1979.

Udgaver
Saab 18A
To Pratt & Whitney-drevne prototyper.
B 18A
Den første produktionsversion, bombefly drevet af to Pratt & Whitney R-1830 Twin Wasp stjernemotorer. 62 eksemplarer bygget, alle konverteret til S 18A standarden i 1946-47.
S 18A
Fotorekognosceringsudgave af B 18A, udstyret med PS-18/A radar.
Saab 18B
Prototype med Daimler-Benz-motorer.
B 18B
Styrtbombeudgave, drevet af to Daimler-Benz DB 605B stempelmotorer. Bygget i 119 eksemplarer. Udstyret med op til otte jordmålsraketter i slutningen af 1940'erne.
T 18B
Planlagt torpedofly; videreudviklet til angreb på mål på landjorden. Bygget i 52 eksemplarer. Bevæbnet med to 20 mm maskinkanoner og en 57 mm maskinkanon. Anvendt som testfly for det svenske Rb 302 sømålsmissil.

Se også
 A-20 Havoc
 de Havilland Mosquito
 Dornier Do 17
 Petljakov Pe-2

Noter

Litteratur

 Donald, David, ed. The Complete Encyclopedia of World Aircraft. London: Orbis, 1997. .
 Eliasson, Gunnar. Advanced Public Procurement as Industrial Policy: The Aircraft Industry as a Technical University. Springer, 2010. .
 Frawley, Gerard and Jim Thorn. International Directory of Military Aircraft, 1996/97. Motorbooks International, 1996. .
 Kopenhagen, W. (ed.) Das große Flugzeug-Typenbuch. Stuttgart: Transpress. 1987, .

Eksterne henvisninger

 "Sweden, 1936-1996" . ejection-history.org
 "B 18 - Saab 18 (1944-1959)
 Saab 18 på aviastar.org
 Video en Saab 18 under start og i flyvning.

Bombefly
Observationsfly
18
Militærfly fra Sverige
2-motors propelfly

Saab 18


Por el bien del imperio. Una historia del mundo desde 1945 es el título de un libro de Josep Fontana editado en el año 2011, sobre la historia del mundo desde 1945 - finalización de  la Segunda Guerra Mundial. Es considerada como una obra de referencia para entender los acontecimientos históricos posteriores a la segunda guerra mundial: la creación del estado de bienestar como respuesta al fascismo y al totalitarismo que habían llevado a la guerra, la posterior Guerra Fría (aproximadamente 1945-1990), la caída de la Unión Soviética a fines de 1991, la intervención de Estados Unidos en el mundo así como la involución que se según el propio autor se ha estado viviendo desde la década de 1970 en relación con los derechos sociales, el bienestar social y la democracia como consecuencia del triunfo del neoliberalismo.

Fontana constata, setenta años después, el fracaso del proyecto que surgió tras la Segunda Guerra Mundial de construir un nuevo orden internacional donde fuera posible el progreso de los pueblos y el entendimiento entre las naciones.

Estructura del libro
El libro consta de una introducción, 19 capítulos, bibliografía e índice temático. Los capítulos, divididos en secciones, son los siguientes:
 De una guerra a otra.
 La primera fase de la guerra fría (1949-1953).
 Asia: la destrucción de los imperios.
 Una coexistencia armada (1953-1960).
 La escalada (1960-1968).
 África: El viento del cambio.
 Las revoluciones frustradas de los años sesenta.
 La guerra fría en Asia.
 La distensión (1969-1976).
 La guerra fría en América Latina.
 Los años setenta: El inicio de la Gran Divergencia.
 La contrarrevolución conservadora.
 El fin del socialismo realmente existente.
 La tragedia de África.
 El nuevo rumbo de la guerra fría.
 El nuevo imperio norteamericano.
 El siglo de Asia.
 Una crisis global.
 Al final del recorrido: el triunfo del capitalismo realmente existente.

Referencias

Véase también
Estado de bienestar
Guerra Fría
Historia económica
Keynesianismo
La gran divergencia
Pacto social
Neoliberalismo

Enlaces externos
Por el bien del imperio, en Sociología Crítica - Peio H. Riaño, 19/11/2011
Por el bien del imperio, en udl -con enlaces a prensa y libros más vendidos
La quiebra de una gran ilusión, Borja de Riquer, El País, 3 de diciembre de 2011
Por el bien del imperio. Una historia del mundo desde 1945 - Universilibros

Edad Contemporánea
Estado de bienestar
Historia económica
Keynesianismo
Libros de 2011
Libros de economía
Libros de historia
Libros de política
Libros del siglo XXI
Sociología política

Por el bien del imperio


Die N191 wurde 1824 in drei Teilen zwischen Corbeil-Essonnes und Mareil-sur-Mauldre festgelegt. In Mareil-sur-Mauldre hatte sie keine Verbindung zu einer anderen Nationalstraße. 1933 erfolgte die Verlängerung nach Epône an die N190 (ab 1949 N13). Die N10 erhielt 1949 eine neue Führung über Ablis. Dadurch ging der Abschnitt zwischen Rambouillet und Ablis an diese. 1992 erfolgte die Abstufung des Abschnittes zwischen Epône und Les Essarts-lo-Roi und 2006 der Rest bis auf die Verbindung von der N10 in Ablis zur A10.

Streckenverlauf

N191a
Die N191A war von 1933 bis 1952 ein Seitenast der N191, der von dieser abzweigte und durch das Zentrum vom Rambouillet nördlich hinaus auf die N10 führte. Sie wurde in die N10 integriert und trägt heute die Nummer D151 und D936. Ihre Länge betrug 3,5 Kilometer.

N191b
Die N191B war von 1933 bis 1973 ein Seitenast der N191, der von dieser zur N10 verlief. Sie befand sich nördlich von Le Perray-en-Yvelines und ist trägt heute die Nummer D991. Kurzzeitig bis zur Abstufung 1978 trug sie die Nummer N291. Ihre Länge betrug 1,5 Kilometer.

Weblinks

 Route nationale française auf WikiSara, eine Auflistung aller Nationalstraßen (französisch)

191
Straße in der Île-de-France
Route nationale 0191

Route nationale 191


O Estádio Olímpico de Brazavile (), também conhecido como Estádio Municipal de Kintelé () é um estádio multiuso localizado em Brazavile, capital do Congo. Inaugurado em , para abrigar as cerimônias de abertura e de encerramento, bem como as competições de futebol e atletismo dos Jogos Pan-Africanos de 2015, é o maior estádio do país em termos de capacidade de público e é oficialmente a casa onde a Seleção Congolesa de Futebol manda partidas amistosas e oficiais. Além disso, o Diables Noirs, CARA Brazzaville e a Étoile du Congo, clubes da capital, também mandam seus jogos oficiais por competições nacionais e continentais no estádio, cuja capacidade máxima é de  espectadores.

Olímpico
Olímpico
Olímpico
Brazavile
Olímpico

Estádio Olímpico de Brazavile


Amt Torgelow-Ferdinandshof blev oprettet 1. januar 2005 af det tidligere amt Ferdinandshof og den tidligere amtsfrie by Torgelow. Amt Torgelow-Ferdinandshof består af seks kommuner og byen Torgelow, hvor amtsforvaltningen ligger. Amtet ligger i den sydlige del af Landkreis Vorpommern-Greifswald i den tyske delstat Mecklenburg-Vorpommern og grænser med sydspidsen til delstaten Brandenburg.

1. januar 2011 blev den tidligere selvstændige kommune Wietstock indlemmet i Altwigshagen. 25. maj 2014 blev kommunen Heinrichsruh og den tidligere til Amt Am Stettiner Haff-hørende kommune Torgelow-Holländerei indlemmet i Torgelow.

