The United States occupation of Haiti began on July 28, 1915, when 330 U.S. Marines landed at Port-au-Prince, Haiti, after the National City Bank of New York convinced the President of the United States, Woodrow Wilson, to take control of Haiti's political and financial interests. The July 1915 invasion took place following years of socioeconomic instability within Haiti that culminated with the lynching of President of Haiti Vilbrun Guillaume Sam by a mob angered by his decision to order the executions of political prisoners. The invasion and subsequent occupation was promoted by growing American business interests in Haiti, especially the National City Bank of New York, which had withheld funds from Haiti and paid rebels to destabilize the nation through the Bank of the Republic of Haiti with an aim at inducing American intervention.

During the occupation, Haiti had three new presidents while the United States ruled as a military regime through martial law led by Marines and the Gendarmerie. Two major rebellions against the occupation occurred, resulting in several thousand Haitians killed, and numerous human rights violations – including torture and summary executions – by Marines and the Gendarmerie of Haiti. A corvée system of forced labor was used by the United States for infrastructure projects, that resulted in hundreds to thousands of deaths. Under the occupation, most Haitians continued to live in poverty, while American personnel were well-compensated. The American occupation ended the constitutional ban on foreign ownership of land, which had existed since the foundation of Haiti.

The occupation ended on August 1, 1934, after President Franklin D. Roosevelt reaffirmed an August 1933 disengagement agreement. The last contingent of marines departed on August 15, 1934, after a formal transfer of authority to the American-created Gendarmerie of Haiti.

Background
In the early 1700s, the relationship with Haitians and the United States began when some Haitians fought beside Americans in the American Revolutionary War. Originally the wealthiest region in the Americas when it was the French colony of Saint-Domingue, a slave revolt at the colony beginning in 1791 that led to the successful Haitian Revolution in 1804 frightened those living in the Southern United States who supported slavery, raising fears that it would inspire other slaves. Such sentiments among wealthy slaveholding Americans strained relations between the United States and Haiti, with the United States initially refusing to recognize Haitian independence while slaveholders advocated for a trade embargo with the newly created Caribbean nation. The Haiti indemnity controversy – which France forced upon Haiti through gunboat diplomacy in 1825 due to France's financial loss following Haiti's independence – resulted with Haiti using much of its revenue to pay debt to foreign nations by the late-1800s.

The United States had been interested in controlling Haiti in the decades following its independence from France. As a way "to secure a U.S. defensive and economic stake in the West Indies", according to the United States Department of State, President Andrew Johnson of the United States began the pursuit of annexing Hispaniola, including Haiti, in 1868. In 1890, the Môle Saint-Nicolas affair occurred when President Benjamin Harrison, on the advice of Secretary of State James G. Blaine, ordered Rear-Admiral Bancroft Gherardi to persuade newly assumed President of Haiti Florvil Hyppolite to lease the port to the United States. Enforcing gunboat diplomacy upon Haiti, Gherardi aboard  along with his fleet arrived in the capital city of Port-au-Prince to demand the acquisition of Môle Saint-Nicolas. President Hyppolite refused any agreement as Haitians grew angered by the presence of the fleet, with The New York Times writing that the Haitians' "semi-barbaric minds saw in it a threat of violence". Upon returning to the United States in 1891, Gherardi said in an interview with The New York Times that in a short time Haiti would experience further instability, suggesting that future governments in Haiti would abide by the demands of the United States.

By the 1890s, Haiti became reliant on importing most of its goods from the United States while it exported the majority of its production to France. The Roosevelt Corollary also affected Haiti's relationship with the United States. By 1910, President William Howard Taft attempted to introduce American businesses to Haiti in order to deter European influence and granted a large loan to Haiti to pay off foreign debts, though this proved to be fruitless due to the size of the debt.

German presence

The United States was not concerned by France's influence, though German influence in Haiti raised concern. Germany had intervened in Haiti, including the Lüders affair in 1897, and had been influencing other Caribbean nations during the previous few decades. Germany had also become increasingly hostile to United States domination of the region under the Monroe Doctrine.

The United States' concern over Germany's ambitions was mirrored by apprehension and rivalry between American businessmen and the small German community in Haiti, which although numbering only about 200 in 1910 wielded a disproportionate amount of economic power. German nationals controlled about eighty percent of the country's international commerce. They owned and operated utilities in Cap-Haïten and Port-au-Prince, including the main wharf and a tramway in the capital, and also had built the railway serving the Plain of the Cul-de-Sac.

The German community was more willing to integrate into Haitian society than any other group of Caucasian foreigners, including the more numerous French. Some Germans had married into Haiti's most prominent mixed-race families of African-French descent. This enabled them to bypass the constitutional prohibition against foreigners owning land. The German residents retained strong ties to their homeland and sometimes aided the German military and intelligence networks in Haiti. They also served as the principal financiers of the nation's numerous revolutions, floating loans at high interest rates to the competing political factions.

In the lead-up to World War I, the strategic importance of Haiti, along with the German influence there, worried President Wilson, who feared a German presence near the Panama Canal Zone.

Haitian instability
In the first decades of the 20th century, Haiti experienced great political instability and was heavily in debt to France, Germany and the United States. The Wilson administration viewed Haiti's instability as a national security threat to the United States. Political tensions were often between two groups; wealthy French-speaking mulatto Haitians who represented the minority of the population and poor Afro-Haitians who spoke Haitian Creole. Various revolutionary armies carried out the coups. Each was formed by cacos, peasant militias from the mountains of the north, who stayed along the porous Dominican border and were often funded by foreign governments to stage revolts.

In 1902, a civil war was fought between the government of Pierre Théoma Boisrond-Canal and General Pierre Nord Alexis against rebels of Anténor Firmin, which led to Pierre Nord Alexis becoming president. In 1908, he was forced from power and a series of short lived presidencies came and went: his successor François C. Antoine Simon in 1911; President Cincinnatus Leconte (1911–12) was killed in a (possibly deliberate) explosion at the National Palace; Michel Oreste (1913–14) was ousted in a coup, as was his successor Oreste Zamor in 1914. Between 1911 and 1915, Haiti had seven presidents because of political assassinations, coups and forced exiles.

American financial interests
Prior to the intervention of the United States, Haiti's large debt was 80 percent of its annual revenue, though it was able to meet financial obligations, especially when compared to Ecuador, Honduras and Mexico at that time. In the twentieth century, the United States had become Haiti's largest trade partner, replacing France, with American businesses expanding their presence in Haiti. Due to the influence of Germans within Haiti, they were regarded as a threat to American financial interests, with businesses ultimately advocating for policies of invading Haiti. Haitian authorities in 1903 began to accuse the National Bank of Haiti of fraud and by 1908, Haitian Minister of Finance Frédéric Marcelin pushed for the bank to work on the behalf of Haitians, though French officials began to devise plans to reorganize their financial interests. French envoy to Haiti Pierre Carteron wrote following Marcelin's objections that "It is of the highest importance that we study how to set up a new French credit establishment in Port-au-Prince ... Without any close link to the Haitian government."

Businesses from the United States had pursued the control of Haiti for years and in 1909, the new president of National City Bank of New York, Frank A. Vanderlip, began to plan the bank's take over of Haiti's finances as part of his larger role of making the bank grow in international markets. In early 1909, Speyer & Co. promoted a stock to Vanderlip and the bank to invest in the National Railroad of Haiti, which held a monopoly of importing in the Port-au-Prince area. The Haitian government faced conflict with the National City Bank over the railroad regarding payments to creditors, later leading to the bank seeking to control the entirety of Haiti's finances. Vanderlip wrote to Chairman of National City Bank James Stillman in 1910, "In the future, this stock will give us a foothold [in Haiti] and I think we will perhaps later undertake the reorganization of the Government's currency system, which, I believe, I see my way clear to do with practically no monetary risk". From 1910 to 1911, the United States Department of State backed a consortium of American investors – headed by the National City Bank of New York – to acquire a managing stake of the National Bank of Haiti to create the Bank of the Republic of Haiti (BNRH), with the new bank often holding payments from the Haitian government, leading to unrest. France would also keep a stake in the BNRH. The BNRH was the country's sole commercial bank and served as the Haitian government's treasury.

Officials of the Wilson administration were not knowledgeable of Haiti and often relied on information from American businessmen. United States Secretary of State William Jennings Bryan fired established Latin American experts upon his nomination and instead replaced them with political allies. Bryan initially proposed forgiving the debt of Caribbean nations, though President Wilson viewed this as too radical. With his ideas facing rejection, Bryan, who had little information on Haiti, instead relied on the vice president of National City Bank, Roger Leslie Farnham, for information regarding Haiti. Farnham had an extensive background working as a financial advisor, lobbyist, journalist and purchasing agent between the United States and the Caribbean, with American historian Brenda Gayle Plummer writing "Farnham ... is often portrayed by historians as the deus ex machina single-handedly plotting the American intervention of 1915". Throughout the 1910s, Farnham demanded successive Haitian governments to grant him control of the nation's customs, the only source of revenue, threatening American intervention when Haiti refused citing national sovereignty. John H. Allen, manager of the BNRH, also met with Bryan for consultation in 1912, with Allen later sharing an account of Bryan being surprised about Haitian culture and stating "Dear me, think of it! Niggers speaking French".

In 1914, France began to lose its ties to Haiti as it was focusing its efforts on World War I and Farnham suggested to the United States Congress that the BNRH's "active management has been from New York". Allen later stated that if the United States permanently occupied Haiti, he supported National City Bank acquiring all shares of BNRH, believing that it would "pay 20% or better". Farnham persuaded Secretary Bryan to have the United States invade Haiti during a telephone call on January 22, 1914. Farnham argued that Haiti was not improving due to continuous internal conflict, that Haitians were not interested in the revolts occurring and that American troops would be welcomed in Haiti. Farnham also exaggerated the role of European influence, even convincing Secretary Bryan that France and Germany – two nations then at war with each other – were plotting in cooperation to obtain the harbor of Môle Saint-Nicholas in northern Haiti. The businessman concluded that Haiti would not improve "until such time as some stronger outside power steps in". American diplomats would ultimately draft plans to take over Haiti's finances, dubbed the "Farnham Plan".

After American officials travelled to Haiti to propose the "Farnham Plan", Haitian legislators denounced their minister of foreign affairs, saying he was "endeavoring to sell the country to the United States" according to a telegram of the US State Department. Due to Haitian opposition to the plan, the BNRH withheld funds from the Haitian government and funded rebels to destabilize the Haitian government in order to justify American intervention, generating 12% gains in interest by holding on to the funds. On January 27, 1914, Haitian President Michel Oreste was deposed in a coup. Two generals, Charles and Oreste Zamor, seized control. In response, the USS Montana sent a marine detachment on January 29 into Port-au Prince to protect American interests. On February 5, 1914, military forces from the French cruiser Conde and British HMS Lancaster also landed troops. These units agreed to leave the city and boarded their ships on February 9, 1914.

