The Wm. Wrigley Jr. Company, known as the Wrigley Company, is an American multinational candy and chewing gum company, based in the Global Innovation Center (GIC) in Goose Island, Chicago, Illinois.

Wrigley's is wholly owned by Mars, Incorporated, and, along with Mars chocolate bars and other candy products, makes up Mars Wrigley Confectionery. It is the largest manufacturer and marketer of chewing gum in the world.

The company currently sells its products in over 180 countries and districts, operates in over 50 countries, and has 21 production facilities in 14 countries.

History

The company was founded on April 1, 1891, in Chicago, Illinois by William Wrigley Jr. Wrigley's gum was traditionally made out of chicle, sourced largely from Central America. In 1952, in response to Decree 900, land reforms attempting to end feudal working conditions for peasant farmers in Guatemala, Wrigley's discontinued purchasing chicle from that country. In the 1960s, Wrigley's changed the composition of its chewing gum from using chicle to synthetic rubber, which was cheaper to manufacture.

Wrigley's announced the closure of its Santa Cruz, California manufacturing plant in April 1996. The plant had been built in 1955. The 385,000-square-foot manufacturing facility was put on the market in October 1996 for US$11.3 million, or about $30 a square foot.

In 2005, Wrigley purchased Life Savers and Altoids from Kraft Foods for US$1.5 billion. On January 23, 2007, Wrigley signed a purchase agreement to acquire an 80% initial interest in A. Korkunov for $300 million with the remaining 20% to be acquired over time. On April 28, 2008, Mars, Incorporated announced that it would acquire Wrigley for approximately $23 billion. Financing for the transaction was provided by Berkshire Hathaway, Goldman Sachs, and JPMorgan; Berkshire Hathaway held a minority equity investment in Wrigley until October 2016.

The Wrigley Building on Michigan Avenue, one of Chicago's best-known landmarks on the Magnificent Mile, was originally the company's global headquarters until 2011, when it was sold to an investor group that included Zeller Realty Group as well as Groupon co-founders Eric Lefkofsky and Brad Keywell. The company has been headquartered in the GIC since 2012.

In 2016, Mars announced that Wrigley would be merged with its chocolate segment to form a new subsidiary, Mars Wrigley Confectionery. The new company will maintain global offices in Chicago, while moving its U.S. offices to New Jersey, in Hackettstown and Newark, respectively.

Corporate leadership

1891–1932: William Wrigley Jr.

In 1891, 29-year-old William Wrigley Jr. (1861–1932) came to Chicago from Philadelphia with $32 and the idea to start a business selling Wrigley's Scouring Soap. Wrigley offered premiums as an incentive to buy his soap, such as baking powder. Later in his career, he switched to the baking powder business, in which he began offering two packages of chewing gum for each purchase of a can of baking powder. The popular premium, chewing gum, began to seem more promising, prompting another switch in product focus. Wrigley also became the majority owner of the Chicago Cubs in 1921.

1932–1961: Philip K. Wrigley
After William Wrigley Jr. died, his son Philip K. Wrigley (1894–1977) assumed his father's position as CEO of the Wrigley Company. Wrigley is most well known for his unusual move to support US troops and protect the reputation of the Wrigley brand during World War II, in which he dedicated the entire output of Wrigley's Spearmint, Doublemint, and Juicy Fruit to the US Armed Forces. Wrigley launched the "Remember this Wrapper" ad campaign to keep the Wrigley brands on the minds of the customers during times of wartime rationing. Wrigley's P.K. brand was named after P.K. Wrigley.

1961–1999: William Wrigley III
In 1961, Philip K. Wrigley handed control to his son, William Wrigley III (1933–1999). Wrigley led a strategic global expansion by establishing Wrigley facilities in nine new countries. On June 26, 1974, a Marsh Supermarket in Troy, Ohio installed the first bar code scanning equipment. The first product to be scanned using a Universal Product Code (UPC) bar code was a 10-pack of Wrigley's Juicy Fruit gum. (This pack of gum is now on display at the Smithsonian Institution's National Museum of American History.) In 1984, Wrigley introduced a new gum, Extra, which followed the new trend of sugar-free gums in the US. Wrigley also assumed control of the Chicago Cubs after his father's death in 1977, and sold the team to the Chicago Tribune in 1981.

1999–2006: William Wrigley IV
William "Beau" Wrigley IV (1963–), following the death of Wrigley III (his father), led the sugar-free gum campaign across Europe, Australia, Spain, India, and China. In 2005, Kraft Foods sold the Life Savers and Altoids businesses to Wrigley in exchange for $1.5 billion as part of a reorganization plan. Wrigley helped establish the Wrigley Science Institute (WSI) in 2006 to study the oral health benefits of gum chewing. The WSI investigates the effects of gum chewing on weight management, stress relief, concentration, and oral health.

2006–2008: William Perez
On October 23, 2006, William D. Perez (1948–) succeeded Bill Wrigley as CEO, becoming the first person outside the Wrigley family to head the company. In 2007, the company debuted 5 Gum in the US. The 5 Gum brand was marketed using cinematic TV commercials portraying "How it feels to chew 5 Gum." Perez led the efforts of improving slimmer packaging (Slim Pack) with flavor improvements across both Extra and Wrigley brands.

2008–2011: Dushan "Duke" Petrovich
Dushan Petrovich (1954–) succeeded Perez almost immediately after Mars, Incorporated's 2008 purchase of Wrigley. In 2009, Wrigley's Global Innovation Center received the LEED Gold Certification through Wrigley's commitment to global sustainability. In the 2010 Olympic Games in Vancouver, British Columbia, Wrigley was the Official Confectionery Supplier of the games, in which the company sported Olympic-themed packs and products.

2011–2017: Martin Radvan
Martin Radvan became the president of the Wrigley Company after Petrovich. He is responsible for the company's worldwide strategy, operations, and business performance.

2017 to present: Andrew Clarke

Subsidiaries
 The Wrigley Company Limited
 Amurol Confections Company
 Northwestern Flavors, LLC

Brands

Gum

United States
 Juicy Fruit (1893)
 Spearmint (1893)
 Doublemint (1914)
 Freedent (1975)
 Big Red (1975)
 Hubba Bubba (1979)
 Extra (1984)
 Winterfresh (1994)
 Orbit (1899; 1944; reintroduced 2001)
 Eclipse (2001)
 5 (2007)

Canada
 5
 Doublemint
 Excel
 Excel Mist
 Excel White
 Extra
 Extra Professional
 Extra Professional White
 Hubba Bubba
 Juicy Fruit
 Freedent

The Wrigley Company Ltd., Estover, Plymouth, UK
 Airwaves
 Hubba Bubba
 Doublemint
 Extra
 Altoids
 Juicy Fruit
 Tunes
 Rondo – a mint flavored candy brand owned by Wrigley Company. It was, prior to 2008, a brand of parent company Mars Incorporated.
 Wrigley's Spearmint
 Lockets

Additional products and brands
 Altoids
 Big Boy
 Big G
 Big League Chew (until November 2010)
 Boomer
 Bubble Tape
 Cool Air
 Eclipse
 Excel
 Hubba Bubba
 Life Savers
 Gummi Savers

 Life Saver Minis
 Life Saver Fusions
 Creme Savers
 PimPom
 P.K.
 Skittles
 Solano
 Starburst
 Sugus
 Lockets
 TaTa
 Tunes

Alpine Gum
Alpine Gum was a gum made by Wrigley's, and was only sold in Canada. It is an alternative to cough syrup. It cools the throat and relieves sore throat pain. Alpine was discontinued in 2005.

Alert Gum
In 2013, Wrigley temporarily halted production and sales of its new Alert energy gum after the US Food and Drug Administration said it would investigate the safety of added caffeine in food products.

See also

 Wrigley Building
 Wrigley Field—Chicago
 Wrigley Field—Los Angeles
 Wrigley Institute for Environmental Studies—Catalina Island
 Wrigley Rooftops
 Wrigley Square
 Wrigleyville

References

External links

 Company profile at Yahoo!

Mars, Incorporated
Food and drink companies established in 1891
Confectionery companies of the United States
Chewing gum
Irish-American history
2008 mergers and acquisitions
1891 establishments in Illinois

Wrigley Company


An Aloe brachystachys in uska species han Liliopsida nga ginhulagway ni John Gilbert Baker. An Aloe brachystachys in nahilalakip ha genus nga Aloe, ngan familia nga Xanthorrhoeaceae. Ginklasipika han IUCN an species komo nadudultan.

Mabibilngan ini ha Tanzania. Waray hini subspecies nga nakalista.

Mga kasarigan

Mga sumpay ha gawas

Image gallery

Aloe

Aloe brachystachys


මළල ක්‍රීඩා ජවන හා පිටිය මළල ක්‍රීඩා ලෙස ද හැඳින්වේ. එය දිවී‍ම , විසි කිරීම හා පැනීම යන ඉසව්වලින් සමන්විත වේ. මෙම නම සෑදී ඇත්තේ "ඇත්ලෝස්" නම් වන ග්‍රීක වචනයෙනි. එහි තේරුම "තරඟය" නම් වේ.

ක්‍රීඩා

මලල ක්‍රීඩා


Mürseloğlu, Adana ilinin Seyhan ilçesine bağlı bir mahalledir.

Coğrafya
Adana iline 28 km, Seyhan ilçesine 28 km uzaklıktadır.

Nüfus

Seyhan'ın mahalleleri

Mürseloğlu, Seyhan


Indice de prosperidad Legatum
Calidad de vida

El índice de prosperidad Legatum es un ranking anual elaborado por el Instituto Legatum, propiedad del grupo de inversión privada Legatum Limited. Agrupa a 167 países, de acuerdo a una variedad de factores, entre ellos la riqueza, el crecimiento económico, el bienestar personal y calidad de vida. En el informe de 2023 la lista está encabezada por Dinamarca, Suecia, Noruega, Finlandia y Suiza. El primer país de habla española era España (puesto 24), seguido de Chile (36), Uruguay (38) y Costa Rica (39).

Metodología
El Índice Legatum de Prosperidad 2010 está basado en 89 variables analizadas en 110 naciones de todo el mundo. Fuente de datos incluye Gallup World Poll, la OMC, Indicadores de Desarrollo Mundial, el PIB de la Organización Mundial de la Propiedad Intelectual, Informe de Desarrollo Humano, Banco Mundial, la OCDE, la Encuesta Mundial de Valores. Las 89 variables se agrupan en ocho subíndices que se promedian con el mismo peso, y que se enumeran a continuación:

 Economía

 Emprendedores y Oportunidades

 Gobernabilidad

 Educación

 Salud

 Seguridad y Protección

 Libertad Personal

 Capital Social

Por ejemplo, la libertad personal incluye la libertad de expresión y de religión, la tolerancia nacional para los inmigrantes y las minorías étnicas y raciales. El subíndice de capital social incluye el porcentaje de ciudadanos que trabajan como voluntarios, donan dinero a causas solidarias, ayudan a las personas desconocidas y sienten que pueden confiar en la familia y amigos.

Oxford Analytica contribuyó al desarrollo inicial del Índice de Prosperidad y contribuyó a la metodología y el análisis. En la actualidad, el Instituto Legatum se encarga de desarrollar y publicar el índice.

