Em matemática, particularmente em topologia, uma cobertura de um conjunto  é uma coleção de conjuntos cuja união inclui  como um subconjunto. Formalmente, se  é uma família indexada de conjuntos  então  é uma cobertura de  se

Cobertura na topologia
Coberturas são comumente usadas no contexto da topologia. Se o conjunto  é um espaço topológico, então uma cobertura  de  é uma coleção de subconjuntos  de  cuja união é todo o espaço . Nesse caso, dizemos que  cobre , ou que os conjuntos  cobrem .

Além disso, se  é um subespaço topológico de , então uma cobertura de  é uma coleção de subconjuntos  de  cuja união contém , ou seja,  é uma cobertura de  se

A diferença entre a definição de uma cobertura de um espaço topológico e uma cobertura de um subespaço topológico precisa ser levada em conta. As aplicações em análise usam efetivamente a definição de subespaço.

Seja  uma cobertura de um espaço topológico . Uma subcobertura de  é um subconjunto de  que ainda cobre .

Dizemos que  é uma cobertura aberta se cada um de seus membros for um conjunto aberto (isto é, cada  está contido em , onde é a topologia em ).

Uma cobertura de  é considerada localmente finita se cada ponto de  tem uma vizinhança que cruza apenas finitos conjuntos na cobertura. Formalmente,  é localmente finito se, para qualquer  existe alguma vizinhança  de  tal que o conjunto

seja finito. Uma cobertura de  é considerada ponto-finita se cada ponto de  estiver contido apenas em um número finito de conjuntos na cobertura. Uma cobertura é ponto-finita se for localmente finita, embora o inverso não seja necessariamente verdadeiro.

Refinamento
Um refinamento de uma cobertura  de um espaço topológico  é uma nova cobertura  de  de modo que cada conjunto em  esteja contido em algum conjunto em  . Formalmente:

  é um refinamento de  se, para todo , existe  de tal modo que .

Em outras palavras, deve existir um mapa de refinamento  que satisfaça  para cada  Esse mapa é usado, por exemplo, na cohomologia de Čech de .

Cada subcobertura também é um refinamento, mas o oposto nem sempre é verdadeiro. Uma subcortura é feita a partir de conjuntos que estão na cobertura, mas omitindo alguns deles; ao passo que um refinamento é feito a partir de quaisquer conjuntos que sejam subconjuntos dos conjuntos da cobertura.

A relação de refinamento é uma pré-ordem sobre o conjunto de coberturas de .

De modo geral, um refinamento de uma determinada estrutura representa, de certa forma, uma outra estrutura que a contém. Exemplos podem ser encontrados ao se particionar um intervalo (com um refinamento de , sendo ) e ao se analisarem topologias (com a topologia usual no espaço euclidiano sendo um refinamento da topologia trivial). Na subdivisão de complexos simpliciais (a primeira subdivisão baricêntrica de um complexo simplicial é um refinamento), a situação é ligeiramente diferente: cada simplexo no complexo mais fino é uma face de algum simplexo no complexo mais grosso, e ambos têm poliedros subjacentes iguais.

Subcobertura
Uma maneira simples de se obter uma subcobertura é omitindo-se os conjuntos contidos em outro conjunto na cobertura. Considere especificamente as coberturas  abertas. Seja  uma base topológica de  e  uma cobertura aberta de . Primeiro tome , então  é um refinamento de . Em seguida, para cada , seleciona-se um  contendo  (exigindo o axioma de escolha). Então  é uma subcobertura de . Conseqeentemente, a cardinalidade de uma subcobertura de uma cobertura aberta pode ser tão pequena quanto a de qualquer base topológica. Portanto, em particular, o segundo axioma de enumerabilidade implica em um espaço de Lindelöf.

Compacidade
A noção de coberturas é frequentemente usada para definir várias propriedades topológicas relacionadas à compactação. Um espaço topológico  é dito ser

 compacto
 se toda cobertura aberta tem uma subcobertura finita (ou, equivalentemente, se toda cobertura aberta tem um refinamento finito);
 de Lindelöf
 se toda cobertura aberta tem uma subcobertura contável (ou, equivalentemente, se toda cobertura aberta tem um refinamento contável);
 metacompacto
 se toda cobertura aberta tem um refinamento aberto ponto-finito;
 paracompacto
 se toda cobertura aberta admite um refinamento aberto localmente finito.

Dimensão de cobertura
Diz-se que um espaço topológico  possui dimensão de cobertura  se cada cobertura aberta de  tiver um refinamento aberto ponto-finito, de modo que nenhum ponto de  seja incluído em mais que  conjuntos no refinamento e se  for o valor mínimo para o qual isso é verdade. Se tal  mínimo não existir, o espaço é considerado de dimensão de cobertura infinita.

Ver também
 Atlas (topologia)
 Recobrimento
 Partição de um conjunto
 Problema de cobertura de conjuntos

Bibliografia
 Introduction to Topology, Segunda Edição, Theodore W. Gamelin & Robert Everist Greene. Dover Publications 1999.
 General Topology, John L. Kelley . D. Van Nostrand Company, Inc. Princeton, NJ. 1955.

Ligações externas

Topologia

Cobertura (matemática)


O Voleibolni Klub Yenisey Krasnoyarsk ( é um time russo de voleibol masculino da cidade de Krasnoiarsk, Sibéria. Atualmente disputa a Superliga Russa.

Histórico
A equipe de voleibol SMOLK (Sports Youth Club, 1993-1994) foi formada em Krasnoiarsk em 1993 a partir da união de jogadores conhecidos de Krasnoyarsk e jovens talentos da Escola de Esportes da Juventude. Na temporada de estreia, o time conquistou o 2º lugar no campeonato da Zona Leste da Segunda Liga e conquistou o direito de passar para a Primeira Liga.

Na temporada 1994-95, a equipe, renomeada Yenisei, terminou em primeiro lugar na fase preliminar do campeonato da Primeira Liga, mas ficou apenas em 7º na fase final e não chegou às grandes ligas. Este objetivo foi alcançado em 1997, e dois anos depois a equipe de Krasnoyarsk, que mudou seu nome para Lokomotiv-Dorozhnik, sob a liderança do treinador permanente Innokenty Efimovich Dyachkov, conquistou o direito de jogar na primeira divisão — Superliga.

Na temporada 1999-00, estreia de Dorozhnik na Superliga, a equipe ficou em 10º lugar. Suas cores foram defendidas por Gennady Slyadnev, Igor Kiselev, Vadim Frantsuzov, Yuri Marinin, Igor Smirnov, Andrei Putintsev, Alexei Maslov, Alexei Lankevich, Vladimir Sitnikov, Sergei Malyarenko, o capitão era Eduard Noskov. Os jogadores deste plantel Andrey Putintsev e Vladimir Sitnikov continuaram a jogar pelo Dorozhnik até 2010, Yuri Marinin tornou-se o treinador principal da equipa em 2005.

Resultados obtidos nas principais competições

Títulos e resultados

Campeonatos nacionais
 Liga Principal "A"
Campeão (1x): 2014-15

Elenco atual
Atletas selecionados para disputar a temporada 2021-22:  Técnico:  Yuri Filippov

Ligações externas
 Página oficial da equipe
 Yenisey Krasnoyarsk no Volleybox

Clubes de voleibol masculino da Rússia

Voleibolni Klub Yenisey Krasnoyarsk


هذه قائمة بأسماء بعض ألعاب الفيديو المنتجة عربياً

ملاحظة: في هذا الترتيب تم إهمال «ال التعريف».

مثال: «اللقاء» تم تصنيفها مع حرف (ل) وليس (ا).

أ

 أبو خشم
 أسطورة زورد
 أسد الفلوجة
 أمل الشعوب

ب

 بادية
 بوحة

ت

 تحت الحصار
 تحت الرماد

د

 درع الجزيرة
 دمار أونلاين

ر

 الركاز: في أثر ابن بطوطة

ز

 زويا محاربة من تدمر

س

 سادة الصحراء
 سيف المعرفة

ع

 عالم أريب

ف

 فرسان النور

ق

 القوة الخاصة
 القوة الخاصة 2
 قصر الأساطير
 قريش

ل

 اللقاء

ألعاب فيديو عربية
قوائم ألعاب فيديو

قائمة أسماء ألعاب الفيديو العربية


Wells County is the name of two counties in the United States:

 Wells County, Indiana
 Wells County, North Dakota

Wells County


لقاء ال ياسين هي طبيبة وسياسية عراقية. متزوجة ولها بنتان وولدان

التعليم
حصلت على بكالوريوس طب وجراحة من جامعة بغداد سنة 1984م ومن ثم تخصصت فيما بعد في اختصاص النسائية والتوليد من كلية الطب جامعة الكوفة، بحث الاختصاص باللغة الإنكليزية حول حالات الحمل العنقودي (سريريا ونسيجيا).

التدرج المهني
 طبيبة مقيمة دورية في مستشفى الكرامة التعليمي - بغداد
 طبيبة مقيمة دورية في مستشفى الكاظمية التعليمي - بغداد
 طبيبة مقيمة دورية في مستشفى ابن البلدي - مدينة الصدر
 طبيبة تدرج وممارسة مستشفى الشامية العام عيادة الطليعة - الديوانية
 طبيبة رعاية امومه وطفولة في مراكز الرعاية الصحية في النجف
 طبيبة مقيمة قدمى في فرع النسائية والتوليد مع متطلبات الاختصاص في مستشفى الزهراء في النجف (ثلاث سنوات)
 طبيبة اختصاص نسائية وتوليد في مستشفى الرميثة العام
 طبيبة اختصاص نسائية وتوليد في مستشفى السماوة للولادة والأطفال
 طبية اختصاص في مستشفى الزهراء التعليمي في النجف الاشرف
 مديرة مستشفى الزهراء التعليمي للولادة والأطفال في النجف الاشرف

نشاطاتها
اختيرت كعضو للبرلمان العراقي عن الكتلة الصدرية في سنة 2005م ولا زالت تشغل هذا المنصب إلى الآن. في الانتخابات البرلمانية 2010 فازت الدكتورة لقاء بالمركز الأول في محافظة النجف بعدد أصوات 15367 من مجموع 411 ألف ناخب.

 رئيسة لجنة الصحة والبيئة في مجلس النواب العراقي
 نائبة رئيس التحالف الوطني العراقي
 عضو اللجنة السباعية المشرفة على الانتخابات في التيار الصدرية
 حضور والمشاركة في العديد من الندوات والمهرجانات والمؤتمرات داخل وخارج العراق

وصلات خارجية
الموقع الرسمي

المراجع

أشخاص من محافظة النجف
خريجو جامعة الكوفة
خريجو كلية الطب (جامعة بغداد)
سياسيات عراقيات في القرن 21
صدريون عراقيون
طبيبات عراقيات
مواليد 1962
نواب عراقيون
أشخاص على قيد الحياة
أطباء عراقيون في القرن 21

لقاء آل ياسين


{{Ficha de taxón
| name = Carabus linnaei
| image         =Reitter Carabus4.jpg
| image_width = 240px
| image_caption = Carabus linnaei en un documento de los escarabajos del Imperio Alemán.
| regnum        = Animalia
| phylum        = Arthropoda
| subphylum     = Hexapoda
| classis       = Insecta
| ordo          = Coleoptera
| subordo       = Adephaga
| familia       = Carabidae
| subfamilia = Carabinae
| tribus = Carabini
| subtribus = Carabina| genus         = Carabus
|subgenus = Carabus (Oreocarabus)
| species       = C. linnaei| binomial = Carabus linnaei
| binomial_authority = Panzer, 1813
| synonyms      =
Carabus linnei Panzer, 1810
Orinocarabus linnaei
|}}Carabus linnaei''' es una especie de coleóptero adéfago perteneciente a la familia Carabidae.