BNRH's Allen telegrammed the State Department on April 8, 1914, requesting that the U.S. Navy sail to Port-au-Prince to deter possible rebellions. In the summer of 1914, the BNRH began to threaten the Haitian government that it would no longer provide payments. Simultaneously, Secretary Bryan telegrammed the United States consul in Cap-Haïtien, writing that the State Department agreed with invading Haiti, telling the consul that the United States "earnestly desires successfully carrying out of Farnham's plan".
American bankers raised fears that Haiti would default on debt payments despite consistent compliance by Haiti with loan conditions, calling for the seizure of Haiti's national bank. National City Bank officials – acting on behalf of Farnham – demanded the State Department to provide military support to acquire Haiti's national reserves, with the bank arguing that Haiti had become too unstable to safeguard the assets. Urged by the National City Bank and the BNRH, with the latter of the two already under direction of American business interests, eight United States Marines walked into the national bank and took custody of Haiti's gold reserve of about US$500,000 – about the  – on December 17, 1914. The Marines packed the gold into wooden boxes, loaded them into a wagon, and transported the gold under the protection of plainclothes clandestine soldiers lining the route to the USS Machias, which transferred its load to the National City Bank's New York City vault on 55 Wall Street. The robbery of the gold provided the United States with a large amount of control over the Haitian government, though American businesses demanded further intervention. National City Bank would go on to acquire some of its largest gains in the 1920s due to debt payments from Haiti, according to later filings to the Senate Finance Committee, with debt payments to the bank comprising 25% of Haiti's revenue.

American invasion
In February 1915, Vilbrun Guillaume Sam, son of a former Haitian president, took power as President of Haiti. The culmination of his repressive measures came on July 27, 1915, when he ordered the execution of 167 political prisoners, including former president Zamor, who was being held in a Port-au-Prince jail. This infuriated the population, which rose up against Sam's government as soon as news of the executions reached them. Sam, who had taken refuge in the French embassy, was lynched by an enraged mob in Port-au-Prince as soon as they learned of the executions. The United States regarded the anti-American revolt against Sam as a threat to American business interests in the country, especially the Haitian American Sugar Company (HASCO). When the caco-supported anti-American Rosalvo Bobo emerged as the next president of Haiti, the United States government decided to act quickly to preserve its economic dominance.

In April 1915, Secretary Bryan expressed support for invading Haiti to President Wilson, writing "The American interests are willing to remain there, with a view of purchasing a controlling interest and making the bank a branch of the American bank – they are willing to do this provided this government takes the steps necessary to protect them and their idea seems to be that no protection will be sufficient that does not include control of the Customs House."

On July 28, 1915, United States President Woodrow Wilson ordered 340 United States Marines to occupy Port-au-Prince and the invasion took place the same day. The Secretary of the Navy instructed the invasion commander, Rear Admiral William Banks Caperton, to "protect American and foreign" interests. Wilson also wanted to rewrite the Haitian constitution, which banned foreign ownership of land, to replace it with one that guaranteed American financial control. To avoid public criticism, Wilson claimed the occupation was a mission to "re-establish peace and order ... [and] has nothing to do with any diplomatic negotiations of the past or the future," as disclosed by Rear Admiral Caperton. Only one Haitian soldier, Pierre Sully, tried to resist the invasion, and he was shot dead by the Marines.

American occupation

Dartiguenave presidency

U.S. installs Dartiguenave as president
Haitian presidents were not elected by universal suffrage but rather chosen by the Senate. The American occupying authorities therefore looked to find a presidential candidate ready to cooperate with them. Philippe Sudré Dartiguenave, president of the Senate and among the mulatto Haitian elite who supported the United States, agreed to accept the presidency of Haiti in August 1915 after several other candidates had refused. The United States would later go on to install more wealthy mulatto Haitians in positions of power.

U.S. takeover of Haitian institutions
For several decades, the Haitian government had been receiving large loans from both American and French banks, and with the political chaos was growing increasingly incapable of repaying their debts. If the anti-American government of Rosalvo Bobo prevailed, there was no guarantee of debt repayment, and American businesses refused to continue investing there. Within six weeks of the occupation, U.S. government representatives seized control of Haiti's customs houses and administrative institutions, including the banks and the national treasury. Under U.S. government control, 40% of Haiti's national income was designated to repay debts to American and French banks.
In September 1915, the United States Senate ratified the Haitian-American Convention, a treaty granting the United States security and economic oversight of Haiti for a 10-year period. Haiti's legislature initially refused to ratify the treaty, though Admiral Caperton threatened hold payments from Haiti until the treaty was signed. The treaty gave the President of the United States the power to appoint a customs receiver general, economic advisors, public works engineers; and to assign American military officers to oversee a Haitian gendarmerie. Haiti's economic functions were overseen by the United States Department of State, while the United States Navy was tasked with infrastructure and healthcare works, though the Navy ultimately held more authority. Officials from the United States then wielded veto power over all governmental decisions in Haiti, and Marine Corps commanders served as administrators in the departments. The original treaty was to be in effect for ten years, though an additional agreement in 1917 expanded the United States' power for twenty years. For the next nineteen years, U.S. State Department advisers ruled Haiti, their authority enforced by the United States Marine Corps.

The Gendarmerie of Haiti, now known as the Garde d'Haïti, was also created and controlled by U.S. Marines throughout the occupation, initially led by Major Smedley D. Butler. Rear Admiral Caperton ordered his 2,500 Marines to occupy all of Haiti's districts, equipping them with airplanes, cars and trucks. Five airfields were constructed and at least three airplanes were present in Haiti. Marines were tasked with multiple duties for their districts; law enforcement, tax collection, medicine distribution and overseeing arbitration.

Economically and politically, the Haitian government relied on American approval for most projects. The 1915 treaty with the United States proved expensive; the Government of Haiti had such a limited income that it was difficult to hire public workers and officials. Before utilizing any money, the Haitian government had to obtain approval from an American financial advisor and by 1918, would rely on American officials for approval of any laws due to fears of violating the treaty.

First Caco War
The installation of a president without the consent of Haitians and the forced labor of the corvée system enforced upon Haitians by American forces led to opposition of the U.S. occupation began immediately after the Marines entered Haiti, creating rebel groups of Haitians who felt they were returning to slavery. The rebels (called "cacos," after a local bird sharing their ambush tactics) strongly resisted American control of Haiti. The U.S. and Haitian governments began a vigorous campaign to destroy the rebel armies. Perhaps the best-known account of this skirmishing came from Marine Major Smedley Butler, awarded a Medal of Honor for his exploits. He was appointed to serve as commanding officer of the Haitian Gendarmerie. He later expressed his disapproval of the U.S. intervention in his 1935 book War Is a Racket.

On November 17, 1915, the Marines captured Fort Rivière, a stronghold of the Cacos rebels, which marked the end of the First Caco War. The United States military issued two Haitian Campaign Medals to U.S. Marine and Naval personnel for service in the country during the periods 1915 and 1919–20.

U.S. forces new Haitian constitution
Shortly after installing Dartiguenave as president of Haiti, President Wilson pursued the rewriting of the Constitution of Haiti. One of the main concerns for the United States was the ban of foreigners from owning Haitian land. Early leader Jean-Jacques Dessalines had forbidden land ownership by foreigners when Haiti became independent to deter foreign influence, and since 1804, some Haitians had viewed foreign ownership as anathema. Fearing impeachment and due to opposition of the legislature, Dartiguenave ordered the dissolution of the senate on April 6, 1916, with Major Butler and Colonel Waller enforcing new legislative elections. Colonel Eli K. Cole would later assume Waller's position as commander of the Marines.

The newly-elected legislature of Haiti immediately rejected the constitution proposed by the United States. Instead, the legislative body began drafting a new constitution of its own that was in contrast to the interests of the United States. Under orders from the United States, President Dartiguenave dissolved the legislature in 1917 after its members refused to approve the proposed constitution, with Major Butler forcing the closing of the senate at gunpoint.

Haiti's new constitution was drafted under the supervision of Franklin D. Roosevelt, then Assistant Secretary of the Navy. A referendum in Haiti subsequently approved the new constitution in 1918 (by a vote of 98,225 to 768). In Roosevelt's new constitution, Haiti explicitly allowed foreigners to control Haitian land for the first time since Haiti's creation. As a result of opposing the United States' effort of rewriting its constitution, Haiti would remain without a legislative branch until 1929.

Second Caco War

The end of the First World War in 1918 deprived the Haitians of their main ally in the guerrilla struggle. Germany's defeat meant its end as a menace to the U.S. in the Caribbean, as it lost control of Tortuga. Nevertheless, the U.S. continued its occupation of Haiti after the war, despite President Woodrow Wilson's claims at the Paris Peace Conference of 1919 that he supported self-determination among other peoples.

At one time, at least twenty percent of Haitians had been involved in the rebellion against occupation according to africanologist Patrick Bellegarde-Smith. The strongest period of unrest culminated in a 1918 rebellion by up to 40,000 former cacos and other members of the opposition led by Charlemagne Péralte, a former officer of the dissolved Haitian army. The scale of the uprising overwhelmed the Gendarmerie, but U.S. Marine reinforcements helped put down the revolt. For their part, the Haitians resorted to non-conventional tactics, being severely outmatched by their occupiers. Prior to his death, Péralte launched an attack on Port-au-Prince. The assassination of Péralte in 1919 solidified US Marine power over the Cacos.  The Second Caco War ended with the death of Benoît Batraville in 1920, who had commanded an assault on the Haitian capital that year. An estimated 2,004 cacos were killed in the fighting, as well as several dozens of American marines and Haitian gendarmes.

Congressional investigation

The educated elite in Haiti was L'Union Patriotique, which established ties with opponents of the occupation in the U.S. They found allies in the NAACP and among both white and African-American leaders. The NAACP sent civil rights activist James Weldon Johnson, its field secretary, to investigate conditions in Haiti. He published his account in 1920, decrying "the economic corruption, forced labor, press censorship, racial segregation, and wanton violence introduced to Haiti by the U.S. occupation encouraged numerous African Americans to flood the State Department and the offices of Republican Party officials with letters" calling for an end to the abuses and to remove troops. Academic W. E. B. Du Bois, who had Haitian ancestry, demanded a response for the Wilson administration's actions and wrote that U.S. troops "have no designs on the political independence of the island and no desire to exploit it ruthlessly for the take of selfish business interests".

Based on Johnson's investigation, NAACP executive secretary Herbert J. Seligman wrote in the July 10, 1920, The Nation:

"Military camps have been built throughout the island. The property of natives has been taken for military use. Haitians carrying a gun were for a time shot on sight. Machine guns have been turned on crowds of unarmed natives, and United States Marines have, by accounts which several of them gave me in casual conversation, not troubled to investigate how many were killed or wounded."According to Johnson, there was only one reason why the United States occupied Haiti:

Two years after Johnson published his findings, a congressional investigation began in the United States in 1922. The report from Congress did not include testimony from Haitians and ignored allegations involving National City Bank of New York and U.S. Marines. Congress concluded the report by defending a continued occupation of Haiti, arguing that "chronic revolution, anarchy, barbarism, and ruin" would befall upon Haiti if the United States withdrew. Johnson described the congressional investigation as "on the whole, a whitewash".

Borno presidency

In 1922, Dartiguenave was replaced by Louis Borno, with the US-appointed General John H. Russell, Jr. serving as High Commissioner. General Russell worked on the behalf of the United States Department of State and was authorized as the representative to carry out treaty works.

National City Bank acquires BNRH
On August 17, 1922, BNRH was completely acquired by National City Bank, its headquarters was moved to New York City and Haiti's debt to France was moved to be paid to American investors. Following the acquisition of BNRH, the November 1922 titled of National City Bank's employee journal No. 8 exclaimed "Bank of Haiti is Ours!" According to professor Peter James Hudson, "such control represented the end of independence and, as the BNRH and the republic's gold reserve became mere entries on the ledgers of the City Bank, a sign of a return to colonial servitude".