Clasificaciones y puntuaciones por países

2023

2020

2019

2009

2008

Instituto Legatum
El Instituto Legatum, el editor del índice, es un Think tank financiado de forma privada fundado en 2007 y situado en Mayfair, Londres. Es financiado por el Grupo Legatum, que incluye el gestor de fondos de inversión Legatum Capital, el fondo de inversión Legatum Ventures, la organización filantrópica Fundación Legatum, y el Legatum Center for Development And Entrepreneurship at Massachusetts Institute of Technology, una colaboración con el MIT que financia a emprendedores estudiantes de mercados en desarrollo.

Personal
El Índice de Prosperidad es revisado y criticado (aunque no necesariamente han sido aprobadas en su totalidad) por un panel asesor de académicos y expertos que representan a una amplia gama de disciplinas e incluye: Dr. Terry Babcock-Lumish (Universidad de Oxford), el Dr. Daniel Drezner (Tufts University), el Dr. Peter Feaver (Duke University), Dr. Carol Graham (Brookings Institution), el Dr. Robert Jensen (Universidad de California, Los Ángeles), el Dr. Stephen Krasner (Stanford University), Dr. Michael Kremer (Universidad de Harvard), el Dr. Philip Levy (American Enterprise Institute), el Dr. Edmund Malesky (Universidad de California, San Diego), el Dr. Ann Owen (Hamilton College), el Dr. Robert Putnam (Harvard University), el Dr. Allan Stam (Universidad de Míchigan).

Referencias

Enlaces externos

 Legatum Prosperity Index Report 2008.

 Legatum Prosperity Index Report 2007.

 www.li.com Legatum Institute.

 Personal Prosperiscope - run by the Legatum Institute.

Índice de prosperidad Legatum


Papunáua je rijeka u Kolumbiji, desna pritoka rijeke Inírida. Pripada porječju rijeke Orinoco.

Izvori

Rand McNally, The New International Atlas, 1993.

Rijeke u Kolumbiji
Porječje Guaviare

Papunáua


"ද පෝස්ට්-මොඩර්න් ප්‍රොමිතියස්" (සිංහල: "පශ්චාත්-නූතන ප්‍රොමිතියස්") යනුවෙන් හැඳින්වෙන්නේ ඇමරිකානු විද්‍යා ප්‍රබන්ධ රූපවාහිනී කතාමාලාවක් වන ද එක්ස්-ෆයිල්ස් හි පස්වන කථාවාරයේ පස්වන කථාංගයයි. මෙහි මුල් විකාශය 1997 නොවැම්බර් 30 දින ෆොක්ස් රූපවාහිනී ජාලය ඔස්සේ සිදු විය. කතාමාලාවේ නිර්මාතෘ ක්‍රිස් කාටර් විසින් රචනා සහ අධ්‍යක්ෂණය කළ "ද පෝස්ට්-මොඩර්න් ප්‍රොමිතියස්" යනු  "සතියේ රාක්ෂයා" වර්ගයේ කථාංගයකි. එනම් ස්වාධීන කථපුවතක් වන මෙය ද එක්ස්-ෆයිල්ස් හි පුරාණෝක්තිවේදය හා සම්බන්ධ නොවූවකි. මුල් විකාශයේදී ම මිලියන 18.68ක පිරිසක් නැරඹූ "ද පෝස්ට්-මොඩර්න් ප්‍රොමිතියස්" 11.5ක නීල්සන් ගෘහස්ථ ප්‍රමාණනයක් හිමිකරගත්තේ ය. 1998 එමී සම්මාන උළෙලේ දී සම්මාන හතක් සඳහා නිර්දේශ වූ මෙම කථාංගය එක් සම්මානයක් හිමිකරගත්තේ ය. මෙය සමස්තයක් ලෙස ධනාත්මක ප්‍රතිචාර ලැබී ය; ඇතැම් විචාරකයන් එය සම්භාව්‍ය කෘතියක් යැයි නම් කරද්දී තවකෙක් එය වැඩසටහනේ පස්වන කථාවාරයේ වඩාත්ම විස්මය දනවන තනි කථාංගය යැයි පැවසූහ.

කථාව ගෙතී ඇත්තේ එක්ස්-ෆයිල් නැමැති අස්වාභාවික සිද්ධීන් සම්බන්ධයෙන් විමර්ශනය කරන එෆ්බීඅයි විශේෂ නියෝජිත ෆොක්ස් මෝල්ඩර් (ඩේවිඩ් ඩකෝව්නි) සහ ඩේනා ස්කලී (ගිලියන් ඇන්ඩර්සන්) වටා ය. මෝල්ඩර් මෙම පාරස්වාභාවික සිදුවීම් පිළිබඳ විශ්වාස කරන්නකු වන අතර සංශයවාදී ස්කලීව මුලින් පත්කොට තිබුණේ ඔහුගේ බොරු හෙළිදරව් කිරීමටයි. මෙම කථාංගයේ දී මෝල්ඩර් සහ ස්කලී මැදිවියේ කාන්තාවක ගැබ්ගැන්වූයේ යැයි පැවසෙන අද්භූත ජීවියකු පිළිබඳ විමර්ශනය කරති. එහිදී ඔවුන් අනාවරණය කරගන්නේ ද ග්‍රේට් මුටේටෝ යැයි නම්කළ එම "රාක්ෂයා" සැබැවින්ම ෆ්‍රැන්කන්ස්ටයින්-ආකාරයේ වෛද්‍යවරයකුගේ ජානමය නිර්මාණයක් බවයි. මුලින් ප්‍රතික්ෂේප වුව ද, පසුව ජනයා ද ග්‍රේට් මුටේටෝව පිළිගනිති.

Carter's story draws heavily on Mary Shelley's Frankenstein and particularly on James Whale's 1931 film version of the story. The script had been written specifically with singer Cher and actress Roseanne Barr in mind, but both were unavailable at the time of shooting. Talk-show host Jerry Springer appeared as himself, and Chris Owens—who appeared in later episodes as FBI agent Jeffrey Spender—played The Great Mutato. The episode was filmed in black-and-white, with a sky backdrop created to imitate the style of old Frankenstein films. Owens wore makeup and prosthetics that took several hours to apply.

Plot
The episode begins in the guise of a comic book; FBI special agent Fox Mulder (David Duchovny) receives a letter from Shaineh Berkowitz (Pattie Tierce), a single mother who claims to have been mysteriously impregnated, while unconscious, by an unknown presence 18 years ago, resulting in the birth of her son, Izzy (Stewart Gale). Now, following a similarly unexplained attack, she is pregnant again. She has heard about Mulder's expertise in the paranormal from The Jerry Springer Show and wants him to investigate. Mulder and his partner, special agent Dana Scully (Gillian Anderson), travel to rural Albion, Indiana. They meet Shaineh and her son Izzy and learn that the description of the creature that attacked her, with a lumpy head and two mouths, is very similar to a comic book character invented by Izzy. His monstrous creation, called The Great Mutato, is inspired by a mysterious creature that has been seen by many of the locals. Izzy and his friends take the agents to a wooded area where they see Mutato (Chris Owens) from a distance.

They meet an old man who angrily tells them that there are no monsters and sends them to see his son, a geneticist named Francis Pollidori (John O'Hurley). Dr. Pollidori shows them his experiments studying the Hox gene using the fruit fly Drosophila. This presentation includes images of a fly with legs growing out of its mouth. He tells the agents that the same kind of experiment could, in theory, be performed on humans. Afterward, Mulder tells Scully that he believes that Dr. Pollidori, acting as a modern-day Victor Frankenstein, has created The Great Mutato. Later, Dr. Pollidori's wife Elizabeth (Miriam Smith) is knocked unconscious and is attacked in the same manner as Shaineh. At the crime scene, Mulder and Scully find a chemical residue from an agricultural agent used to anesthetize animals, which leads them to suspect Dr. Pollidori's father, who is a farmer. Dr. Pollidori comes to his father's house, angrily confronts him, and murders him. Later, Mutato, who lives with Pollidori Sr., finds his dead body and tearfully buries it in a barn.

Mulder and Scully go looking for Pollidori Sr. and find a shallow grave and photographs of the dead man with Mutato. Meanwhile, Dr. Pollidori leads an angry mob of townspeople to his father's house, demanding that Mulder and Scully turn the alleged murderer over to them. The agents find Mutato hiding in the basement as the crowd gathers upstairs. Someone accidentally sets the barn alight and in the ensuing confusion, the mob realize that the agents are protecting the monster in the basement. Mutato speaks to the crowd and explains that he was created 25 years before, and that he is the result of a genetic experiment by Dr. Pollidori. Unbeknownst to his son, Pollidori Sr. rescued Mutato and cared for him, but was unable to provide a friend or a mate for the boy. The old man attempted to emulate his scientist son's experiments, and tried to create hybrids from his farm animals. Mutato asks Dr. Pollidori to create a female companion for him, but the scientist says that he cannot—that Mutato was a mistake. The townspeople realize that The Great Mutato is not a monster after all and Dr. Pollidori is arrested for the murder of his father. Mulder feels that it is unjust for Mutato not to get a mate and so he demands to see the writer: Izzy. In a fanciful, if not imagined, scene, Mulder and Scully take matters into their own hands and take Mutato, along with the townspeople, to a Cher concert. The episode ends with a shot of Mulder and Scully dancing, which slowly turns back into the comic book seen at the beginning of the episode.

Production

Conception

Going into the fifth season of The X-Files, series creator Chris Carter noted, "we knew we were going to be hitting these very dramatic marks which were the mythology episodes, and we wanted to lighten, or leaven, the season with quirky episodes." Carter wanted to write a Frankenstein-inspired episode, but found it difficult to reconcile Mary Shelley's unbelievable tale with the style of the show. To achieve his vision, he wrote a script that blurred the real world with the X-Files reality and that had a distinct fantasy element. Carter combined elements of the original story with fairy tales and elements of folk tales. In order to make the episode "as moving" as possible, Carter sought to echo elements of James Whale's 1931 film version of Frankenstein. He later noted that, by "using modern science, I took an old style, which is black and white, and an old approach, which is a kind of James Whale approach to science fiction, and came up with a story about a love-lorn monster".

The idea for the genetic engineering story was developed with the help of the series' science adviser, Anne Simon. Carter visited a friend of Simon, a scientist at Indiana University in Bloomington, who had been able to genetically manipulate flies so that they grew legs from their eyes. After Carter had created the character of The Great Mutato, he discovered that cartoonist Matt Groening had already created a character with the same name—although with different pronunciation—for a comic book entry of The Simpsons. Carter contacted Groening, who gave Carter permission to use the name. Like two-thirds of the episodes of the series, "The Post-Modern Prometheus" is a "Monster-of-the-Week" episode, a stand-alone plot which is unconnected to the overarching mythology of The X-Files.

නළුවරණය

Cher's music plays a role in "The Post-Modern Prometheus", Chris Carter having written the episode after spending a summer listening to Cher records and developing a fixation on the singer. Carter knew that Cher's half-sister Georganne LaPiere was a major X-Files fan, and Carter learned through LaPiere that Cher herself was intrigued by the show and would be interested in making an X-Files guest appearance. Sitcom star Roseanne Barr also expressed an interest in guesting on The X-Files, and Carter wrote the part of Shaineh Berkowitz specifically for her. Barr, however, was unavailable at the time of shooting—her projected role was filled by Pattie Tierce— while Cher passed on the proffered cameo appearance performing as herself, a decision for which she later expressed regret: "I wanted them to ask me to come on and act—then they just wanted me to come on and sing ... Just to come on and be myself wasn't anything I'd want to do until I saw [the finished episode]" — "Had I [foreseen] the quality of [it] I would have done it in a heartbeat." Cher did authorize the use of three of her tracks on the episode's soundtrack including "Walking in Memphis" heard at the episode's conclusion while ostensibly performed onstage by celebrity impersonator Tracey Bell—filmed in longshot or from the back or overheard—as Cher. Although Bell was credited for the role, Cher's fans responded to the episode's premiere with online speculation as to whether the singer had pseudonymously appeared in the episode.  Tabloid talk show host Jerry Springer appeared as himself. These casting choices went against a long-standing tradition on The X-Files of only casting actors who were not well-known.