Habita en Europa, donde se han observado en Polonia, Eslovaquia, Hungría, Ucrania, Alemania, Austria, Bulgaria, Rusia, Rumania, Italia, Moldavia y República Checa.

Referencias

Enlaces externos

 Carabus linnei on GBIF Portal

linnaei

Carabus linnaei


The Manitoba Liberal Party () is a political party in Manitoba, Canada. Its roots can be traced to the late 19th century, following the province's creation in 1870.

History

Origins and early development (to 1883)
Originally, there were no official political parties in Manitoba, although many leading politicians were affiliated with parties that existed at the national level. In Manitoba's first Legislative Assembly (1871–1874), the leader of the opposition was Edward Hay, a Liberal who represented the interests of recent anglophone immigrants from Ontario. Not a party leader as such, he was still a leading voice for the newly transplanted "Ontario Grit" tradition. In 1874, Hay served as Minister of Public Works in the government of Marc-Amable Girard, which included both Conservatives and Liberals.

During the 1870s, a Liberal network began to emerge in the city of Winnipeg. One of the key figures in this network was William Luxton, owner of the Manitoba Free Press newspaper and himself a member of the Manitoba legislature on two occasions. Luxton was not initially supportive of Premier Robert A. Davis (1874–1878), but endorsed the Davis ministry after he brought John Norquay into cabinet (Davis' early supporters were primarily from the francophone community, and Norquay's presence gave the ministry greater credibility among the anglophone population). Luxton subsequently supported Davis and Norquay against Conservative Orangeman Thomas Scott, a leader of the local opposition (not to be confused with the figure executed by Louis Riel in 1870).

Although the Davis administration was on favourable terms with federal Liberal Prime Minister Alexander Mackenzie (1873–1878), his successor Norquay was more closely aligned with the federal Conservatives. This was partly a matter of necessity. As a small province, Manitoba needed to be on favourable terms with whatever party was in power at the federal level. As such, when John A. Macdonald's Conservatives were returned to power in 1878, the local balance of power began to shift. Luxton's Liberal network supported Norquay against Scott in 1878 and 1879, but was subsequently marginalized by the Norquay government. In 1882, Norquay forged a new alliance with the province's Conservatives.

Leadership of Thomas Greenway (1883–1904)
In 1882, Thomas Greenway formed a new organization known as the Provincial Rights Party, which called for greater provincial control over resources and the railway.

Based in the province's rural areas, this group soon surpassed the Winnipeg Liberals as the dominant opposition to Norquay. After the election of 1883, Greenway united the opposition MLAs into the Manitoba Liberals (which were soon recognized as a de facto political party). For the next 21 years, Greenway's control over the party would be unchallenged.

Following the 1888 general election, Greenway's Liberals took power and formed Manitoba's first declared partisan government. As premier, Greenway ended federal disallowance of Manitoba railway legislation and the Canadian Pacific Railway's monopoly, bringing the Northern Pacific into the province to induce competition in freight rates.

The Greenway government's most notable feat in office was curtailing the rights of Manitoba's French Canadian population. Manitoba had been founded as a bilingual province, but Greenway's government provoked the Manitoba Schools Question, ending the educational rights of (predominantly French) Catholics, and making the public school system entirely English and Protestant. English became the province's sole official language.

Greenway was able to win large majorities in 1892 and 1896, based largely on single-issue populism relating to the schools question. After this was resolved in 1897, his government became increasingly directionless.

In 1899, the Liberals were defeated by the Hugh John Macdonald-led Manitoba Conservative Party.

The Liberals were unable to regain their previous support base in the decade that followed. Greenway continued to lead the party through a disastrous 1903 campaign, winning only 9 seats. He resigned in 1904 to run for federal office as MP for Lisgar.

Early 20th century
Charles Mickle was chosen parliamentary leader on December 5, 1904, and led the party until a provincial convention was held in late March 1906. That convention acclaimed Edward Brown as the party's new leader.  Brown failed to win a seat in the 1907 election, however, and resigned shortly thereafter. Mickle again became the party's legislative leader, and served as leader of the opposition until leaving politics in 1909.

Tobias Norris became Liberal leader in 1910. When the Tories under Rodmond Roblin resigned amid scandal in 1915, Norris became the province's premier, and retained the position until 1922. The Norris Liberals introduced temperance laws, suffrage for women, workers compensation, compulsory education, and minimum wage, as well as the establishment of a public-nursing system, rural farm credit, regulation of industrial conditions, and a mother's allowance for widowed dependent mothers.

The Norris administration's relationship with the Liberal Party of Canada under Wilfrid Laurier was often antagonistic. Norris withdrew funding for French-language education in 1916, at a time when the federal Liberals were attempting to regain the support of Quebec nationalists. The Manitoba Liberals also supported Robert Borden's Union government in the election of 1917 (see Conscription Crisis of 1917), and were not reconciled with the "Laurier Liberals" until 1922. Even then, they refused to officially re-align themselves with the federal party.

The Liberals were swept from power in 1922 by the United Farmers of Manitoba, who were also known as the Progressive Party. Norris continued to lead the party through most of the 1920s, but was replaced by Hugh Robson before the 1927 election (which was again won by the Progressives). Robson, in turn, resigned on January 3, 1930. He was replaced as parliamentary leader by James Breakey. In 1931, Murdoch Mackay was selected as the party's official leader.

Liberal-Progressive Party: Merger with the Progressives
Pressured by William Lyon Mackenzie King, Mackay brought the Liberals into a coalition with Premier John Bracken's Progressives before the 1932 election. The national Progressive Party had been largely absorbed into the Liberal Party of Canada by this time, and King believed that it was foolish to divide the resources of the parties within Manitoba. He was especially concerned that the Conservatives could recapture the provincial government if the Liberals and Progressives were not united.

For the election of 1932, the provincial government referred to itself as "Liberal-Progressive" (effectively a fusion of the parties, albeit one dominated by Progressives). A small group of Liberals, led by St. Boniface mayor David Campbell, opposed the merger and ran as "Continuing Liberals". They were resoundingly defeated. After the election, the Liberals of Manitoba were absorbed into the Progressive Party. Two non-coalition Liberals were elected in 1936, but they were not intended to represent a rival party.

Despite being dominated by Progressives, the merged party soon became popularly known as the "Liberal Party of Manitoba". The federal Progressive Party had long since disappeared, and the "Progressive" name had little continued meaning in Manitoba politics.

1940s and 1950s
In 1940, Bracken's Liberal-Progressives forged an even broader coalition, bringing the Conservatives, Co-operative Commonwealth Federation, and Social Credit in a "non-partisan" government. This coalition governed the province until 1950, although the CCF left in 1943.

The Liberal-Progressive governments were cautious and moderate. Bracken's government undertook few major initiatives, and was unfriendly to labour issues even during its alliance with the CCF. Following World War II, the government of Stuart Garson (who replaced Bracken as premier in January 1943) led a program of rapid rural electrification, but was otherwise as cautious as Bracken's. Garson left provincial politics in 1948 to join the federal Liberal Cabinet of Louis St. Laurent.

The government of Garson's successor, Douglas Lloyd Campbell, was socially conservative and generally opposed to state intervention of any sort. The educational system remained primitive (it was dominated by one-room schoolhouses well into the 1950s), and no significant steps were taken on language or labour issues. The province did modernize its liquor laws during this period, however. Despite its Liberal-Progressive label, Campbell's government was one of the most right-wing provincial governments in Canada. It had somewhat frosty relations with the federal Liberals in the 1950s despite Garson being an influential cabinet minister.

The Liberal-Progressives lost their majority in the 1958 provincial election by the Progressive Conservatives under Dufferin Roblin. Campbell initially hoped to stay in office with a minority government supported by the CCF, but this was brought to nothing, and the CCF threw its support to a PC minority government. However, the Manitoba PCs were dominated by Red Tories, and Roblin's government was actually well to the left of Campbell's government.

Manitoba Liberal Party: Declining popularity (1960s–1970s)
Gildas Molgat, a protégé of Campbell, became party leader in 1961. Earlier that year, the party had formally renamed itself as simply the "Manitoba Liberal Party," over only scattered objections from Progressive diehards. Molgat prevented the Liberals from falling to third-party status during the 1960s, but never posed a serious threat to Roblin's government.

Robert Bend, a former minister under Campbell, came out of retirement to lead the party in 1969. However, Bend's rural populism did not play well with urban voters. Under his leadership, the party adopted a "cowboy"/"rodeo" theme for the campaign, which made it look and sound dated. The election that followed was an unmitigated disaster; the party dropped to only five seats, the fewest it had ever won. Bend himself was unsuccessful in his bid to succeed Campbell in his own riding. A succession of leaders, including Israel Asper (1970–1975), Charles Huband (1975–1978), and Doug Lauchlan (1980–1982) were unable to prevent the party's decline.

Well into the 1970s, the party was considered very right-wing for its time, despite the Liberal label. This was especially true under Asper's leadership; during his tenure as party leader Asper supported laissez-faire economics and an end to the welfare state—putting it to the right of the Tories. The party largely distanced itself from its right-wing past in the mid-1970s. By this time, however, the province was polarized between the Tories and the New Democratic Party of Manitoba (NDP, successor to the Manitoba CCF), and the Liberals were unable to present themselves as a viable alternative. The party bottomed out in the 1981 election, when it was completely shut out of the legislature for the first time ever.

1980s–1990
In 1984, the party chose Sharon Carstairs as its new leader. She was elected to the assembly in the 1986 election, and in the 1988 election, led the party to 20 seats—its best showing since 1953—and official opposition status. This was precipitated by the unpopularity of Howard Pawley's New Democratic government, which allowed the Liberals to win the support of many centre-left voters.

The Liberals' resurgence sparked hopes that they could win the next election. This proved to be a temporary recovery. The NDP revived under Gary Doer, and the Liberals slipped back into third place in the 1990 election with only seven seats, against 20 for the NDP and 30 for the Conservatives. Many in the party felt Carstairs had squandered their best chance of winning government in three decades.

Further decline (1993–2013)
Carstairs was replaced as leader by Paul Edwards in 1993. By the time the 1995 election was called, the party had managed to recover to a strong second-place position in the polls. They ran a poor campaign, however, and were again overtaken by the NDP well before election day. Despite having almost 24% of popular support, the Liberals won only three seats and lost official party status. Edwards, who was defeated in his own riding, stepped down as party leader in 1996.