Forced labor
The Borno-Russell government oversaw the use of forced labor to expand the economy and to complete infrastructure projects. Sisal was introduced to Haiti as a commodity crop, and sugar and cotton became significant exports. However, efforts to develop commercial agriculture met with limited success, in part because much of Haiti's labor force was employed as seasonal workers in the more-established sugar industries of Cuba and the Dominican Republic. An estimated 30,000–40,000 Haitian laborers, known in Cuba as braceros, went annually to the Oriente Province between 1913 and 1931. The Great Depression disastrously affected the prices of Haiti's exports and destroyed the tenuous gains of the previous decade. Under press laws, Borno frequently imprisoned newspaper press that criticized his government.

Les Cayes massacre

President Herbert Hoover had become increasingly pressured about the effects of occupying Haiti at the time and began inquiring about a withdrawal strategy. By 1929, Haitians had grown angered with the Borno-Russell government and American occupation, with demands for direct elections increasing. In early December 1929, protests against the American occupation began at the Service Technique de l'Agriculture et de l'Enseignement Professionnel's main school. On December 6, 1929,  about 1,500 Haitians peacefully protesting local economic conditions in Les Cayes were fired upon by U.S. Marines, with the massacre resulting in 12 to 22 Haitians dead and 51 injured. The massacre resulted in international outrage, with President Hoover calling on Congress to investigate conditions in Haiti the following day.

Forbes Commission, Borno's resignation
President Hoover would later appoint two commissions, including one headed by a former U.S. governor of the Philippines William Cameron Forbes. The commission arrived in Haiti on February 28, 1930, with President Hoover demanding the commission to determine "when and how we are to withdraw from Haiti" and "what we shall do in the meantime". The Forbes Commission praised the material improvements that the U.S. administration had achieved, but it criticized the continued exclusion of Haitian nationals from positions of real authority in the government and the gendarmerie. In more general terms, the commission asserted that "the social forces that created [instability] still remain – poverty, ignorance, and the lack of a tradition or desire for orderly free government." The commission concluded that occupation of Haiti was a failure and that the United States did not "understand the social problems of Haiti".

With increased calls for direct elections, American officials feared violence if demands were not met. An agreement was made that resulted with President Borno's resignation and the establishment of Haitian banker Louis Eugène Roy as an interim president. In the agreement proposed by the Forbes Commission, Roy would be elected by Congress to serve as president until a direct election for Congress was held, which is when Roy would resign. American officials said that if Congress were to refuse, Roy would be installed as president forcibly.

Vincent presidency
Under orders to not interfere with elections, the United States observed elections on October 14, 1930, that resulted with Haitian nationalist candidates being elected. Sténio Vincent was elected President of Haiti by the Congress of Haiti in November 1930. The new nationalist government had a tense relationship with American officials. By the end of 1930, Haitians were being trained by Americans for administration roles of their own nation. When additional American commissions began to arrive in Haiti, popular unrest broke out and President Vincent reached a secret agreement to ease tensions with the United States in exchange to grant more power to American officials to enact their "Haitianization" policies.

Franklin D. Roosevelt, who as Assistant Secretary of the Navy said he was responsible for drafting the 1918 constitution, was a proponent of the "Good Neighbor policy" for the US role in the Caribbean and Latin America. The United States and Haiti agreed on August 7, 1933, to end the occupation. On a visit to Cap-Haïtien in July 1934, Roosevelt reaffirmed the August 1933 disengagement agreement. The last contingent of US Marines departed on August 15, 1934, after a formal transfer of authority to the Garde. The U.S. retained influence on Haiti's external finances until 1947, as per the 1919 treaty that required an American financial advisor through the life of Haiti's acquired loan.

Effects

Economy
The occupation was costly for the Haitian government; American advisors collected about 5% of Haiti's revenue while the 1915 treaty with the United States limited Haiti's income, resulting with fewer jobs for the government to assign. Numerous agricultural changes included the introduction of sisal. Sugarcane and cotton became significant exports, boosting prosperity. However, efforts to develop commercial agriculture produced limited results while American agricultural businesses removed the property from thousands of Haitian peasants to produce bananas, sisal and rubber for export, resulting with lower domestic food production.

Haitian traditionalists, based in rural areas, were highly resistant to U.S.-backed changes, while the urban elites, typically mixed-race, welcomed the growing economy, but wanted more political control. Following the end of the occupation in 1934, under the Presidency of Sténio Vincent (1930–41), debts were still outstanding and the U.S. financial advisor-general receiver handled the budget until 1941 when three American and three Haitian directors headed by an American manager assumed the role. Haiti's loan debt to the United States was about twenty percent of the nation's annual revenue.

Formal American influence on Haiti's economy would conclude in 1947. The United Nations and the United States Department of State would report at the time that Haitian rural peasants, who comprised 90% of the nation's population, lived "close to starvation level".

Infrastructure
The occupation improved some of Haiti's infrastructure and centralized power in Port-au-Prince, though much of the funds collected by the United States was not used to modernize Haiti. Corvée forced labor of Haitians, that was enforced by the US-operated gendarmerie, was used for infrastructure projects, particularly for road building. Forced labor would ultimately result in the deaths of hundreds to thousands of Haitians. Infrastructure improvements included  of roads being made usable, 189 bridges built, the rehabilitation of irrigation canals, the construction of hospitals, schools, and public buildings, and drinking water was brought to the main cities. Port-au-Prince became the first Caribbean city to have a phone service with automatic dialing. Agricultural education was organized, with a central school of agriculture and 69 farms in the country.

The majority of Haitians believed that the public works projects enforced by the US Marines were unsatisfactory. American officers who controlled Haiti at the time spent more on their own salaries than on the public health budget for two million Haitians. A 1949 report by the United States Department of State wrote that irrigation systems that were recently constructed were "not in good condition".

Education
The United States redesigned the education system. It dismantled the liberal arts education which the Haitians had inherited (and adapted) from the French system. With the Service Technique de l'Agriculture et de l'Enseignement Professionnel, Americans emphasized agricultural and vocational training, similar to its industrial education for minorities and immigrants in the United States. Dr. Robert Russa Moton was tasked with assessing the Service Technique, concluding that though the objectives were admirable, performance was not satisfactory and criticized the large amount of funding it received compared to average Haitian public schools, which were in poor condition.

Elite Haitians despised the system, believing it was discriminatory against their people. The mulatto elite also feared the creation of an educated middle class that would potentially lead to the loss of their influence.

Loss of German influence

The political, military, and economic power of both the German-Haitian community and the Imperial German government were utterly broken by years of hostile occupation. Germans had been censured for association with anti-American mobilization. German intelligence cells operating on the island were purged or forced to surrender. The US entered the war against the German Empire in 1917, and in 1918 the latter was defeated in the war and almost immediately collapsed. The remaining German-Haitians were largely left isolated, with many opting to emigrate (usually back to Germany) or to stay on and try to claw their way back.

Human rights abuses

The United States Marines ruled Haiti as a military regime using a constant state of martial law, operating the newly created Haitian gendarmerie to suppress Haitians who opposed occupation. Between 1915 and 1930, Haitians represented only about 35–40% of officers in the gendarmes. During the occupation of Haiti by the United States, human rights abuses were committed against the native Haitian population. Such actions involved censorship, concentration camps, forced labor, racial segregation, religious persecution of Haitian Vodou practitioners and torture.

Overall, American troops and the Haitian gendarmerie killed several thousands of Haitian civilians during the rebellions between 1915 and 1920, though the exact death toll is unknown. During Senate hearings in 1921, the commandant of the Marine Corps reported that, in the 20 months of active unrest, 2,250 Haitian rebels had been killed. However, in a report to the Secretary of the Navy, he reported the death toll as being 3,250. According to Haitian American academic Michel-Rolph Trouillot, about 5,500 Haitians died in labor camps alone. Haitian historian Roger Gaillard, estimated that in total, including rebel combatants and civilians, at least 15,000 Haitians were killed throughout the occupation. According to Paul Farmer, the higher estimates are not supported by most historians outside Haiti.

American troops also performed union-busting actions, often for American businesses like the Haitian American Sugar Company, the Haitian American Development Corporation and National City Bank of New York.

Executions and killings
Under American occupation, extrajudicial executions were committed against Haitians. During the second Caco war of 1918–1919, many Caco prisoners were summarily executed by Marines and the gendarmerie on orders from their superiors. On June 4, 1916, Marines executed Caco General Mizrael Codio and ten others captured in Fonds-Verrettes. In Hinche in January 1919, Captain Ernest Lavoie of the gendarmerie, a former United States Marine, allegedly ordered the killing of nineteen Caco rebels according to American officers, though no charges were placed due to no physical evidence being presented. During the investigation of two Marines accused of illegally executing Haitians, the attorney of the soldiers minimized their actions saying that such killings were common, prompting larger investigations into the matter.

One controversial event occurred when in an attempt to discourage rebel support from the Haitian population, the US troops took a photograph of Charlemagne Péralte's body tied to a door following his assassination in 1919, and distributed it in the country. However, it had the opposite effect, with the image's resemblance to a crucifixion making it an icon of the resistance and establishing Péralte as a martyr.

 Mass killings of civilians were allegedly committed by United States Marines and their Haitian gendarmerie subordinates. According to Haitian historian Roger Gaillard, such killings involved rape, lynchings, summary executions, burning villages and deaths by burning. Internal documents of the United States Army justified the killing of women and children, describing them as "auxiliaries" of rebels. A private memorandum of the Secretary of the Navy criticized "indiscriminate killings against natives". American officers responsible for acts of violence were given names in Creole such as "Linx" for Commandant Freeman Lang and "Ouiliyanm" for Sergeant Dorcas Lee Williams. According to American journalist H.J. Seligman, Marines would practice "bumping off Gooks", describing the shooting of civilians in a similar manner as killing for sport.

Beginning in 1919, American troops began attacking rural villages. In November 1919, villagers in Thomazeau hiding in a nearby forest sent a letter – the only surviving testament of the event – to a French priest asking for protection. In the letter, survivors wrote that at least two American planes bombed and shot at two villages, killing half of the population including men, women, children and the elderly. On December 5, 1919, American planes bombed Les Cayes in a possible act of intimidation. American pilots were investigated for their actions, though none were condemned. These actions were described by anthropologist Jean-Philippe Belleau as possibly "the first ever carried out by air on civilian populations".

Forced labor

A corvée policy of forced labor was enacted upon Haitians, enforced by the U.S.-operated Haitian gendarmerie in the interest of improving economic conditions to fulfill foreign debts – including payments to the United States – and to improve the nation's infrastructure. The corvée system was found in Haiti's rural code by Major Smedley D. Butler, who testified that forced labor cut the cost of  of road construction from $51,000 per mile to $205 per mile.

The corvée resulted in the deaths of hundreds to thousands of Haitians. Haitians were tied together in rope and those fleeing labor projects were often shot. According to Haitian American academic Michel-Rolph Trouillot, about 5,500 Haitians died in labor camps. In addition, Roger Gaillard writes that some Haitians were killed fleeing the camps or if they did not work satisfactorily. Many of the deaths and killings attributed to forced labor occurred during the extensive construction of roads in Haiti. In some instances, Haitians were forced to work on projects without pay and while shackled to chains. The corvée system's treatment of Haitians has been compared to the system of bondage labor enforced upon black Americans during the Reconstruction era following the American Civil War.

Racism
Many of those tasked with the occupation of Haiti espoused racist beliefs. The first Marine commander ashore assigned was Colonel Littleton Waller, who had a history of racism against mulattos, describing them as "real nigger ... real nigs beneath the surface". Wilson's Secretary of State Robert Lansing also held racist beliefs, writing at the time that "the African race are devoid of any capacity for political organization". The United States introduced Jim Crow laws to Haiti with racist attitudes towards the Haitian people by the American occupation forces that were blatant and widespread. Many of the Marines chosen to occupy Haiti were from the Southern United States, specifically Alabama and Louisiana, resulting in increased racial tensions. Racism has been recognized as a factor leading to increased violence by American troops against Haitians. One general described Haitians as "niggers who pretend to speak French".