Seinfeld regular John O'Hurley had auditioned for several roles on the show but Carter had not previously thought of him as "an X-Files actor". For the part of Dr. Pollidori, however, Carter considered him "the absolute perfect casting choice". Stewart Gale, who played Izzy Berkowitz, was a non-actor who was sitting on the back of a truck when Carter passed. Carter convinced Gale's father—who was initially suspicious of the director's credentials—to let Gale travel to Vancouver to take part in the episode. The characters of Izzy's friends were also played by inexperienced actors. One was a snake handler on the set of The X-Files feature film—the shooting of which overlapped that of season five—and the other worked at a Vancouver coffee shop that Carter frequented.

The Great Mutato was played by Chris Owens, unrecognizable in heavy makeup. Owens had played a younger version of The Smoking Man in two episodes of season four and was later cast as the recurring character of FBI special agent Jeffrey Spender. During his audition, Owens noted, "Chris said, 'Okay, did you ever see Elephant Man? ... What I'm looking for is dignity. He's got dignity. But he's definitely mutated'". After Owens heeded Carter's instructions and attempted to bring dignity to the audition, Carter requested that he try it again "with less autism".

රූ ගත කෙරුම

The first five seasons of The X-Files, including "The Post-Modern Prometheus", were filmed in Vancouver. It was the third episode of the program that Carter directed; He decided to film the episode in black-and-white—in homage to James Whale—which brought more challenges than he expected. The director of photography, Joel Ransom, had to spend longer than usual lighting each scene because of the grayscale. The stormy skies in the episode, added to emulate the atmosphere of old Frankenstein movies, were a visual effect. Carter also used a wide-angle camera lens throughout the episode, which forced the actors to act directly to the camera, rather than to each other. According to Carter, it also enabled him to give scenes in the episode a more surreal staging than was usual for the show.

The makeup for the character of The Great Mutato was designed and created by special effects supervisor Tony Lindala. The Mutato mask went through several design iterations on paper, including 10–15 drawings and a color rendition. Constructed from latex, and containing an articulated second mouth, it cost $40,000 and took between five and seven hours to apply. In addition to the mask, Chris Owens wore contact lenses and dentures. Owens later recalled that "the makeup had taken seven hours, and then I had sat around for three or four. And now I was going to sit in the dark, and I could only see out of one eye. They put a big contact lens in." Initial versions of the costume were deemed "too human looking" and so a newer design was chosen.

Lindala also created "Baby Mutato" costumes for the twin infants featured in The Jerry Springer Show scene, but the production crew had difficulty keeping the costumes on the children. Lindala later said, "[t]he little babies kept tearing their hair off, we kept gluing it back on". Lindala was happy that the episode was filmed in black and white because it helped "the prosthetic [because] it is difficult to work in a foam piece that long and not recognize it as a painted, opaque, false translucency." Lindala later called the filming technique the "saving grace" of the episode. In addition, he later submitted his makeup for the episode to the Academy of Television Arts & Sciences in an attempt to be nominated for an Emmy Award.

Music and cultural references
The episode was scored by series composer Mark Snow, and was, according to him, his best episode score of the fifth season. He described the main theme as "a very dark, macabre, insidious sort of nasty waltz". The episode's main theme is also greatly inspired by The Elephant Man'''s theme song by John Morris. Three songs are heard in the versions sung by Cher during the episode: "The Sun Ain't Gonna Shine Anymore", "Gypsies, Tramps & Thieves" and "Walking in Memphis". The latter is played at the end of the episode when the agents take The Great Mutato to a Cher concert. In the episode, the character watches Cher's 1985 movie Mask, and derives comfort from the loving relationship between Cher's character and her son, who has a disfiguring genetic bone disorder. At the end of the episode, Mulder and Scully take The Great Mutato from his small town to a Cher concert, where she picks him out of the crowd to dance.

The episode contains several cultural references. First, the episode's title is a reference to both the subtitle for Shelley's original novel, The Modern Prometheus, and to the postmodernist school of thought. Postmodernism has been described as a "style and concept in the arts, architecture, and criticism, [that] is characterized by the self-conscious use of earlier styles and conventions, a mixing of different artistic styles and media, and a general distrust of theories." Furthermore, the Frankenstein-like doctor shares the name—albeit with a slightly different spelling—of Shelley's contemporary, John William Polidori, who was present at the conception of her novel. Several lines in the episode come directly from James Whale's 1931 movie Frankenstein.

 Themes
"The Post-Modern Prometheus" is the most obvious reference to Frankenstein made by the series, although traces of the story are seen elsewhere in the first season episode "Young at Heart" and the sixth season episode "The Beginning". In addition, the series' overarching mythology revolves around shadowy Syndicate leaders who salvage alien spacecraft for their own technological use and create human-alien hybrids. The episode contains themes relating to motherhood and sexuality. According to film studies writer Linda Badley, this episode, and season four's "Home", foreshadow Scully's impending motherhood and her realization, in following episodes "Christmas Carol" and "Emily", that she has been used to create a human-alien hybrid, Emily. Diane Negra, in her book Off-White Hollywood: American Culture and Ethnic Female Stardom, points out that while The Great Mutato impregnates both Shaineh Berkowitz and Elizabeth Pollidori without their consent or knowledge, it is "an oversimplification" to label the monster as a rapist, because both Berkowitz and Pollidori "desire for children through unconventional means". Thus, Mutato's acts allow for the two women to get what they desperately desire in a moment of "magical resolution".

Eric Bumpus and Tim Moranville, in their book Cease Fire, the War Is Over!, propose that the episode—and by extension, the series as a whole—is a rejection of "modernity's naturalism" and an acceptance of "post-modernity's mystic supernaturalism". The two argue that, while in stereotypical "great science fiction" the monster created usually runs amok, in "The Post-Modern Prometheus", the creature is "a lovable success". Furthermore, the Indiana townspeople represent "the religious nuts [who] in the end ... turn out to be right". Bumpus and Moranville consider them the "secondary heroes" of the episode, right after The Great Mutato himself.

Despite her physical absence from the entry, Cher's presence can be felt throughout the narrative. Negra argues that Cher's "flamboyant and self-authored body" is used as a metaphor for "the possibility of self-transformation". In addition, her voice, heard via songs like "Walking in Memphis", is associated with the idea of "circumvent[ing] patriarchy." Negra notes that Cher's music is used in scenes during The Great Mutato's sexual encounters with women. Negra asserts that "this juxtaposition of sound and image cues our perception that we have entered the realm of carnival where the normal order of things is inverted." Todd VanDerWerff of The A.V. Club reasons that the ending was not the actual conclusion of the episode, but rather the fanciful and elaborate happy ending that was concocted by Izzy Berkowitz, the writer of the comic book, after talking to Mulder. In this manner, VanDerWeff notes, "the episode abandons logic and reality and, for lack of a better word, transcends." Meghan Deans from Tor.com postulates that the entire episode never happened "[f]rom a canonical perspective" due to the entry's comic book setting, the various meta-references and the "happy ending".

පිළිගැනීම

Ratings
"The Post-Modern Prometheus" was first broadcast in the United States on November 30, 1997, on the Fox network, and was first broadcast in the United Kingdom on March 29, 1998, on Sky One. The episode earned a Nielsen rating of 11.5, with a 16 share, meaning that roughly 11.5 percent of all television-equipped households and 16 percent of households watching television were tuned in. Nielsen ratings are audience measurement systems that determine the audience size and composition of television programming in the United States. It was viewed by 18.68 million viewers. "The Post-Modern Prometheus" was the eleventh most watched television program for the week ending November 30.

Reviews
"The Post-Modern Prometheus" received generally positive reviews from critics. Mike Duffy, a Knight Ridder correspondent, wrote a largely positive article on the episode, noting that although the episode was special, this did not make it feel like a gimmick. He wrote, "when most shows blow promotional smoke about 'a very special episode,' it's best to check the Hollywood Hype-O-Meter for wretched, excessive buzzing [but] what sounds like a gimmick—'a very special black-and-white episode' loosely based on the horror movie classic Frankenstein actually turns out to be a ripping good ride on 'X-Files' creator Chris Carter's wigged-out storytelling train." A review from the Mobile Register wrote that "Like the very best X-Files episodes, this one combines a generous amount of humor with its horror." In a review of the entire fifth season, Michael Sauter of Entertainment Weekly said that "The Post-Modern Prometheus" was the "most striking" of the season's stand-alone episodes. Todd VanDerWerff awarded the episode with an "A" grade, and, despite noting the silliness of the story and the fact that most of the characters function as stereotypes, wrote that "'Prometheus' just works". In a 2000 review of season five for the New Straits Times, Francis Dass called "The Post-Modern Prometheus" a "fun episode".

Lionel Green of the Sand Mountain Reporter named the entry the greatest episode of the series and called the ending "one of the most uplifting finales in the series." Writing for the Daily News, Eric Mink gave the episode a rating of four stars and praised it as an outstanding episode in a weak early fifth season of the show. He said that the two leads acted flawlessly and that Chris Owens' performance as The Great Mutato was especially touching. He concluded that, "[w]ith Shelley's classic as inspiration, Carter and company have created a classic of their own." Elaine Linere from the Corpus Christi Caller-Times called the episode "brilliantly written" and named it "a classic among many for this always-intriguing, ever-inventive series." She particularly praised the "heart-tugging, romantic" ending. Matthew Gilbert of The Boston Globe called the episode "a memorable X-Files from start to finish", due in part to its "extraordinary visual flair" and "atmospheric black and white" footage. Furthermore, Gilbert positively critiqued Carter's writing and directing, saying he "keeps his balance between drama, low-key humor, [and] allusive wit". Margaret Lyons of New York called the entry "one of the great TV episodes of all time". Nick De Semlyen and James White of Empire named it the fifth "greatest" episode of the series and wrote that "[Chris Carter] plays with style and form, turning the entire episode into a loving homage to Universal monster movies in general and James Whale's 1931 Frankenstein in particular". In the 1999 FX Thanksgiving Marathon, containing fan-selected episodes, "The Post-Modern Prometheus" was presented as the "Best Stand-Alone Episode". Connie Ogle from The Miami Herald named The Great Mutato one of "the greatest monsters" that were featured on The X-Files.

Robert Shearman and Lars Pearson, in their book Wanting to Believe: A Critical Guide to The X-Files, Millennium & The Lone Gunmen, rated the episode two stars out of five and criticized various elements of the episode's direction. They wrote, "Chris Carter the writer has come up with something playful and light and charming. And Chris Carter the director has stamped all over it and made it so arch and obvious and dull that it kills it stone dead." Shearman and Pearson praised the idea of "a town which feels like an X-Files audience", but derided the episode's comic book setting and wrote that "this play on post-modernism just doesn't make any sense [in that format, because] a comic has action, a way of jumping from frame to frame ... this is languorous and self-indulgent." Paula Vitaris from Cinefantastique'' gave the episode a moderately negative review and awarded it one-and-a-half stars out of four. She wrote that the episode "falls flatter than the chemical pancakes used to anesthetize the victims of this episode" due to its "collection of situations and observances that bear little relation to each other." Vitaris also criticized the scene wherein various characters are compared to animals, and commented, "the mean spiritedness of [the plot] is mind-boggling". Finally, she called the episode's conclusion a "false ending".