Kommuner i amtet
 Altwigshagen med Borckenfriede, Charlottenhorst, Demnitz, Finkenbrück og Wietstock
 Ferdinandshof med Aschersleben, Blumenthal, Louisenhof und Sprengersfelde
 Hammer a. d. Uecker med Liepe og Försterei Ausbau
 Heinrichswalde
 Rothemühl
 Stadt Torgelow med Drögeheide, Heinrichsruh, Müggenburg, Müggenburger Teerofen, Spechtberg og Torgelow-Holländerei
 Wilhelmsburg med Eichhof, Eichhof Siedlung, Fleethof, Friedrichshagen, Grünhof, Johannisberg, Mariawerth, Mittagsberg og Mühlenhof

Landkreis Vorpommern-Greifswald

Amt Torgelow-Ferdinandshof


ප්ලස්මා සංදර්ශක පැනලයක් යනු (PDP) වර්තමානයේ විශාල ටීවී සංදර්ශක සඳහා භාවිතා වන පැතලි පැනල සංදර්ශක වර්ගයකි. (සාමාන්‍යයෙන් අඟල් 37 හෝ 940mm ට වඩා වැඩි) වීදුරු පැනල 2ක් අතර ස්ථානගත කර ඇති ඉතා කුඩා කාමර විශාල ප්‍රමාණයේ බොහොමයක් උච්ච වායු (නියෝන් හා සෙනෝන්) වල නිශ්ක්‍රීය මිශ්‍රණයක් දරා සිටී. කුඩා කාමර තුළ වූ වායු විද්‍යුත් ලෙස ප්ලස්මා බවට පරිවර්තනය කරන අතර ඉන්පසු එමඟින් ආලෝකය විමෝචනය සඳහා පොස්පරස් උත්තේජනය කරයි.

ප්ලස්මා සංදර්ශක ටීවී


Perudue () er en dueart.

Peruduen lever i Andesbjergene i det nordlige Peru, i den subtropiske Marañón dal og det tilstødende sydlige Ecuador.

Peruduens naturlige levesteder er subtropiske eller tropiske tørre skove, subtropiske eller tropiske fugtige lavlandsskove, subtropiske eller tropiske fugtige bjergskove og plantager. Peruduen er truet på grund af tab af levesteder. IUCN kategoriserer arten som sårbar.

Noter

Eksterne henvisninger

Andesfugle
Duefugle
Due

Perudue


Raphael Dazzani Galvez (São Paulo, 18 de fevereiro de 1907 – São Paulo, 19 de maio de 1998) foi um pintor, escultor, desenhista e professor.

Filho de imigrantes espanhóis e italianos,  ingressa, em 1921, no Liceu de Artes e Ofícios de São Paulo e faz cursos de cerâmica, terracota e desenho. É aluno de Enrico Vio (1874-1960) e tem como colega o pintor Ado Malagoli (1906-1994). Dois anos depois, inicia estudo de escultura com Nicolau Rollo (1889-1970), frequentando seu ateliê por um longo período e auxiliando-o em seus projetos.

Na década de 1930, trabalha em marmorarias e em casas de fundição artística. Inscreve-se como aluno regular na Escola de Belas Artes de São Paulo em 1937. Nessa época foi um dos criadores do Sindicato dos Artistas Plásticos no Palacete Santa Helena, onde se tornou amigo de Volpi e outros pintores do Grupo Santa Helena como Joaquim Figueira (1904-1943), onde no seu ateliê realizou desenhos e pinturas. Dedica-se à escultura desde os anos 1930, com uma produção diversificada.

Na década de 1940, pinta paisagens da cidade e dos arredores de São Paulo. Aproxima-se de Flávio Motta (1923-2016) e de vários artistas ligados ao Grupo Santa Helena. É sócio-fundador do Clube dos Amigos da Arte (Clubinho), criado em 1945. É professor de escultura na Escola Livre de Artes Plásticas em 1949, e de escultura e desenho, por cerca de 20 anos, na Faculdade de Belas Artes de São Paulo. Em 1994 a Pinacoteca do Estado de São Paulo, apresenta a exposição Raphael Galvez - A Cidade à Sombra dos 40 (pintura). São lançadas em 1999, pela editora Momesso duas publicações acerca de sua obra, Raphael Galvez: 1907/1998, com texto de Mayra Laudanna (1957) e Raphael Galvez: Pintor, Escultor, Desenhista, com texto de Vera D´Horta (1944).

Análise crítica sobre a obra do artista
Raphael Galvez pinta, na década de 1940, vistas dos antigos bairros periféricos de São Paulo, situados às margens do rio Tietê: Bairro do Limão, Freguesia do Ó e Casa Verde. Mostra paisagens bucólicas, o casario cercado de áreas verdes, olarias e lavadeiras em seu trabalho. Na opinião da historiadora da arte Vera D´Horta, sua pintura realiza uma síntese de questões que envolvem Cézanne (1839-1906), Van Gogh (1853-1890) e os macchiaioli. A liberdade na pincelada e no uso da cor pode ser percebida no quadro Paisagem - Freguesia do Ó, 1947, no qual tonalidades puras, como o amarelo do pequeno caminhão, dialogam com a mancha violeta do céu.

As pinturas dos bairros periféricos da cidade não são meramente uma documentação e sim a representação de uma identidade afetiva com essas localidades, como nota ainda Vera D'Horta. Já ao enfocar a metrópole, o artista apresenta-a envolta em bruma, ligeiramente desfocada. Suas paisagens, a partir do final da década de 1940, apresentam maior geometrização. Em suas pinturas, Galvez e seus companheiros de geração - Mario Zanini (1907-1971), Francisco Rebolo (1902-1980), Bonadei (1906-1974) e Mick Carnicelli (1893-1967), propõem um novo olhar sobre a cidade de São Paulo e sua periferia.

Como aponta a estudiosa Mayra Laudanna sua produção escultórica é extensa e marcada por uma diversidade de referenciais que lhe permitem recusar os modelos convencionais nas décadas de 1930 e 1940, experimentar práticas construtivas nos anos 1950 e posteriormente incursionar pela não-figuração.

O escultor e pintor não é tão conhecido como deveria, mas milhares de paulistanos passam diante de suas obras com frequência: ele é autor do monumento a Cervantes instalado atrás da Biblioteca Mário de Andrade, do São João Batista da igreja Nossa Senhora do Brasil, da Primavera na Pinacoteca do Estado e do operário na capela do Cemitério do Araçá, quatro exemplos de sua reverência aos ideais de beleza e harmonia do Renascimento. O desconhecimento deve-se em parte ao apego que Galvez tinha às suas pinturas e esculturas. Ele se recusava a vender e evitava inclusive mostrá-las a muitas pessoas. Vera d'Horta, conta que Galvez teria dito a um colecionador interessado em comprar seus quadros: "O senhor vende seus filhos?". "Ele tinha uma relação visceral com as obras", explica ela. Como não vendia suas obras, Galvez sobrevivia dos túmulos que esculpia para os cemitérios da Consolação e do Araçá cujo salário recebia da Marmoria Maia, onde modelou relevos e esculturas para túmulos, até se aposentar em 1976.

A relação do artista com o empresário Orandi Momesso
Um dos maiores colecionadores de Volpi no Brasil, o empresário Orandi Momesso, ex-proprietário de uma rede de escolas de ensino da língua inglesa, é dono de um acervo em torno de 3 mil obras, que cobre praticamente todos os períodos da arte brasileira, incluindo acadêmicos, pré-modernos, modernistas e contemporâneos.

Momesso foi amigo e incentivador de Galvez, que se considerava um operário da escultura. Humilde, não fez fortuna, trabalhou em oficinas de marmoraria esculpindo obras para túmulos, conseguiu erguer um modesto ateliê na Barra Funda (Rua Lopes de Oliveira) e, avesso à agitação da vida social, seguiu fiel ao conceito clássico da escultura que aprendeu com o mestre Nicola Rollo, com o qual trabalhou no estúdio do Palácio das Indústrias, no parque Dom Pedro II, antiga Prefeitura de São Paulo e hoje Museu Catavento.

O colecionador Orandi Momesso, conta que demorou para conquistar a confiança do pintor. "Levou seis anos para que ele pudesse me vender o primeiro quadro. Após todo esse tempo indo ao seu ateliê semanalmente ele viu que era por amor à arte que eu queria adquirir suas obras", afirma. Após a morte de Galvez, em 1998, o empresário herdou toda a sua extensa produção. Foi uma decisão de Galvez que havia decidido, em vida, que era o empresário quem deveria ficar com as suas obras, após a sua morte (com o consentimento dos irmãos), oficializando a decisão através de uma escritura pública.

Referência bibliográficas

Artistas do estado de São Paulo
Brasileiros de ascendência espanhola
Brasileiros de ascendência italiana

Raphael Galvez


This is a list of Wikipedia articles on topics of numeral system and "numeric representations"

See also: computer numbering formats and number names.