Initially, officers and the elites intermingled at social gatherings and clubs. Such gatherings were minimized when families of American forces began arriving. Relations degraded rapidly upon departure of officers for World War I. The Haitian elite found the American junior and non-commissioned officers to be ignorant and uneducated. There were numerous reports of remaining Marines drinking to excess, fighting, and sexually assaulting women. The situation was so bad that Marine General John A. Lejeune, based in Washington, D.C., banned the sale of alcohol to any military personnel.

The Americans inhabited neighborhoods of Port-au-Prince in high quality housing. This neighborhood was called the "millionaires' row". Hans Schmidt recounted a navy officer's opinion on the matter of segregation: "I can't see why they wouldn't have a better time with their crowd, just as I do with mine." American racial intolerance provoked indignation and resentment – and eventually a racial pride that was reflected in the work of a new generation of Haitian historians, ethnologists, writers, artists, and others. Many of these later became active in politics and government. The elite Haitians, mostly mixed race with higher levels of education and capital, continued to dominate the country's bureaucracy and to strengthen its role in national affairs.

Colorism, which had existed since French colonization, had also become prevalent once more under American occupation and racial segregation became common . All three rulers during the occupation came from the country's mixed-race elite. At the same time, many in the growing black professional classes departed from the traditional veneration of Haiti's French cultural heritage and emphasized the nation's African roots. Among these were ethnologist Jean Price-Mars and the journal Les Griots (the title referred to traditional African oral historians, the storytellers) edited by Dr. François Duvalier, a future totalitarian president of Haiti. The racism and violence that occurred during the United States occupation of Haiti, inspired black nationalism among Haitians and left a powerful impression on the young Duvalier.

Torture
The torture of Haitian rebels or those suspected of rebelling against the United States was common among occupying Marines. Some methods of torture included the use of water cure, hanging prisoners by their genitals and ceps, which involved pushing both sides of the tibia with the butts of two guns.

Analysis

20th century
Haitian writers and public figures also responded to the occupation. For example, a minister of public education, Dantès Bellegarde raised issues with the events in his book, La Résistance Haïtienne (l'Occupation Américaine d'Haïti). Bellegarde outlines the contradictions of the occupation with the realities. He accused President Wilson of writing the new Haitian Constitution to benefit the Americans, and wrote that Wilson's main purpose was to remove the previous Haitian clause that stated foreigners could not own land in the country. The original clause was designed to protect Haiti's independence from foreign powers. With the clause removed, Americans (including whites and other foreigners) could now own land. Furthermore, Bellegarde discusses the powerlessness of Haitian officials in the eyes of the Occupation because nothing could be done without the consent of the Americans. However, the main issue that Bellegarde articulates is that the Americans tried to change the education system of Haiti from one that was French based to that of the Americans. Even though Bellegarde was resistant he had a plan to build a university in Haiti that was based on the American system. He wanted a university with various schools of science, business, art, medicine, law, agriculture, and languages all connected by a common area and library. However, that dream was never realized because of the new direction the Haitian government was forced to take.

Jean Price-Mars associated the reasons behind the Occupation to the division between the Haitian elite and the poorer people of the country. He noted that the groups were divided over the practice of Haitian Vodou, with the implication that the elites did not recognize Vodou because they connected it to an evil practice.

21st century
Pezullo writes in his 2006 book Plunging Into Haiti: Clinton, Aristide, and the Defeat of Diplomacy that the racism similar to Jim Crow laws in the United States inspired black nationalism within Haiti and ignited future support for Haitian dictator François Duvalier.

In a 2013 article by Peter James Hudson published in Radical History Review, Hudson wrote:

Hudson further stated that the motives of American businessmen to become involved in Haiti were due to racial capitalism motivated by white supremacy.

According to a 2020 study which contrasts the American occupations of both Haiti and the Dominican Republic, the United States had a longer and more domineering occupation of Haiti because of perceived racial differences between the two populations. Dominican elites articulated a European–Spanish identity – in contrast to Haitian blackness – which led U.S. policymakers to accept leaving the territory in the population's hands.

See also
 History of Haiti
 Banana Wars
 Battle of Fort Dipitie
 Battle of Fort Rivière
 United States occupation of the Dominican Republic (1916–1924)
 Haiti during World War I
 Foreign interventions by the United States
 United States involvement in regime change

References

Sources

 - Total pages: 440

Further reading

 Boot, Max. The Savage Wars of Peace: Small Wars and the Rise of American Power.  New York, Basic Books: 2002.

 Harper's Magazine advertisement: Why Should You Worry About Haiti? by the Haiti-Santo Domingo Independence Society

 Spector, Robert M. "W. Cameron Forbes in Haiti: Additional Light on the Genesis of the 'Good Neighbor' Policy" Caribbean Studies (1966) 6#2 pp 28-45.

Primary sources
 Forbes, William Cameron. Report of the President's Commission for the Study and Review of Conditions in the Republic of Haiti: March 26, 1930 (US Government Printing Office, 1930) online

Conflicts in 1915
Republic of Haiti (1859–1957)
Invasions of Haiti
Wars involving Haiti
Haiti
Military history of Haiti
Haiti 1915–1934
Banana Wars
1915 in Haiti
1915 in the United States
American military occupations
United States Marine Corps in the 20th century
1915 in international relations
Haiti–United States military relations
United States involvement in regime change
Presidency of Woodrow Wilson
Presidency of Warren G. Harding
Presidency of Calvin Coolidge
Presidency of Herbert Hoover
Presidency of Franklin D. Roosevelt
Invasions by the United States
Citigroup

United States occupation of Haiti


بلدية إلس أوستاليتس دي بيارولا (بالكاتالانية: els Hostalets de Pierola) هي إحدى بلديات مقاطعة برشلونة، والتي تقع في منطقة كاتالونيا، شرق إسبانيا.

يبلغ عدد سكانها 2.219 نسمة وفقاً لإحصائية سنة (2007).

مراجع

بلديات في أناويا
بلديات في مقاطعة برشلونة

إلس هوستالتس دي بيرولا


Ástralar eru fólk af ástralskri arfleifð eða fólk fætt í Ástralíu. Árið 2013 bjuggu 47 ástralskir útlendingar á Íslandi.

Svæði eftir fjölda fólks

Heimildir

Fólk í Eyjaálfu
Ástralía

Ástralar


Džebedžija (tur. cebeci, od cebe: bojni oklop), u Osmanskom carstvu vojnički red za čuvanje i prijevoz oružja i streljivo. Red je osnovan za vrijeme sultana Mehmeda II. i imao je 700 ljudi.

U doba Murata III. njihov broj se povećao na oko 7000 pripadnika. Prva vojna obuka reda uvedena je za vrijeme vladavine sultana Selima III., a provodila se dva puta tjedno.

Na čelu reda nalazio se džebedžibaša. Odred džebedžija organizacijski se dijelio na buljuke i džemate, a bio je smješten u Istanbulu i ostalim krajiškim gradovima Bosne i Hercegovine gdje su do kraja 16. stoljeća sačinjavali dio posade po kapetanijama.

Kao vojnički red ukinuti su 1826. godine.

Literatura

 "Džebedžije". U: Vojna enciklopedija, sv. 2. Beograd: Izdanje redakcije Vojne enciklopedije, 1970., str. 600.
 J. Hammer, Des osmanischen Reichs Staatsverfassung und Staatsverwaltung, sv. 1-2, Beč, 1815.
 H. Kreševljaković, Kapetanije u Bosni i Hervegovini, Sarajevo, 1954.

Osmanske vojne postrojbe

Džebedžija


Estadio Anoeta İspanya'nın Donostia şehrinde 1993 yılında çok amaçlı olarak inşa edilen bir stadyum

Stadyumda çoğunlukla futbol müsabakaları yapılmaktadır. İspanya'nın Real Sociedad takımının maçlarını yaptığı stadyum, 32.000 seyirci kapasitelidir.

İspanya'daki stadyumlar

Anoeta Stadyumu


An Sagittaria fasciculata in uska species han Liliopsida nga ginhulagway ni E.O.Beal. An Sagittaria fasciculata in nahilalakip ha genus nga Sagittaria, ngan familia nga Alismataceae. Waray hini subspecies nga nakalista.

Mga kasarigan

Mga sumpay ha gawas

Sagittaria

Sagittaria fasciculata


Sofora (Sophora),  baklagiller (Fabaceae) familyasından, Çin kökenli olup Kore yarımadasında yetişen, 15–20 m boy atabilen, 1 m eninde gövdeye ulaşabilen, dalları uzun, hafif kıvrık ve koyu yeşil renkte olan ağaç ve çalı türlerinin ortak adı. Acı meyan olarak da bilinir.

Türler
 Sophora albescens
 Sophora alopecuroides (acı meyan) TÜRKİYE
 Sophora cassioides
 Sophora chathamica
 Sophora chrysophylla
 Sophora davidii
 Sophora fernandeziana
 Sophora flavescens
 Sophora fulvida
 Sophora godleyi
 Sophora howinsula
 Sophora inhambanensis
 Sophora jaubertii TÜRKİYE
 Sophora koreensis
 Sophora lehmannii
 Sophora longicarinata
 Sophora masafuerana
 Sophora macrocarpa
 Sophora microphylla
 Sophora mollis
 Sophora molloyi
 Sophora moorcroftiana
 Sophora nuttalliana
 Sophora pachycarpa
 Sophora prostrata
 Sophora tetraptera
 Sophora tomentosa
 Sophora tonkinensis
 Sophora toromiro
 Sophora velutina
 Sophora violacea

Ağaçlar
Faboideae

Sofora


Patrick Duffy (born March 17, 1949) is an American actor and director widely known for his role on the CBS primetime soap opera Dallas, where he played Bobby Ewing, the youngest son of Miss Ellie, and the nicest brother of J.R. Ewing (played by Barbara Bel Geddes and Larry Hagman respectively) from 1978 to 1985 and from 1986 to 1991. Duffy returned to reprise his role as Bobby in a continuation of Dallas, which aired on TNT from 2012 to 2014. He is also well known for his role on the ABC sitcom Step by Step as Frank Lambert from 1991 to 1998, and for his role as Stephen Logan on the CBS daytime soap opera The Bold and the Beautiful (2006–2011, 2022, 2023). Duffy played the lead character's father in the 2014 NBC sitcom Welcome to Sweden.

Early life
Duffy was born in Townsend, Montana, in 1949, the son of tavern owners Terence and Marie Duffy. Duffy is of Irish ancestry. During high school, Duffy was living in Everett, Washington, and attended Cascade High School. At Cascade, he participated in the Drama Club and the Pep Club, for which he was a Yell King. Academically, Duffy graduated from the University of Washington in 1971 with a degree in drama.  He ruptured both his vocal cords during his senior year of college, but was hired as actor-in-residence, where he worked as an interpreter for ballet, opera, and orchestra companies in Washington. He also taught mime and movement classes during this period. In a 2021 interview with David A. Weiner, Duffy credits his sister, an international champion diver, with teaching him the necessary swimming techniques for his first career break. She became a police officer in Seattle.