Awards
The episode was nominated for seven awards at the 1998 Emmys by the Academy of Television Arts & Sciences, including Outstanding Directing and Outstanding Writing for Chris Carter. Graeme Murray, Greg Loewen and Shirley Inget won the award for Outstanding Art Direction. Carter was also nominated for an award for Outstanding Directing by the Directors Guild of America.

සටහන්

පාදක සටහන්

ආශ්‍රේයයන්

බාහිර සබැඳි

"ද පෝස්ට්-මොඩර්න් ප්‍රොමිතියස් " සඳහා XFiles.com හි ඇති තොරතුරු

1997 ඇමරිකානු රූපවාහිනී කථාංග
චේර්
ප්‍රබන්ධ තුළ ඉන්ඩියානා
ද එක්ස්-ෆයිල්ස් (වාරය 5) කථාංග
ෆ්‍රැන්කන්ස්ටයින් පාදක කරගත් නිර්මාණ
කළු-සහ-සුදු රූපවාහිනී කථාංග

ද පෝස්ට්-මොඩර්න් ප්‍රොමිතියස්


Le Choral ou Choral pour grand orgue en si bémol majeur, op. 139, est une œuvre de la compositrice Mel Bonis, datant de 1913.

Composition
Mel Bonis compose son Choral pour grand orgue en si bémol majeur en 1913. L'œuvre est dédiée à Ermend-Bonnal. Elle est publiée en 1937 et rééditée en 1971 par les éditions Carrara puis par les éditions Armiane en 2011.

L'abbé Joubert, organiste de Luçon, a reçu six pièces pour orgue de la compositrice parmi lesquelles le Choral.

Analyse
Le Choral aurait dû faire partie d'un projet de Dix Pièces pour orgue. Il aurait aussi pu être relié au Prélude et Fuguette, op. 98 et à la Communion (ou Invocation), op. 151.
L'œuvre est en forme de variations. De plus, c'est l'une des œuvres de la compositrice qui se rapproche le plus des œuvres de César Franck.

Réception
Le Choral est donné à l'église Notre-Dame de Rennes le 13 ou le 18 novembre 1934 par Charles-Augustin Collin, concert qui semble être le seul concert d'orgue mentionnant la compositrice de son vivant.

Références

Sources

Liens externes

Œuvre de Mel Bonis
Œuvre réalisée en 1913�

Choral de Bonis


ටියුනීසියානු ජනරජය අප්‍රිකාවේ උතුරු දිගින් පිහිටි රටකි. එහි මායිම් බටහිරින් ඇල්ජීරියා, ගිනිකොණ දෙසින් ලිබියාව වේ. උතුරින් සහ නැගෙනහිරින් මධ්‍යධරණි මුහුදට සීමාවේ. වර්ග ප්‍රමාණය ව.කි.මී. 165,000 හා ජනගහනය මිලියන 10.3 වන අතර එහි නම වන තුනීෂියා යන්න එහි අගනුවර වන ටියුනිස් වලින් පැවතේ. ඇට්ලස් කඳු මායිම අතර පිහිටි කුඩාම රාජ්‍යයි. උතුරු කොටස සහරා කාන්තාරය සහ ඉතිරිය 1300  km වන සරුසාර වෙරළ තීරයකින් යුක්තය. 05 වන ශතවර්ෂ‍යේ  චැන්ඩල්ස් 06 වන ශත වර්ෂයේ බයිසන් ටයිසන් හා 08 වන ශත වර්ෂයේ  අරාබින් විසින් මෙය අත්පත් කර ගත්හ. 1956 නිදහසින් පසු ටියුනීසියානු රාජධානිය ලෙස නම් කර ඇත. එය 1957 ජුලි 25 න් පසු හබීර් බෝගයිබා එහි පළමු ජනාධිපති විය. මෙම රටේ අපනයනය මුලික වේ. එහි නම හැරුණු කොට දේශපාලන ඒකාධිපතිත්වයක් ඇත. මෙරට කිට්ටු සබඳතා පවතින්නේ යුරෝපියානු සංගමය හා අරාබි ලෝකයේ  සමුළුවයි. එහි සාමාජිකත්වය දරන්නේ අරාබි සංගමය හා අප්‍රිකානු සංගමයයි.

මූලාශ්‍ර

ටියුනීසියාව


Kinşasa () veya eski ismi ile Léopoldville, Afrika kıtasında bulunan Kongo Demokratik Cumhuriyeti'nin başkenti ve en büyük kentidir. 2021 yılı itibarıyla yaklaşık 15 milyonluk nüfusuyla Afrika kıtasının da en büyük şehridir. Kinşasa aynı zamanda ülkenin on bir bölgesinden biri konumunda olup, Başkent Bölgesi statüsüne sahiptir. Şehir Kongo Cumhuriyeti ile bu bölgede sınırı belirleyen Kongo Nehri kıyısında kuruludur.

Coğrafya
Şehir Kongo nehrinin güney yakasında, nehrin Atlas Okyanusu'na döküldüğü yerden 560 km içeride kurulmuştur. Güneyinde Livigstone Çavlanı vardır, bu çavlan gemilerin Kongo Nehrinden geçerek Kinşasa'ya kadar gidebilmelerini sağlar. Şehrin eski adı Léopoldville 1965 yılında iktidara gelen Joseph Mobutu döneminde yer ve şahıs isimlerinin Afrikalılaştırma projesi kapsamında 1967 yılında Kinşasa olarak değiştirilmiştir. Bu ad zamanında Belçika kralı ve bölgenin özel sahibi II.Léopold şerefine verilmiştir.
Şehir Kongo Cumhuriyeti'nin başkenti Brazzaville'in tam karşısında yer almakta olup, Kongo nehri her iki başkenti de birbirinden ayırmaktadır. Kinşasa ve Brazzaville bu konumları ile dünya üzerinde birbirine en yakın başkent özelliğine sahiptirler.

İklim
Şehir tropikal iklim kuşağında yer almaktadır. Şehre yıllık sıcaklık ortalaması 25,3 °C seviyesinde yaşanmaktadır. En sıcak aylar 26,7 °C ila 26,8 °C arasında Mart ve Nisan aylarında yaşanırken, en soğuk ay ise 22 °C ile Temmuz ayında görülmektedir. Yağış sezonu Ekim-Mayıs dönemlerinde gerçekleşirken, Kasım ayında 236 mm ile en çok yağmurun düştüğü ay durumundadır. Haziran ile Ağustos ayları arasında 5 mm yağış ile yağmurun en az yağdığı aylardır.

Nüfus
Demokratik Kongo Cumhuriyeti'nin nüfus yoğunluğu açısından en kalabalık şehri aynı zamanda ülkenin başkenti konumunda olan Kinşasa'da ülke nüfusunun %13'ü yaşamaktadır.

Kinşasa'da da birçok büyük şehirde olduğu gibi nüfus yoğunluğunun giderek artmasına neden olan şehir merkezinin haricinde banliyö ve uydu kentler oluşmuştur. Şehir nüfusu 2021 tahmini verilerine göre 14.950.000 kişidir. Bu sayıyla şehir, nüfus olarak Afrika'nın en büyük şehri unvanını almıştır.

İdari yapılanma
Kinşasa ülkede var olan il sisteminin dışında tutulmuş bir yer konumundadır. Şehir, başkent bölgesi olarak ayrı bir statüye sahiptir.
Şehir kendi içerisinde 24 belediyeye ayrılmış konumda olup bu belediyeler şu şekildedir:

Kardeş Şehirler
 Bologna (İtalya)
 Brazzaville (Kongo Cumhuriyeti)
 Brüksel (Belçika) 2002'den bu yana
 Dakar (Senegal)
 Ankara (Türkiye)

Ayrıca bakınız
Kongo Demokratik Cumhuriyeti'ndeki şehirler listesi

Kaynakça

Afrika'daki başkentler
Kongo Demokratik Cumhuriyeti'ndeki şehirler
Kinşasa
1881'de kurulan yerleşim birimleri

Kinşasa


Germanisation, or Germanization, is the spread of the German language, people, and culture. It was a central idea of German conservative thought in the 19th and the 20th centuries, when conservatism and ethnic nationalism went hand in hand. In linguistics, Germanisation of non-German languages also occurs when they adopt many German words.

Under the policies of states such as the Teutonic Order, Austria, the Kingdom of Prussia, and the German Empire, non-German minorities were often discouraged or even prohibited from using their native language, and had their traditions and culture suppressed in the name of linguistic imperialism. In addition, the Government also encouraged immigration from the Germanosphere to further upset the linguistic balance, but with varying degrees of success. In Nazi Germany, linguistic Germanisation was replaced by a policy of genocide against certain ethnic groups, even when they were already German-speaking.

Forms
Historically there are different forms and degrees of the expansion of the German language and of elements of German culture. There are examples of complete assimilation into German culture, as happened with the pagan Slavs in the Diocese of Bamberg (Franconia) in the 11th century. An example of the eclectic adoption of German culture is the field of law in Imperial and present-day Japan, which is organised according to the model of the German Empire. Germanisation took place by cultural contact, by political decision of the adopting party, or by force.

In Slavic countries, the term Germanisation is often understood to mean the process of acculturation of Slavic- and Baltic-language speakers – after conquest by or cultural contact with Germans in the early Middle Ages; especially the areas of modern southern Austria and extant part of German East Elbia. In East Prussia, decimation and forced resettlement of the original Baltic Old Prussians by the Teutonic Order as well as acculturation by immigrants from various European countries, primarily Germans, but also Poles (Catholic Warmians and Protestant Masurians who both descended from Masovians, as well as Catholic Powiślans who descended from Chełminians and Kociewians), Lithuanians (Prussian Lithuanians) and Bohemians, contributed to the eventual extinction of the Prussian language in the 17th century. Germanisation in its modern form was conducted from the beginning of the 19th century as a set of Prussian/German and (to a lesser degree and for a shorter time) Austrian state policies of forceful imposition of German culture, language and people upon non-German people, Slavs in particular.

Since the flight and expulsion of Germans from Central and Eastern Europe at the end of and after World War II, however, these territories have been mostly degermanised.

Early history

Early Germanisation went along with the Ostsiedlung during the Middle Ages in Hanoverian Wendland, Mecklenburg-Vorpommern, Lusatia, and other areas, formerly inhabited by Slavic tribes – Polabian Slavs such as Obotrites, Veleti and Sorbs. Early forms of Germanisation were recorded by German monks in manuscripts such as Chronicon Slavorum.

Since the Late Middle Ages, the Silesian Piasts and Pomeranian Griffins invited German settlers to settle in many areas constituting the Kingdom of Poland prior to its fragmentation while the Santok Castellany was outright sold to Brandenburg by the Piast dukes of Greater Poland. As a result, Silesia, Pomerania (in the narrow sense) and Lubusz Land joined the Holy Roman Empire, as a natural consequence becoming gradually Germanised in the following centuries. Proto-Slovene was spoken in a much larger territory than modern Slovenia, which included most of the present-day Austrian states of Carinthia and Styria, as well as East Tyrol, the Val Pusteria in South Tyrol, and some parts of Upper and Lower Austria. By the 15th century, most of these areas had been gradually Germanised.