Arranged by base
 Radix, radix point, mixed radix, base (mathematics)
 Unary numeral system (base 1)

 Binary numeral system (base 2)
 Negative base numeral system (base −2)
 Ternary numeral system numeral system (base 3)
 Balanced ternary numeral system (base 3)
 Negative base numeral system (base −3)
 Quaternary numeral system (base 4)
 Quater-imaginary base (base 2)
 Quinary numeral system (base 5)

 Senary numeral system (base 6)
 Septenary numeral system (base 7)
 Octal numeral system (base 8)
 Nonary (novenary) numeral system (base 9)
 Decimal (denary) numeral system (base 10)

 Negative base numeral system (base −10)
 Duodecimal (dozenal) numeral system (base 12)
 Hexadecimal numeral system (base 16)
 Vigesimal numeral system (base 20)
 Sexagesimal numeral system (base 60)

Arranged by culture

Other

Numeral system topics

List of numeral system topics


Zeta Arietis (ζ Ari / 58 Arietis / HD 20150 / HR 972) es una estrella en la constelación de Aries, el carnero, de magnitud aparente +4,88.
No tiene nombre propio habitual pero, junto a Botein (δ Arietis), en China la denominaban Tsin Yin.

Zeta Arietis es una estrella blanca de la secuencia principal de tipo espectral A1V.
Tiene una temperatura efectiva de 9578 K y brilla con una luminosidad bolométrica 77 veces mayor que la del Sol.
Sus características son semejantes a las de la componente principal del sistema Cástor (α Geminorum) o a las de Merak (β Ursae Majoris), pero se halla 3,3 veces más alejada que esta última; de acuerdo a la nueva reducción de los datos de paralaje del satélite Hipparcos, Zeta Arietis se encuentra a 262 años luz del sistema solar.

El diámetro angular de Zeta Arietis —estimado a partir de su flujo bolométrico— es de 0,315 milisegundos de arco, lo que conlleva un diámetro 2,7 veces más grande que el diámetro solar.
Su velocidad de rotación proyectada es de 133 km/s.
Tiene una masa 2,6 veces mayor que la masa solar y ha consumido el 79 % de su vida como estrella de la secuencia principal.

Referencias

Estrellas blancas de la secuencia principal
Constelación de Aries

Zeta Arietis


Manuel Rico puede referirse a:
 Manuel Rico (1967), periodista español, antiguo redactor jefe de Interviú.
 Manuel Rico Avello (1886-1936), político español, ministro de Gobernación (1933-34) y de Hacienda (1935-36) durante la Segunda República.
 Manuel Rico Rego (1952), poeta, narrador, periodista y crítico literario español.
 Manuel Rico Sinobas (1819-1898), polímata español, numerario de la Real Academia de Ciencias Exactas, Físicas y Naturales, y vicepresidente de la Real Academia Nacional de Medicina.

También puede referirse a:

Manuel Leoncio Rico (1798-1841), militar argentino, enemigo de Juan Manuel de Rosas.

Manuel Rico


Hemangioma (angioma; hemanjiyom), kan damarlarının iyi huylu tümörüdür. Olguların çoğu baş-boyun bölgesinde, 1/3'ü karaciğerdedir. Çocuklarda görülen iyi huylu tümörlerin yaklaşık %7'sini oluşturan hemangiomalar, puberteyle birlikte kendiliğinden gerilemekte ve silinmektedir. Cerrahi yöntemlerle çıkarılan oluşumlarda yineleme (residiv) olasılığı vardır.

Başlıca 3 tip hemangioma vardır:

Kapiller hemangioma: Kapiller damarların deride ve ağız mukozasında çok sık görülen iyi huylu tümörüdür.

Kavernöz hemangioma: Orta çaplı damarların iyi huylu tümörüdür. Kalıtsal bir hastalık olan  "von Hippel-Lindau hastalığı"nda serebellumda, beyin sapında, gözlerde ve iç organlarda kavernöz hemangiomlar bulunabilir.
Granuloma pyogenicum (Piyojenik granülom; Lobuler kapiller hemangioma), deride ve ağızda mukozasında (özellikle dişetinde), kalınca bir sapı olan yuvarlakça, kırmızı renkli, yüzeyleri genellikle ülserli (kanayan) oluşumlardır. Gebelerde görülen tipi "granuloma gravidarum" olarak tanımlanır.

Kaynakça

Dermatoloji
Oral patoloji
Plastik cerrahi
Vasküler neoplazmalar

Hemangioma


An Liparis latifolia in uska species han Liliopsida nga ginhulagway ni John Lindley. An Liparis latifolia in nahilalakip ha genus nga Liparis, ngan familia nga Orchidaceae. Waray hini subspecies nga nakalista.

Mga kasarigan

Mga sumpay ha gawas

Liparis (Orchidaceae)

Liparis latifolia


Dumiatis ist der Name eines keltischen Gottes der Gallier, der im Département Puy-de-Dôme verehrt wurde.

Eine Inschrift wurde auf einer Bronzetafel in einem gallo-römischen Tempelbezirk auf dem Gipfel des Puy de Dôme bei Clermont-Ferrand in der ehemaligen römischen Provinz Aquitania gefunden. Nach der Interpretatio Romana wurde er mit Mercurius gleichgesetzt.

Der Name Puy-de-Dôme geht auf das antike Toponym podium Dumiatis zurück.

Siehe auch
 Liste keltischer Götter und Sagengestalten
 Keltische Religion
 Keltische Mythologie

Literatur
 Andreas Hofeneder: Mercurius Arvernus. Überlegungen zu Plin., Nat. Hist. 34.45-47. In: Ralph Haeussler, Anthony C. King (Hrsg.): Continuity and innovation in religion in the Roman west. Volume 2. Journal of Roman Archaeology, Portsmouth 2008, ISBN 978-1-88782-996-0, S. 103–118 (hier: S. 111–112; Auszug bei Google Bücher).
 Bernhard Maier: Lexikon der keltischen Religion und Kultur (= Kröners Taschenausgabe. Band 466). Kröner, Stuttgart 1994, ISBN 3-520-46601-5, S. 105.

Einzelnachweise

Gallische Gottheit

Dumiatis


එ.ජ. හී ජූලි සතරවැනිදා  හෝ  ජූලි සතර ලෙසින්ද හැඳින්වෙන, එක්සත් ජනපදයෙහි නිදහස් දිනය යනු, 1776, ජූලි 4 දිනදී, ඇමරිකානු ජනපද දහතුන විසින්, ඇමරිකානු එක්සත් ජනපදය ලෙසින්,   නව දේශයක් ලෙසින් ඔවුන් සලකන බවත්, තවදුරටත් බ්‍රිතාන්‍ය අධිරාජ්‍යයේ කොටසක් නොවන බවටත්,  නිදහස ප්‍රකාශයට පත්කිරීම,   කොන්ටිනෙන්ටල් කොංග්‍රසය විසින්  අපත්‍යිකරණය කිරීම සැමරෙන,   ෆෙඩරල් නිවාඩු දිනයකි.  නිදහස් දිනය හා සමගින් සාමාන්‍යයෙන් ආශ්‍රිත වන්නේ,  ගිනිකෙළි, පෙළපාළි, මස් පැලහීම්, සැණකෙළි,  වෙළෙඳපොළ, විනෝද ගමන්, විවිධ ප්‍රසංග, බේස්බෝල් තරග, පවුල් යළිඑක්වීම් සහ,  දේශපාලන කථා සහ උත්සව වන අතර, එයට අමතරව, එක්සත් ජනපදයේ ඉතිහාසය, රජය සහ, සම්ප්‍රදායයන් සැමරෙන,  බොහෝ අනෙකුත් රජයේ සහ පෞද්ගලික ඉසව්ද පැවැත්වෙයි. නිදහස් දිනය යනු, එක්සත් ජනපදයෙහි ජාතික දිනය වෙයි.

ආශ්‍රිත

නිදහස් දිනයන්

නිදහස් දිනය (එක්සත් ජනපදය)


The Emirate of Fujairah (  ) is one of the seven emirates that make up the United Arab Emirates, the only one of the seven with a coastline solely on the Gulf of Oman and none on the Persian Gulf. Its capital is Fujairah.