Career

Duffy appeared in a Taco Bell commercial in the early 1970s, playing an employee describing an Enchirito. In 1977, he landed the role of Mark Harris in the short-lived television series Man from Atlantis. Following the series' cancellation in early 1978, he got his big break in the role of Bobby Ewing, opposite Barbara Bel Geddes and Larry Hagman, on the prime-time soap opera Dallas. The show became a worldwide success. Despite its success, Duffy opted to leave the series in 1985 with his character being killed off onscreen. However, with both the show and his career on the decline, he returned in 1986 in the infamous shower scene that rendered the entire 1985–1986 season "just a dream." Duffy then remained with the series until its cancellation in 1991. He also appeared in several episodes of the spin-off series Knots Landing between 1979 and 1982. Throughout the 13-year run of Dallas, Duffy directed several episodes of the series.
Along with Dallas fame, Duffy has also tried his hand at singing, and in 1983, he had a hit in Europe with "Together We're Strong", a duet with French female singer Mireille Mathieu. The single reached No. 5 in the Netherlands in April 1983.

At the end of Dallas run in 1991, Duffy began another television role, as Frank Lambert on the family sitcom, Step by Step in which he co-starred with Suzanne Somers. The series ran until 1998, and Duffy also directed numerous episodes. Also in the 1990s, he appeared in two Dallas reunion television films; J.R. Returns (1996) and War of the Ewings (1998), both of which he also co-produced. He has reunited on several occasions with many of his Dallas co-stars both onscreen and off, most notably for the non-fiction television special Dallas Reunion: Return to Southfork in 2004. Duffy later continued to act in occasional guest or voice acting appearances, including the series Family Guy (in which he appeared in a live action scene with Victoria Principal as they spoofed the Dallas shower scene), as well as Justice League and Touched by an Angel. Duffy starred in the television films Falling in Love With the Girl Next Door and Desolation Canyon.  In 2006, he began a recurring role on the daytime soap opera The Bold and the Beautiful as Stephen Logan. From April to July 2008, he hosted Bingo America, a partially interactive game show on GSN.

Duffy reprised his role as Bobby Ewing in TNT's continuation series of Dallas. The series aired from 2012 to 2014.

Duffy played a surreal double of Bobby Ewing in the experimental documentary Hotel Dallas, directed by artist duo Ungur & Huang. The film premiered at the 2016 Berlin International Film Festival.

On August 8, 2005, Barbara Bel Geddes died of lung cancer. Duffy had met Bel Geddes through his future father-in-law when he was a boy. At the time of his TV mother's death, he said: When Barbara joined the cast of "Dallas," as Miss Ellie, I considered her to be like Helen Hayes, Katherine Cornell, and Ethel Barrymore — a real "name" in American theater. But you'd never have known it. She exhibited no large ego because of her history. She'd schlepp in and drop your jaw with every performance — whether it was drinking a cup of coffee, having a mastectomy, or losing Jock Ewing. It was remarkable, her ordinariness despite that pedigree. We called Barbara "BBG" on the set. She was the mama figure. Larry Hagman was obviously the prow of the boat, but he couldn't have functioned without a strong mother, and I don't think there's been a mother like her on dramatic television since then. People related to her because she was the epitome of compassion despite her own pain. Off screen, she was a pistol. She cussed like a mule skinner, and she really liked to have her drinks. But she also had an endless capacity to include everybody that she loved, and that was the entire cast. Then, 7 years after his TV mother's death, at the revival of Dallas, he said: "Barbara is a big piece of our history, and it's important to me to honor her. To come back with Linda Gray as Sue Ellen and Larry Hagman in his J.R. hat, and then see the words Ellie Southworth Ewing Farlow on the gravestone made me think, 'Oh, that's right -- she's gone.'" The last thing he said about the revived series, without Bel Geddes as one of the stars: "Through the whole first season, I don't think an episode goes by that Mama is not mentioned in reference to Southfork and the land."

Personal life
Duffy married Carlyn Rosser, a professional ballerina 13 years his senior, in 1974. She danced with the First Chamber Dance Company of New York. Her nephew is former Major League Baseball pitcher Barry Zito.  The Duffys lived near Eagle Point, Oregon, with their sons Padraic (b. 1974) and Conor (born c. 1980).

Introduced to Buddhism by his wife, Duffy converted to Nichiren Buddhism and began chanting Nam Myōhō Renge Kyō. He and his family are longtime members of the Buddhist organization Soka Gakkai International.

On November 18, 1986, Duffy's parents were murdered at their tavern in Boulder, Montana by two young men, Kenneth Miller and Sean Wentz, during an armed robbery. Wentz and Miller, who were teenagers at the time, were convicted of the murders and sentenced to 75 years in prison. In 2001, Miller appeared before the Montana Parole board after Sean Wentz recanted his original story and admitted that he, Wentz, was the sole gunman. Miller was denied clemency in 2001 but was released on parole in December 2007.  Sean Wentz was granted parole in 2015.

Duffy's wife Carlyn Rosser died in 2017. In 2020, he entered into a relationship with actress Linda Purl.

Filmography

References

External links

 Patrick Duffy is the leg of Scuzzlebutt on the South Park episode 'Volcano'

1949 births
Living people
Male actors from Montana
American people of Irish descent
American Buddhists
American male film actors
American game show hosts
American male stage actors
American male soap opera actors
American male television actors
American television directors
American male voice actors
Converts to Sōka Gakkai
Members of Sōka Gakkai
Nichiren Buddhists
University of Washington School of Drama alumni
People from Townsend, Montana
People from Eagle Point, Oregon
20th-century American male actors
21st-century American male actors

Patrick Duffy


Henrietta Swan Leavitt (født 4. juli 1868 i Massachusetts, død 12. december 1921) var en anerkendt amerikansk astronom.

Leavitt blev uddannet ved Radcliffe College før hun begyndte ved Harvard College Observatory i 1893. I 1908 publicerer hun sine første artikler om astronomi i tidsskriftet Annals af Astronomical Observatory of Harvard College. Leavitt arbejdede bare sporadisk i løbet af hendes tid ved Harvard College, og hun blev ofte sat på sidelinjen på grund af personlige helseproblemer og familiens forpligtelser og dette gik ud over hendes videnskabelige præstationer.

Eksterne henvisninger
 Bibliography from the Astronomical Society of the Pacific

Astronomer fra USA
Personer fra Massachusetts
Amerikanere i 1800-tallet
Amerikanere i 1900-tallet

Henrietta Swan Leavitt


Această listă prezintă doar steagurile și stemele regatelor și țărilor din monarhia dunăreană Austro-Ungaria la începutul sec. 20.

Structura administrativă a imperiului

Râul Leitha a constituit parțial granița dintre cele două jumătăți ale monarhiei austro-ungare și corespunde graniței de vest a statului Burgenland din zilele noastre.

Regate și țări

Legături

Regate și țări ale Austro-Ungariei

Steaguri și steme ale regatelor și țărilor Austro-Ungariei


Hvor er min sejr? (originaltitel: Var finns min seger?) er en svensk dokumentarfilm fra 2003, der er instrueret af PeÅ Holmquist (Per Åke Holmquist) og Suzanne Khardalian med involvering fra Filmværkstedet.

Handling
Armenien, en tidligere sovjetrepublik på grænsen til Europa, har i århundreder været plaget af krig. Senest stod kampen om den armenske enklave Nagorno-Karabakh, som i 1994 blev generobret fra nabolandet Aserbajdsjan. Nu gælder det freden, men trods sejren er situationen langt fra lykkelig i det lille land. Filmen følger Aida, en højt dekoreret militærlæge, som i sin tid forlod tre børn for at melde sig som frivillig, og David, der som 19-årig blev invalideret i kamp. Trods de mange monumenter, der er opført siden krigen, er de i tvivl om nytten af de ofre, de har bragt, og begge længes tilbage til tiden før og under den seneste krig. Deres vidnesbyrd gives en mere almen klangbund af forfatteren Peter Weiss' poetiske refleksioner omkring krigens væsen.

Referencer

Eksterne henvisninger

Svenske film fra 2003

Dokumentarfilm fra Sverige

Hvor er min sejr?


Cap-Haïtien (; ; "Haitian Cape"), typically spelled Cape Haitien in English and often locally referred to as  or , is a commune of about 190,000 people on the north coast of Haiti and capital of the department of Nord. Previously named Cap‑Français (; initially Cap-François ) and Cap‑Henri () during the rule of Henri I, it was historically nicknamed the Paris of the Antilles, because of its wealth and sophistication, expressed through its architecture and artistic life. It was an important city during the colonial period, serving as the capital of the French Colony of Saint-Domingue from the city's formal foundation in 1711 until 1770 when the capital was moved to Port-au-Prince. After the Haitian Revolution, it became the capital of the Kingdom of Haiti under King Henri I until 1820.

Cap-Haïtien's long history of independent thought was formed in part by its relative distance from Port-au-Prince, the barrier of mountains between it and the southern part of the country, and a history of large African populations. These contributed to making it a legendary incubator of independent movements since slavery times. For instance, from February 5–29, 2004, the city was taken over by militants who opposed the rule of the Haïtian president Jean-Bertrand Aristide. They eventually created enough political pressure to force him out of office and the country.

Cap-Haïtien is near the historic Haitian town of Milot, which lies  to the southwest along a gravel road. Milot was Haiti's first capital under the self-proclaimed King Henri Christophe, who ascended to power in 1807, three years after Haiti had gained independence from France. He renamed Cap‑Français as Cap‑Henri. Milot is the site of his Sans-Souci Palace, wrecked by the 1842 earthquake. The Citadelle Laferrière, a massive stone fortress bristling with cannons, atop a nearby mountain is  away. On clear days, its silhouette is visible from Cap‑Haïtien.

The small Cap-Haïtien International Airport, located on the southeast edge of the city, is served by several small domestic airlines. It has been patrolled by Chilean UN troops from the "O'Higgins Base" since the 2010 earthquake. The airport is currently being expanded. Several hundred UN personnel, including nearby units from Nepal and Uruguay, are assigned to the city as part of the ongoing United Nations Stabilization Mission in Haiti (MINUSTAH).

History

The island was occupied for thousands of years by cultures of indigenous peoples, who had migrated from present-day Central and South America. In the 16th century, Spanish explorers in the Caribbean began to colonize Hispaniola. They adopted the native Taíno name Guárico for the area that is today known as "Cap‑Haïtien". Due to the introduction of new infectious diseases, as well as poor treatment, the indigenous peoples population rapidly declined.

On the nearby coast Columbus founded his first community in the New World, the short-lived La Navidad. In 1975, researchers found near Cap‑Haïtien another of the first Spanish towns of Hispaniola: Puerto Real was founded in 1503. It was abandoned in 1578, and its ruins were not discovered until late in the twentieth century.

The French occupied roughly a third of the island of Hispaniola from the Spanish in the early eighteenth century. They established large sugar cane plantations on the northern plains and imported tens of thousands of African slaves to work them. Cap‑Français became an important port city of the French colonial period and the colony's main commercial centre. It served as the capital of the French colony of Saint-Domingue from the city's formal founding in 1711 until 1770, when the capital was moved to Port-au-Prince on the west coast of the island. After the slave revolution, this was the first capital of the Kingdom of Haiti under King Henri I, when the nation was split apart.

The central area of the city is between the Bay of Cap‑Haïtien to the east and nearby mountainsides to the west; these are increasingly dominated by flimsy urban slums. The streets are generally narrow and arranged in grids. As a legacy of the United States' occupation of Haiti from 1915 to 1934, Cap‑Haïtien's north–south streets were renamed as single letters (beginning with Rue A, a major avenue) and going to "Q", and its east–west streets with numbers from 1 to 26; the system is not followed outside the central city, where French names predominate. The historic city has numerous markets, churches, and low-rise apartment buildings (of three–four storeys), constructed primarily before and during the U.S. occupation. Much of the infrastructure in need of repair. Many such buildings have balconies on the upper floors, which overlook the narrow streets below. With people eating outside on the balconies, there is an intimate communal atmosphere during dinner hours.