Historians have also noted that Ostsiedlung did not include deliberate Germanization, which in pre-national times was beyond imagination.

Outside of the HRE, the Old Prussians, originally a Baltic ethnic group, were Germanised by the Teutonic Knights who adopted a very different approach. When the State of the Teutonic Order seized it unexpectingly Polish Pomerelia by force and decimated its population, launching at the same time a massive campaign to attract and ressetle to these areas as many German colonists as possible within a relatively short period. This event also produced the first historical record of a major German thinker openly calling for the genocide of the Polish people; the 14th-century German Dominican theologian Johannes von Falkenberg argued on behalf of the Teutonic Order not only that Polish pagans should be killed, but that all Poles should be subject to genocide on the grounds that Poles were an inherently heretical race and that even the King of Poland, Jogaila, a Christian convert, ought to be murdered.  The assertion that Poles were heretical was largely politically motivated as the Teutonic Order desired to conquer Polish lands despite Christianity having become the dominant religion in Poland centuries prior. Such views did not remain purely ideas but were also put into practice in the wake of events such as the Slaughter of Gdańsk whose German population only achieved the majority after local Polish population was murdered and a new settlement was built by Teutonic Knights. The carnage was so extensive that it propmted the pope Clement V to condemn the Teutonic Knights  in a bull which charged them  with committing a massacre

The two different approaches would later continue also into modernity.

The Teutonic Order did however not deliberately pursue Germanization. Germanization was rather the result of the colonial nature of the State.  This is corroborated by the fact that Order's politics also resulted in Polonization in some areas of the Teutonic State, and Lithuanization in other areas. Correspondingly, even in villages under German right, there were Polish farmers and even a Polish Schultheiß is recorded.

Modern Germanisation

Differences in Austrian and Prussian approaches
In respect to Austria, northern border of Slovene-speaking territory stabilised on a line from north of Klagenfurt to the south of Villach and east of Hermagor in Carinthia, while in Styria it closely followed the current Austrian-Slovenian border. This linguistic border remained almost unchanged until the late 19th century, when the second process of Germanisation took place, mostly in Carinthia. Germanisation of the Ladino-Romantsch Venosta Valley in Tyrol was also undertaken by Austria in the 16th century. Following the 1620 Battle of White Mountain, the Lands of the Bohemian Crown, at the time one of the last meaningful territories of the HRE not dominated yet by the German language, was subjected to two centuries of recatholicization of the Czech lands accompanied by growing influence of German-speaking elites, at the expense of declining  the Czech-speaking aristocracy, elite Czech language usage in general. Czech nationalist historians and writers such as Alois Jirásek have referred to the 17th and 18th century in the Czech lands as the Dark Age. As a further step,
Emperor Joseph II () sought to consolidate the territories of Habsburg Monarchy within the Holy Roman Empire with those remaining outside of it and to rule them centrally under principles of absolutism influenced by the Enlightenment . He decreed that German replace Latin as the Empire's official language. Hungarians perceived Joseph's language reform as German cultural hegemony, and they reacted by insisting on the right to use their own tongue. As a result, Hungarian lesser nobles sparked a renaissance of the Hungarian language and culture. The lesser nobles questioned the loyalty of the magnates, of whom less than half were ethnic Hungarians, and many of these had become French- and German-speaking courtiers. The Hungarian national revival was so successful that the state only recently relieved from Germanization initiated in turn its own Magyarization, triggering a domino effect. Similar movements arose in Transleithania among the Slovak, Romanian, Serbian, and Croatian minorities within the Kingdom of Hungary, triggering in Cisleithania the Czech National Revival and United Slovenia movements, in both parts of the Habsburg Monarchy the Croatian Illyrian movement, as well as in the Bosnia and Herzegovina condominium the Bosnian movement, some of them ultimately forming Yugoslavism, while the Austrian Kingdom of Galicia and Lodomeria enjoyed the broadening Galician autonomy.

Meanwhile, a more harsh and brutal form of Germanisation efforts, initially practiced in Farther Pomerania and East Prussia and extended following the Silesian Wars also to Silesia and County of Kladsko gained from the Lands of the Bohemian Crown as well as later to the terrories of Lauenburg and Bütow Land and the Starostwo of Draheim pawned by Poland, was introduced by Frederick the Great as a result of the partitions of Poland to the newly gained Polish territories of Greater Poland, Pomerelia, Warmia and Malbork Land. The Prussian authorities settled German-speaking ethnic groups in these areas. Frederick the Great settled around 300,000 colonists in the eastern provinces of Prussia. He aimed at a removal of the Polish nobility, which he treated with contempt, describing Poles in newly reconquered West Prussia as "slovenly Polish trash" similar to the Iroquois. From the start of Prussian rule Poles were subject to a series of measures against their culture: the Polish language was replaced by German as the official language; most administrative positions were filled by Germans. Poles were portrayed as "backward Slavs" by Prussian officials who wanted to spread German language and culture. The estates of the Polish nobility were confiscated and given to German nobles.

Polish territories

After the Napoleonic Wars, Austria  remained in possession of parts of Lesser Poland, Galicia, Volhynia, as well as a minor share of Silesia. Prussia in turn not only retained the bulk of Upper Silesia but upon dissolution of the Duchy of Warsaw it also reclaimed the entire West Prussia (formed by Pomerelia, the northertnmost part of Greater Poland and a strip of historical Prussia on the right bank of Vistula) and, most importantly, obtained the bulk of Greater Poland where an autonomous polity was formed under the name of Grand Duchy of Posen with an officially stated purpose to provide its overwhelmingly Polish population a degree of autonomy; in May 1815 King Frederick William III issued a manifest to the Poles in Posen:
You also have a Fatherland. [...] You will be incorporated into my monarchy without having to renounce your nationality. [...] You will receive a constitution like the other provinces of my kingdom. Your religion will be upheld. [...] Your language shall be used like the German language in all public affairs and everyone of you with suitable capabilities shall get the opportunity to get an appointment to a public office. [...]

As a result, there was an easing of Germanisation policy in the period 1815–30. The minister for Education Altenstein stated in 1823:
Concerning the spread of the German language it is most important to get a clear understanding of the aims, whether it should be the aim to promote the understanding of German among Polish-speaking subjects or whether it should be the aim to gradually and slowly Germanise the Poles. According to the judgement of the minister only the first is necessary, advisable and possible, the second is not advisable and not accomplishable. To be good subjects it is desirable for the Poles to understand the language of government. However, it is not necessary for them to give up or postpone their mother language. The possession of two languages shall not be seen as a disadvantage but as a benefit instead because it is usually associated with a higher flexibility of the mind. [..] Religion and language are the highest sanctuaries of a nation and all attitudes and perceptions are founded on them. A government that [...] is indifferent or even hostile against them creates bitterness, debases the nation and generates disloyal subjects.

Later the first half of the 19th century, Prussian policy towards Poles turned again to discrimination and Germanisation. From 1819 the state gradually reduced the role of the Polish language in schools, with German being introduced in its place. In 1825 August Jacob, a politician hostile to Poles, gained power over the newly created Provincial Educational Collegium in Poznan. Across the Polish territories Polish teachers were removed, German educational programmes were introduced, and primary schooling was aimed at the creation of loyal Prussian citizens. In 1825 the teacher's seminary in Bydgoszcz was Germanised. Successive policies aimed at the elimination of non-German languages from public life and from academic settings, such as schools. Subsequently, there was an intensification of Germanisation and persecution of Poles in the Province of Prussia and the Grand Duchy of Posen in 1830–41.

After a brief period of thaw in the years 1841-49, Bismarck intensified Germanisation again during 1849–70 as part of his Kulturkampf against Catholicism in general, but in particular against Polish Catholics. It was the policy of the Kingdom of Prussia to seek a degree of linguistic and cultural Germanisation, while in Imperial Germany a more intense form of cultural Germanisation was pursued, often with explicit intention of reducing the influence of other cultures or institutions, such as the Catholic Church. In the German Empire, Poles were portrayed as "Reichsfeinde" ("foes of the Empire"). In 1885 the Prussian Settlement Commission, financed by the national government, was set up to buy land from non-Germans and distribute it to German farmers.   From 1908 the committee was entitled to force the landowners to sell the land. Other means of oppression included the Prussian deportations from 1885 to 1890, in which non-Prussian nationals who lived in Prussia, mostly Poles and Jews, were removed; and a ban issued on the building of houses by non-Germans. (See Drzymała's van.) Germanisation in schools included the abuse of Polish children by Prussian officials.  Germanisation stimulated resistance, usually in the form of home schooling and tighter unity in minority groups. There was a slight easing of the persecution of Poles during 1890–94. A continuation and intensification of measures restarted in 1894 and continued until the end of World War I. In 1910, the Polish poet Maria Konopnicka responded to the increasing persecution of Polish people by Germans by writing her famous poem entitled Rota; it immediately became a national symbol for Poles, with its sentence known to many Poles: The German will not spit in our face, nor will he Germanise our children. An international meeting of socialists held in Brussels in 1902 condemned the Germanisation of Poles in Prussia, calling it "barbarous".

Meanwhile, the Austrian-ruled Kingdom of Galicia and Lodomeria operated two Polish-speaking universities and in 1867 obtained even consent to adopt Polish as its official government language; a motion which itself triggered in response the Ukrainian national awakening, a factor later exploited by the Austrian government in accord with the divide and rule principle.

Lithuania Minor
Prussian Lithuanians experienced similar policies of Germanisation restarting from the 15th century. Although ethnic Lithuanians had constituted a majority in areas of East Prussia during the 15th and 16th centuriesfrom the early 16th century it was often referred to as Lithuania Minorthe Lithuanian population shrank in the 18th century. The plague and subsequent immigration from Germany, notably from Salzburg, were the primary factors in this development. Germanisation policies were tightened during the 19th century, but even into the early 20th century the territories north, south and south-west of the Neman River contained a Lithuanian majority.

Polish coal miners in the Ruhr Valley

Due to migration within the German Empire as many as 350,000 ethnic Poles made their way to the Ruhr area in the late 19th century, where they largely worked in the coal and iron industries. German authorities viewed them as a potential danger as a "suspected political and national" element. All Polish workers had special cards and were under constant observation by German authorities. Their citizens' rights were also limited by the state.

In response to these policies, the Polish formed their own organisations to maintain their interests and ethnic identity. The Sokol sports clubs, the workers' union Zjednoczenie Zawodowe Polskie (ZZP), Wiarus Polski (press), and Bank Robotnikow were among the best-known such organisations in the Ruhr. At first, the Polish workers, ostracised by their German counterparts, had supported the Catholic centre party. During the early 20th century, their support shifted increasingly towards the social democrats. In 1905 Polish and German workers organised their first common strike. Under the Namensänderungsgesetz (law of changing surnames), a significant number of "Ruhr-Poles" changed their surnames and Christian names to Germanised forms, in order to evade ethnic discrimination. As the Prussian authorities suppressed Catholic services in Polish by Polish priests during the Kulturkampf, the Poles had to rely on German Catholic priests. Increasing intermarriage between Germans and Poles contributed much to the Germanisation of ethnic Poles in the Ruhr area.

