Human rights in Cuba are under the scrutiny of human rights organizations, which accuse the Cuban government of committing systematic human rights abuses against the Cuban people, including arbitrary imprisonment and unfair trials. International human rights organizations such as Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch have drawn attention to the actions of the human rights movement and designated members of it as prisoners of conscience, such as Óscar Elías Biscet. In addition, the International Committee for Democracy in Cuba led by former statesmen Václav Havel of the Czech Republic, José María Aznar of Spain and Patricio Aylwin of Chile was created to support the Cuban dissident movement.

Overview
Concerns have been expressed about the operation of due process. According to Human Rights Watch, even though Cuba, officially atheist until 1992, now "permits greater opportunities for religious expression than it did in past years, and has allowed several religious-run humanitarian groups to operate, the government still maintains tight control on religious institutions, affiliated groups, and individual believers". Censorship in Cuba has also been at the center of complaints. According to the report of Human Rights Watch from 2017 the government continues to rely on arbitrary detention to harass and intimidate critics, independent activists, political opponents, and others. This report added that the Cuban Commission for Human Rights and National Reconciliation, an independent human rights group that lacks official authorization and is therefore considered illegal by the government, received more than 7,900 reports of arbitrary detentions from January through August 2016. This represents the highest monthly average of detentions in the past six years.

Amnesty International's 2017-2018 Annual Report also noted more arbitrary detentions, discriminatory layoffs by state agencies and harassments in self-employment with the aim of making them silent in criticism. Regarding any progress in education, Amnesty International reported that advances in education were undermined by ongoing online and offline censorship. Cuba remained mostly closed to independent human rights monitors.

With regard to arbitrary arrests and detentions, the report added that human rights activists and political activists continued to be harassed, intimidated and arbitrarily detained in high numbers. The Cuban Commission for Human Rights and National Reconciliation, a Cuban NGO which is not officially recognized by the state, recorded 5,155 arbitrary detentions in 2017, in contrast to 9,940 in 2016.

Cuba is a regional leader in women's rights issues.

History

During Spanish colonization, the oppression of the indigenous populations was chronicled at length by clergyman Bartolomé de las Casas. The subsequent transportation of African slaves to the island, which lasted over 300 years, led to British military intervention and a determination "to put a stop to these abuses". Since Cuba achieved independence in 1902, successive Cuban governments have been criticised and condemned by various groups, both within Cuba and internationally, for human rights violations on the island. During the latter part of the Spanish colonial era in Cuba, human rights on the island became a particular international concern. After a visit to the region in 1898, U.S. Senator Redfield Proctor estimated that up to 200,000 Cubans had died from starvation and disease within "Spanish forts", essentially concentration camps. The concern was a contributory factor in garnering support for the Spanish–American War in the U.S.

After independence, and following a sustained period of instability, the 1924–33 capitalist government of Gerardo Machado proved to be authoritarian. Machado extended his rule until Fulgencio Batista led an uprising called the Revolt of the Sergeants, as part of a coup which deposed Machado in 1933. Batista then became the strongman behind a succession of puppet presidents until he was himself elected president in 1940. According to Hugh Thomas, the post-Machado period was marked by violent reprisals, mass lynchings and a deterioration towards corruption and gansterismo throughout the island.

From 1940, Cuba had a multiparty electoral system until Fulgencio Batista (President from 1940–1944) staged a coup with military backing on March 10, 1952.

To quell the growing discontent amongst the populace—which was subsequently displayed through frequent student riots and demonstrations—Batista established tighter censorship of the media, while also utilizing his Bureau for the Repression of Communist Activities secret police to carry out wide-scale violence, torture and public executions. These murders mounted in 1957, as socialist ideas became more influential. Many people were killed, with estimates ranging from hundreds to about 20,000 people killed.