The leadership convention of 1996 exposed deep divisions in the party, as Ginny Hasselfield defeated Member of the Legislative Assembly (MLA) Kevin Lamoureux by only 21 votes. Two of the party's three MLAs (Lamoureux and Gary Kowalski) subsequently sat as "Independent Liberals", and there were threats of legal action between Hasselfield and Lamoureux. The party was only reunited when Hasselfield resigned in 1998, replaced by former federal Member of Parliament (MP) Jon Gerrard.

Liberal Party support fell by 10% in the election of 1999, which allowed Gary Doer's New Democrats to regain centre-left support and win government. Gerrard became the party's only MLA, winning election in the upscale riding of River Heights, Carstairs' old riding. The party failed to recover much of its support base in the 2003 election, although Lamoureux was able to regain his seat in north Winnipeg to become the party's second MLA.

Despite Lamoureux's re-election, the Liberal popular vote fell in 2003 even through the party managed to field a full slate of candidates (they were 7 shy in 1999). The Liberals did have more second-place finishes than in the previous election, which appeared to be a sign of a rebound. If the party had any momentum to build upon, it was negated by a weak campaign in the 2007 provincial election. Gerrard and Lamoureux were both re-elected, but the party's popular support declined to just above 12%. They also had fewer second-place finishes than they had in 1999.

Rebuilding the Party (2010s–present)
The 2011 provincial election resulted in Jon Gerrard being the only Liberal MLA being elected. He subsequently announced his intention to resign as party leader after serving in the position for 15 years.

On October 26, 2013, the Manitoba Liberal Party held a leadership convention in Winnipeg. The contested nomination saw three individuals put their name forward: Bob Axworthy (younger brother of Lloyd Axworthy, former MP, federal Minister of various portfolios, and MLA), Rana Bokhari, and Dougald Lamont. Bokhari was elected leader of the party with 431 ballots cast.

In preparation of the 2016 Manitoba general election, the Liberals nominated candidates. The party initially had high hopes for the election after a strong showing by the federal Liberals in the 2015 federal election, in which they took all but one seat in Winnipeg. By the time of the writ, Elections Manitoba disqualified 4 candidates due to improper paperwork and 1 for being an enumerator while collecting signatures for her candidacy. The Liberals found their pre-writ polling of approximately 25% fall to 14% on Election Day. On May 7, 2016, Bokhari announced that she would not lead the party into the next election but would remain on as leader until her successor was chosen. Judy Klassen served as the interim leader of the Manitoba Liberal Party until June 13, 2017, when she stepped down to become a leadership candidate. Dougald Lamont was elected Manitoba Liberal leader at the October 21, 2017 Liberal leadership election, defeating MLA Cindy Lamoureux on the second ballot by eight votes.

On July 17, 2018, Lamont won a by-election in St. Boniface that gave the Liberals official party status for the first time in 23 years. The vote followed the resignation of former NDP Premier Greg Selinger.

Lamont led the Manitoba Liberals into the 2019 provincial election with four MLAs. He was one of three Liberal MLAs returned, being re-elected in St. Boniface, while Gerrard was re-elected in River Heights, and Cindy Lamoureux won in Tyndall Park.

Lamont remained the leader for the Liberals into the 2023 provincial election. Gerrard and Lamont would be defeated by New Democrats Mike Moroz and Robert Loiselle respectively, though Lamoureux would be re-elected by an increased margin. Lamont would resign as leader of the Manitoba Liberal Party that evening. Gerrard's defeat in River Heights would mark the first time a New Democrat held the seat, the first time since 1999 that a Liberal would not, and only the second time since 1986 that a Liberal would not hold the seat after PC Mike Radcliffe held the seat from 1995–1999.

On October 17, 2023, Cindy Lamoureux was appointed as the interim party leader.

Party leaders
Liberal Party leaders

 Thomas Greenway, 1882–1904
 Charles Mickle, December 5, 1904 – March 28, 1906 (parliamentary leader)
 Edward Brown, March 28, 1906 – 1908
 Charles Mickle, January 1908 – 1910 (parliamentary leader)
 Tobias Norris, 1910 – March 20, 1927
 Hugh Robson, March 20, 1927 – January 3, 1930
 James Breakey, January 3, 1930 – June 26, 1931 (parliamentary leader)
 Murdoch Mackay, June 26, 1931 – 1932

"Continuing Liberal" leaders

 David Campbell, 1932

Liberal-Progressive Party leaders

 John Bracken, 1932 – January 1943
 Stuart Garson, January 1943 – November 1948
 Douglas Campbell, November 1948 – April 19, 1961

Liberal Party leaders (renewal)

 Gildas Molgat, April 20, 1961 – May 10, 1969
 Robert Bend, May 10, 1969 – June 25, 1969
 Stan Roberts (interim), June 25, 1969 – October 31, 1970
 Israel Asper, October 31, 1970 – February 22, 1975
 Charles Huband, February 22, 1975 – 1978
 Vacant 1978 - November 30, 1980 (Senator Gildas Molgat was party president)
 Lloyd Axworthy 1977 – 1979 (parliamentary leader)
 June Westbury 1979 – 1980 (parliamentary leader)
 Doug Lauchlan, November 30, 1980 – 1982
 Vacant 1982 - March 4, 1984 (Senator Gildas Molgat was party president)
 Sharon Carstairs, March 4, 1984 – June 4, 1993
 Paul Edwards, June 4, 1993 – October 19, 1996
 Ginny Hasselfield, October 19, 1996 – October 17, 1998
 Jon Gerrard, October 17, 1998 – October 26, 2013
 Rana Bokhari, October 26, 2013 – September 24, 2016
 Paul Hesse (acting), September 24, 2016 – October 21, 2016
Jon Gerrard, September 24, 2016 – October 21, 2016 (parliamentary leader)
 Judy Klassen (interim), October 21, 2016 – June 13, 2017 (resigned to run for leader)
 Paul Brault (acting), June 13, 2017 – October 21, 2017
Jon Gerrard, June 13, 2017 – October 21, 2017
 Dougald Lamont October 21, 2017 – October 3, 2023
 Cindy Lamoureux (interim), October 17, 2023 – present
(Note: Stan Roberts served as the party's acting leader from 1969 to 1970, after Robert Bend was defeated in the province's 1969 election. Although Lloyd Axworthy was the party's only MLA from 1977 to 1979, he was never party leader. Likewise Jon Gerrard remained the party's only MLA between 2013 and 2016 after relinquishing the party leadership in 2013.)

Election results

1Liberals for alliance with the governing Progressive Party to run joint Liberal-Progressive candidates. The parties merge and become the Liberal-Progressive Party.
2Liberal-Progressive Party renames itself the Liberal Party of Manitoba.

See also
 List of Manitoba general elections
 Manitoba Liberal Party leadership elections

References

External links

Liberal parties in Canada
Centrist parties in Canada
Organizations based in Winnipeg
Provincial political parties in Manitoba
Political parties established in 1870
1870 establishments in Manitoba

Manitoba Liberal Party


Clovis er en by i den østlige del af den amemerikanske delstat New Mexico. Clovis er county seat i Curry County, der gænser op til Texas. Ved folketællingen i 2010 havde Clovos en befolkning på 37.775 indbyggere. I 2014 var befolkningstallet estimeret til 39.860.

Clovis ligger i et landbrugsområde og er primært kendt for sin rolle i udviklingen af den tidlige rock and roll og rockabilly og for den nærliggende Cannon Air Force Base. I 1929-30 blev gjort flere arkæologiiske fund, der afdækkede den såkaldte Cloviskultur, en palæoindiansk kultur, der blev anset at være grundstammen for de senere indianerkulturer i Nord- og Mellemamerika.

Historie
Området i det østlige New Mexico var hjemsted i den forhistoriske Cloviskultur, en væsentlig gruppe af oprindelige folk i Amerika. Flere fund er foretaget i området, der udgør en turistattraktion.

Byen Clovis blev grundlagt i 1906 i forbindelse med etableringen af jernbanen 'Atchison, Topeka and Santa Fe Railway', der blev ført gennem området. Jernbanens ingeniører valgte stedet, hvor byen skulle grundlægges. Byen hed oprindeligt "Riley's Switch", men ændrede kort efter navn til Clovis, opkaldt efter Frankerkongen Klodevig 1., kaldet 'Clovis' på engelsk. Bebyggelsen voksede hurtigt, og området opnåedee i 1909 status som 'incorporated'.

Geografi og klima

Clovis ligger i den sydøstlige del af Curry County ved  ca. 14 km vest for Texas. Byens ccentrum er beliggende 1.305 meter over havets overflade

Klimaet i området er relativt tempereret med lav luftfugtighed. Der kan være kraftige vinde som følge af det flade åbne land omkring byen. Somrene er varme med lejlighedsvise hedebølger og vintrene er kolde med kraftige snedfald i januar-februar. Kraftige tordenbyger forekommer i foråret, og om sommeren er kraftig regn ved aftentide ofte forekommende. Der kan opstå tornadoer og Clovis er beliggende ved den sydlige udkant af 'Tornado Alley', en betegnelse for de områder i USA, hvor tornadoer er ofte forekommende.

Demografi
Ved folketællingen i 2010 var der 37.775 indbyggere i Clovis. Befolkningstæthedden var 563,3 indbyggere pr. 563.3/km².

Byens befolkning består i overvejende grad af indbyggere af europæisk afstamning og latinoer. Byen har en mindre befolkning af afroamerikanere.

Indkomstmedianen for en husholdning i byen var $28.878 og medianindkomsten for en familie var $33.622. Indkomsten pr. indbygger var $15.561. Omkring 21,0% af befolkningen ligger under den amerikanske fattigdomsgrænse.

Kultur

Tidlig Rock and Roll og rockabilly

Byen opnåede lokalt opmærksomhed i midten af 1950, da den husede Norman Pettys orkester 'Norman Petty Trio', der opnåede succes med lounge/pop-musik og kompositionerne "Mood Indigo" og "Almost Paradise". Norman Petty byggede et for datiden avanceret lydstudie og en række texanske musikere som Roy Orbison, Waylon Jennings, Charlie "Sugartime" Phillips og Bobby Fuller foretog indspilninger i Pettys studie i begyndelsen af deres karriere.

Mest berømt er Norman Pettys samarbejde med Buddy Holly og The Crickets, der indspillede størstedelen af deres materiale i Pettys studie i Clovis. Også efter Hollys brud med Petty fortsatte mange andre artister med at indspille i studiet i Clovis.

I film
Den anmelderroste western Hell or High Water fra 2016 er optaget primært i Clovis.

Referencer

Eksterne henvisninger
 City of Clovis official website

Byer i New Mexico
Etableret i 1906

Clovis (New Mexico)


O desfiladeiro de La Hermida é um conjunto de desfiladeiros estreitos do maciço de Ándara dos Picos da Europa, que confluem para o desfiladeiro principal, formado pelo leito do rio Deva, o qual corre entre grandes paredes quase verticais de rocha calcária, algumas co mais de 600 metros de altura. Os seus 21 km de comprimento fazem dele o desfiladeiro mais comprido de Espanha.

Situa-se no norte do país, nos municípios de Peñamellera Baja (das Astúrias), Lamasón, Peñarrubia e Tresviso (da  parte mais ocidental da Cantábria). É o único acesso natural entre a costa do mar Cantábrico e a comarca de Liébana e é percorrido pela estrada , que por sua vez é a principal ligação rodoviária entre a  e a costa cantábrica. O seu nome deve-se à aldeia de , do município de Peñarrubia. Uma área do desfiladeiro, com  hectares, está classificada como Zona de Proteção Especial de aves.