Other minorities
Successive policies aimed at the elimination of non-German languages from public life and from academic settings, such as schools. For example, in the course of the second half of the 19th century, the Dutch language, historically spoken in what is now Cleves, Geldern and Emmerich, was banned from schools and the administration and ceased to be spoken in its standardised form by the turn of the century. Later in the German Empire, in parallel with Poles, Danes, Dutch, Alsatians, German Catholics and Socialists, were portrayed as "Reichsfeinde" ("foes of the Empire").

Contemporary Germanization

Interwar period
During the Weimar Republic, Poles were recognised as a minority in Upper Silesia. The peace treaties after the First World War contained an obligation for Poland to protect its national minorities (Germans, Ukrainians and other), whereas no such clause was introduced by the victors in the Treaty of Versailles for Germany. In 1928 the Minderheitenschulgesetz (minorities school act) regulated the education of minority children in their native tongue. From 1930 onwards Poland and Germany agreed to treat their minorities fairly. Such position was officially maintained by Germany even for some time after the Nazi takeover, but ceased towards the end of 1937.

World War II

Plans

The Nazis considered land to the eastPoland, Ukraine, Belarus and Russia to be  Lebensraum (living space) and sought to populate it with Germans. Hitler, speaking with generals immediately prior to his chancellorship, declared that people could not be Germanised, only the soil could be.

The policy of Germanisation in the Nazi period carried an explicitly ethno-racial rather than purely nationalist meaning, aiming for the spread of a "biologically superior" Aryan race rather than that of the German nation. This did not mean a total extermination of all people in eastern Europe, as it was regarded as having people of Aryan/Nordic descent, particularly among their leaders.  Himmler declared that no drop of German blood would be lost or left behind for an alien race.  In Nazi documents even the term "German" can be problematic, since it could be used to refer to people classified as "ethnic Germans" who spoke no German.

Inside Germany, propaganda, such the film Heimkehr, depicted these ethnic Germans as persecuted, and the use of military force as necessary to protect them. The exploitation of ethnic Germans as forced labour and persecution of them were major themes of the anti-Polish propaganda campaign of 1939, prior to the invasion.  The bloody Sunday incident during the invasion was widely exploited as depicting the Poles as murderous towards Germans.

In a top-secret memorandum, "The Treatment of Racial Aliens in the East", dated 25May 1940, Himmler wrote "We need to divide Poland's different ethnic groups up into as many parts and splinter groups as possible". There were two Germanisation actions in occupied Poland realised in this way:
 The grouping of Polish Gorals ("Highlanders") into the hypothetical Goralenvolk, a project which was ultimately abandoned due to lack of support among the Goral population;
 The assignment of West Slavic Kashubians of Pomerania and Silesians of Silesia as Deutsche Volksliste, as they were considered capable of assimilation into the German populationseveral high-ranking Nazis deemed them to be descended from ancient Gothic peoples.

Selection and expulsion

Germanisation began with the classification of people as defined on the Nazi Volksliste. The Germans regarded the holding of active leadership roles as an Aryan trait, whereas a tendency to avoid leadership and a perceived fatalism was associated by many Germans with Slavonic peoples. Adults who were selected for but resisted Germanisation were executed. Such execution was carried out on the grounds that German blood should not support non-Germanic people, and that killing them would deprive foreign nations of superior leaders.  The intelligenzaktion was justified, even though these elites were regarded as likely to be of German blood, because such blood enabled them to provide leadership for the fatalistic Slavs.  Germanising "racially valuable" elements would prevent any increase in the Polish intelligenstia, as the dynamic leadership would have to come from German blood. In 1940 Hitler made it clear that the Czech intelligentsia and the "mongoloid" types of the Czech population were not to be Germanised.

Under Generalplan Ost, a percentage of Slavs in the conquered territories were to be Germanised. Gauleiters Albert Forster and Arthur Greiser reported to Hitler that 10 percent of the Polish population contained "Germanic blood", and were thus suitable for Germanisation. The Reichskommissars in northern and central Russia reported similar figures. Those unfit for Germanisation were to be expelled from the areas marked out for German settlement. In considering the fate of the individual nations, the architects of the Plan decided that it would be possible to Germanise about 50 percent of the Czechs, 35 percent of the Ukrainians and 25 percent of the Belarusians. The remainder would be deported to western Siberia and other regions. In 1941 it was decided that the Polish nation should be completely destroyed. The German leadership decided that in ten to 20 years, the Polish state under German occupation was to be fully cleared of any ethnic Poles and resettled by German colonists.

In the Baltic States the Nazis initially encouraged the departure of ethnic Germans by the use of propaganda. This included using scare tactics about the Soviet Union, and led to tens of thousands leaving. Those who left were not referred to as "refugees", but were rather described as "answering the call of the Führer".  German propaganda films such as The Red Terror and Frisians in Peril depicted the Baltic Germans as deeply persecuted in their native lands. Packed into camps for racial evaluation, they were divided into groups: A, Altreich, who were to be settled in Germany and allowed neither farms nor businesses (to allow close supervision); S Sonderfall, who were used as forced labour; and O Ost-Fälle, the best classification, to be settled in the occupied regions and allowed independence. This last group was often given Polish homes where the families had been evicted so quickly that half-eaten meals were on tables and small children had clearly been taken from unmade beds.  Members of the Hitler Youth and the League of German Girls were assigned the task of overseeing such evictions and ensuring that the Poles left behind most of their belongings for the use of the settlers.  The deportation orders required that enough Poles be removed to provide for every settlerthat, for instance, if twenty German master bakers were sent, twenty Polish bakeries had to have their owners removed.

Settlement and Germanisation

This colonisation involved 350,000 such Baltic Germans and 1.7 million Poles deemed Germanisable, including between one and two hundred thousand children who had been taken from their parents, and about 400,000 German settlers from the "Old Reich". Nazi authorities feared that these settlers would be tainted by their Polish neighbours and warned them not to let their "foreign and alien" surroundings have an impact on their Germanness. They were also settled in compact communities, which could be easily monitored by the police. Only families classified as "highly valuable" were kept together.

For Poles who did not resist and the resettled ethnic Germans, Germanisation began. Militant party members were sent to teach them to be "true Germans". The Hitler Youth and the League of German Girls sent young people for "Eastern Service", which entailed assisting in Germanisation efforts. Germanisation included instruction in the German language, as many spoke only Polish or Russian. Goebbels and other propagandists worked to establish cultural centres and other means to create Volkstum or racial consciousness in the settlers. This was needed to perpetuate their work; only by effective Germanisation could mothers, in particular, create the German home. Goebbels was also the official patron of Deutsches Ordensland or Land of Germanic Order, an organisation to promote Germanisation. These efforts were used in propaganda in Germany, as when NS-Frauen-Wartes cover article was on "Germany is building in the East".

Yugoslavia

On 6 April 1941 Yugoslavia was invaded by the Axis Powers. Part of the Slovene-settled territory was occupied by Nazi Germany. The Gestapo arrived on 16April 1941 and were followed three days later by SS leader Heinrich Himmler, who inspected Stari Pisker Prison in Celje. On 26April, Adolf Hitler, who encouraged his followers to "make this land German again", visited Maribor. Although the Slovenes had been deemed racially salvageable by the Nazis, the mainly Austrian authorities of the Carinthian and Styrian regions commenced a brutal campaign to destroy them as a nation.

The Nazis started a policy of violent Germanisation on Slovene territory, attempting to either discourage or entirely suppress Slovene culture. Their main task in Slovenia was the removal of part of population and Germanisation of the rest. Two organisations were instrumental in the Germanisation: the Styrian Homeland Union (Steirischer Heimatbund – HS) and the Carinthian People's Union (Kärtner Volksbund – KV).

In Styria the Germanisation of Slovenes was controlled by SS-Sturmbannführer Franz Steindl. In Carinthia a similar policy was conducted by Wilhelm Schick, the gauleiter's close associate. Public use of Slovene was prohibited, geographic and topographic names were changed and all Slovene associations were dissolved. Members of all professional and intellectual groups, including many clergymen, were expelled as they were seen as obstacles to Germanisation. As a reaction, a resistance movement developed. The Germans who wanted to proclaim their formal annexation to the "German Reich" on 1October 1941, postponed it first because of the installation of the new gauleiter and reichsstatthalter of Carinthia and later they dropped the plan for an indefinite period because of Slovene partisans. Only the Meža Valley became part of Reichsgau Carinthia. Around 80,000 Slovenes were forcibly deported to Eastern Germany for potential Germanisation or forced labour. The deported Slovenes were taken to several camps in Saxony, where they were forced to work on German farms or in factories run by German industries from 1941 to 1945. The forced labourers were not always kept in formal concentration camps, but often vacant buildings.

Nazi Germany also began mass expulsions of Slovenes to Serbia and Croatia. The basis for the recognition of Slovenes as German nationals was the decision of the Imperial Ministry for the Interior from 14April 1942. This was the basis for drafting Slovenes for the service in the German armed forces. The number of Slovenes conscripted to the German military and paramilitary formations has been estimated at 150,000 men and women. Almost a quarter of them lost their lives, mostly on the Eastern Front. An unknown number of "stolen children" were taken to Nazi Germany for Germanisation.

USSR
Ukraine was targeted for Germanisation.  Thirty special SS squads took over villages where ethnic Germans predominated and expelled or shot Jews or Slavs living in them.  The Hegewald colony was set up in the Ukraine. Ukrainians were forcibly deported, and ethnic Germans forcibly relocated there.  Racial assignment was carried out in a confused manner: the Reich rule was three German grandparents, but some asserted that any person who acted like a German and evinced no "racial concerns" should be eligible.

Plans to eliminate Slavs from Soviet territory to allow German settlement included starvation. Nazi leaders expected that millions would die after they removed food supplies. This was regarded as advantageous by Nazi officials.  When Hitler received a report of many well-fed Ukrainian children, he declared that the promotion of contraception and abortion was urgently needed, and neither medical care nor education was to be provided.

Eastern workers

When young women from the East were recruited to work as nannies in Germany, they were required to be suitable for Germanisation, both because they would work with German children, and because they might be sexually exploited.  The programme was praised for not only allowing more women to have children as their new domestic servants were able to assist them, but for reclaiming German blood and giving opportunities to the women, who would work in Germany, and might marry there.

Kidnapping of Eastern European children

"Racially acceptable" children were taken from their families in order to be brought up as Germans. Children were selected for "racially valuable traits" before being shipped to Germany. Many Nazis were astounded at the number of Polish children found to exhibit "Nordic" traits, but assumed that all such children were genuinely German children, who had been Polonised. Hans Frank exhibited such views when he declared, "When we see a blue-eyed child we are surprised that she is speaking Polish." The term used for them was wiedereindeutschungsfähig—meaning capable of being re-Germanised. These might include the children of people executed for resisting Germanisation.  If attempts to Germanise them failed, or they were determined to be unfit, they would be killed to eliminate their value to the opponents of the Reich.

In German-occupied Poland, it is estimated that 50,000 to 200,000 children were removed from their families to be Germanised.  The Kinder KZ was founded specifically to hold such children. It is estimated that at least 10,000 of them were murdered in the process as they were determined unfit and sent to concentration camps. Only 10–15% returned to their families after the war.

Many children, particularly Polish and Slovenian, declared on being found by Allied forces that they were German. Russian and Ukrainian children had been taught to hate their native countries and did not want to return.