Economy

Cap-Haïtien is known as the nation's largest center of historic monuments and as such, it is a tourist destination. The bay, beaches and monuments have made it a resort and vacation destination for Haiti's upper classes, comparable to Pétion-Ville. Cap‑Haïtien has also attracted more international tourists at times, as it has been isolated from the political instability in the south of the island.

It has a wealth of French colonial architecture, which has been well preserved. During and after the Haitian Revolution, many craftsmen from Cap‑Haïtien, who were free people of color, fled to French-controlled New Orleans as they were under attack by the mostly African slaves. As a result, the two cities share many similarities in styles of architecture. Especially notable are the gingerbread houses lining the city's older streets.

Tourism

Labadie and other beaches

The walled Labadie (or Labadee) beach resort compound is located  to the city's northwest. It serves as a brief stopover for Royal Caribbean International (RCI) cruise ships. Major RCI cruise ships dock weekly at Labadie. It is a private resort leased by RCI, which has generated the largest proportion of tourist revenue to Haiti since 1986. It employs 300 locals, allows another 200 to sell their wares on the premises, and pays the Haitian government US$6 per tourist.

The resort is connected to Cap‑Haïtien by a mountainous, recently paved road. RCI has built a pier at Labadie, completed in late 2009, capable of servicing the luxury-class large ships.
Attractions include a Haitian market, numerous beaches, watersports, a water-oriented playground, and a zip-line. People not on cruises can visit the beach, too.

Cormier Plage is another beach on the way to Labadie, and there are also water taxis from Labadie to other beaches, like Paradis beach. In addition, Belli Beach is a small sandy cove with boats and hotels. Labadie village could be visited from here.

Vertières
Vertières is the site of the Battle of Vertières, the last and defining battle of the Haitian Revolution. On November 18, 1803, the Haitian army led by Jean-Jacques Dessalines defeated a French colonial army led by the Comte de Rochambeau. The French withdrew their remaining 7,000 troops (many had died from yellow fever and other diseases), and in 1804, Dessalines' revolutionary government declared the independence of Haiti. The revolution had been underway, with some pauses, since the 1790s.

In this last battle for independence, rebel leader Capois La Mort survived all the French bullets that nearly killed him. His horse was killed under him, and his hat fell off, but he kept advancing on the French, yelling, "En avant!" (Go forward!) to his men. He has become renowned as a hero of the revolution. The 18 of November has been widely celebrated since then as a Day of Army and Victory in Haiti.

Citadelle Henry and Sans-Souci Palace
The Citadelle Laferrière, also known as Citadelle Henry, or the Citadelle, is a large mountaintop fortress located approximately  south of the city of Cap‑Haïtien and  beyond the town of Milot. It is the largest fortress in the Americas, and was listed by UNESCO as a World Heritage Site in 1982 along with the nearby Sans-Souci Palace. The Citadel was built by Henry Christophe, a leader during the Haitian slave rebellion and self-declared King of Northern Haiti, after the country gained its independence from France in 1804. Together with the remains of his Sans-Souci Palace, damaged in the 1842 earthquake, Citadelle Henry has been designated as a UNESCO World Heritage Site.

Bois Caïman

Bois Caïman (),  south of road RN 1, is the place where Vodou rites were performed under a tree at the beginning of the slave revolution. For decades, maroons had been terrorizing slaveholders on the northern plains by poisoning their food and water. Makandal is the legendary (and perhaps historical) figure associated with the growing resistance movement. By the 1750s, he had organized the maroons, as well as many people enslaved on plantations, into a secret army. Makandal was murdered (or disappeared) in 1758, but the resistance movement grew.

At Bois Caïman, a maroon leader named Dutty Boukman held the first mass antislavery meeting secretly on August 14, 1791. At this meeting, a Vodou ceremony was performed, and all those present swore to die rather than to endure the continuation of slavery on the island. Following the ritual led by Boukman and a mambo named Cécile Fatiman, the insurrection started on the night of August 22–23, 1791. Boukman was killed in an ambush soon after the revolution began. Jean-François was the next leader to follow Dutty Boukman in the uprising of the slaves, the Haitian equivalent of the storming of the Bastille in the French Revolution. Slaves burned the plantations and cane fields, and massacred French colonists across the northern plains. They also attacked Cap-Français and some of the free people of color. Eventually the revolution gained  the independence of Haiti from France and freedom for the slaves. The site of Dutty Boukman's ceremony is marked by a ficus tree. Adjoining it is a colonial well, which is credited with mystic powers.

Morne Rouge
Morne Rouge is  to the south of Cap. It is the site of the sugar plantation known as "Habitation Le Normand de Mezy", known for several slaves who led the rebellion against the French.

Disasters

1842 Cap-Haïtien earthquake

On 7 May 1842, an earthquake destroyed most of the city and other towns in the north of Haiti and the neighboring Dominican Republic. Among the buildings destroyed or significantly damaged was the Sans-Souci Palace. Ten thousand people were killed in the earthquake. Its magnitude is estimated as 8.1 on the Richter scale.

2010 Haiti earthquake

In the wake of the 2010 Haiti earthquake, which destroyed port facilities in Port-au-Prince, the Port international du Cap-Haïtien was used to deliver relief supplies by ship.

As the city's infrastructure suffered little damage, numerous businessmen and many residents have moved here from Port-au-Prince. The airport is patrolled by Chilean UN troops since the 2010 earthquake, and several hundred UN personnel have been assigned to the city as part of the ongoing United Nations Stabilization Mission in Haiti (MINUSTAH). They are working on recovery throughout the island.

After the earthquake, the port of Labadee was demolished and the pier enlarged and completely re-paved with concrete, which now allows larger cruise ships to dock, rather than tendering passengers to shore.

Cap-Haïtien fuel tanker explosion

On 14 December 2021, over 75 people were killed when a fuel tank truck overturned and later exploded in the Samari neighborhood of Cap-Haïtien.

Transportation

Airports
Cap-Haïtien is served by the Cap-Haïtien International Airport (CAP), Haiti's second busiest airport. It was a hub for Salsa d'Haiti prior to its cessation in 2013. American Airlines operated international flights to CAP for a number of years, but canceled their last connection in July, 2020, after the COVID-19 pandemic significantly reduced passenger demand. American Airlines was the last major US flight operator to provide service to CAP and thereby Northern Haiti—in July, 2020, Cap-Haïtien became only accessible by air travel through limited flights from Port-au-Prince's Toussaint Louverture International Airport. Spirit Airlines, which had previously canceled their service due to political unrest and low demand in 2019, announced in October, 2020 that they would resume limited service to CAP in December of the same year.

Seaport
The Port international du Cap-Haïtien is Cap-Haïtien's main seaport.

Roads
The Route Nationale#1 connects Cap-Haïtien with the Haitian capital city Port-au-Prince via the cities of Saint-Marc and Gonaïves.
The Route Nationale#3 also connects Cap-Haïtien with Port-au-Prince via the Central Plateau and the cities of Mirebalais and Hinche.
Cap-Haïtien has one of the best grid systems in Haiti with its north–south streets were renamed as single letters (beginning with Rue A, a major avenue), and its east–west streets with numbers.
The Boulevard du Cap-Haitian (also called the Boulevard Carenage) is Cap‑Haïtien's main boulevard that runs along the Atlantic Ocean in the northern part of the city.

Public transportation
Cap-Haïtien is served by tap tap and local taxis or motorcycles.

Health
Cap Haitien is served by the teaching hospital: Hôpital Universitaire Justinien.

Education
A union of four Catholic Church private schools have been present for two decades in Cap‑Haïtien. They have higher-level grades, equivalent to the lycées that feed the Écoles Normale Supérieure in France. They have high standards of academic excellence, selectivity in admissions, and generally their students come from the social and economic elite.  Also, the lyceé Philippe Guerrier that was built in 1844 by the Haitian President, Philippe Guerrier, has been a fountain of knowledge for more than a century.
 Collège Notre-Dame du Perpetuel Secours des Pères de Sainte-Croix
 Collège Regina Assumpta des Sœurs de Sainte-Croix
 École des Frères de l'instruction Chrétienne
 École Saint Joseph de Cluny des Sœurs Anne-Marie Javoue
 Lyceé Philippe Guerrier built by the Haitian President, Philippe Guerrier in 1844.

Universities
Cap Haitien is home to the Cap-Haitien Faculty of Law, Economics and, Management; the Public University of the North in Cap Haitien (UPNCH). The new Université Roi Henry Christophe is nearby in Limonade.

Sport
Cap Haitien has the Parc Saint-Victor home of three major league teams: Football Inter Club Association, AS Capoise, and Real du Cap.

Communal sections
The commune consists of three communal sections, namely:
 Bande du Nord, urban (part of the commune of Cap-Haïtien) and rural
 Haut du Cap, urban (part of the commune of Cap-Haïtien) and rural
 Petit Anse, urban (commune of Petit Anse) and rural

Notable natives
 Etienne Chavannes, painter
 Tyrone Edmond, Haitian-born model.
 Fred Joseph Jr, Haitian-born philanthropist. Founder and president of Help Us Save Us Non-Profit Organization.
 Yolette Lévy (1938-2018), Haitian-born Canadian politician and activist
 Louis Mercier, Haitian educator (born May 5, 1893 in Cap-Haïtien)
 Alfred Auguste Nemours, military historian and diplomat
 Philomé Obin, artist
 Leonel Saint-Preux, footballer
 Ulrick Pierre-Louis, founder of orchestre Septentrional
 Bruny Surin, track and field runner
 Mike Bellot, Haitian entrepreneur

Gallery

Television

 Télé Vénus Ch 5
 Télé Paradis Ch 16
 Chaîne 6
 Chaîne 7
 Chaîne 11
 Télé Capoise Ch 8
 Télé Africa Ch 12
 HMTV Ch 20
 Télé Union Ch 22
 Télé Apocalypse Ch 24
 Télévision Nationale d'Haiti Ch 4

Radio stations

 Bon Déjeuner! Radio, an internet radio station in Haiti, broadcasting from Cap-Haitien.
 Radyo Atlantik, 92.5 FM
 Radio 4VEH (4VEF), 840 AM
 Radio 4VEH, 94.7 FM
 Radio 7 FM, 92.7
 Radio Cap-Haïtien
 Radio Citadelle 91.1 FM
 Radio Étincelle
 Radio Gamma, 99.7 (based in Fort-Liberté)
 Radio Lumière, 98.1 FM
 Radio Méga, 103.7 FM
 Radio Sans-Souci FM, 106.9
 Radio VASCO, 93.7 FM
 Radio Vénus FM 104.3 FM
 Sans Souci FM, 106.9
 Voix de l'Ave Maria 98.5 FM
 Voix du Nord 90.3 FM
 Radio Intermix 93.1 FM: La Reference Radio en Haïti # 1- www.radiointermix.com
 Radio Paradis
 Radio Nirvana, 97.3 FM
 Radio Hispaniola
 Radio Maxima, 98.1.FM
 Radio Voix de l'ile 94.5 FM
 Radio Digital 101.3 FM
 Radio Oxygene 103.3 FM
 Radio Passion 101.7 FM Haïti
 Radio City Inter Haïti
La Radio de l'éducation

See also
 Battle of Cap-Français

Notes

References
 Dubois, Laurent Haiti : the aftershocks of history. New York : Metropolitan Books, 2012.
 Popkin, Jeremy D. Facing racial revolution : eyewitness accounts of the Haitian Insurrection Chicago : University of Chicago Press, 2007.
 Alyssa Goldstein Sepinwall. Haitian history : new perspectives. New York : Routledge, 2012.