On October 6, 1960, Senator John F. Kennedy, in the midst of his campaign for the U.S. presidency, decried Batista's relationship with the U.S. government and criticized the Eisenhower administration for supporting him:Fulgencio Batista murdered 20,000 Cubans in seven years ... and he turned Democratic Cuba into a complete police state—destroying every individual liberty. Yet our aid to his regime, and the ineptness of our policies, enabled Batista to invoke the name of the United States in support of his reign of terror. Administration spokesmen publicly praised Batista—hailed him as a staunch ally and a good friend—at a time when Batista was murdering thousands, destroying the last vestiges of freedom, and stealing hundreds of millions of dollars from the Cuban people, and we failed to press for free elections.In 1958, Time magazine wrote: "Cuba's fanatic, poorly armed rebels last week tried to smash President Fulgencio Batista with the ultimate weapon of civilian revolutions: the general strike. ... Fulgencio Batista got ready for the strike by offering immunity to anyone who killed a striker and by threatening to jail any employer who closed shop." During the strike, militants and youths stole guns, and threw bombs (one of which may have set up a gas-mains fire), after which some people were killed in clashes."

According to Time magazine, "The strike was short-lived: "With the upper hand, Batista drove boldly around the city while his cops proceeded to make their supremacy complete. When a patrol car radioed that it had clashed with rebels and had 'a dead man and a prisoner', the dispatcher ordered: 'Shoot him.' At midafternoon, cops burst into a boardinghouse, grabbed three young men who were leaders of Cuba's lay Catholic Action movement, which sympathizes with Castro. Two hours later their stripped, tortured and bullet-torn bodies were turned over to relatives. Total dead: 43."

In 1959, Fidel Castro and his forces succeeded in displacing Batista from power. At that time there were fundamental changes in the judicial and political process. During this transitional period there were some concerns voiced about due process.

The "Cuban National Reconciliation movement", a U.S.-based organisation that claims to act as a forum for discussing Cuban society, has detailed what it believes are complex variables when analysing human rights immediately after the revolution. In the 1960s, violent confrontations known as the Escambray Rebellion between the Cuban government and armed opposition were ongoing, but had declined by the early 1970s. The group asserts that by the time international human rights movements flourished in the 1970s, the most severe period of repression was over, making non-partisan retrospective assessments of the period difficult. The reconciliation movement also cite the difficulties in assessing accounts of abuses that are commonly split upon partisan lines. According to the group, Cuban exiles who were often the first to denounce the Cuban government, largely shared an anti-Communist ideology and overlooked violations committed by other regimes, whilst many left leaning observers did not give the claims of Cuban victims due consideration.

After coming to power in 1959, Fidel Castro's government built a highly effective machinery of repression, according to Human Rights Watch.

As early as September 1959, Vadim Kotchergin (or Kochergin), a KGB agent, was seen in Cuba. Jorge Luis Vasquez, a Cuban who was imprisoned in East Germany, states that the East German secret police Stasi trained the personnel of the Cuban Interior Ministry (MININT).

Political executions
Various estimates have been made in order to ascertain the number of political executions which have been carried out on behalf of the Cuban government since the revolution.  During the first two months of 1959, Castro's government executed more than 300 Batista officials, with Latin American historian Thomas E. Skidmore says that there had been 550 executions in the first six months of 1959. In an April 1961 UPI story, the agency stated that about "700 have died before Castro's firing squads" between 1959 and 1961. The World Handbook of Political and Social Indicators ascertained that there had been 2,113 political executions between the years 1958–67, while British historian Hugh Thomas, stated in his study Cuba or the pursuit of freedom that "perhaps" 5,000 executions had taken place by 1970.

The vast majority of those executed directly following the 1959 revolution were policemen, politicians and informers for the Batista regime who were accused of crimes such as torture and murder, and their public trials and executions enjoyed widespread popular support among the Cuban population. Most scholars agree that those executed were probably guilty as charged, but their trials did not follow due process. The Cuban Government justified such measures on the grounds that in Cuba, the application of the death penalty against war criminals and others followed the same procedure which had previously been followed by the Allies during the Nuremberg trials. Some Cuban scholars maintain that if the government had not imposed severe legislation against the torturers, terrorists, and other criminals who had been employed by the Batista regime, the people themselves would have taken justice into their own hands.