História
O desfiladeiro é uma rota importante, devido ao facto de ser praticamente o único acesso natural da comarca cantábrica de Liébana, no maciço oriental dos Picos da Europa (Ándara), ligando-a à  (o estuário do rio Deva), que marca a fronteira entre a costa ocidental da Cantábria e a costa oriental das Astúrias. No entanto, a primeira estrada construída no desfiladeiro foi aberta em 1863.

Nos montes que ladeiam o desfiladeiro há restos de estruturas tumulares megalíticas, em posições de atalaia sobre o curso do Deva, bem como pinturas rupestres pré-históricas com mais de  anos. A partir dos relatos do geógrafo romano do  Pompónio Mela, alguns estudiosos deduziram que é possível que tivesse existido uma povoação castreja dos povos pré-romanos cântabros no desfiladeiro.

A abertura da estrada em 1863 implicou uma grande melhoria da comunicação entre uma região com grande potencial mineiro (Liébana e o próprio desfiladeiro) com as regiões industriais da costa. Já antes disso tinham sido dados alguns passos que conduziram a essa união, nomeadamente o assentamento em Reocín da , na qual entrou capital francês e belga, devido ao interesse suscitado pelos recursos minerais do desfiladeiro e das áreas vizinhas. A estrada facilitou o transporte de minério através do desfiladeiro, o qual já era usado para esse fim desde finais do .

O desfiladeiro na cultura
Durante o  o local foi visitado por vários viajantes, exploradores, montanhistas, escaladores e caçadores britânicos, que o usavam para chegar aos Picos da Europa. Devido a isso, o desfiladeiro aparece em muitas ilustrações de livros da época, como por exemplo no "Highlands of Cantabria", publicado em Londres em 1885. Há extensas descrições da região feitas por vários autores britânicos dessa época, bem como diversas pinturas, nomeadamente o quadro "O Desfiladeiro de Las Hermidas em Calizas", da autoria de  , que tinha muito interesse na corrente geológica da pintura paisagística.

Flora e fauna
A acentuada inclinação das encostas que ladeiam o desfiladeiro fazem com que a vegetação seja escassa nas mesmas, mas no fundo da garganta abundam várias espécies arbóreas, entre as quais se destacam as azinheiras, tanto do lado cantábrico como no lado asturiano. Há também sobreiros, em cujos bosques também se encontra outras árvores típicas dos bosques atlânticos, como faias e carvalhos; perto de Lebeña há uma floresta de carvalhos. Nas zonas altas predomina a vegetação de alta montanha.

Na fauna destacam-se as camurças, abutres e águias, havendo também algumas populações exíguas de tetraz-grande e avistamentos ocasionais de ursos-pardos, duas espécies em perigo de extinção na Península Ibérica.

Localidades
No desfiladeiro encontram-se as seguintes povoações. A estrada N-621 não passa por todas elas; algumas situam-se na margem do rio e outras nas encostas. A maior concentração de população ocorre na parte asturiana de Peñamellera Baja, na área de Panes, onde o desfiladeiro se abre num vale relativamente largo. Na parte cantábrica, o desfiladeiro é muito estreito e está praticamente desabitado.

Notas e referências

Bibliografia

Hermida
Áreas protegidas da Espanha
Hermida
Acidentes geográficos das Astúrias
Liébana
Saja-Nansa

Desfiladeiro de La Hermida


{{DISPLAYTITLE: C3 carbon fixation}}

 carbon fixation is the most common of three metabolic pathways for carbon fixation in photosynthesis, the other two being  and CAM. This process converts carbon dioxide and ribulose bisphosphate (RuBP, a 5-carbon sugar) into two molecules of 3-phosphoglycerate through the following reaction:
CO2 + H2O + RuBP → (2) 3-phosphoglycerate

This reaction was first discovered by Melvin Calvin, Andrew Benson and James Bassham in 1950. C3 carbon fixation occurs in all plants as the first step of the Calvin–Benson cycle.  (In  and CAM plants, carbon dioxide is drawn out of malate and into this reaction rather than directly from the air.)

Plants that survive solely on  fixation ( plants) tend to thrive in areas where sunlight intensity is moderate, temperatures are moderate, carbon dioxide concentrations are around 200 ppm or higher, and groundwater is plentiful. The  plants, originating during Mesozoic and Paleozoic eras, predate the  plants and still represent approximately 95% of Earth's plant biomass, including important food crops such as rice, wheat, soybeans and barley.

 plants cannot grow in very hot areas at today's atmospheric CO2 level (significantly depleted during hundreds of millions of years from above 5000 ppm) because RuBisCO incorporates more oxygen into RuBP as temperatures increase. This leads to photorespiration (also known as the oxidative photosynthetic carbon cycle, or C2 photosynthesis), which leads to a net loss of carbon and nitrogen from the plant and can therefore limit growth.

 plants lose up to 97% of the water taken up through their roots by transpiration.  In dry areas,  plants shut their stomata to reduce water loss, but this stops  from entering the leaves and therefore reduces the concentration of  in the leaves. This lowers the :O2 ratio and therefore also increases photorespiration.  and CAM plants have adaptations that allow them to survive in hot and dry areas, and they can therefore out-compete  plants in these areas.

The isotopic signature of  plants shows higher degree of 13C depletion than the  plants, due to variation in fractionation of carbon isotopes in oxygenic photosynthesis across plant types. Specifically,  plants do not have PEP carboxylase like  plants, allowing them to only utilize ribulose-1,5-bisphosphate carboxylase (Rubisco) to fix  through the Calvin cycle. The enzyme Rubisco largely discriminates against carbon isotopes, evolving to only bind to 12C isotope compared to 13C (the heavier isotope), attributing to why there's a low 13C depletion seen in  plants compared to  plants especially since the  pathway uses PEP carboxylase in addition to Rubisco.

Variations
Not all C3 carbon fixation pathways operate at the same efficiency.

Refixation
Bamboos and the related rice have an improved C3 efficiency. This improvement might be due to its ability to recapture CO2 produced during photorespiration, a behavior termed "carbon refixation". These plants achieve refixation by growing chloroplast extensions called "stromules" around the stroma in mesophyll cells, so that any photorespired CO2 from the mitochondria has to pass through the RuBisCO-filled chloroplast.

Refixation is also performed by a wide variety of plants. The common approach involving growing a bigger bundle sheath leads down to C2 photosynthesis.

Synthetic glycolate pathway
C3 carbon fixation is prone to photorespiration (PR) during dehydration, accumulating toxic glycolate products. In the 2000s scientists used computer simulation combined with an optimization algorithm to figure out what parts of the metabolic pathway may be tuned to improve photosynthesis. According to simulation, improving glycolate metabolism would help significantly to reduce photorespiration.

Instead of optimizing specific enzymes on the PR pathway for glycolate degradation, South et al. decided to bypass PR altogether. In 2019, they transferred Chlamydomonas reinhardtii glycolate dehydrogenase and Cucurbita maxima malate synthase into the chloroplast of tobacco (a  model organism). These enzymes, plus the chloroplast's own, create a catabolic cycle: acetyl-CoA combines with glyoxylate to form malate, which is then split into pyruvate and CO2; the former in turn splits into acetyl-CoA and CO2. By forgoing all transport among organelles, all the CO2 released will go into increasing the CO2 concentration in the chloroplast, helping with refixation. The end result is 24% more biomass. An alternative using E. coli glycerate pathway produced a smaller improvement of 13%. They are now working on moving this optimization into other  crops like wheat.

References

Photosynthesis
Metabolic pathways
Carbon

C3 carbon fixation


Adela Iosif (n. 5 aprilie 2002, Cluj-Napoca, Cluj) este o jucătoare română de fotbal pe postul de fundaș.

Note

Legături externe
 Adela Iosif
 http://www.frf.ro/feminin/junioare/lotul-romaniei-u17-pentru-turul-de-elita-id23765.html
 http://www.frf.ro/feminin/echipa-nationala/tricolorele-sau-clasat-pe-locul-doi-la-balaton-cup-id24432.html

Nașteri în 2002
Nașteri pe 5 aprilie
Sportivi români în viață
Fotbaliste române

Adela Iosif


Le conseil des Hilltops () est une zone d'administration locale située dans l'État de Nouvelle-Galles du Sud en Australie.

Géographie
La zone s'étend sur  dans les South West Slopes au sud-est de la Nouvelle-Galles du Sud. L'une des principales activités économiques est la viticulture.

Il comprend la ville de Young, les villes jumelles de Harden et de Murrumburrah, ainsi que les localités de Bendick Murrell, Berremangra,
Boorowa, Bribbaree, Frogmore, Galong, Godfreys Creek, Hovells Creek, Jugiong, Kingsvale, Koorawatha, Maimuru, Milvale, Monteagle, Mount Collins, Murringo, Reids Flat, Rugby, Rye Park, Taylors Flat, Thuddungra, Wirrimah, Wombat et une partie de Wyangala.

Zones limitrophes

Histoire
Le , le gouvernement de Nouvelle-Galles du Sud décide de fusionner les zones d'administration locale de Boorowa, Harden et Young pour former le conseil des Hilltops.

Démographie
En 2016, la population s'élevait à .

Politique et administration
Le conseil comprend onze membres élus pour quatre ans, qui à leur tour élisent le maire. À la suite des élections du , le conseil est formé d'indépendants.

Liste des maires

Références

Liens externes

Visit Hilltops Region

Hilltops

Conseil des Hilltops


Lamine ahşap, değişik ölçülerdeki bağımsız ahşap tabakaların, kontrollü endüstri koşullarında ve özel bağlayıcılarla tutkallanıp birleştirilmesinden oluşur. Lamine ahşap ile kolon, kiriş, kemer, makas ve bunun gibi birçok değişik formlarda eleman üretilebilir.

Avrupa Birliği Komisyonu, küresel ısınmaya ve iklim değişikliğine karşı önemli çözümlerden biri olarak  sloganı ile ahşap kullanımını teşvik etmektedir.

Tarihçe
Lamine ahşap teknolojisi, Otto Hetzer ile dünyada tanınmış, 1901 ila 1906 arasında İsviçre ve Almanya'da; 1907 ila 1930 arasında ise tüm Avrupa'ya yayılmıştır. 1914 yılında Danimarka'da Hetzer lisansı ile, 1918'de Norveç'de, 1919'da İsviçre'de Brekke lisansı ile lamine kiriş üretimine başlanmıştır.

1910 Brüksel Dünya fuarı ve 1913 Lipsia Dünya fuarı'nda tanıtılmış ve büyük ilgi görmüştür. Hanisch ve Thompson Boat Manufacturing Firması ile bu teknolojiyi ABD'de yaygınlaştımıştır.

Kısa zamanda sivil yapılarda, kilise inşaatlarında, köprülerde kendini gösteren teknoloji, II. Dünya savaşıyla birlikte askeri yapılarda da yaygın olarak kullanılmaya başlandı. North Dakota Uçak hangarı yapısı, 1947 yılında, 46,8 m açıklık geçen kemer kirişlerle inşa edildi.