Western Germanisation
In contemporary German usage the process of Germanisation was referred to as Germanisierung (Germanicisation, i.e., to make something German-ic) rather than Eindeutschung (Germanisation, i.e., to make something German). According to Nazi racial theories, the Germanic peoples of Europe such as the Scandinavians, the Dutch, and the Flemish, were a part of the Aryan master race, regardless of these peoples' own acknowledgement of their "Aryan" identity.

Germanisation in these conquered countries proceeded more slowly. The Nazis had a need for local cooperation and the countries were regarded as more racially acceptable. Racial categories for the average German meant "East is bad and West is acceptable". The plan was to win the Germanic elements over slowly, through education.  Himmler, after a secret tour of Belgium and Holland, happily declared the people would be a racial benefit for Germany.  Occupying troops were kept under discipline and instructed to be friendly in order to win the population over. However, evident contradictions limited the policies' success. Pamphlets, for instance, enjoined all German women to avoid sexual relations with all foreign workers brought to Germany as a danger to their blood.

Various Germanisation plans were implemented.  Dutch and Belgian Flemish prisoners of war were sent home quickly, to increase the Germanic population, while Belgian Walloon ones were kept as labourers. Lebensborn homes were set up in Norway for Norwegian women impregnated by German soldiers, with adoption by Norwegian parents being forbidden for any child born there.  Alsace-Lorraine was annexed; thousands of residents, those loyal to France as well as Jews and North Africans, were deported to Vichy France. French was forbidden in schools; intransigent French speakers were deported to Germany for re-Germanisation, just as Poles were.  Extensive racial classification was practised in France.

Legacy
The increasing cultural oppression in Lusatia, Bohemia, Moravia, Silesia, Pomerelia, Greater Poland, Lesser Poland, Galicia and Slovenia driven by the German nationalism triggered as a reaction rise of their own nationalisms in the late 18th and 19th centuries. However, except for the Prussian and Austrian territories of Poland which lost statehood for a relatively brief period and maintained organised movements resiting vigorously Germanisation attempts, national and linguistic identities among the remaining nationalities barely survived the centuries-long cultural dominance of the Germans; for instance, the first modern grammar of the Czech language by Josef Dobrovský (1753–1829) – Ausführliches Lehrgebäude der böhmischen Sprach (1809) – was published in German because the Czech language was not used in academic scholarship. From the high Middle Ages until the dissolution of the Austro-Hungarian Empire in 1918 German had a strong impact on Slovene and many Germanisms are preserved in contemporary colloquial Slovene.

In the German colonies, the policy of imposing German as the official language led to the development of German-based pidgins and German-based creole languages, such as Unserdeutsch.

The majority of East Elbia affected by the medieval Ostsiedlung ceased being part of German-speaking Europe as a result of loss of the former eastern territories of Germany in accordance with the Potsdam Agreement, with the ensuing re-Polonisation, or in the case of East Prussia, re-Lithuanianisation, Polonisation and  Russification of these regions, while the Austrian Germanisation of the Kingdom of Bohemia was reversed by the expulsion of Germans from Czechoslovakia. Although German irredentism was fuelled for some time after the war by the Federation of Expellees, ultimately the concept of Germanisation became irrelevant in Germany and Austria upon introduction of Ostpolitik in the 1970s. Some German-speaking minorities continue though to exist in Europe, such as in the Polish Opole Voivodeship or in Romania and are being supported by the German Federal Government.

In today's Germany, the Danes, Frisians, and Slavic Sorbs are classified as traditional ethnic minorities and are guaranteed cultural autonomy by both the federal and state governments. There is a treaty between Denmark and Germany from 1955 regulating the status of the German minority in Denmark and vice versa. The north German state of Schleswig-Holstein has passed a law aimed at preserving the Frisian language.  The cultural autonomy of the Sorbs is enshrined in the constitutions of both Saxony and Brandenburg. Nevertheless, almost all Sorbs are bilingual and the Lower Sorbian language is regarded as endangered, as the number of native speakers is dwindling, even though there are programmes funded by the state to sustain the language.

In the Austrian federal state of Burgenland, Hungarian, and Croatian have regional protection by law. In Carinthia, Slovenian-speaking Austrians are also protected by law.

See also

 Anti-German sentiment
 Anti-Slavic sentiment
 Carinthian Slovenes
 Cultural imperialism
 Drang nach Osten
 German diaspora
 German Eastern Marches Society
 German language in Namibia

 German nationalism
 Germanism
 Germanistics
 Hegewald
 Kulturkampf
 Masurians
 Nordicism
 Ostsiedlung

 Pan-Germanism
 Persecution of Germans
 Polonophobia
 Potulice concentration camp
 Racism in Germany
 Ruhrpolen
 Settlement Commission
 Ulrich von Wilamowitz-Moellendorff

References

Notes

Germanization
German language
Germany–Poland relations
Historical linguistics
History of Europe
Political history of Germany
Partitions of Poland
Poland in World War II
History of the Lithuanian language
Cultural history of Germany
Sorbs

Germanisation


In probability and statistics, an urn problem is an idealized mental exercise in which some objects of real interest (such as atoms, people, cars, etc.) are represented as colored balls in an urn or other container. One pretends to remove one or more balls from the urn; the goal is to determine the probability of drawing one color or another,
or some other properties. A number of important variations are described below.

An urn model is either a set of probabilities that describe events within an urn problem, or it is a probability distribution, or a family of such distributions, of random variables associated with urn problems.

History

In Ars Conjectandi (1713), Jacob Bernoulli considered the problem of determining, given a number of pebbles drawn from an urn, the proportions of different colored pebbles within the urn. This problem was known as the inverse probability problem, and was a topic of research in the eighteenth century, attracting the attention of Abraham de Moivre and Thomas Bayes.

Bernoulli used the Latin word urna, which primarily means a clay vessel, but is also the term used in ancient Rome for a vessel of any kind for collecting ballots or lots; the present-day Italian word for ballot box is still urna. Bernoulli's inspiration may have been lotteries, elections, or games of chance which involved drawing balls from a container, and it has been asserted that elections in medieval and renaissance Venice, including that of the doge, often included the choice of electors by lot, using balls of different colors drawn from an urn.

Basic urn model

In this basic urn model in probability theory, the urn contains x white and y black balls, well-mixed together.  One ball is drawn randomly from the urn and its color observed; it is then placed back in the urn (or not), and the selection process is repeated.

Possible questions that can be answered in this model are:
 Can I infer the proportion of white and black balls from n observations? With what degree of confidence?
 Knowing x and y, what is the probability of drawing a specific sequence (e.g. one white followed by one black)?
 If I only observe n balls, how sure can I be that there are no black balls? (A variation both on the first and the second question)

Examples of urn problems

 beta-binomial distribution: as above, except that every time a ball is observed, an additional ball of the same color is added to the urn. Hence, the number of total balls in the urn grows. See Pólya urn model.
 binomial distribution: the distribution of the number of successful draws (trials), i.e. extraction of white balls, given n draws with replacement in an urn with black and white balls.
 Hoppe urn: a Pólya urn with an additional ball called the mutator. When the mutator is drawn it is replaced along with an additional ball of an entirely new colour.
 hypergeometric distribution: the balls are not returned to the urn once extracted. Hence, the number of total marbles in the urn decreases. This is referred to as "drawing without replacement", by opposition to "drawing with replacement".
 multivariate hypergeometric distribution: the balls are not returned to the urn once extracted, but with balls of more than two colors.
 geometric distribution: number of draws before the first successful (correctly colored) draw.
 Mixed replacement/non-replacement: the urn contains black and white balls. While black balls are set aside after a draw (non-replacement), white balls are returned to the urn after a draw (replacement). What is the distribution of the number of black balls drawn after m draws?
 multinomial distribution: there are balls of more than two colors. Each time a ball is extracted, it is returned before drawing another ball. This is also known as 'Balls into bins'.
 negative binomial distribution: number of draws before a certain number of failures (incorrectly colored draws) occurs.
 Occupancy problem: the distribution of the number of occupied urns after the random assignment of k balls into n urns, related to the coupon collector's problem and birthday problem.
 Pólya urn: each time a ball of a particular colour is drawn, it is replaced along with an additional ball of the same colour.
 Statistical physics: derivation of energy and velocity distributions.
 The Ellsberg paradox.

See also

 Balls into bins
 Coin-tossing problems
 Coupon collector's problem
 Dirichlet-multinomial distribution
 Noncentral hypergeometric distributions

References

Further reading
 Johnson, Norman L.; and Kotz, Samuel (1977); Urn Models and Their Application: An Approach to Modern Discrete Probability Theory, Wiley
 Mahmoud, Hosam M. (2008); Pólya Urn Models, Chapman & Hall/CRC.

Probability problems
Thought experiments

Urn problem


موسيقى الريفي هي إحدى أنواع الموسيقى في ليبيا وخاصة في الجزء الغربي منها، وهي تقوم على آلات موسيقية مثل (القيثارة، العود، الدربوكة، والكمان، الاورغ).

ظهر هذا الفن منذ أكثر من قرن ولكن لم يكن له اسم حيث كان جزءا من موسيقى (جر السواحلي) وهي موسيقى ليبية أخرى، ولكن ما يميز موسيقى الريفي الليبية هو طابعها الشبابي في مقطوعاتها الموسيقية ويمكن أن نقول أن هذا الفن القديم لم يتحصل على اسمه إلا في السنوات العشر الأخيرة.

غناء الريفي
إن أغاني الريفي تعتمد على النزعة الشبابية المتغزلة بفتيات أو العكس، وتعتمد على الشعر القصير مع أداء قوي، ومن أشهر المغنين الحاليين لهذا الفن (شاب ربيع، شابة خولة، شابة ليلى).

أنواع موسيقية
موسيقى ليبية

ريفي


Kent Ronald Hance (* 14. November 1942 in Dimmitt, Castro County, Texas) ist ein US-amerikanischer Politiker. Zwischen 1979 und 1985 vertrat er den Bundesstaat Texas im US-Repräsentantenhaus.

Werdegang
Kent Hance besuchte die öffentlichen Schulen seiner Heimat und studierte danach bis 1965 an der Texas Tech University. Nach einem anschließenden Jurastudium an der University of Texas und seiner 1968 erfolgten Zulassung als Rechtsanwalt begann er in diesem Beruf zu arbeiten. Gleichzeitig schlug er als Mitglied der Demokratischen Partei eine politische Laufbahn ein. Zwischen 1974 und 1978 gehörte er dem Senat von Texas an. Bei den Kongresswahlen des Jahres 1978 wurde er im 19. Wahlbezirk seines Staates in das US-Repräsentantenhaus in Washington, D.C. gewählt, wo er sich gegen den späteren US-Präsidenten George W. Bush durchsetzte. Am 3. Januar 1979 trat Hance dann die Nachfolge von George H. Mahon an. Nach zwei Wiederwahlen konnte er bis zum 3. Januar 1985 drei Legislaturperioden im Kongress absolvieren. Er galt dort als sehr konservativ.

Im Jahr 1984 verzichtete er auf eine weitere Kandidatur. Stattdessen strebte er erfolglos die Nominierung seiner Partei für die Wahlen zum US-Senat an. 1985 wechselte Kent Hance seine Parteizugehörigkeit und wurde Mitglied der Republikaner. In den Jahren 1986 und 1990 strebte er erfolglos die Nominierung seiner neuen Partei für die Gouverneurswahlen an. Zwischen 1987 und 1990 amtierte er als Eisenbahnbeauftragter des Staates Texas. Von 2006 bis 2014 war er Kanzler (Chancellor) des Texas Tech University System.