External links

 short article - Columbia encyclopedia
 The Louverture Project: Cap Haïtien - Article from Haitian history wiki.
 Konbit Sante's page on Cap-Haitien. Konbit Sante is a non-denominational mixed NGO.

1711 establishments in the French colonial empire
Communes of Haiti
Populated places in Nord (Haitian department)
Port cities in the Caribbean

Cap-Haïtien


Mcclungia cymo fallens, popularmente chamada asa-de-vidro, é uma subespécie de Mcclungia cymo, uma borboleta neotropical da família dos ninfalídeos (Nymphalidae). É endêmica do Brasil.

Distribuição e habitat

Mcclungia cymo fallens foi registrada no sudeste do Brasil no Rio de Janeiro, Espírito Santo, Minas Gerais (municípios de Marliéria e Raul Soares) e Bahia (município de Itamaraju). Ao longo de sua distribuição ocorre no Parque Estadual do Rio Doce, de Minas Gerais. Habita baixadas (de 0 a 300 metros), no pé de morros próximos a matas alagadas.

Ecologia e conservação

Adultos de Mcclungia cymo fallens vivem mais de 30 dias e voam baixo próximo ao chão da mata. Tal como muitos dos itomiíneos, os machos são atraídos por iscas de fedegodo (Heliotropium). A espécie deposita seus ovos em folhas de Cestrum, das solanáceas (Solanaceae), e os juvenis são semelhantes a outras espécies próximas. Como outras espécies, sofre com degradação e perda de habitat. Em 2005, foi classificada com em perigo na Lista de Espécies da Fauna Ameaçadas do Espírito Santo; em 2010, como vulnerável na Lista de espécies de fauna e flora do estado de Minas Gerais; e em 2014 e 2018, respectivamente, como criticamente em perigo no Livro Vermelho da Fauna Brasileira Ameaçada de Extinção e na Lista Vermelha do Livro Vermelho da Fauna Brasileira Ameaçada de Extinção do Instituto Chico Mendes de Conservação da Biodiversidade (ICMbio).

Ninfalídeos
Lepidópteros do Rio de Janeiro (estado)
Lepidópteros do Espírito Santo (estado)
Lepidópteros de Minas Gerais
Fauna da Mata Atlântica
Espécies citadas no Livro Vermelho da Fauna Brasileira Ameaçada de Extinção
Espécies citadas na Lista de Espécies da Fauna Ameaçadas do Espírito Santo
Espécies citadas na Lista de Espécies Ameaçadas de Extinção da Fauna do Estado de Minas Gerais
Espécies citadas no Plano de Ação Nacional para a Conservação dos Lepidópteros Ameaçados de Extinção

Mcclungia cymo fallens


ක්‍ෂය රෝගය යනු ක්‍ෂීරපායීන්ට වැලඳෙන බෝවන රෝගයකි.

ක්‍ෂය රෝගයේ ඉතිහාසය.

මෙම රෝගය සුදු මයා මාරිය,කාසය,කාස රෝගය ආදී නම්වලින් හදුන්වා ඇත.ශිලා යුගයේ පවා මෙම රෝගය පැවති බව හමු වු ඇටසැකිලිවලින් සාක්‍ෂි දරයි.එංගලන්තයේ රිචඩ් මෝටන්,ප්‍රංශ ජාතික ජින් ඇන්ටන් විලමින්,ලුයි පාස්ටර් යන විද්‍යාඥයින් ක්‍ෂය රෝගය සම්බන්ධව පර්යේෂණ කර ඇත.බොහෝ පර්යේෂණ ප්‍රතිඵල අනුව ක්‍ෂය රෝගයට විරුද්ධව ඇති එකම සාර්ථක එන්නත B.C.G.බව දැන් පිළිගැනේ.ඒ අනුව 1904 ඇමරිකාවේ ද 1898 දී එංගලන්තයේ ද ක්‍ෂය රෝගය සම්බන්ධ සංගම් ආරම්භ විය.1904 ජාතික ක්‍ෂය රෝග සංගමයේ සභාපති වු වෛද්‍ය ලිවින්ස්වන් ට්‍රැඩෝ 1905 දී පැවැත් වු මූලාසන දේශන‍යේ දී මෙසේ ප්‍රකාශ කළේය."ප්‍රථම හා ප්‍රධානම අවශ්‍යතාව වනුයේ මහජනතාවට අධ්‍යාපනය ලබා දී ඔවුන්ගේ මාර්ගයෙන් රජයට අධ්‍යාපනයක් ලබා දීමයි."කෙසේ වෙතත් අදවනවිට ක්‍ෂය රෝගය සුවකළ හැකි  මට්ටමකට පැමිණ ඇත.

ක්‍ෂය රෝගය යනු කුමක්ද?

	ක්‍ෂය රෝගය ටියුබකල් බැසිලස මගින් ඇති කෙරෙන ආසාදක රෝගයකි.ඕනෑම ඉන්ද්‍රියක් හෝ කොටසක් ආක්‍රමණය කිරීමට ටියුබකල් බැසිලසයට පුළුවනි.1882ඳී රොබට් කොක් නම් වෛද්‍යවරයා විසින් ක්‍ෂය රෝගයට හේතුකාරකයවන බැක්ටීරියාව වන ටියුවකියුලස් බැසිලස නම් ක්‍ෂද්‍ර ජීවී විශේෂය සොයා ගන්නා ලදී.
එමගින් වසා ග්‍රන්ථිවලත්, හන්දිවලත්, අන්ත්‍රවල හා අනුබද්ධයෙහිත්, වකුගඩුවල හා මුත්‍රාශ‍යෙහිත්, පිරිමින්ගේ වෘෂණවලත්, ස්ත්‍රින්ගේ ඩිම්බවලත්, පැලෝපීය නාලවලත්,සමෙහි හා දේහයේ වෙනත් පටකවලත් රෝගය ඇති කිරීමට පුළුවන.වැඩි වශයෙන් මරණය සිදුකරන තත්වය වන්නේ පෙනහැලිවල ක්‍ෂය රෝගයයි.
		මෙම රෝගය වැළදීමෙන් ආරක්‍ෂාවීමට අප නිරන්තරව වගබලා ගතයුතුය.ඒ අනුව ප්‍රථමයෙන් ම මහමත්ම ජනතාව දැනුවත් කිරීම ඉතාමත්ම වැදගත්ය.විශේෂයෙන්ම ලැජ්ජාව හෝ භය හේතුවෙන් රෝගය සගවාගෙන සිටීමෙන් වළකින ලෙසට ජනතාවට උපදෙස් ලබාදීම වැදගත්ය.එසේම ඔවුන්ගේ දුර්වල වූ සෞඛ්‍යය පුරැදු ඇති කිරීම,B.C.G.එන්නත් ලබාදීම කළ හැක

ක්‍ෂය රෝගයේ ලක්‍ෂණ මොනවාද?
 කල්පවතින ලා උණ
 සති3 හෝ 4කට වඩා පවතින කැස්ස
 රාත්‍රි නින්දේදී දහඩිය දැමීම හා උණ
 ශරීරය කෙට්ටුවීම හෝ ක්‍රමයෙන් බර අඩුවීම
 සෙම හෝ කෙළ සමඟ ස්වල්ප වශයෙන් ලේ පිටවීම
 පපුවේ වේදනාව
 මහන්සිය
 කෙටි ශ්වසනය
 කෑම අරුචිය

ක්‍ෂය රෝගය සෑදීමට හේතු
 ආහාර මදකම හා දුෂ්පෝෂණය
 අධික මත්පැන් පානය
 පමණ ඉක්මවා වෙහෙසීම
 පිරිසිදු වාතයෙන් තොර ස්ථානවල ජීවත්වීම
 අධික දුම්පානය

ක්‍ෂය රෝගය පිළිබද ලෝක තත්වය

	1960 ගණන් වනවිට යටත් පිරිසෙන් එක්කෝටි පනස්ලක්‍ෂයක් පමණ මෙ‍ම ක්‍ෂය රෝගයෙන් පෙළිණි.මෙ‍ම රෝගයෙන් වර්ෂයක් පාසා තිස්ලක්‍ෂයකට වැඩි සංඛ්‍යාවක් මිය යයි.සංවර්ධිත රටවල ක්‍ෂය රෝගයෙන් සිදුවන මරණ පහළ බැස ඇති අතර ක්‍ෂය රෝගයෙන් පෙළෙන සංඛ්‍යාව පහළ බැස නැත.ක්‍ෂය රෝගයෙන් පෙළෙන්නන්ගෙන් 80% වැඩි ප්‍රමාණයක් ජීවත්වනුයේ සංවර්ධනය වෙමින් පවතින රටවලය.ඉන්දියාවේ වසරක් පාසා ක්‍ෂය රෝගයෙන් 500000 පමණ මිය යයි.මේ වනවි‍ට ලංකාවේ වාර්තාගත වු ක්‍ෂය රෝග මරණ සංඛ්‍යාව හේතු කිහිපයකින් අසතුටුදායක විය.ක්‍ෂය රෝගය හා ආශ්‍රිත සමාජ කැලල නිසා ඉන් සිදුවන මරණ බොහෝ ගණනක් සැබවින්ම ක්‍ෂය රෝගය නිසා යයි සහතික නොවීය.ජනගහනයෙන් 80%ක්ම වාසය කරන ග්‍රාමීය ප්‍රදේශවල ක්‍ෂය රෝගීන්ගෙන් වැඩි ප්‍රමාණයක් නියම රෝග විනිශ්චයකට භාජනය නොවන නිසා ඔවුන් අතර වන මරණ ක්‍ෂය රෝගයෙන් සිදු වූ මරණ ලෙස වාර්තාගත නොවී යයි.ක්‍ෂය රෝගයෙන් සම්පූර්ණ සුවය ලැබීමට අවුරැද්දක් හෝ ඊට වැඩිකලක් ගතවේ.මෙය බෝවන රෝගයක් නිසා එකම පවුලක දෙදෙනකුට හෝ ඊට වැඩි ගණනකට හෝ එකවර රෝගය වැළදීම විරළ නොවීය.

	ජගත් ක්‍ෂය රෝග දිනය මාර්තු24 වේ.2009 වසරේ ක්‍ෂය රෝග දිනයේ පාඨය-අපි ක්‍ෂය රෝගය වළකමු.සැබවින්ම එය කළ යුතුය.