942'de Minnesota'da 52,7 m açıklıklı kirişlerle bir dizi uçak hangarı inşa edildi.
1980'li ve 1990'lı yıllarda Amerika Birleşik Devletleri'nde köprü yapımı çok yaygınlaştı. Birçok tali yol köprüsü, tutkallı ahşap olarak yenilendi. Avrupa'nın hemen tüm ülkelerinde geliştirilerek uygulanmaktadır.

Standartlar

Avrupa'da DIN 1052 genel şartnamesine göre üretilen lamine ahşap elemanlar için, metal bağlayıcılara ait özel şartname DIN 68141, deprem , statik ve dinamik mukavemet hesapları için DIN 1052 referans alınır.

Özellikleri
Çok çeşitli boy ve kesitte üretmek mümkündür. Lamine kirişler, beton, çelik ve diğer kâgir yapı elemanlarıyla kolayca birleşir. Özgün mekan tasarımına imkân tanır. Auditoryum, tiyatro, konser salonları, eğitim yapıları ve ürün teşhir/satış yapıları gibi geniş ve tek açıklıklı yapılarda geodezik kubbe, normal kubbe, piramit, tonoz, vb tüm geometrik strüktürler inşa edilebilir.

Bizatihi kendisi dekoratif bir elemandır. Kaplama ihtiyacı göstermez. Endüstriyel ve homojen bir malzeme olması, mukavemet değerlerinin bilinmesi ile kolayca hesapları yapılabilir. Hafiftir. Depreme karşı çok başarılı bir yapı malzemesidir. Yangına direnci yüksektir. Taşıma özelliğini uzun süre kaybetmez. (Çelik, yangın sürecinde 15 dakikada doğal şeklini ve taşıma yeteneğini kaybeder. Aynı zamanda çok iyi bir iletici olduğu için ısının yayılmasını da hızlandırır. Beton, çelikten iyi olmasına karşın, demir donatının beton içindeki pas payı ortadan kalktığında, inşaat demiri çelik yapıdaki gibi iletken olmakta ve yaklaşık 30 dakika sonra taşıma özellikleri ortadan kalkmakta ve bir daha kullanılamamaktadır. Ancak, ahşabın statik hesaba göre aldığı minumum kesit yangın anında minumum 30 dakika (R30) yangın direnci sağlamaktadır. 30 dakikadan sonra 0.7mm/1 dakika kesit azalması olmaktadır. Yani,ilk mimari/statik planlamada yapı elemanının kesitini baştan artırıp R30 veya R90 dirençlerine ulaşmak mümkündür.)

Paslanmaz, nefes alır. Bu yüzden, özellikle su buharı veya kimyasal gazların yer aldığı ortamlar için idealdir. Mükemmel bir ısı yalıtım değerine sahiptir. Bakım maliyeti çok azdır. Uygun ve periyodik bir şekilde bakılması onu ölümsüz bir yapı elemanı yapmaktadır. Akustik özelliği yüksek bir malzemedir.

Kaynakça

Dış bağlantılar
 Türkiye Ulusal Ahşap Birliği
 American Forest and Paper Association
 Leonardo köprüsü projesi
 Vikingskipet kapalı spor arenası

Ahşap malzemeler
Yapı teknolojileri

Lamine ahşap


Temple Run ist ein erstmals im August 2011 veröffentlichtes endloses Videospiel, auf welches ebenfalls eine Videospielserie aufbaut. Es wurde von den Imangi Studios entwickelt und steht für Windows Phone, iOS, Android und Kindle Fire zum Download zur Verfügung. Das Spiel ist kostenfrei erhältlich und wird über ein Freemium-System finanziert. In den Downloadstatistiken nimmt es eine führende Position ein.

Spielprinzip
Im Spiel geht es um eine Figur, die in einer Tempelanlage vor 6 "bösen Dämonenaffen" (Evil Demon Monkeys) flüchtet. Als Spieler muss man mithilfe des Touchscreens die Figur nach links oder rechts lenken, kann sie aber auch durch das Bewegen des Gerätes steuern. Außerdem muss man sie hochspringen oder rutschen lassen, um Hindernisse zu umgehen. Wird ein Fehler begangen, beispielsweise das Rennen über eine Abgrenzung oder in einen Abgrund, stirbt die Figur und das Spiel beginnt erneut.

Je länger man es schafft, die Figur rennen zu lassen, desto mehr Punkte erhält man. Auf dem Weg können Münzen eingesammelt werden. Diese erlauben es, zusätzliche Spielinhalte wie Power-ups, andere Spielfiguren oder Hintergrundbilder freizuschalten. Es ist möglich, die Münzen für echtes Geld käuflich zu erwerben. Weiterhin existieren bestimmte Ziele, auch "Objectives" genannt, wie etwa eine bestimmte Strecke ohne das Einsammeln von Münzen zu laufen. Erreicht man ein solches Ziel, so erhöht sich der "Multiplikator", welcher entscheidend in die Punkteberechnung mit einfließt. Somit kann man einen höheren Highscore bei gleicher Laufstrecke erlangen. Sind sämtliche Ziele erreicht sowie alle zusätzlichen Spielinhalte erworben, verbleibt die Erhöhung des Highscores als einzige Aufgabe.

Plattformen
Temple Run ist kompatibel mit dem iPod touch, dem iPhone und dem iPad ab iOS 10.0 und es gibt eine Game-Center-Einbindung.

Eine Android-Version wurde im 2. Quartal 2012 veröffentlicht. Am 6. März 2012 gaben die Entwickler bekannt, dass Temple Run ab dem 27. März in Google Play heruntergeladen werden kann, jedoch nicht für alle Android-Geräte.

Am 25. Mai 2012 wurde ebenfalls eine Version für den Amazon Kindle Fire veröffentlicht.

Seit 24. Dezember 2013 steht Temple Run für Windows Phone 8 kostenlos zur Verfügung.

Rezeption
Das Spiel wurde über 500 Millionen Mal heruntergeladen. Es gehört mit knapp 50 Millionen Spielern beim Game Center zu den meistgespielten Apps überhaupt und steht in den Top 50 der am meisten geladenen Apps. Alle Titel der "Temple Run"-Reihe zusammen können mehr als eine Milliarde Downloads verzeichnen.

Das Spiel wurde außerdem 2013 bei den Nickelodeon Kids' Choice Awards in der Kategorie Lieblings-App ausgezeichnet.

Spieleserie

Trivia
In der Map Spooky Summit, welche meist zu Halloween kostenlos spielbar ist verstecken sich verschiedene Geister in der Landschaft. Diese haben die Gesichter von Imangi Mitarbeitern.

Weblinks
 itunes.apple.com App Store – "Temple Run"
 play.google.com Google Play – "Temple Run"
 Facebook.com/TempleRun – offizielle Facebook-Seite von Temple Run
 Google Play – "Temple Run - Merida"

Einzelnachweise

Anmerkungen

Android-Spiel
Computerspiel 2011
IOS-Spiel
Jump 'n' Run
Windows-Phone-Spiel
Free-to-play-Spiel

Temple Run


Bengt Axel Bergt (nascido a 7 de maio de 1982) é um político alemão do Partido Social-Democrata da Alemanha que foi eleito como membro do Bundestag por Segeberg - Stormarn-Mitte nas eleições federais alemãs de 2021.

Ele é baterista de uma banda de música punk.

Bateristas da Alemanha
Pessoas vivas
Nascidos em 1982
Políticos da Alemanha

Bengt Bergt


Smythe Division var en division i den nordamerikanske ishockeyliga National Hockey League, der var en del af Clarence Campbell Conference. Divisionen blev oprettet i 1974 i forbindelse med en omstrukturering af ligaen, hvor holdene blev inddelt i to konferencer og fire divisioner. Divisionen eksisterede i 19 sæsoner og blev nedlagt i forbindelse med omstruktureringen i 1993, hvor den blev erstattet af Northwest Division og Pacific Division. Smythe Division var opkaldt efter Conn Smythe, der var holdejer, general manager og cheftræner i National Hockey League i mange år.

Hold

Smythe Division bestod gennem historien oftest af 5 hold, men har i kortere perioder haft deltagelse af 4 eller 6 hold, og holdsammensætningen er flere gange blevet ændret.

Resultater

Divisionsmesterskaber

Hold

Sæsoner

Divisioner i National Hockey League
Etableret i 1974
Ophørt i 1993

Smythe Division


අන්තර්ජාල අලෙවිකරණය(internet marketing) යනු අන්තර්ජාලය භාවිතා කරමින් භාණ්ඩ හා සේවා සඳහා අලෙවි ප්‍රවර්ධනය කිරීමයි. මෙයට අන්තර්ජාල වෙළදාම, විද්‍යුත් වෙළඳකරණය යන නම්ද භාවිතා වේ.

අන්තර්ජාල අලෙවිකරණය සිදුකිරීමේදී මෙය එක් එක් ප්‍රවර්ගවලට බෙදිය හැකිය. එම සියල්ල හෝ කිහිපයක් සිදුකිරීම අන්තර්ජාල අලෙවිකරණය ලෙස කිවහැක. මේ අතර අන්තර්ජාල වෙළඳ දැන්වීම්, අන්තර්ගතය අලෙවිකරණය(Content Marketing), සෙවුම් යන්ත්‍ර ප්‍රශස්තිකරණය(SEO), ඊමේල් අලෙවිකරණය(Email Marketing), සමාජ මාධ්‍ය අලෙවිකරණය(SMM) හා අනුබද්ධ අලෙවිකරණය(Affiliate Marketing) වන ප්‍රවර්ග වලට සුවිශේෂි ස්ථානයක් හිමි වේ.

අන්තර්ජාල අලෙවිකරණයෙහි වර්තමානය
අද වන විට ලෝකයේ බොහෝ රටවල අන්තර්ජාල පහසුකම් ඇති අතර, බොහෝ ව්‍යාපාරික ආයතන, රාජ්‍ය සමාගම් හා සමාජ සුබසාදන සංගම් ඔවුන්ගේ ක්‍රියාකාරකම් ප්‍රවර්ධනය කිරීම සඳහා ඉහත දක්වන ලද අන්තර්ජාල අලෙවිකරණයේ ප්‍රවර්ග පාවිච්චි කිරීමට පෙළඹී ඇත.

අන්තර්ජාලය වෙළඳ සමාගම්  බොහොමයක් සඳහා විශාල වෙළඳ  පොළක් වී ඇත. වර්තමානයේ බොහොමයක් සමාගම් අන්තර්ජාලයේ පවතින අඩුමිළ  ප්‍රචාරක සේවා හා වාණිජමය  වාසි  නිසා දියුණු  වී  ඇත. මෙය විද්‍යුත් වෙළඳකරණය වෙළදාම (e – commerce) ලෙසද හදුන්වනු  ලැබේ.මෙය එකවර පුද්ගලයන් විශාල සංඛ්‍යාවකට තොරතුරු  යැවියහැකි  වේගවත්ම ක්‍රමයයි. අන්තර්ජාලය වෙළද සවාරි යාමද විප්ලවයකට භාජනයකර ඇත. උදාහරණ ලෙස පුද්ගලයෙකුට සංයුක්ත තැටියක්(CD) අන්තර්ජාලයෙන් ඇණවුම් කරගත හැකි අතර දින කිහිපයක් ඇතුළත එය තැපැල්  මගින් ලබා ගැනීම හෝ කෙළින්ම තම පරිගණකයට බාගත කිරීම කළ හැකිය. අන්තර්ජාලය පුද්ගලී කරණ වෙළදාමට ද විශාලම පහසුකම් සපයයි. එය යම් නිෂ්පාදනයක් විශේෂිත පුද්ගලයෙකුට  හෝ පුද්ගල  කාණ්ඩයකට අලෙවිකිරීම සඳහා විශාල සහයෝගයක්  ලබා දේ.