Weblinks

Mitglied des Repräsentantenhauses der Vereinigten Staaten für Texas
Mitglied des Senats von Texas
Mitglied der Demokratischen Partei (Vereinigte Staaten)
Mitglied der Republikanischen Partei
Rechtsanwalt (Vereinigte Staaten)
Korporierter (Alpha Kappa Psi)
US-Amerikaner
Geboren 1942
Mann

Kent Hance


Beutepanzer (alemão, ) é a designação alemã para um veículo de combate blindado capturado. Os alemães usaram Beutepanzers para obter informações sobre a tecnologia inimiga e aumentar o poder de suas próprias forças blindadas.

Os beutepanzers eram geralmente repintados para ostentar emblemas nacionais distintos e insígnias de unidade, a fim de reduzir o perigo do fogo amigo por outras forças do Eixo.

Primeira Guerra Mundial

Durante a Primeira Guerra Mundial, os alemães tinham muitos beutepanzers em seu arsenal, excedendo em muito a produção de seus próprios tanques. Os beutepanzers receberam uma cruz nacional alemã (Balkenkreuz) e uma nova camuflagem. No final da guerra, um total de 170 beutepanzers ainda estavam em condições de funcionamento, com 35 relatados como prontos para a batalha. Em comparação, mais de um terço dos 20 tanques A7V construídos pela Alemanha foram destruídos ou capturados naquela altura.

Segunda Guerra Mundial

Os beutepanzers desempenharam um papel importante na Wehrmacht. Após a ocupação da Tchecoslováquia em 1939, muitos tanques tchecos foram reivindicados. Em outubro de 1940, o Heeresamt (o Escritório do Exército) ordenou que dois de cada tipo do beutepanzer fossem entregues ao Escritório de Armas do Exército para avaliação. Os beutepanzers recebiam a pintura de uma Balkenkreuz e nova camuflagem, alguns recebiam novas cúpulas para o padrão alemão. Eles foram usados pelo Exército alemão em todas as frentes.

Franceses

Durante a Campanha Ocidental, a Alemanha capturou 691 tanques britânicos no total, com uma estimativa de 350 sendo reutilizáveis; entre eles o pesado Matilda. A maioria dos beutepanzers capturados durante a campanha foram modificados como tanques de observação ou transportes de munição. Unidades muito danificadas foram sucateadas para fornecerem peças de reposição. O chenillette francês Renault UE foi modificado até mesmo para auxiliar na produção agrícola e como canhão de assalto improvisado. O velho Renault FT-17, já obsoleto, foi usado como última linha de resistência na fase final da campanha da França. Em maio de 1940, o Exército Francês ainda operava sete batalhões de linha de frente, cada um equipado com 63 carros Renault FT, um batalhão com números abaixo do estabelecido e três companhias independentes, cada uma com 10 veículos, para um total de força orgânica de 504 carros de assalto FT. Alguns tanques FT também foram enterrados no solo e envoltos em concreto para complementar a Linha Maginot. Quando as melhores unidades francesas foram cortadas pelo avanço alemã para o Canal da Mancha, cerca de 390 carros FT-17, antes usados para treinamento ou armazenados em depósitos, juntaram-se aos 184 a 192 Renault FT-17 em serviço com unidades de segurança interna. A Wehrmacht capturou 1.704 tanques Renault FT-17. Eles foram usados principalmente para segurança interna, além duma centena entregue à Luftwaffe para a defesa de bases aéreas.

Os 100 Renault FT da Luftwaffe foram assim distribuídos pela Europa:

 45 no oeste da França.
 30 entre o norte da França e a Bélgica.
 25 na Holanda.
O FT padrão foi renomeado Panzerkampfwagen 17R 730(f) e o FT Modifié 31 foi renomeado Panzerkampfwagen 18R 730(f). O "17R" e o "18R" diferenciam uma variante da outra. O número de designação 730 é uma subcategoria de tanques, seu significado preciso é Tanque Leve. Os modelos de canhão e metralhadora seguiam a designação 730c e 730m respectivamente. Para identificação, os Renault FT foram pintados em cinza de campanha (feldgrau) e com o identificador da Cruz de Ferro; ou na torre, ou no chassis, ou nos dois. Alguma unidades serviram como treinamento de motoristas ou limpa-neves. Algumas veículos foram mobilizados para batalhas de contra-insurgência, trens blindados e para funções policiais em toda a Europa. Durante a libertação de Paris, em agosto de 1944, são visíveis tanques Renault FT alemães incendiados.

Os alemães também capturaram cerca de 1.800 tanques franceses modernos durante a campanha de maio-junho e voltaram ao serviço como beutepanzers, juntamente com um número similar destruído sem capacidade do reparo. Esses blindados capturados foram usados na invasão da União Soviética, e foram especialmente eficientes na Carélia onde os soviéticos tinham poucos blindados (a maioria leves). Nos Bálcãs, a 7. SS-Freiwilligen Gebirgs-Division "Prinz Eugen" foi equipada com carros leves Hotchkiss H35.

Soviéticos
Os alemães conseguiram pôr as mãos em alguns tanques T-26 e BT na Frente Oriental de 1941 a 1942. Durante 1943, os alemães começaram a produzir seus próprios tanques T-34 em fábricas de produção soviéticas capturadas, designados T-34 747(r) ou Panzerkampfwagen 747(r); a letra "R" significando "russo". No entanto, como os tanques não foram capturados, eles nem sempre são classificados como beutepanzers. Os T-34 foram usados também como veículos reparadores (bergepanzer) e em outras funções de apoio, como portando holoftes. Ao menos 3 carros T-34 reparadores foram usados na Normandia em 1944.Os alemães não eram os únicos usuários de tanques capturados, embora outras nações geralmente não empregassem veículos capturados para serviço de combate. Os britânicos conseguiram capturar um Tiger 1 perto de Túnis em abril de 1943 (o Tiger 131, hoje preservado em Bovington), e os soviéticos logo capturaram um tanque Tiger 1 pouco tempo depois, na frente de Leningrado.

Designações alemãs de função
Um sistema de blocos numéricos foi usado para classificar os equipamentos capturados. Conhecida como Kennblatter Fremdengerat (Fichas de identificação para veículos estrangeiros), esta listagem usava categorias numéricas para classificar os veículos estrangeiros em serviço alemão.

200 – Carros blindados sobre rodas

300 – Veículos meia-lagarta

400 – Veículos meia-lagarta blindados

600 – Tratores de lagarta

630 – Tratores de artilharia blindados

700 – Tanques

800 – Canhões autopropulsados

Designações alemãs de país
Os veículos capturados recebiam uma designação nacional marcada em minúsculo pela primeira letra do nome do país - (b) para Bélgica, por exemplo - e que era colocada no final da designação, sem espaço.

(b) – Belgien – Bélgica

(f) – Frankreich – França

(t) – Tschechoslowakei – Tchecoslováquia

(e) – England / Kanada – Reino Unido / Canadá

(u) – Ungarn – Hungria

(j) – Jugoslawisch – Iugoslávia

(i) – Italien – Itália

(h) – Holland – Holanda

(p) – Polen – Polônia

(r) – Russland – Rússia, mas designando a União Soviética

(a) – Amerika – Estados Unidos da América

Tanques da Guerra Fria
Tanques da Segunda Guerra Mundial
Tanques da Primeira Guerra Mundial

Beutepanzer


සිවකාර්තිකේයන් (උපත 1985 පෙබරවාරි 17),  එස්.කේ  ලෙසද හැඳින්වේ, ප්‍රධාන වශයෙන් දෙමළ චිත්‍රපටවල වැඩ කරන ඉන්දියානු නළුවෙක්, ගායකයෙක්, චිත්‍රපට නිෂ්පාදකයෙක්, ගීත රචකයෙක් සහ රූපවාහිනී ඉදිරිපත් කරන්නෙකු වේ. ඔහු තමිල්නාඩු ප්‍රාන්ත චිත්‍රපට සම්මානයක්, එඩිසන් සම්මාන හතරක්, SIIMA සම්මාන තුනක් සහ තවත් විජේ සම්මාන දෙකක් ද දිනාගෙන ඇත.

2012 දී ඔහු ධනුෂ් රඟපෑ 3 චිත්‍රපටයේ සහය චරිතයක් නිරූපණය කළේය. 2013 දී, සිවකාර්තිකේයන් චිත්‍රපට තුනක පෙනී සිටියේය: කැඩි බිල්ල කිල්ලාඩි රඟා, එතිර් නීචල් සහ වරුතපදතා වලිබර් සංගම් .

ඔහු සිය නිෂ්පාදන සමාගම වන සිවකාර්තිකේයන් ප්‍රොඩක්ෂන් යටතේ චිත්‍රපට නිෂ්පාදනය කරයි.

ආශ්‍රිත

සිවකාර්තිකේයන්


A quarto is a book whose production entails printing 4 (generally non-consecutive) pages per impression.

 Early quarto texts of Shakespeare's works:
Folios and Quartos
Bad quarto

 Quarto Group, a London-based publishing house

 Quarto, a traditional British paper size

Places of Italy
 Municipalities in respective provinces:
 Quarto, Campania, in Naples
 Quarto d'Altino,  in Treviso
 Quartu Sant'Elena, in Cagliari
 Quarto Cagnino, in Milan
 Quarters in respective cities:

 Quarto Oggiaro, in Milan
 Quarto dei Mille, in Genoa
 Hamlets:
 Quarto d'Asti, in Asti (AT)

 Quarto Chilometro, in Colleferro (RM)

Other
 Quarto (board game)
 Quarto (Gibraltar), obsolete coin with value of  Gibraltarian real
 Italian cruiser Quarto, an Italian scout cruiser

See also

Cuarto (disambiguation)
Quatro (disambiguation)
Cuatro (disambiguation)
Quattro (disambiguation)

Quarto (disambiguation)


Clădirea Statului Major General (în ) este o clădire situată în Piața Palatului din Sankt Petersburg, Rusia, în fața Palatului de Iarnă. Are o fațadă lungă de 580 de metri, în formă de semicerc.

Această clădire monumentală neoclasică a fost proiectată de arhitectul Carlo Rossi în stil Empire și construită între anii 1819 și 1829. Ea este formată din două aripi, separate printr-un arc de triumf dublu, împodobit de sculptorii Stepan Pimenov și Vasili Demuth-Malinovski, care comemorează victoria Armatei Ruse asupra Armatei Franței Napoleoniene în Războiul Franco-Rus. Acest arc face legătura între Piața Palatului și Nevski Prospekt prin strada Bolșaia Morskaia.

Până în anul 1918, când capitala Rusiei a fost mutată la Moscova, clădirea a servit ca sediu al Statului Major General (aripa de vest), al Ministerului Afacerilor Externe și al Ministerului de Finanțe (aripa de est).

Aripa de vest adăpostește în prezent sediul central al Districtului Militar de Vest. Aripa de est a fost repartizată Muzeului Ermitaj în 1993, iar interiorul ei a fost remodelat intens potrivit cerințelor.

Note

Legături externe

 General Staff Building în Encyclopaedia of Saint Petersburg

Vezi și
 Piața Palatului
 Palatul de Iarnă
 Muzeul Ermitaj

1829 în arhitectură
Sankt Petersburg

Clădirea Statului Major General din Sankt Petersburg