Alleged forced labor camps and abuse of prisoners
In 1987, a "Tribunal on Cuba" was held in Paris in order to present testimonies by former prisoners of Cuba's penal system to the international media. The gathering was sponsored by a US-funded anti-communist group which was named Resistance International and "The Coalition of Committees for the Rights of Man in Cuba". The testimonies which were presented at the tribunal, before an international panel, alleged that a pattern of torture existed in Cuba's prisons and "hard labor camps". The torture consisted of beatings, biological experiments which included dietary restrictions, violent interrogations and extremely unsanitary living conditions. The jury concurred with allegations of arbitrary arrest; sentencing by court martial with no public audience or defender; periods of time which prisoners spent in hard labour camps without sufficient food, clothing or medical care; and the arrest of children who were over nine years old.

Political abuse of psychiatry
Although Cuba has been politically connected to the Soviet Union since the United States broke off relations with Cuba shortly after its prime minister Fidel Castro came to power in 1959, few considerable allegations regarding the political abuse of psychiatry in that country emerged before the late 1980s. Americas Watch and Amnesty International published reports which alluded to cases of possible unwarranted hospitalization and ill-treatment of political prisoners. These reports concerned the Gustavo Machin hospital in Santiago de Cuba in the southeast of the country and the major mental hospital in Havana. In 1977, a report on the alleged abuse of psychiatry in Cuba was published in the United States and it presented cases of ill-treatment in Cuban mental hospitals which dated back to the early 1970s. It presents grave allegations which claim that prisoners who end up in the forensic wards of mental hospitals in Santiago de Cuba and Havana are subjected to methods of ill-treatment which include electroconvulsive therapy without the use of muscle relaxants or anaesthesia. The reported application of ECT in the forensic wards seems, at least in many of the cited cases, not to be an adequate clinical treatment for the diagnosed state of the prisoner—in some cases the prisoners do not seem to have been diagnosed at all. Conditions in the forensic wards have been described in repulsive terms and they are apparently in striking contrast to the conditions in the other parts of the mental hospitals that are said to be well-kept and modern.

In August 1981, the Marxist historian Ariel Hidalgo was apprehended and accused of "incitement against the social order, international solidarity and the Socialist State" and sentenced to eight years' imprisonment. In September 1981, he was transported from State Security Headquarters to the Carbó-Serviá (forensic) ward of the Havana Psychiatric Hospital and stayed there for several weeks.

Contemporary Cuba

Political repression

A 2009 report by Human Rights Watch concluded that "Raúl Castro has kept Cuba's repressive machinery firmly in place...since being handed power by his brother Fidel Castro." The report found that "[s]cores of political prisoners arrested under Fidel continue to languish in prison, and Raúl has used draconian laws and sham trials to incarcerate scores more who have dared to exercise their fundamental rights."

US government-funded Freedom House classifies Cuba as being "Not Free", and notes that "Cuba is the only country in the Americas that consistently makes Freedom House's list of the Worst of the Worst: the World's Most Repressive Societies for widespread abuses of political rights and civil liberties." The 2017 World Report by Human Rights Watch writes that independent journalists who publish information considered critical of the government are subject to smear campaigns and arbitrary arrests, as are artists and academics who demand greater freedoms.

A 1999 Human Rights Watch report notes that the Interior Ministry's principal responsibility is to monitor the Cuban population for signs of dissent. In 1991 two new mechanisms for internal surveillance and control emerged. Communist Party leaders organized the Singular Systems of Vigilance and Protection (Sistema Unico de Vigilancia y Protección, SUVP). Rapid Action Brigades (Brigadas de Acción Rapida, also referred to as Rapid Response Brigades, or Brigadas de Respuesta Rápida) observe and control dissidents. The government also "maintains academic and labor files (expedientes escolares y laborales) for each citizen, in which officials record actions or statements that may bear on the person's loyalty to the revolution. Before advancing to a new school or position, the individual's record must first be deemed acceptable".