පුද්ගලීකරණ වෙළඳාමේ උදාහරණ ලෙසින් මයි ස්පේස් (My Space), ෆෙන්ඩ්ස්ටර් (Friendster), ඕර්කට් (Orkut), ෆේස්බුක් (Facebook) පොප් අප් ශොප් (popupshop) හා දහස් ගණන් අන්තර්ජාල පරිශීලකයන් එකතු වී තමන්වම ප්‍රචාරණය කර සබැඳි මිතුරන් තනාගන්නා අනෙකුත් සමාජ දැක්විය හැක. මෙම පරිශීලකයන් බොහොමයක් කුඩා නව යොවුන් වියේ අය හා අවුරුදු 13 හා 25 අතර පරාසයේ යෞවනයන් වේ. පරිශීලකයන් තමන්වම ප්‍රචාරණය කර ගැනීමේදී ඔවුන්ගේ රුචිකම්  හා විනෝදාංශද ප්‍රචාරණය කරයි. සබැඳි වෙළඳ සමාගම් මෙම තොරතුරු  යොදා ගෙන එම පරිශීලනයන් සබැඳිව මිළ දී ගනී යැයි සිතෙන නිෂ්පාදන ප්‍රචාරණය කරයි.

References
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Internet#Marketing
අන්තර්ජාල අලෙවිකරණය

අන්තර්ජාල - අලෙවිකරණය


Sandžak is a historical geo-political region located in the southwestern part of Serbia and the eastern part of Montenegro. The name Sandžak derives from the Sanjak of Novi Pazar, a former Ottoman administrative district founded in 1865.

Various empires and kingdoms have ruled over the region. In the 12th century, Sandžak was part of the medieval Serbian region of Raška. During the Ottoman Empire's rule over the Balkans, the region became an important administrative district, with Novi Pazar as its administrative center. Sandžak was under Austro-Hungarian occupation between 1878 and 1909 until the Ottoman Empire regained control of the region in 1909. In 1912, it was divided between the Kingdom of Montenegro and the Kingdom of Serbia.

Novi Pazar serves as Sandžak's economic and cultural center and is the region's most populous city. Sandžak has a diverse and complex ethnic and religious composition, with significant Muslim, Orthodox Christian, and Catholic populations.

Etymology

The Serbo-Croatian term Sandžak (Serbian Cyrillic: ) is the transcription of Turkish sancak (sanjak, "province"); the Sanjak of Novi Pazar, known in Serbo-Croatian as Novopazarski sandžak. The Albanian variant is Sanxhaku. It is also known as Sanjak or as Raška by Serbs.

Geography
Sandžak stretches from the southeastern border of Bosnia and Herzegovina to the borders with Kosovo and Albania at an area of around 8,500 square kilometers. Six municipalities of Sandžak are in Serbia (Novi Pazar, Sjenica, Tutin, Prijepolje, Nova Varoš, and Priboj), and seven in Montenegro (Pljevlja, Bijelo Polje, Berane, Petnjica, Rožaje, Gusinje and Plav). Sometimes the Montenegrin municipality of Andrijevica is also regarded as part of Sandžak.

The most populated municipality in the region is Novi Pazar (100,410), while other large municipalities are: Pljevlja (31,060), and Priboj (27,133). In Serbia, the municipalities of Novi Pazar and Tutin are part of the Raška District, while the municipalities of Sjenica, Prijepolje, Nova Varoš, and Priboj, are part of the Zlatibor District.

History

Ottoman rule
The Serbian Despotate was conquered by the Ottoman Empire in 1455. During the Ottoman era, many inhabitants converted to Islam. The conversions were caused by number of factors, mainly economic as Muslims paid lower taxes. The Muslims were also privileged compared to Christians, who were unable to work in the administration or testify in court against Muslims. The second factor that contributed to the Islamisation were migrations. A large demographic shift occurred after the Great Turkish War. The Turks drove the mostly Slavic-speaking Christian Orthodox population northwards, while Muslims were driven to the Ottoman territory. The land abandoned by the Serbs was settled by populations from neighbouring areas who either were or became Muslim in Sandžak. Large migrations occurred throughout the 18th and 19th century. The third factor of Islamisation was the geographical location of Sandžak, which allowed it to become a trade centre, facilitating conversions amongst merchants. The tribal migrations to Sandžak had contributed a large role to its history and identity along with culture.

The second half of the 19th century was very important in terms of shaping the current ethnic and political situation in Sandžak. Austria-Hungary supported Sandžak's separation from the Ottoman Empire, or at least its autonomy within it. The reason was to prevent Serbia and Montenegro from unifying, and allow Austria-Hungary's further expansion to the Balkans. Per these plans, Sandžak was seen as part of Bosnia and Herzegovina, while its Muslim population played a significant role giving Austrian-Hungarians a pretext of protecting the Muslim minority from the Christian Orthodox Serbs.

Administratively, it was part of the Sanjak of Bosnia until 1790, when it become a separated Sanjak of Novi Pazar. However, in 1867, it become a part of the Bosnia Vilayet that consisted of seven sanjaks, including the Sanjak of Novi Pazar. This led to Sandžak Muslims identifying themselves with other Slavic Muslims in Bosnia.

A mixture of Slavic and Albanian speakers made up the Muslim population of Sandžak at the end of the nineteenth century. Albanian speakers gradually migrated or were relocated to Kosovo and Macedonia, leaving a primarily Slavic-speaking population in the rest of the region (except in a southeastern corner of Sandžak that ended up as a part of Kosovo).

Some members of the Shkreli (known as Škrijelj/) and Kelmendi beginning around 1700  migrated into the lower Pešter and Sandžak regions.The Kelmendi chief had converted to Islam, and promised to convert his people to. A total of 251 Kelmendi households (1,987 people) were resettled in the Pešter area on that occasion, however five years later part the exiled Kelmendi managed to fight their way back to their homeland, and in 1711 they sent out a large raiding force to bring back some other from Pešter too. The remaining Kelmendi and Shkreli converted to Islam and became Slavophones by the 20th century, and as of today they now self-identify as part of the Bosniak ethnicity, although in the Pešter plateau they partly utilized the Albanian language until the middle of the 20th century particuarily in the villages of Ugao, Boroštica, Doliće and Gradac. Starting in the 18th century many people originating from the Hoti tribe have migrated to and live in Sandžak, mainly in the Tutin area, but also in Sjenica.

In October 1912, during the First Balkan War, Serbian and Montenegrin troops seized Sandžak, which was then divided between the two countries. This led to the displacement of many Slavic Muslims and Albanians, who migrated to Turkey as muhajirs. These Sandžak Bosniak colonies can still be found in various cities throughout Turkey, including Edirne, Istanbul, Adapazarı, Bursa, and Samsun

After the war, Sandžak became a part of the newly formed State of Slovenes, Croats and Serbs. The region acted as a bridge between the Muslims in the West in Bosnia and Herzegovina and those in the East in Kosovo and Macedonia. However, the Slavic Muslims of Sandžak suffered economic decline due to the collapse of the Ottoman Empire, which had been their primary source of economic stability. Additionally, the agrarian reform implemented in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia worsened their economic situation, leading to the emigration of Muslims from Sandžak to the Ottoman Empire.

World War I
During World War I, Sandžak was occupied by Austria-Hungary, just as it had been between 1878 and 1908.

At the time of the First Balkan War, General Živković ordered the slaughter of 950 Albanian and Turkish notables at Sjenica after ten thousand Albanians delayed the advance of Serbian troops.

In 1919, an Albanian revolt, which later came to be known as the Plav rebellion rose up in the Rožaje, Plav and Gusinje districts, fighting against the inclusion of Sandžak in the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes. As a result, during the Serbian army's second occupation of Rožaje, which took place in 1918-1919, seven hundred Albanian citizens were slaughtered in Rožaje.  In 1919, Serb forces attacked Albanian populations in Plav and Gusinje, which had appealed to the British government for protection. About 450 local civilians were killed after the uprising was quelled. These events resulted in a large influx of Albanians migrating to Albania.

World War II

In World War II, Sandžak was the battleground of several factions. In 1941, the region was partitioned between the Italian Montenegrin protectorate, the Italian protectorate over the Kingdom of Albania and the Territory of the Military Commander in Serbia. The Muslim population was in general anti-Partisan. They were organized in small formations known in historiography as the Sandžak Muslim militia. These formations depending on their location and regional politics were affiliated to Albanian nationalist groups linked to Balli Kombëtar in central and south Sandžak or to Muslim Ustaše groups in the north. Many Orthodox Serbs organized in the Serbian nationalist Chetniks. The stance of these factions towards the Nazi forces ranged from armed resistance to open collaboration. Smaller groups of both Orthodox Serbs and Muslims organized after 1943 in the Yugoslav partisan Anti-Fascist Council of the People's Liberation of Sandžak. Each faction sought the inclusion of Sandzak in the post-war situation in separate states. Albanian militia fought for inclusion in Greater Albania and Ustaše formations wanted at least part of Sandzak to join the Bosnian Muslims of the Independent State of Croatia. Within the Yugoslavs, Muslims, Serbs and Montenegrins adopted different strategies. Muslims wanted either unification with Bosnia under a federal Yugoslavia or the establishment of an autonomous Sandžak region. Serbs and Montenegrins wanted the area to either pass entirely to Serbia or to Montenegro.

The formal partition of Sandžak between Italian and German spheres of influence was largely ignored as local politics shaped control over the area. Prijepolje which formally was within the Italian area of rule in Montenegro was in fact under the NDH-affiliated Sulejman Pačariz, while Novi Pazar in the German sphere was led by the Albanian nationalist Aqif Bluta. Clashes between Albanians and Serbs in south Sandžak began in April 1941. In other cities of Sandžak similar battles between different factions played out. Otto von Erdmannsdorf, the special envoy of Germany to Sandžak mentioned in his correspondence that up to 100,000 Albanians from Sandžak wanted to be moved from Serbia under the jurisdiction of Albania. The Italian and German forces considered to enact population exchange from Sandžak to Kosovo to stop interethnic violence between Serbs and Albanians. Peter Pfeiffer, diplomat of the Foreign Office of Germany warned that relocation plans would cause a great rift between the German army and Albanians and they were abandoned. In November 1941 as clashes continued Albanians defeated the Chetniks in the battle of Novi Pazar. The battle was followed by reprisals against the Serbs of Novi Pazar. In 1943, Chetnik forces based in Montenegro conducted a series of ethnic cleansing operations against Muslims in the Bihor region of modern-day Serbia. In May 1943, an estimated 5400 Albanian men, women and children in Bihor were massacred by Chetnik forces under Pavle Đurišić. In a reaction, the notables of the region then published a memorandum and declared themselves to be Albanians. The memorandum was sent to Prime Minister Ekrem Libohova whom they asked to intervene so the region could be united to the Albanian kingdom. It has been estimated that 9,000 Muslims were killed in total by the Chetniks and affiliated groups during the war in Sandžak. The Jewish community of Novi Pazar was initially not harassed because the city didn't have any considerable concentration of German forces, but on March 2, 1942 the city's Jews were rounded up by the German army and killed in extermination camps (the men in Bubanj and the women and children in Sajmište).