History

The Emirate of Fujairah, dominated by the Sharqiyin tribe, sits at the mouth of the important trade route, the Wadi Ham (which is guarded by the Sharqiyin Al Bithnah Fort), through the mountains to the interior and the Persian Gulf Coast. Known as the Shamaliyah, the east coast of what is now the UAE was subject to Muscat until 1850, when it was annexed by Al Qasimi of Sharjah, in an agreement made between Sheikh Sultan bin Saqr Al Qasimi and the Sultan of Muscat. The Shamaliyah was governed by Al-Qasimi Wali at Kalba although frequently seceded and in 1901 Sheikh Hamad bin Abdullah Al Sharqi, chief of the Sharqiyin, declared independence from Sharjah. This was recognized by a number of the Trucial Sheikhs and also by Muscat, but not the British, who were frequently provoked by the independently minded Ruler. At this time, The Emirate of Fujairah consisted of some 150 houses and 3,000 date palms and its people lived mainly through pearling and date cultivation. Since the absorption of Kalba by Sharjah in 1952, the Shamaliyah is shared by the emirates of Fujairah and Sharjah.

In 1952, The Emirate of Fujairah entered into treaty relations with Britain, becoming the last of the emirates to join the Trucial States. Having withheld this recognition for over fifty years, the British government only granted it because the oil exploration company Petroleum Concessions Limited (PCL) needed to sign a concession with a recognized ruler. On 2 December 1971, The Emirate of Fujairah joined the United Arab Emirates.

Archaeological finds in the Emirate of Fujairah point to a history of human occupation and trading links stretching back at least 4,000 years, with Wadi Suq (2,000 to 1,300 BC) burials located at Bithnah and the Qidfa' Oasis. A third millennium BCE tower was used to construct the Portuguese fort at Bidiyah, identified with the Portuguese 'Libedia', a fortress recorded in de Resende's 1646 map - the fortress itself has been carbon dated to 1450–1670.

The Emirate of Fujairah is also rich in late Islamic fortresses, as well as being home to the oldest mosque in use in the United Arab Emirates, Al Badiyah Mosque, which was built in 1446 of mud and bricks. It is similar to other mosques found in Yemen, eastern Oman, and Qatar. Al Bidyah Mosque has four domes (unlike the other similar mosques which have between seven and twelve) and lacks a minaret.

Geography
The Emirate of Fujairah covers approximately , or about 1.5% of the area of the UAE, and is the fifth-largest emirate in the UAE.

The weather is seasonal, although it is warm most of the year. The months of December to March are generally the coolest, with daytime temperatures averaging around  and rarely venturing above —with temperatures climbing to over  degrees in the summer. The winter period also coincides with the rainy season and although by no means guaranteed, this is when the Emirate of Fujairah experiences the bulk of its precipitation. Rainfall is higher than the rest of the UAE, partly because of the effect of the mountains that encircle the Emirate, and partly because the prevailing winds are easterly bringing with them water-laden clouds off the warm Indian Ocean. The variability of the east coast climate is partly due to the presence of the Hajar mountain range. As with other mountainous areas, precipitation is higher, and this allows for a more varied micro-environment in the area. Tourist visitor numbers peak just before the school summer months.

Demographics

The Emirate of Fujairah had a population of 125,698 at the last census, held in 2005. Its population is around 225,360 inhabitants (in 2016); only the Emirate of Umm al-Quwain has fewer occupants. The 2019 population estimates is 256,256 inhabitants.

Government
The Emirate of Fujairah is an absolute monarchy ruled by its Hakim, Sheikh Hamad bin Mohammed Al Sharqi.

The Sheikh heads the cabinet of the Emirate of Fujairah, and a few members of respected local families in the emirate make up the advisory committees. The Sheikh must ratify any decisions by the cabinet. After the ratification, such decisions may be enacted into law.

Rulers
 1879–1936: Hamad bin Abdullah Al Sharqi
 1936–1938: Saif bin Hamad Al Sharqi
 1938–1975: Mohammed bin Hamad Al Sharqi
 1974–present: Hamad bin Mohammed Al Sharqi

Economy
The Emirate of Fujairah's economy is based on subsidies and federal government grants distributed by the government of Abu Dhabi (the seat of power in the UAE). Local industries consist of cement, stone crushing, and mining. A resurgence in the construction activity helped the local industry. There is a flourishing free trade zone, mimicking the success of the Dubai Free Zone Authority which was established around Jebel Ali Port.

The federal government employs the majority of the native, local workforce, with few opening businesses of their own. Many of the locals work in the service sector. The government of the Emirate of Fujairah prohibits foreigners from owning more than 49% of any business. The free zones have flourished, partly due to the relaxation of such prohibition within the zones, as full foreign ownership is allowed there. Shaikh Saleh Al Sharqi, younger brother to the ruler, is widely recognized as the driving force behind the commercialization of the economy.

The Emirate of Fujairah is a minor bunkering port with large scale shipping operations taking place every day. Shipping and ship-related services are thriving businesses in the city. Due to the business-friendly environment and ease of logistic support, ships trading from Persian Gulf anchor here for provisions, bunkers, repair, and technical support, spares, and stores before proceeding on long voyages. The city is also geographically well suited for such ship service-related activities.

The government of The Emirate of Fujairah is a major shareholder in the National Bank of Fujairah, a UAE local bank. Incorporated in 1982, the National Bank of Fujairah (NBF) is active in the areas of corporate and commercial banking, trade finance and treasury. NBF has also expanded portfolio to include personal banking options and Shariah-compliant services. NBF supports industries ranging from oil and shipping to services, manufacturing, construction, education, and healthcare.

Land
Foreigners or visitors are not allowed to buy land. Emirati nationals can purchase land from the government, after proving their nationality. If there is no suitable land available via the official government offices, private purchases can also be made, with the eventual price being determined by the market and the individuals themselves.

Developments
The ruler is planning to make changes that will affect the Emirate of Fujairah. Among tourism projects is an $817m resort, Al-Fujairah Paradise, near Dibba Al-Fujairah, on the northern Omani border, next to Le Meridien Al Aqah Beach Resort. The planned  development would have around 1,000 five-star villas as well as hotels, but has since been cancelled.

The Sheikh is trying to improve opportunities for the local workforce, by trying to entice businesses to locate in the Emirate of Fujairah and diverting Federal funds to local companies in the form of development projects.

The Habshan–Fujairah oil pipeline was opened in 2012.

Health care
Health care is delivered in a mixed public and private system. Locals are treated for free at the federal government hospitals, while foreigners have to pay for medical care. The national government funds the federal hospitals and subsidize health care with petrodollar revenues. There are criticisms that the government is not providing health care sufficiently for those with low income, who have to pay for critical treatment themselves.

The government of the Emirate of Fujairah has built clinics, known locally as "medical houses". These clinics complement and help lighten the load on the main Fujairah Hospital by allowing walk-in appointments and providing ancillary medical services. These clinics have turned out to be a success, visited by the local populace.

Education
There are many government schools in the Emirate of Fujairah, which are mainly for Emirati people, besides some numbers of Arab residents. Aside from government schools, there are also private schools, and due to the majority of the population of the Emirate hailing from the Indian subcontinent, most of the private schools follow the Indian Central Board of Secondary Education (CBSE) syllabus, accredited by the Central Education Board of India.

Our Own English High School, Fujairah (which also provides International General Certificate of Secondary Education (IGCSE)), in the Al Faseel area.
St. Mary's Catholic High School, Fujairah (which also provides General Certificate of Education (GCE) A levels), in the Sakamkam area.
Diyar International Private School, Fujairah and Dibba branch. It is located in Sakamkam, Fujairah and Dibba area.
Indian School Fujairah, in the Al Faseel area.
Fujairah Private Academy, also provides International General Certificate of Secondary Education (IGCSE), A level, AS Level.
Pakistan Islamia School, Fujairah, also in the Al Faseel area.
Applied Technology High School, Fujairah
GEMS Winchester, Fujairah (which also provides International General Certificate of Secondary Education (IGCSE)), in the Al Faseel area.

Fujairah Montessori Nursery is the oldest pre-school in the Emirate of Fujairah. It admits children from the age of two years. It is located in the Al Faseel area. There are several nursery and kindergarten schools in the Emirate of Fujairah. 'Superbaby' in Al Faseel 'Smart kids', 'Mom and Kids' and 'Little Stars' are used by expat families.

Travel

Travel in and around the Emirate of Fujairah and the surrounding towns of Khor Fakkan, Kalba and Masafi has been made easy by the development of modern highways since independence in 1971. Highways are funded by the federal government directly, and contracts are tendered centrally. This is meant to safeguard the quality and delivery of the contracts and prevent corruption from damaging the construction.

The Emirate of Fujairah has a very limited public transport, with a single bus service operating within the emirate and a service operating to Dubai. Aside from private transport, there are several taxis operated by the government-owned Emirate of Fujairah Transport Corporation (FTC).