ක්‍ෂය රෝගය පිළිබද ලංකාවේ තත්වය

	ලංකාවේ වසරකට නව ක්‍ෂය රෝගීන් 900-10000ත් අතර ප්‍රමාණයක් ජීවත් වේ.කොළඹ,ගම්පහ,කළුතර,නුවර,ගාල්ල යන දිස්ත්‍රික්කවල රෝගීන් වාර්තා වීම වැඩිය.ක්‍ෂය රෝගය සුව කිරීම සදහා අවශ්‍යවන සියලුම සම්පත් අදවනවිට අප සතුව පවතී.ක්‍ෂය රෝගය මිනිසා විසින්ම ඇතිකරගන්නා නිසා එය මැඩලීම අපහසුය.ලංකාවේ ළය රෝහල්,ළය සායනික හා ක්‍ෂය රෝගීන් සදහා වූ රජයේ අනෙක් සේවාවන්ගේ විශාල වෙනස්වීම් සිදු වී ඇත.ලජ්ජාව හා භය නිසා මෙම රෝගය සගවා සිටින පිරිස වැඩිය.එම නිසා ඔවුන්ගෙන් තව තවත් මේ රෝගය බෝ වේ.ක්‍ෂය රෝගය හේතුවෙන් බොහෝ විට දුක් විදීම,ආර්ථික අමාරැකම්,තම අසල්වාසීන් කොන් කිරීම නිසා රෝගීන්ගේ සිතෙහි ඇතිවන මානසික පෙලීම ආදී තත්ව දැකිය හැක.
	             අදවනවිට ලංකා රජයේ ක්‍රියාමාර්ගය වී ඇත්තේ සූතිකාගාරයෙන් මසකට සෑහෙන ඖෂධ ප්‍රමාණයක් නොමිලේ රෝගීන්ට බෙදා දීමයි.රෝගී කාලය තුළ තනි පුද්ගලයකුට රු.40/=ක් සහ පවුලකට රු.80/= හෝ ඊට වැඩි ප්‍රමාණයක් හෝ දීමනාවක් රජය විසින් ලබා දේ.රෝගීන්ගෙන් වැඩිදෙනෙක් ක්‍රමවත් ලෙස ඖෂධ පාවිච්චි නොකිරීම නිසා සුවය නොලබා දීර්ඝ කාලයක් තිස්සේ එම දීමනා ලබා ගනිමින් සිටී.ලංකාව තුළ මෙම රෝගය සගවා ගෙන ජීවත්වන  පිරිස වැඩිය.කෙසේ වෙතත් ක්‍ෂය රෝගය නිට්ටාවටම සුව වූ පසුව ආයුෂ අඩු වීමක් සිදු නොවේ.අතුරු ආබාධ ඇතිවීම ද ඉතා අවමය.වර්තමානය වනවිට බෙහෙවින්ම අවශ්‍යවනුයේ ක්‍ෂය රෝගය පිළිබද නිසි තතු මාධ්‍ය මගින් හෝ ජනතාවට දැනුම්දීමයි.

ක්‍ෂය රෝගය සම්බන්ධයෙන් මේතාක් ගෙන ඇති ක්‍රියා මාර්ග

1945 ක්‍ෂය රෝග මර්දන ව්‍යාපාරය ඇති කිරීම

1949 B.C.G.එන්නත ප්‍රථමවරට ලබාදීම

1953 දී රජයේ මුදල් යෝජනා ක්‍රමය ඇති කිරීම

1963 දී උපන් දරුවන් සදහා B.C.G.එන්නත ප්‍රථමවරට හදුන්වාදීම

1950 දී රැකියාවලට යන පුද්ගලයන්පරීක්‍ෂා කිරීම සදහා කුඩා X කිරණ ඡායාරෑප ගැනීම ආරම්භ කිරිම

වාට්ටු සෑදීම හා ළය චිකිත්සාගාර ඇති කිරීම

මහජනයා දැනුවත් කිරීමේ ව්‍යාපාර ඇති කිරීම

ක්‍ෂය රෝගය සදහා ඖෂධ නොලේ සැපයීම

දැනුවත් කිරීමේ වැඩසටහන් දියත් කිරීම

ආශ්‍රිත ග්‍රන්ථ
 කුලරත්න,එස්.ඒ.එම්.2004.ක්‍ෂය රෝගය,ගම්පොළ:එම්.ජී.මුද්‍රණාලය
 පෙරේරා,කේ.ඩී.සී.2000. ඖෂධ අතර සිර වූ මිනිස්සු,වැල්ලම්පිටිය:චතුර මුද්‍රණාලය
 ගොඩකුඹුර,ජී.ආර්.ඩබ්.1970.වෛද්‍යවරයෙක් කථා කරයි,කොළඹ:මහජන පුස්තකාලය
 ජයසූරිය,ජේ.එච්.එ‍ෆ්.1969.ක්‍ෂය රෝග අභියෝග,කොළඹ 10:කුලරත්න සහ සමාගම

මූලාශ්‍ර

රෝග

ක්‍ෂය රෝගය


Mariano Díaz Mejía (Premià de Mar, 1 august 1993),  cunoscut ca Mariano este un jucător spaniol care evoluează pe post de atacant la Sevilla FC în La Liga.

Cariera de club

Cariera din primii ani
Născut în Premià de Mar, Barcelona, Catalonia, Mariano și-a început cariera de tineret cu partea locală RCD Espanyol și a evoluat pentru CE Premià și Fundació Sánchez Llibre. În 2009, s-a alăturat echipei CF Badalona și a făcut debutul senior la 21 august 2011, înlocuindu-l pe Iñaki Goikoetxea în ultimele 21 de minute ale unei pierderi de 1-0 de la CD Teruel în  Segunda División B; el a făcut încă două apariții de pe bancă.

Real Madrid

Tineret
La scurt timp după aceea, Mariano a semnat cu Real Madrid, revenind la fotbalul de tineret. În august 2012 a fost promovat la echipa C din partea Madrilenianului și la al treilea nivel. A marcat 15 goluri în 26 de meciuri, inclusiv un hat-trick pe 22 decembrie 2013, într-o victorie de 5-2 pe teren propriu împotriva celor de la Sestao River Club. Pe 18 ianuarie, Mariano și-a făcut debutul profesional la Estadio Alfredo Di Stefano, unde a apărut ca rezervă într-o pierdere 1-2  împotriva celor de la Sporting de Gijón în Segunda División; el a intrat în ultimele cinci minute în locul lui Raúl de Tomás .

2014–16: Castilla
În 2014-15, cu Castilla acum în a treia etapă, Mariano a fost promovat pe termen nelimitat la echipă; el a făcut zece apariții, șase de pe bancă și a marcat de cinci ori. La 29 martie, el a intrat cu întârziere în locul lui De Tomás și a dublat de două ori, câștigând 5-1 pe teren propriu împotriva celor de la UD Las Palmas B, în timp ce o săptămână mai târziu a ieșit în start împotriva la UB Conquense și a marcat ambele goluri într-un interval de șapte minute.

La 24 octombrie 2015, Mariano a marcat toate golurile echipei sale într-o victorie de 3-1 pe teren propriu împotriva la UD Socuéllamos și a repetat acest lucru pe 8 noiembrie într-o victorie de 3-2 împotriva la CF Fuenlabrada. Pe 17 aprilie, a marcat 2 goluri prin penalty - într-o victorie acasă împotriva clubului SD Gernika. El a înscris cel de-al 25-lea gol al sezonului într-o victorie de 6-1 împotriva la La Roda CF în ultima zi a sezonului, făcându-l cel mai bun marcator al sezonului.

2016-17: Intrarea în prima echipă
El a fost definitiv promovat în echipa principală de către managerul Zinedine Zidane, la 20 august 2016, după accidentarea lui Karim Benzema și o săptămână mai târziu, și-a făcut debutul său senior în timpul unei victorii cu 2-1 împotriva celor de la Celta de Vigo, înlocuindu-l pe Álvaro Morata în minutul 77. La 26 octombrie, din nou pe bancă, a marcat primul său gol într-o victorie de 7-1 împotriva la Cultural y Deportiva Leonesa din Copa del Rey , în al doilea turneu a marcat un hat-trick într-o victorie agregată 13-2.

Mariano a marcat primul său top-gol pe 10 decembrie, egalând într-o victorie de 3-2  acasă împotriva la Deportivo de La Coruña. Mai târziu în acea lună, a fost membru al echipei care a câștigat Cupa Mondială la FIFA 2016 din Japonia, dar nu a participat la nici unul dintre meciurile lui Real Madrid.

El a câștigat La Liga 2016-17, și Liga Campionilor UEFA 2016-17.

Lyon
La 30 iunie 2017, Mariano a semnat cu Olympique Lyonnais. Transferul a costat aproximativ 8 milioane EUR plus dobândă de 35% din câștigul de capital al unui transfer potențial viitor. El a debutat pe 5 august în primul meci al sezonului Ligue 1 împotriva la  RC Strasbourg Alsacia, unde a înscris de două ori într-o victorie de 4-0. El a marcat 18 goluri pentru sezonul de ligă, formând un trio prolific atacant alături de Memphis Depay și Nabil Fekir (19 și respectiv 18 goluri).

Revenirea la Real Madrid
La 29 august 2018, Real Madrid a anunțat că au semnat cu Mariano un contract de cinci ani. Deoarece Real Madrid deținea 35% din drepturile sale, taxa a fost redusă la 23 de milioane de euro. I s-a dat tricoul cu numărul 7 purtat anterior de Cristiano Ronaldo. Mariano a debutat pentru club la 19 septembrie 2018, înlocuindu-l pe Karim Benzema în minutul 73 impotriva celor de la AS Roma în prima etapă a turneului UEFA Champions League 2018-2019 într-o victorie de 3-0, el marcând al 3-lea gol, o lovitură puternică din afara careului.

Cariera internațională
Mariano este eligibil pentru Republica Dominicană prin mama sa, originară din San Juan de la Maguana. El și-a făcut debutul internațional pe 24 martie 2013, într-un amical împotriva vecinilor din Haiti, și a marcat ultimul gol al unei victorii de 3-1. Mai târziu, s-a retras din echipa națională pentru a se concentra asupra carierei sale la Real Madrid și, de asemenea, pentru a evita meciurile cu Republica Dominicană, în vederea unei eventuale invitații la echipa națională a Spaniei. În decembrie 2017, antrenorul național din Spania, Julen Lopetegui, a declarat că îl monitorizează pe Mariano pentru un apel.

Statisticile carierei

Club

Goluri internaționale

Palmares

Club
Real Madrid
La Liga: 2016–17
Liga Campionilor UEFA: 2016-2017
Supercupa Europei: 2017
Campionatul Mondial al Cluburilor FIFA: 2017
La Liga: 2019-2020
Supercupa Spaniei : 2020

Referințe

Nașteri în 1993
Fotbaliști spanioli
Fotbaliști ai Real Madrid CF
Fotbaliști ai lui Olympique Lyonnais

Mariano Díaz


Eduardo Bibiano Endériz Artajona Satrústegui (nacido el 28 de julio de 1940 en Montevideo, Uruguay - fallecido el 24 de agosto de 1999 en Valladolid, España) es un exfutbolista uruguayo nacionalizado español. Desarrolló toda su carrera en España. Jugaba de centrocampista y su primer club fue Real Valladolid.

Carrera

Comenzó su carrera en España en 1959 jugando para Real Valladolid. Jugó para el club hasta 1963. Ese año se sumó a las filas del Real Zaragoza, equipo en el cual juega hasta 1966, cuando ese año se suma al FC Barcelona. Juega para el club blaugrana hasta 1967. Ese año se trasladó al Sevilla CF, en donde estuvo hasta 1968, año en el que volvió al Real Valladolid para retirarse en 1973.

Nacionalidad

A pesar de ser uruguayo, desarrolló toda su carrera en España y se nacionalizó español.

Fallecimiento

Falleció en Valladolid a los 59 años de edad.

Clubes
 Información:.

Fuente: Perfil en LiveFútbol

Palmarés

Trofeos nacionales

Trofeos internacionales

Referencias

Enlaces externos

Nacidos en Montevideo
Fallecidos en Valladolid
Futbolistas de Uruguay
Futbolistas del Real Valladolid Club de Fútbol en los años 1950
Futbolistas del Real Valladolid Club de Fútbol en los años 1960
Futbolistas del Real Zaragoza en los años 1960
Futbolistas del Fútbol Club Barcelona en los años 1960
Futbolistas del Sevilla Fútbol Club en los años 1960
Futbolistas uruguayos nacionalizados en España
Entrenadores de la Cultural y Deportiva Leonesa

Eduardo Bibiano Endériz Artajona