1943 year saw the creation of the SS-police "self-defence" regiment Sandžak, being formed by joining three battalions of Albanian collaborationist troops with one battalion of the Sandžak Muslim militia. At one point around 2,000 members of the SS regiment operated in Sjenica. Its leader was Sulejman Pačariz, an Islamic cleric of Albanian origin.

The Anti-Fascist Council of People's Liberation of Sandžak (AVNOS) had been founded on 20 November 1943 in Pljevlja. In January 1944, the Land Assembly of Montenegro and the Bay of Kotor claimed Sandžak as part of a future Montenegrin federal unit. However, in March, the Communist Party opposed this, insisting that Sandžak's representatives at AVNOJ should decide on the matter.  In February 1945, the Presidency of the AVNOJ made a decision to oppose the Sandžak's autonomy. The AVNOJ explained that the Sandžak did not have a national basis for an autonomy and opposed crumbling of the Serbian and Montenegrin totality. On 29 March 1945 in Novi Pazar, the AVNOS accepted the decision of the AVNOJ and divided itself between Serbia and Montenegro. Sandžak was divided based on the 1912 demarcation line.

Yugoslav era

Economically, Sandžak remained undeveloped. It had a small amount of crude and low-revenue industry. Freight was transported by trucks over poor roads. Schools for business students, which remained poor in general education, were opened for working-class youth. The Sandžak had no faculty, not even a department or any school of higher education.

Sandžak saw a process of industrialisation, during which factories were opened in several cities, including Novi Pazar, Prijepolje, Priboj, Ivangrad, while the coal mines were opened in the Prijepolje area. The urbanisation caused a major social and economic shift. Many people left villages for towns. The national composition of the urban centres was changed to the disadvantage of the Muslims, as most of those who inhabited the cities were Serbs. The Muslims continued to lose their economic status, continuing the trend inherited from the time of the collapse of the Ottoman Empire and the agrarian reform in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia. The emigration of the Muslims to Turkey also continued, caused by the general underdevelopment of the region, disagreement with the communist authorities and the mistrust with the Serbs and Montenegrins, but also due to the nationalisation and expropriation of property. Serbs from Sandžak also moved to the wealthier regions of the central Serbia or to Belgrade or Vojvodina, while the Muslims moved to Bosnia and Herzegovina as well.

Autonomy referendum of 1991
Between 25 and 27 October 1991, a referendum on Sandžak's autonomy was held, organized by the Muslim National Council of Sandžak (MNVS) which consisted of the Muslim Party of Democratic Action (SDA) and other Bosnian Muslim organizations and parties. It was declared illegal by Serbia. According to the SDA, 70.2% of the population participated in the referendum with 98.92% voting in favor of autonomy.

Modern period
With the democratic changes in Serbia in 2000, the ethnic Bosniaks were enabled to start participating in the political life in Serbia and Montenegro, including Rasim Ljajić, an ethnic Bosniak, who was a minister in the Government of Serbia and Montenegro, and Rifat Rastoder, who is the Deputy President of the Parliament of Montenegro. Census data shows a general emigration of all nationalities from this underdeveloped region.

Demographics

Historical
The population of the sanjak of Novi Pazar was ethnically and religiously diverse. In 1878-81, Muslim Slav muhacirs (refugees) from areas which became part of Montenegro, settled in the sanjak. As Ottoman institutions only registered religious affiliation, official Ottoman statistics about ethnicity do not exist. Austrian, Bulgarian and Serbian consulates in the area produced their own ethnographic estimations about the sanjak. In general, three main groups lived in the region: Orthodox Serbs, Muslim and Catholic Albanians and Muslim Slavs (noted in contemporary sources as Bosniaks). Small communities of Romani, Turks and Jews lived mainly in towns. The Bulgarian foreign ministry compiled a report in 1901-02. The five kazas (districs) of the sanjak of the Novi Pazar at that time were: Akova, Sjenica, Kolašin, Novi Pazar and Nova Varoš. According to the Bulgarian report, in the kaza of Akova there were 47 Albanian villages which had 1,266 households. Serbs lived in 11 villages which had 216 households. The town of Akova (Bijelo Polje) had 100 Albanian and Serb households. There were also mixed villages - inhabited by both Serbs and Albanians - which had 115 households with 575 inhabitants. The kaza of Sjenica was inhabited mainly by Orthodox Serbs (69 villages with 624 households) and Bosnian Muslims (46 villages with 655 households). Seventeen villages had a population of both Orthodox Serbs and Bosnian Muslims. Albanians (505 households) lived exclusively in the town of Sjenica. The kaza of Novi Pazar had 1,749 households in 244 Serb villages and 896 households in 81 Albanian villages. Nine villages inhabited by both Serbs and Albanians had 173 households. The town of Novi Pazar had a total of 1,749 Serb and Albanian households with 8,745 inhabitants. The kaza of Kolašin had 27 Albanian villages with 732 households and 5 Serb villages with 75 households. The administrative centre of the kaza, Šahovići, had 25 Albanian households. The kaza of Novi Varoš, according the Bulgarian report, had 19 Serbian villages with 298 households and "one Bosnian village with 200 houses". Novi Varoš had 725 Serb and some Albanian households.

The last official registration of the population of the sanjak of Novi Pazar before the Balkan Wars was conducted in 1910. The 1910 Ottoman census recorded 52,833 Muslims and 27,814 Orthodox Serbs. About 65% of the population were Muslims and 35% Serbian Orthodox. The majority of the Muslim population were Albanians.

The last Yugoslav pre-war census of 1931 counted in Bijelo Polje, Prijepolje, Nova Varoš, Pljevlja, Priboj, Sjenica and Štavica a total population of 204,068. They were mostly counted as Orthodox Serbs or Montenegrins (56.48%) and Bosnian Muslims (43.09%).

Contemporary
Sandžak is a very ethnically diverse region. Most Bosniaks declared themselves ethnic Muslims in 1991 census. By the 2002-2003 census, however, most of them declared themselves Bosniaks. There is still a significant minority that identify as Muslims (by ethnicity). There are still some Albanian villages (Boroštica, Doliće and Ugao) in the Pešter region. There were a larger presence of Albanians in Sandžak in the past, however due to various factors such as migration, assimilation, along with mixing, many identify as Bosniaks instead. Catholic Albanian groups which settled in Tutin and Pešter in the early 18th century were converted to Islam in that period. Their descendants make up the large majority of the population of Tutin and the Pešter plateau.

The Slavic dialect of Gusinje and Plav (sometimes considered part of Sandžak) shows very high structural influence from Albanian. Its uniqueness in terms of language contact between Albanian and Slavic is explained by the fact that most Slavic-speakers in today's Plav and Gusinje are of Albanian origin.

The total population of the municipalities of Sandžak in Serbia and Montenegro is around 385,666. A plurality of people in Sandžak  identify as Bosniaks. They form 52.05% (197,754) of the region's population. Serbs form 30.03% (114,121), Montenegrins 6.97% (26,494), ethnic Muslims 4.71% (17,879), and Albanians 1.06% (4,035). About 19,687 (5.18%) people belong to smaller communities or have chosen to not declare an ethnic identity.

Religion in Sandžak is also as diverse as the ethnic composition, most of the Bosniaks being Muslim while a majority of the Serbs being Orthodox Christian. However, because of the prolonged Ottoman occupation, Sandžak is more Muslim orientated.

Gallery

See also
 Bosniaks
 Bosniaks of Serbia
 Bosniaks of Montenegro
 Geography of Serbia
 Geography of Montenegro
 Greater Bosnia

References

Notes

Sources

External links

 News from Sandžak sandzaknews.net
 Novi Pazar
 Info about Sandžak
 Bosniak National Council in Serbia
 Community of the Sandžak diaspora
 Centre for Bosniak Study & Bošnjačka riječ magazine

Historical regions in Serbia
Historical regions in Montenegro
Geography of Šumadija and Western Serbia
Countries and territories where Bosnian is an official language
Montenegro–Serbia border
Bosnia and Herzegovina–Serbia border
Bosnia and Herzegovina–Montenegro border
Kosovo–Montenegro border
Kosovo–Serbia border
Albanian communities in Serbia

Sandžak


Rosemiro Rocha Freires, mais conhecido como Rosemiro Rocha (Gurupá, ) é um empresário e político brasileiro. Filiado ao Partido Liberal, exerceu os cargos de prefeito de Santana e deputado estadual do Amapá.

Carreira política
Começou a carreira política em 1988 ao ser eleito prefeito de Santana pelo PMDB.

Nas eleições de 1994 é eleito deputado estadual pelo Partido Liberal, sendo reeleito em 1998. .

Em 2000, é eleito para a Prefeitura de Santana, renunciando a sua cadeira na ALAP. Em 2004, no entanto, é derrotado por Antônio Nogueira (PT), por uma diferença de quase 4% dos votos .  Tenta uma vaga a deputado estadual mais uma vez, em 2006, mas tem a candidatura indeferida
. Já nas eleições de 2008, novamente é candidato a prefeito de Santana, sendo derrotado mais uma vez por Antônio Nogueira.

Rosemiro é pai do também ex-prefeito de Santana, Robson Rocha, e da ex-deputada Mira Rocha. Também foi casado com a ex-deputada Jozi Araújo.

Controvérsias

Compra de votos e abuso de poder econômico
Em novembro de 2015, Rosemiro e seus filhos, o então prefeito de Santana, Robson Rocha, e a deputada estadual Mira Rocha, foram alvos de denúncia da Procuradoria Regional Eleitoral pelo crime de compra de votos nas eleições de 2014, na qual Mira foi reeleita deputada
. Segundo a denúncia, que envolve ainda um ex-secretário, Robson teria contratado seis servidores para trabalhar no Centro da Juventude, órgão ligado à Prefeitura. Os recém- contratados, contudo, eram obrigados a votar e atuar nas campanhas de Mira e de Marcos Reátegui, o que configura crime de abuso de poder econômico. Robson teria auxílio da Secretaria de Administração, que teria exonerado funcionários sem justa causa, para abrir vagas na prefeitura, prática proibida porque ocorreu em período eleitoral, segundo a denúncia. Rosemiro, de acordo com a denúncia, fazia parte da liderança da quadrilha. O ex-prefeito também teria atuado na campanha de sua ex-mulher Jozi Araújo, mas ela não foi incluída no processo. Em fevereiro de 2017, Mira, Robson, Rosemiro e o ex-coordenador da Casa da Juventude de Santana, Antônio Gilberto Souza Paiva, foram condenados a perda dos direitos políticos e pagamento de multa, além da pena de quatro anos de prisão. Mira teve seu diploma cassado pelo TRE, e, consequentemente, seu mandato foi cassado em 2018.