The opposition movement in Cuba is a widespread collection of individuals and nongovernmental organizations, most of whom are working for the respect of individual rights on the island. Some of the best known Cuban members of the opposition include the Ladies in White (recipients of the Sakharov Prize for Freedom of Thought), Human Rights Center and Cuban community leader Jesús Permuy, Marta Beatriz Roque, and Nobel Peace Prize nominee and Sakharov Prize winner Oswaldo Payá, as well as Óscar Elías Biscet, and Jorge Luis García Pérez "Antúnez."

On October 18, 2019, the U.S. Commerce Department announced that the United States will impose new sanctions against Cuba following its poor human rights records and its support of the Venezuelan government. In particular, José Daniel Ferrer's continued detention was brought into notice in a different statement which was issued by the U.S. State Department. Ferrer, who heads the Patriotic Union of Cuba (UNPACU), has been kept in detention by the Cuban government and his whereabouts have not been revealed.

Censorship

Cuba officially adopted the civil and political rights enumerated in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights in 1948. One of the key principles in the declaration was the insistence on Freedom of expression and opinion. According to the 1992 Cuban constitution, free speech was allowed "in keeping with the objectives of socialist society" and that artistic creation was allowed "as long as its content is not contrary to the Revolution". The 2019 Cuban constitution removed the language.

Cuba's ranking was on the bottom of the Press Freedom Index 2008 compiled by the Reporters Without Borders (RWB). Cuba was named one of the ten most censored countries in the world by the Committee to Protect Journalists.

Books, newspapers, radio channels, television channels, movies and music are supposedly censored, although a lot of foreign media, particularly movies and music, have notably been heard and seen without any police interference.

According to American group Committee to Protect Journalists, the media in Cuba are operated under the supervision of the Communist Party's Department of Revolutionary Orientation, which "develops and coordinates propaganda strategies".

Human rights groups and international organizations believe that these articles subordinate the exercise of freedom of expression to the state. The Inter-American Commission on Human Rights assess that: "It is evident that the exercise of the right to freedom of expression under this article of the Constitution is governed by two fundamental determinants: on the one hand, the preservation and strengthening of the communist State; on the other, the need to muzzle any criticism of the group in power." Human rights group Amnesty International assert that the universal state ownership of the media means that freedom of expression is restricted. Thus the exercise of the right to freedom of expression is restricted by the lack of means of mass communication falling outside state control. Human Rights Watch states: "Refusing to recognize human rights monitoring as a legitimate activity, the government denies legal status to local human rights groups. Individuals who belong to these groups face systematic harassment, with the government putting up obstacles to impede them from documenting human rights conditions. In addition, international human rights groups such as Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International are barred from sending fact-finding missions to Cuba. It remains one of the few countries in the world to deny the International Committee of the Red Cross access to its prisons."
Yet, activists' networks like Eye on Cuba and Cubalog.eu have continued working with the intention to raise awareness about the true situation concerning human and civil rights on the "island of freedom" and appeal to Europe Union and its members to apply responsible approach to Cuba in their foreign policy. Financial support and legal representation is provided by foreign NGOs as part of the EU Cuba Network.

A formal structure and system of reporting news not approved by the government was first attempted in 1993. The effort for an independent, uncensored news agency was spearheaded by Cuban human rights activist and then-President of Christian Democratic Movement Jesús Permuy. It formally began in May of that year as Members of Civic Democratic Action, an umbrella group of nearly twenty Castro opposition organizations, formed an alliance with the Independent Cuban Journalists Association. The effort ultimately failed.

A Reporters Without Borders report as of October 2006 finds that Internet use is very restricted and under tight surveillance. Access is only possible with government permission and equipment is rationed. E-mail is monitored.