The new Sheikh Khalifa Highway linking Dubai and Fujairah was officially inaugurated on Saturday, 4 December 2011, following delays to the originally scheduled opening date of July 2011. It is a road that shortens the distance by . The Fujairah International Airport is near the city, with a large falcon statue at the airport roundabout. However, currently, it only offers commercial service to Abu Dhabi, a domestic destination within the UAE.

Shopping
LuLu Mall Fujairah opened in 2014. City Centre Fujairah opened in April 2012 with 105 units along with Century Mall near the Fujairah Ports. The construction of the Fujairah Mall was completed in 2016. Fathima Shopping Center in Fujairah is another shopping destination.

Transport
The Emirate of Fujairah is connected to other emirates by a  highway called Sheikh Khalifa bin Zayed Highway and links Dubai and Sharjah to Fujairah within a 30 minutes drive. The road begins from the entrance of Fujairah, crossing Al Gazirmi locality, Wadi Sahm, Asfeeni, Mamdooh, Kadra and Shawka Valleys in Ras Al Khaimah, and ends at Maleeha Road in Sharjah, at Hamda area.

Culture
The UAE culture mainly revolves around the religion of Islam and traditional Arab culture. The influence of Islamic and Arab culture on its architecture, music, attire, cuisine, and lifestyle are very prominent as well. Five times every day, Muslims are called to prayer from the minarets of mosques which are scattered around the country. Since 2006, the weekend has been Friday-Saturday, as a compromise between Friday's holiness to Muslims and the Western weekend of Saturday-Sunday. However as of January 2021 it has been changed to Saturday-Sunday to align with the rest of the world and make trading with other countries easy and efficient.

Drinking alcohol is allowed at designated hotels, and as of 2000, at a few bars. Until 1998, gambling in the form of slot machines was allowed in certain hotels, but personal petitions by locals to the Sheikh outlawed the activity. Some players were losing entire monthly wages on the slots, leaving nothing for the upkeep of their families.

Groups of Emirati youths tend to socialize together on the streets and cafés or outside games arcades, cinemas, and mini-malls. It is unusual to see mixed-sex groups due to gender segregation in Emirati society.

On vacations, many Fujairah residents travel to western emirates such as Dubai and Abu Dhabi, for entertainment and shopping purposes. They also visit the Wadis surrounding the emirate on camping and hiking trips. At the same time, other emirates'  residents visit the Emirate of Fujairah for relaxation purposes and to get away from the stifling heat of the desert. Watersports such as jet skis, windsurfing, waterskiing and diving are becoming more and more popular amongst both locals and tourists. Professional driving instructors can be found in Le Meridien or in Royal Beach Hotel, where one can obtain an International Driving License, for a fee.

Gallery

See also
Archaeology of the United Arab Emirates
Creative City
Ra's Diba
Wadi Wurayah

Notes

References

External links

 Fujairah Tourism & Antiquities Authority
 Fujairah Municipality
 Fujairah Police

Populated coastal places in the United Arab Emirates
Gulf of Oman
Islamic monarchies

Emirate of Fujairah


تومي رايت ، من مواليد 21 أكتوبر 1944، لاعب كرة قدم إنجليزي سابق.

لعب مع منتخب إنجلترا لكرة القدم.

مسيرته الكروية
لعب تومي رايت خلال مسيرته الاحترافية مع نادِ واحدٍ في اثنا عشر موسمًا وسجل خلالها 4 أهداف ضمن 308 مباراة. حيث فاز في موسم واحد بالكأس وفي موسمين بالدوري.

خاض تومي رايت مسيرته مع نادي إيفرتون في موسم 1962–63 ليلعب معه اثنا عشر موسمًا، مشاركًا في 308 مباراة سجل خلالها 4 أهداف.

روابط خارجية

مراجع

لاعبو كرة قدم رجالية إنجليز
أشخاص على قيد الحياة
لاعبو إيفرتون
لاعبو بطولة أمم أوروبا 1968
لاعبو دوري الدرجة الأولى الإنجليزي
لاعبو كأس العالم 1970
لاعبو كرة قدم إنجليز
لاعبو كرة قدم من ليفربول
لاعبو منتخب إنجلترا لكرة القدم
لاعبو منتخب إنجلترا لكرة القدم تحت 23 سنة
لاعبو نهائي كأس الاتحاد الإنجليزي
مدافعو كرة قدم رجالية
مواليد 1944
مواليد في ليفربول

تومي رايت


El Premio Mundial de Alimentación es un galardón internacional para reconocer los logros de personas que han promovido el desarrollo humano mediante la mejora de la calidad, cantidad y disponibilidad de alimentos en el mundo.

El premio
Tal premio fue creado en 1986, por el Premio Nobel de la Paz Norman Borlaug, con la ayuda de General Foods, y desde 1990 continúa siendo patrocinado por el empresario y filántropo John Ruan. El galardón reconoce las contribuciones en todos los campos de la provisión de alimentos — ciencia y tecnología en la alimentación y en la agricultura, manufactura, mercadeo, nutrición, economía, alivio de la pobreza, liderazgos políticos y en las ciencias sociales. Así como el reconocimiento de logros personales, Borlaug entendió al Premio como un medio para establecer modelos inspiradores en otros.

Los laureados son honrados y oficialmente galardonados con su premio, en Des Moines, Iowa, EE. UU., en una ceremonia televisada, en el Capitolio de Iowa. Esa Ceremonia coincide con el «Simposio Internacional Norman E. Borlaug», conocido como el "Diálogo Borlaug", que anualmente aborda temas relacionados con la hambruna y la seguridad alimentaria. Los pasados simposios se han enfocado en promesas y desafíos presentados como los biofuels, el doble desafío de la malnutrición y obesidad, depleción hídrica y sus impactos en el desarrollo y estabilidad en el Medio Este, and "La Revolución Verde Redux: ¿podemos replicar el período de mayor reducción única de hambre de toda la historia humana?"

En 2008, la Fundación World Food Prize aceptó $5 millones contribuidos por la Monsanto para asegurar la continuidad del Simposio Anual World Food Prize International Symposium "Borlaug Dialogue".

Premiados

Véase también
 Premio Wolf en Agricultura

Referencias

  (para miembros solo), visto el 24 de octubre de 2009
 Clausi, A.S. "General Foods established World Food Prize". Food Technology octubre de 2009. pp. 79

Enlaces externos
 Purdue plant breeder, geneticist receives World Food Prize.

Premio Mundial de Alimentación

Premio Mundial de Alimentación


A living wage is defined as the minimum income necessary for a worker to meet their basic needs. This is not the same as a subsistence wage, which refers to a biological minimum, or a solidarity wage, which refers to a minimum wage tracking labor productivity. Needs are defined to include food, housing, and other essential needs such as clothing. The goal of a living wage is to allow a worker to afford a basic but decent standard of living through employment without government subsidies. Due to the flexible nature of the term "needs", there is not one universally accepted measure of what a living wage is and as such it varies by location and household type. A related concept is that of a family wage – one sufficient to not only support oneself, but also to raise a family.

The living wage differs from the minimum wage in that the latter can fail to meet the requirements for a basic quality of life which leaves the worker to rely on government programs for additional income. Living wages have typically only been adopted in municipalities. In economic terms, a minimum wage is a price floor for labor created by a legal threshold, rather than a reservation wage created by price discovery. The living wage is one possible guideline for determining a target price floor, while a minimum wage is a policy to enforce a chosen price floor.

In the United Kingdom and New Zealand, advocates define a living wage to mean that a person working 40 hours a week, with no additional income, should be able to afford the basics for a modest but decent life, such as, food, shelter, utilities, transport, health care, and child care. Living wage advocates have further defined a living wage as the wage equivalent to the poverty line for a family of four. The income would have to allow the family to 'secure food, shelter, clothing, health care, transportation and other necessities of living in modern society'. A definition of a living wage used by the Greater London Authority (GLA) is the threshold wage, calculated as an income of 60% of the median, and an additional 15% to allow for unforeseen events.

Living wage campaigns came about partially as a response to Reaganomics and Thatcherism in the US and UK, respectively, which shifted macroeconomic policy towards neoliberalism. A living wage, by increasing the purchasing power of low income workers, is supported by Keynesian and post-Keynesian economics which focuses on stimulating demand in order to improve the state of the economy.