Improbidade administrativa
Em ação movida pelo Ministério Público, no dia 13 de janeiro de 2016, Rosemiro foi condenado a dois anos e dois meses de prisão, pena que depois foi convertida em pagamento de multa de R$3 mil reais e prestação de serviço comunitário por dois meses. O ex-prefeito foi denunciado à Justiça Federal em 2011, por não prestar contas de recursos federais repassados ao município entre os anos de 2001 e 2004. À época, o município de Santana firmou convênio com o antigo Ministério de Assistência Social (MAS) – atual Ministério do Desenvolvimento Social e Combate à Fome – no valor de mais de R$ 20 mil. A maior parte do montante deveria ser aplicada na manutenção do Programa Sentinela, de atendimento especializado a crianças, adolescentes e famílias vítimas de violência sexual, mas não houve prestação de contas sobre a destinação dada aos recursos.

Naturais de Gurupá
Membros do Partido Trabalhista Brasileiro
Membros do Partido Liberal (2006)
Deputados estaduais do Amapá
Prefeitos de Santana (Amapá)
Condenados por corrupção
Membros do Movimento Democrático Brasileiro (1980)

Rosemiro Rocha


O Simpósio das Conferências Episcopais da África e Madagascar (S.C.E.A.M.,  • ) é uma associação dos bispos da Igreja Católica na África, incluindo Madagascar, que congrega os bispos locais.

História
O Simpósio das Conferências Episcopais da África e Madagascar nasceu da vontade dos jovens bispos africanos durante o Concílio Vaticano II (1962-1965), pois queriam falar de forma unificada com a Igreja. Seu estabelecimento é o resultado da resolução dos bispos de construir uma estrutura continental a fim de levar a visão africana a toda a Igreja.

Vendo a importância desta Associação para a África, a Congregação para a Evangelização dos Povos convidou os presidentes das Conferências Episcopais do continente para uma consulta em 1968. Um ano depois, a primeira visita de um Papa à África foi considerada muito oportuna para lançar o Simpósio das Conferências Episcopais da África e Madagascar quando o Papa Paulo VI foi recebido em Kampala para o lançamento oficial do SECAM.

Missão
Sua missão é "promover o seu papel de sinal e instrumento de salvação e construir a Igreja Família de Deus na África", preservar e promover a comunhão, a colaboração e a ação conjunta entre todas as Conferências Episcopais da África e das Ilhas. Assim, o Simpósio, por meio das Conferências Episcopais, promove a Propagação da Fé, o Desenvolvimento Humano, o Ecumenismo, a Formação e a Consulta.

Estrutura
Possui um conselho presidencial, um secretariado Geral e comitês especiais: o comitê sobre Doutrina e Pastoral, comitê Social e Legal, o comitê de Finanças e Administração, o comitê de Assuntos Africanos e a união de colaboração africana.

Presidentes
 Laurean Rugambwa (1969)
 Paul Zoungrana (1969–1978)
 Hyacinthe Thiandoum (1978–1981)
 Paul Zoungrana (1981–1984)
 Joseph-Albert Malula (1984–1987)
 Gabriel Gonsum Ganaka (1987–1990)
 Christian Wiyghan Tumi (1991–1994)
 Gabriel Gonsum Ganaka (1994–1997)
 Laurent Monsengwo Pasinya (1997–2003)
 John Olorunfemi Onaiyekan (2003–2007)
 Polycarp Pengo (2007–2013)
 Gabriel Mbilingi (2013–2019)
 Philippe Nakellentuba Ouédraogo (2019–2022)
 Richard Kuuia Baawobr, M. Afr. (2022)
 Fridolin Ambongo Besungu, O.F.M. Cap. (desde 2023)

Membros

Conferências episcopais regionais
 Associação das Conferências Episcopais da África Central (Association des  Conférences  Episcopales de l'Afrique Centrale, ACEAC)
 Associação das Conferências Episcopais da Região da África Central (Association des Conférences  Episcopales de la Région de l'Afrique Central, ACERAC)
 Associação das Conferências Episcopais da África Ocidental Anglófona (Association of Episcopal Conferences of Anglophone West Africa, AECAWA)
 Associação dos membros das Conferências Episcopais da África Oriental (Association of Member Episcopal Conferences in Eastern Africa, AMECEA)
 Conferência Episcopal Regional da África Ocidental Francófona (Conférence Episcopale Régionale de l'Afrique de l'Ouest Francophone, CERAO)
 Encontro Inter-regional dos Bispos do Sul da África (Inter-Regional Meeting of Bishops of Southern Africa, IMBISA)

Conferências episcopais nacionais ou inter-regionais
 Conferência Episcopal de Angola e São Tomé (CEAST)
 Conferência Episcopal de Burkina-Níger (Conférence Episcopale du Burkina-Niger)
 Conferência dos Bispos Católicos do Burundi (Conférence des Evêques catholiques du Burundi, C.E.CA.B.)
 Conferência Episcopal Nacional dos Camarões (Conférence Episcopale Nationale du Cameroun, CENC)
 Conferência Episcopal do Chade, (Conférence Episcopale du Tchad)
 Conferência Episcopal do Congo (Conférence Episcopale du Congo)
 Conferência Episcopal Nacional do Congo (Conférence Episcopale du Zaïre, CEZ)
 Conferência Episcopal da Costa do Marfim (Conférence Episcopale de la Côte d'Ivoire)
 Conferência Episcopal da Etiópia (Ethiopian Episcopal Conference)
 Conferência Episcopal do Gabão (Conférence Episcopale du Gabon)
 Conferência Inter-territorial dos Bispos Católicos de Gâmbia e Serra Leoa (Inter-Territorial Catholic Bishops' Conference of The Gambia and Sierra Leone, ITCABIC)
 Conferência dos Bispos de Gana (Ghana Bishops' Conference)
 Conferência Episcopal da Guiné (Conférence Episcopale de la Guinée)
 Conferência Episcopal da Guiné Equatorial (Conférence Episcopale de Guinea Ecuatorial)
 Conferência Episcopal do Quênia (Kenya Episcopal Conference, KEC)
 Conferência dos Bispos Católicos do Lesoto (Lesotho Catholic Bishops' Conference)
 Conferência Episcopal de Madagascar (Conférence episcopale de Madagascar)
 Conferência Episcopal de Malawi (Episcopal Conference of Malawi)
 Conferência Episcopal do Mali (Conférence Episcopale du Mali)
 Conferência Episcopal de Moçambique (CEM)
 Conferência dos Bispos Católicos Namibianos (Namibian Catholic Bishops' Conference, NCBC)
 Conferência dos Bispos Católicos da Nigéria (Catholic Bishops Conference of Nigeria)
 Conferência Episcopal do Oceano Índico (Conférence Episcopale de l'Océan Indien, CEDOI)
 Conferência Episcopal Regional do Norte da África (Conférence Episcopale Regionale du Nord de l'Afrique, CERNA)
 Conferência Episcopal Centroafricana (Conférence Episcopale Centrafricaine, CECA)
 Conferência Episcopal de Ruanda (Conférence Episcopale du Rwanda, C.Ep.R.)
 Conferência dos Bispos do Senegal, da Mauritânia, de Cabo Verde e da Guiné-Bissau (Conférence des Evêques du Sénégal, de la Mauritanie, du Cap-Vert et de Guinée-Bissau)
 Conferência dos Bispos Católicos da África Meridional (Southern African Catholic Bishops' Conference, SACBC)
 Conferência dos Bispos Católicos do Sudão (Sudan Catholic Bishops' Conference, SCBC)
 Conferência Episcopal da Tanzânia (Tanzania Episcopal Conference, TEC)
 Conferência Episcopal de Togo (Conférence Episcopale du Togo)
 Conferência Episcopal de Uganda (Uganda Episcopal Conference, UEC)
 Conferência Episcopal do Zâmbia (Zambia Episcopal Conference)
 Conferência dos Bispos Católicos do Zimbábue (Zimbabwe Catholic Bishops' Conference, ZCBC)

Ligações externas

Igreja Católica na África


Conacul Zichy din Voivodeni este un ansamblu de monumente istorice aflat pe teritoriul satului Voivodeni, comuna Voivodeni.

Istoric și trăsături
Ansamblul conacului din Voivodeni este compus din două clădiri separate, cu caracter diferit: o aripă cu axa longitudinală nord-sud, cu un cerdac cu arcade semicirculare pe fațada dinspre curte și o clădire cu planimetrie dreptunghiulară, având un portic clasicizant cu coloane.

Corpul cu arcade semicirculare pare a fi clădirea mai veche a ansamblului, datând din secolul al XVIII-lea. Pe harta topografică militară austriacă din 1769–1773 apare deja o clădire lungă pe locul conacului, care este identică, probabil, cu corpul existent și astăzi.

Clădirea principală a conacului este, pe baza caracteristicilor de stil, una mai nouă, reconstruită la începutul secolului al XIX-lea. Acest corp central, acoperit cu o șarpantă în două ape, dispune pe fațada de sud de 7 axe, în cea din mijloc fiind situată intrarea principală a clădirii, accentuată de porticul de factură clasicizantă.

Note

Bibliografie
Ion Dorin Narcis, Castele, palate și conace din România, editura Fundației Culturale Române, București, 2001 ISBN 973-577-320-1.
József Biró, Erdélyi kastélyok, Budapest [1943].

Galerie de imagini

Monumente istorice din județul Mureș
Conace din România

Conacul Zichy din Voivodeni


الإيه.جي.إم-45 شرايك  هو صاروخ مضاد للرادار أمريكي صمم لتدمير رادارات وسائل الدفاع الجوي. أنتج الصاروخ من عام 1962 إلى 1986 واستبدل بصاروخ إيه جي إم-88 هارم في خدمة القوات الأمريكية عام 1992.

طور الشرايك بواسطة مركز أسلحة الجو البحرية في كاليفورنيا عام 1958 بتركيب باحث لجسم الصاروخ إيه آي إم-7 سبارو.

المصادر

أسلحة الولايات المتحدة
تكساس إنسترومنتس
صواريخ جو سطح من صنع الولايات المتحدة
صواريخ مضادة للإشعاعات
صواريخ موجهة
عتاد عسكري استحدث في عقد 1960

إيه جي إم-45 شرايك


Canada Square is a square at Canary Wharf, on the Isle of Dogs in London's Docklands. It is in the London Borough of Tower Hamlets in the East End of Central London along the River Thames.  Canada Square is surrounded by three of the tallest buildings in the United Kingdom, including One Canada Square, which was the tallest building in the United Kingdom from 1990 until late 2010, when it was surpassed by The Shard.

The complex is named for Canada by Olympia and York, the original developers of the site owned by the Reichmann family of Toronto.

The complex and the square is served by Canary Wharf Underground station on the Jubilee line and Canary Wharf DLR station on the Docklands Light Railway.

Buildings over 60 metres

See also
 Trafalgar Square
 Canary Wharf

References

External links
 Canada Square
 Canary Wharf

Canary Wharf buildings
Squares in the London Borough of Tower Hamlets
Streets in the London Borough of Tower Hamlets
Tourist attractions in the London Borough of Tower Hamlets

Canada Square