Foreign journalists are systematically expelled from Cuba, e.g. notable journalists of Gazeta Wyborcza, Anna Bikont and Seweryn Blumsztahn, were expelled in 2005.

Restrictions on assembly
As of 2005, Human Rights Watch stated that "freedom of assembly is severely restricted in Cuba, and political dissidents are generally prohibited from meeting in large groups." In 2006, Amnesty stated that "All human rights, civil and professional associations and unions that exist today in Cuba outside the officialdom of the state apparatus and mass organizations controlled by the government are barred from having legal status. This often puts at risk the individuals who belong to these associations of facing harassment, intimidation or criminal charges for activities which constitute the legitimate exercise of the fundamental freedoms of expression, association and assembly."

The Cuban authorities only recognize a single national trade union centre, the Central de Trabajadores de Cuba (CTC). The government explicitly prohibits independent trade unions, there is systematic harassment and detention of labor activists, and the leaders of attempted independent unions have been imprisoned. The right to strike is not recognized in law.

Society
In 2001 an attempt was made by Oswaldo Payá Sardiñas and others from the Christian Liberation Movement, operating as the Varela Project, to have a national plebiscite using provisions in the Constitution of Cuba which provided for citizen initiative. If accepted by the government and approved by public vote, the amendments would have established such things as freedom of association, freedom of speech, freedom of press, as well as starting private businesses. The petition was refused by the National Assembly and in response a referendum was held in support of socialism being a permanent fixture of the constitution, for which the government claimed 99% voter approval.

Another important project is the establishment of the Assembly to Promote Civil Society. The Assembly to Promote Civil Society in Cuba is a coalition of 365 independent civil society groups with the stated aims of "forming a democratic culture", "developing a social movement", strengthening the Assembly's organization, communicating among groups to promote the civil society, using all available means to combat poverty and seeking the betterment of the community's life conditions, developing a true knowledge of Cuba's history, in all its dimensions: economic, social and political, undertaking activities and projects aimed at the protection and conservation of natural resources and the ecosystem, and promoting a true culture on labor rights. The Assembly had its first meeting in May 2005.

Capital punishment

Cuba placed a moratorium on the use of capital punishment in 1999. However, an exception was made when, in 2003, three members of a gang of ten were executed for a ferry hijacking. The hijackers were attempting to reach Florida, but ran out of fuel only halfway to their destination. After a two-day stand-off, the ferry was escorted by coast guard patrol boats back to a Cuban port, ostensibly to refuel; when hostages began jumping over the sides of the ship, however, the authorities subdued the hijackers and regained control. Four other men were given life sentences, and the remaining three women involved received 1–5 years in prison.

Acts of repudiation

Human rights groups including Amnesty International have long been critical of what the Cuban authorities have termed "Acts of repudiation" (actos de repudio). These acts occur when large groups of citizens verbally abuse, intimidate and sometimes physically assault and throw stones and other objects at the homes of Cubans who are considered counter-revolutionaries. Human rights groups suspect that these acts are often carried out in collusion with the security forces and sometimes involve the Committees for the Defence of the Revolution or the Rapid Response Brigades.