History

The concept of a living wage, though it was not defined as such, can be traced back to the works of ancient Greek philosophers such as Plato and Aristotle. Both argued for an income that considers needs, particularly those that ensure the communal good. Aristotle saw self-sufficiency as a requirement for happiness which he defined as, 'that which on its own makes life worthy of choice and lacking in nothing'. As he placed the responsibility in ensuring that the poor could earn a sustainable living in the state, his ideas are seen as an early example of support for a living wage.

The evolution of the concept can be seen later on in medieval scholars such as Thomas Aquinas who argued for a 'just wage'. The concept of a just wage was related to that of just prices, which were those that allowed everyone access to necessities. Prices and wages that prevented access to necessities were considered unjust as they would imperil the virtue of those without access.

In Wealth of Nations, Adam Smith recognized that rising real wages lead to the "improvement in the circumstances of the lower ranks of people" and are therefore an advantage to society. Growth and a system of liberty were the means by which the laboring poor were able to secure higher wages and an acceptable standard of living. Rising real wages are secured by growth through increasing productivity against stable price levels, i.e. prices not affected by inflation. A system of liberty, secured through political institutions whereupon even the "lower ranks of people" could secure the opportunity for higher wages and an acceptable standard of living.

Based on these writings, Smith advocated that labor should receive an equitable share of what labor produces. For Smith, this equitable share amounted to more than subsistence. Smith equated the interests of labor and the interests of land with overarching societal interests. He reasoned that as wages and rents rise, as a result of higher productivity, societal growth will occur thus increasing the quality of life for the greater part of its members.

Like Smith, supporters of a living wage argue that the greater good for society is achieved through higher wages and a living wage. It is argued that government should in turn attempt to align the interests of those pursuing profits with the interests of the labor in order to produce societal advantages for the majority of society. Smith argued that higher productivity and overall growth led to higher wages that in turn led to greater benefits for society. Based on his writings, one can infer that Smith would support a living wage commensurate with the overall growth of the economy. This, in turn, would lead to more happiness and joy for people, while helping to keep families and people out of poverty. Political institutions can create a system of liberty for individuals to ensure opportunity for higher wages through higher production and thus stable growth for society.

In 1891, Pope Leo XIII issued a papal bull entitled Rerum novarum, which is considered the Catholic Church's first expression of a view supportive of a living wage. The church recognized that wages should be sufficient to support a family. This position has been widely supported by the church since that time, and has been reaffirmed by the papacy on multiple occasions, such as by Pope Pius XI in 1931 Quadragesimo anno and again in 1961, by Pope John XXIII writing in the encyclical Mater et magistra. More recently, Pope John Paul II wrote, "Hence in every case a just wage is the concrete means of verifying the whole socioeconomic system and, in any case, of checking that it is functioning justly."

Contemporary thought

Different ideas on a living wage have been advanced by modern campaigns that have pushed for localities to adopt them. Supporters of a living wage have argued that a wage is more than just compensation for labour. It is a means of securing a living and it leads to public policies that address both the level of the wage and its decency. Contemporary research by Andrea Werner and Ming Lim has analyzed the works of John Ryan, Jerold Waltman and Donald Stabile for their philosophical and ethical insights on a living wage.

John Ryan argues for a living wage from a rights perspective. He considers a living wage to be a right that all labourers are entitled to from the 'common bounty of nature'. He argues that private ownership of resources precludes access to them by others who would need them to maintain themselves. As such, the obligation to fulfill the right of a living wage rests on the owners and employers of private resources. His argument goes beyond that a wage should provide mere subsistence but that it should provide humans with the capabilities to 'develop within reasonable limits all [their] faculties, physical, intellectual, moral and spiritual.' A living wage for him is 'the amount of remuneration that is sufficient to maintain decently the laborer'.

Jerold Waltman, in A Case for the Living Wage, argues for a living wage not based on individual rights but from a communal, or 'civic republicanism', perspective. He sees the need for citizens to be connected to their community, and thus, sees individual and communal interests as inseparably bound. Two major problems that are antithetical to civic republicanism are poverty and inequality. A living wage is meant to address these by providing the material basis that allows individuals a degree of autonomy and prevents disproportionate income and wealth that would inevitably lead to a societal fissure between the rich and poor. A living wage further allows for political participation by all classes of people which is required to prevent the political interests of the rich from undermining the needs of the poor. These arguments for a living wage, taken together, can be seen as necessary elements for 'social sustainability and cohesion'.

Donald Stabile argues for a living wage based on moral economic thought and its related themes of sustainability, capability and externality. Broadly speaking, Stabile indicates that sustainability in the economy may require that people have the means for 'decent accommodation, transport, clothing and personal care'. He qualifies the statement as he sees individual necessities as contextual and therefore able to change over time, between cultures and under different macroeconomic circumstances. This suggests that the concept and definition of a living wage cannot be made objective over all places and in all times. Stabile's thoughts on capabilities make direct reference to Amartya Sen's work on capability approach. The tie-in with a living wage is the idea that income is an important, though not exclusive, means for capabilities. The enhancement of people's capabilities allows them to better function both in society and as workers. These capabilities are further passed down from parents to children. Finally, Stabile analyses the lack of a living wage as the imposition of negative externalities on others. These externalities take the form of depleting the stock of workers by 'exploiting and exhausting the workforce'. This leads to economic inefficiency as businesses end up overproducing their products due to not paying the full cost of labour.

Other contemporary accounts have taken up the theme of externalities arising due to a lack of living wage. Muilenburg and Singh see welfare programs, such as housing and school meals, as being a subsidy for employers that allow them to pay low wages. This subsidy, taking the form of an externality, is of course paid for by society in the form of taxes. This thought is repeated by Grimshaw who argues that employers offset the social costs of maintaining their workforce through tax credits, housing, benefits and other wage subsidies. The issue was raised during the Democratic party primary election of 2016 in the United States, when presidential candidate Bernie Sanders mentioned that "struggling working families should not have to subsidise the wealthiest family in the country", and therefore, implied that the large retailer Walmart, who is owned by the wealthiest family in the country, was not paying fair wages and was being subsidised by taxpayers.

Those in favor of living wage ordinances primarily research the negative impacts of insufficient minimum wages. In a cross-comparison between minimum wage and living wage ordinances, there are profound psychological impacts to living wage implementations. Those in favor of living wage oriented policies assert that it is important to acknowledge the region-specific costs that is severely lacking in minimum wage measurements. This line of thinking argues that a living wage can both enhance engagement and performance if implemented.

Implementations

Australia

In Australia, the 1907 Harvester Judgement ruled that an employer was obliged to pay his employees a wage that guaranteed them a standard of living which was reasonable for "a human being in a civilised community" to live in "frugal comfort estimated by current... standards," regardless of the employer's capacity to pay. Justice H. B. Higgins established a wage of 7/- (7 shillings) per day or 42/- per week as a 'fair and reasonable' minimum wage for unskilled workers.

Bangladesh
In Bangladesh, salaries are among the lowest in the world. During 2012 wages hovered around US$38 per month depending on the exchange rate. Studies by Professor Doug Miller during 2010 to 2012, has highlighted the evolving global trade practices in Towards Sustainable Labour Costing in UK Fashion Retail. This white paper published in 2013 by University of Manchester, appears to suggest that the competition among buying organisation has implications to low wages in countries such as Bangladesh. It has laid down a road map to achieve sustainable wages.

United Kingdom

Municipal regulation of wage levels began in some towns in the British Isles in 1524. National minimum wage law began with Winston Churchill's Trade Boards Act 1909, and the Wages Councils Act 1945 set minimum wage standards in many sectors of the economy.  Wages Councils were abolished in 1993 and subsequently replaced with a single statutory national minimum wage by the National Minimum Wage Act 1998, which is still in force. The rates are reviewed each year by the country's Low Pay Commission. From 1 April 2016 the minimum wage has been paid as a mandatory National Living Wage for workers over 25. It was phased in between 2016 and 2020 and was set at a significantly higher level than previous minimum wage rates. By 2020 it was expected to have risen to at least £9 per hour and represent a full-time annual pay equivalent to 60% of the median UK earnings. In practice the level remained below £9 per hour until 2022.

The National Living Wage is nevertheless lower than the value of the Living Wage calculated by the Living Wage Foundation. Some organisations voluntarily pay a living wage to their staff, at a level somewhat higher than the statutory level. From September 2014 all NHS Wales staff have been paid a minimum of the "living wage" recommended by the Living Wage Commission.  About 2,400 employees received an initial salary increase of up to £470 above the UK-wide Agenda for Change rates.

United States

As of 2006, U.S. cities with living wage laws include Santa Fe and Albuquerque in New Mexico; San Francisco, California; and Washington, D.C. The city of Chicago, Illinois also passed a living wage ordinance in 2006, but it was vetoed by Mayor Richard M. Daley. Living wage laws typically cover only businesses that receive state assistance or have contracts with the government.

In 2014, Wisconsin Service Employees International Union teamed up with public officials against legislation to eliminate local living wages. According to U.S. Department of Labor data, Wisconsin Jobs Now - a non-profit organization fighting inequality through higher wages - has received at least $2.5 million from SEIU organizations from 2011 to 2013.

Although these ordinances are recent, a number of studies have attempted to measure the impact of these policies on wages and employment. Researchers have had difficulty measuring the impact of these policies because it is difficult to isolate a control group for comparison. A notable study defined the control group as the subset of cities that attempted to pass a living wage law but were unsuccessful. This comparison indicates that living wages raise the average wage level in cities, however, it reduces the likelihood of employment for individuals in the bottom percentile of wage distribution.

Impact

Research shows that minimum wage laws and living wage legislation impact poverty differently: evidence demonstrates that living wage legislation reduces poverty. The parties impacted by minimum wage laws and living wage laws differ as living wage legislation generally applies to a more limited sector of the population. It is estimated that workers who qualify for the living wage legislation are currently between 1-2% of the bottom quartile of wage distribution.Real life implications to living wage legislation is important to address. Raising wages can decrease job opportunities for low wage workers as it cuts costs for profit seeking organizations and companies. The pool gets smaller despite an increase in wage rates.

Neumark and Adams, in their paper, "Do living wage ordinances reduce urban poverty?", state, "There is evidence that living wage ordinances modestly reduce the poverty rates in locations in which these ordinances are enacted. However, there is no evidence that state minimum wage laws do so."

A study carried out in Hamilton, Canada by Zeng and Honig indicated that living wage workers have higher affective commitment and lower turnover intention. Workers paid a living wage were more likely to support the organization they work for in various ways including: "protecting the organizations public image, helping colleagues solve problems, improving their skills and techniques, providing suggestions or advice to a management team, and caring about the organization." The authors interpret these finding through social exchange theory, which points out the mutual obligation employers and employees feel towards each other when employees perceive they are provided favorable treatment.

Living wage estimates
As of 2003, there are 122 living wage ordinances in American cities and an additional 75 under discussion. Article 23 of the United Nations Universal Declaration of Human Rights states that "Everyone who works has the right to just and favourable remuneration ensuring for himself and for his family an existence worthy of human dignity."

In addition to legislative acts, many corporations have adopted voluntary codes of conduct. The Sullivan Principles in South Africa are an example of a voluntary code of conduct that state that firms should compensate workers to at least cover their basic needs.

In the table below, cross national comparable living wages were estimated for twelve countries and reported in local currencies and purchasing power parity (PPP). Living wage estimates for the year 2000 range from US$1.7 PPP per hour, in low-income examples, to approximately US$11.6 PPP per hour, in high-income examples.

Living wage estimates vary considerably by area, and may be calculated in different ways. In a 2019 report, the U.S. advocacy group National Low Income Housing Coalition calculated the necessary full-time hourly wage to spend 30% of income on rental of a fair-market, 2-bedroom apartment. Estimates range from a high of $36.82/hr in Hawaii (where minimum wage is $10.10/hr) to $14.26 in Arkansas (the lowest state, raising its minimum from $9.25 to $11/hr) and $9.59/hr in Puerto Rico (where minimum wage is $7.25/hr).

Living wage movements

Living Wage Foundation

The Living Wage Campaign in the United Kingdom originated in London, where it was launched in 2001 by members of the community organisation London Citizens (now Citizens UK). It engaged in a series of Living Wage campaigns and in 2005 the Greater London Authority established the Living Wage Unit to calculate the London Living Wage, although the authority had no power to enforce it. The London Living Wage was developed in 2008 when Trust for London awarded a grant of over £1 million for campaigning, research and an employer accreditation scheme. The Living Wage campaign subsequently grew into a national movement with local campaigns across the UK. The Joseph Rowntree Foundation funded the Centre for Research in Social Policy (CRSP) at Loughborough University to calculate a UK-wide Minimum Income Standard (MIS) figure, an average across the whole of the UK independent of the higher living costs in London.

In 2011 the CRSP used the MIS as the basis for developing a standard model for setting the UK Living Wage outside of London. Citizens UK, a nationwide community organising institution developed out of London Citizens, launched the Living Wage Foundation and Living Wage Employer mark. Since 2011, the Living Wage Foundation has accredited thousands of employers that pay its proposed living wage. The living wage in London is calculated by GLA Economics and the CRSP calculates the out-of-London Living Wage. Their recommended hourly rates for 2015 are £9.40 for London and £8.25 for the rest of the UK. These rates are updated annually in November. In January 2016 the Living Wage Foundation set up a new Living Wage Commission to oversee the calculation of the Living Wage rates in the UK.

In 2012, research into the costs and benefits of a living wage in London was funded by the Trust for London and carried out by Queen Mary University of London. Further research was published in 2014 in a number of reports on the potential impact of raising the UK's statutory national minimum wage to the same level as the Living Wage Foundation's living wage recommendation. This included two reports funded by the Trust for London and carried out by the Institute for Public Policy Research (IPPR) and Resolution Foundation: "Beyond the Bottom Line" and "What Price a Living Wage?" Additionally, Landman Economics published "The Economic Impact of Extending the Living Wage to all Employees in the UK".

A 2014 report by the Living Wage Commission, chaired by Doctor John Sentamu, the Archbishop of York, recommended that the UK government should pay its own workers a "living wage", but that it should be voluntary for the private sector. Data published in late 2014 by New Policy Institute and Trust for London found 20% of employees in London were paid below the Living Wage Foundation's recommended living wage between 2011 and 2013. The proportion of residents paid less than this rate was highest in Newham (37%) and Brent (32%). Research by the Office for National Statistics in 2014 indicated that at that time the proportion of jobs outside London paying less than the living wage was 23%. The equivalent figure within London was 19%. Research by Loughborough University, commissioned by Trust for London, shows 4 in 10 Londoners cannot afford a decent standard of living - that is one that allows them to meet their basic needs and participate in society at a minimum level. This is significantly higher than the 30% that fall below the standard in the UK as a whole. This represents 3.5 million Londoners, an increase of 400,000 since 2010/11. The research highlights the need to improve incomes through better wages, mainly, the London Living Wage, to ensure more Londoners reach a decent standard of living.

Ed Miliband, the leader of the Labour Party in opposition from 2010 until 2015, supported a living wage and proposed tax breaks for employers who adopted it. The Labour Party has implemented a living wage in some local councils which it controls, such as in Birmingham and Cardiff councils. The Green Party also supports the introduction of a living wage, believing that the national minimum wage should be 60% of net national average earnings. Sinn Féin also supports the introduction of a living wage for Northern Ireland. Other supporters include The Guardian newspaper columnist Polly Toynbee, Church Action on Poverty, the Scottish Low Pay Unit, and Bloomsbury Fightback!.

Republic of Ireland
There has been an active living wage campaign in the Republic of Ireland since 2014. It is supported by The Vincentian Partnership for Social Justice (VPSJ), Nevin Economic Research Institute (NERI), TASC, Social Justice Ireland, UCD School of Social Policy, Social Work and Social Justice, SIPTU, Unite the Union and the Society of St Vincent de Paul.

Below is a table of the hourly minimum wage (for adults), and the living wage recommended by the living wage campaign, for each year since 2014.

It is calculated on the basis of the VPSJ's Minimum Essential Standard of Living (MESL) research, and set by the Living Wage Technical Group, benchmarked against the cost of minimum standard of living. It is supported by the political parties Sinn Féin, Labour and the Social Democrats, while Solidarity–People Before Profit recommend a living wage of €15. Aontú support a living wage, with different regional rates, and have also recommended a "living pension."

It has been opposed by employers including Ibec and the Irish Small Firms Association (ISFA), while the supermarket chains Lidl and Aldi committed to pay all their employees the living wage in 2020.

In 2021, the Low Pay Commission began to study the living wage, and to decide if there should be different living wages for different age categories or regions.

Asia Floor Wage
Launched in 2009, Asia Floor Wage is a loose coalition of labour and other groups seeking to implement a Living Wage throughout Asia, with a particular focus on textile manufacturing. There are member associations in Bangladesh, Cambodia, Hong Kong S.A.R., India, Indonesia, Malaysia, Pakistan, the Philippines, Sri Lanka, Thailand and Turkey as well as supporters in Europe and North America. The campaign targets multinational employers who do not pay their developing world workers a living wage.

United States living wage campaigns

New York City

The proposed law will inform tax-payers of where their investment dollars go and will hold developers to more stringent employment standards. The proposed act will require developers who receive substantial tax-payer funded subsidies to pay employees a minimum living wage. The law is designed to raise quality of life and stimulate local economy. Specifically the proposed act will guarantee that workers in large developmental projects will receive a wage of at least $10.00 an hour. The living wage will get indexed so that it keeps up with cost of living increases. Furthermore, the act will require that employees who do not receive health insurance from their employer will receive an additional $1.50 an hour to subsidize their healthcare expenses. Workers employed at a subsidized development will also be entitled to the living wage guarantee.

Many city officials have opposed living wage requirements because they believe that they restrict business climate thus making cities less appealing to potential industries. Logistically cities must hire employees to administer the ordinance. Conversely advocates for the legislation have acknowledged that when wages aren't sufficient, low-wage workers are often forced to rely on public assistance in the form of food stamps or Medicaid.

James Parrott of the Fiscal Policy Institute testified during a May 2011 New York City Council meeting that real wages for low-wage workers in the city have declined substantially over the last 20 years, despite dramatic increases in average education levels. A report by the Fiscal Policy Institute indicated that business tax subsidies have grown two and a half times faster than overall New York City tax collections and asks why these public resources are invested in poverty-level jobs. Mr. Parrott testified that income inequality in New York City exceeds that of other large cities, with the highest-earning 1 percent receiving 44 percent of all income.

Miami-Dade County
The Community Coalition for a Living Wage (CCLW) was launched in 1997 in Miami, Florida, as a partnership between local anti-poverty and labor organizations Catalyst Miami, Legal Services of Greater Miami, and the South Florida AFL–CIO. The CCLW organized the successful campaign for the passage of a Miami-Dade County living wage ordinance in 1999, the first of its kind in the South. The ordinance requires Miami-Dade County and its contractors to pay all employees a living wage pegged to inflation: $12.63/hr with benefits, or $15 without (as of 2018).

University of Virginia
In February 2012, a Living Wage Campaign at the University of Virginia released a series of demands to University administrators calling for a living wage policy at the University. These demands included a requirement that the University "explicitly address" the issue by 17 February. Although University President Teresa Sullivan did respond to the demands in a mass email sent to the University community shortly before the end of the day on 17 February, the Campaign criticized her response as "intentionally misleading" and vowed to take action.

On 18 February, the campaign announced that 12 students would begin a hunger strike to publicize the plight of low-paid workers.

Criticism

Criticisms against the implementation of living wage laws have taken similar forms to those against minimum wage. Economically, both can be analyzed as a price floor for labor. A price floor, if above the equilibrium price and thus effective, necessarily leads to a surplus. This means the number of employees an employer is willing to hire at a living wage is below the number they would be willing to hire at the equilibrium wage price. Many argue that, in the context of a labor market, this would reduce the macroeconomic aggregate demand for labor across all employers, and so presume setting the minimum wage at a living wage would possibly raise unemployment. Rehn and Meidner instead proposed a higher minimum wage would induce productivity growth from structural change, reorganizing workers into different jobs across employers with different microeconomic labor demands, rather than reducing aggregate demand for labor. A large amount of empirical study has focused on the employment effects of minimum wage, much of it following a study by David Card and Alan Krueger finding no difference in unemployment rates in two states following a minimum wage increase in one.

A contention that often impedes the progression of a living wage ordinance has to do with the scope; it is controversial whether it should apply to an individual or an entire family as wages can be nuanced when there are multiple types of households among a state. Potential solutions to the complexity of a living wage ordinance include a "specific employer provision," which seeks to evaluate the pros and cons to a living wage on a company to company basis. An argument In favor of this approach asserts that it can help bolster employee morale and increase social capital.

Critics have warned of not just an increase in unemployment but also price increases and a lack of entry level jobs due to labor substitutions effects. The voluntary undertaking of a living wage is criticized as impossible due to the competitive advantage other businesses in the same market would have over the one adopting a living wage. The economic argument would be that, ceteris paribus (all other things being equal), a company that paid its workers more than required by the market would be unable to compete with those that pay according to market rates.

Another issue that has emerged is that living wages may be a less effective anti-poverty tool than other measures. Authors point to living wages as being only a limited way of addressing the problems of rising economic inequality, the increase of long-term low-wage jobs, and a decline of unions and legal protection for workers. Since living wage ordinances attempt to address the issue of a living wage, defined by some of its proponents as a family wage, rather than as an individual wage, many of the beneficiaries may already be in families that make substantially more than that necessary to provide an adequate standard of living; this argument focuses on the portion benefitting who are in poverty, rather than the portion in poverty who are benefitting. According to a survey of labor economists by the Employment Policies Institute in 2000, only 31% viewed living wages as a very or somewhat effective anti-poverty tool, while 98% viewed policies like the US earned income tax credit and general welfare grants in a similar vein. On the other hand, according to Zagros Madjd-Sadjadi, an economist with the State of California's Division of Labor Statistics and Research, the living wage may be seen by the public as preferable to other methods because it reinforces the work ethic and ensures that there is something of value produced, unlike welfare, that is often believed to be a pure cash "gift" from the public coffers."

The concept of a living wage based on its definition as a family wage has been criticized by some for emphasizing the role of men as breadwinners.

See also

Notes

References
 S Webb and B Webb, Industrial Democracy (Longmans 1902)
 Ryan, John A. Living Wage Macmillan, New York 1906
 Gertner, Jon, "What is a Living Wage?", The New York Times, 15 January 2006
 Madjd-Sadjadi, Zagros, Living Wages: The Issues and the Impact Division of Labor Statistics and Research, California Department of Industrial Relations, San Francisco, 2001
 Sklar, Holly; Mykyta, Laryssa; Wefald, Susan, "Raise The Floor: Wages and Policies That Work For All Of Us", 2002, South End Press. South End Press | Raise the Floor
 Nadeem, Shehzad, "The Living Wage Movement and the Economics of Morality,", Research in Social Movements, Conflicts, and Change 28: 137–67 (2008)

External links

 Living Wage Calculator – New York City: minimum wage/living wage/poverty wage (PSU).
 Living Wage Calculator (PSU).
 Living Wage Calculator (MIT).
 .
 Universal Living Wage Campaign.
 ACORN Living Wage campaign.
 Economic Policy Institute – Living Wage
 Economic Policy Institute – Family Budget Calculator.
 London Living Wage Unit page
 New York Living Wage Campaign.
 LaborFair Resources – Fair Labor Practices.
 Living Wage Campaign at The University of Virginia.
 Use IE techniques to determine Living Wage (Doug Miller, Northumbria University, UK).
 Measuring the Full Impact of Minimum and Living Wage Laws (Dollars & Sense Magazine).
 Living Wages, Rarity for U.S. Fast-Food Workers, Served Up in Denmark. The New York Times. (October 2014).

Wages and salaries
Catholic social teaching

Living wage


Roland Sandberg (født 16. december 1946 i Karlskrona, Sverige) er en svensk tidligere fodboldspiller (angriber).

Sandberg startede sin karriere i hjemlandet hos Åtvidaberg, hvor han vandt to svenske mesterskaber og en pokaltitel. men skiftede i 1973 til tysk fodbold. Her var han tilknyttet Kaiserslautern frem til 1978. Han sluttede karrieren af med ophold hos Kalmar FF og BK Häcken.

Sandberg spillede desuden 38 kampe og scorede 15 mål for Sveriges landshold. Han var en del af den svenske trup til VM 1974 i Vesttyskland, hvor han spillede alle holdets kampe, og scorede to mål.

Titler
Svensk mesterskab
 1972 og 1973 med Åtvidaberg

Svenska Cupen
 1970 og 1971 med Åtvidaberg

Referencer

Eksterne henvisninger

Fodboldspillere fra Sverige
Fodboldspillere fra Kalmar FF
Fodboldspillere fra BK Häcken
Fodboldspillere fra 1. FC Kaiserslautern
Fodboldspillere fra Åtvidabergs FF
Personer fra Karlskrona
Deltagere ved verdensmesterskabet i fodbold 1974

Roland Sandberg