Notable prisoners of conscience

 In 1960, Armando Valladares was convicted on a charge of placing bombs in public places and was sentenced to thirty years in prison. He and his supporters contend that he was never part of the Batista police as alleged by Castro supporters, and that his imprisonment was the result of his vocal opposition to the Castro government. Valladares claims to have been tortured and humiliated while he was on a hunger strike in order to protest against prison abuses; he claims the guards denied him water until he became delirious, and they proceeded to urinate in his mouth and on his face. Furthermore, he claimed to require the use of a wheelchair following his longest hunger strike. The Cuban government denied both claims, and provided video evidence to Regis Debray of Valladares standing and walking. Valladares was released from prison after serving twenty-two years of his sentence, due in part to the intercession of France's President François Mitterrand. Conservative author David Horowitz has since called Valladares a "Human Rights Hero."
 In 1973, gay writer Reinaldo Arenas was sent to prison after being charged and convicted of 'ideological deviation' and for publishing abroad to evade censorship in Cuba. He escaped from prison and tried to leave Cuba by launching himself from the shore on a tire inner tube. The attempt failed and he was re-arrested near Lenin Park and imprisoned at the notorious El Morro Castle alongside murderers and rapists. After finally escaping from Cuba in the 1980 Mariel Boatlift, Arenas described the horrors he endured under the Cuban government in his autobiography Antes que anochezca (1992), English translation Before Night Falls (1993).
 On August 28, 1998, a Havana court sentenced Reynaldo Alfaro García, a member of the Democratic Solidarity Party, to three years in prison for "spreading enemy propaganda" and "rumour-mongering".
 Desi Mendoza, a Cuban doctor, was imprisoned for making statements criticizing Cuba's response to an epidemic of dengue fever in Santiago de Cuba which he alleged had caused several deaths. Dr. Mendoza had previously been fired from his job in a Cuban hospital three years earlier for establishing an independent medical association. He was later released due to ill-health, subject to his leaving the country.
 Óscar Elías Biscet, a medical doctor, has been sentenced to jail for 25 years for his non-violent, but vocal opposition to Castro.
 In early 2003, dozens of persons, including independent journalists, librarians and other opponents of the Castro government were jailed after summary show trials, with some sentences in excess of 20 years, on the charge of receiving money from the United States in order to carry out anti-government activities.
 An Amnesty International report, CUBA: fundamental freedoms still under attack from Amnesty International calls for the "Cuban authorities to release all prisoners of conscience immediately and unconditionally" and to "revoke all legislation that restricts freedom of expression, assembly and association, and to put a halt to all actions to harass and intimidate dissidents, journalists, and human rights defenders".
 Jorge Luis García Pérez was reported to have been released from prison in April 2007 after serving his full sentence of 17 years and 34 days for having, at the age of 25, shouted slogans against Fidel Castro. García Antúnez was convicted of sabotage after authorities accused him of setting fire to sugar cane fields, sabotage, spreading "enemy propaganda", and being in illegal possession of a weapon.
 Dr. Ariel Ruiz Urquiola, whom Amnesty International had declared "a prisoner of conscience" and demanded that he be released "immediately and without conditions".
 On September 2, 2020, Article 19, Institute for War and Peace Reporting and Amnesty International urged the Cuban government to immediately release prisoner of conscience and independent journalist, Roberto Quiñones Haces. Following the trial in August 2019 and he was sentenced to one-year imprisonment for resistance and disobedience concerning his work as an independent journalist.

Travel and emigration

As of January 14, 2013, all Cuban government-imposed travel restrictions and controls have been abolished. Since that date, any Cuban citizen, with a valid passport, can leave the country at will, without let or hindrance from the Cuban authorities. Visa requirements for Cuban citizens are administrative entry restrictions by the authorities of other states placed on citizens of Cuba. In 2014, Cuban citizens had visa-free or visa on arrival access to 61 countries and territories, ranking the Cuban passport 69th in the world. Persons holding dual Spanish and Cuban citizenships are now allowed to travel freely, using their Spanish passport in lieu of a visa for countries normally requiring a visa for the Cuban passport. Moreover, ever since that date, the Cuban government extended the allowable time abroad from 11 to 24 months, allowing Cubans who return within the 24-month time frame to retain their status and benefits of "Cuban Resident of the Interior". Should the citizen remain out of Cuba for more than 24 months, then his status would change to "Cuban Resident of the Exterior" and he would lose his privileges within. By this change, there is no longer such a thing as "illegal" or "unauthorized" travel, and therefore persons who leave Cuba via unconventional means (boats etc.) are no longer violating Cuban law, and therefore not subject to detention or imprisonment.

Prior to January 13, 2013, Cuban citizens could not travel abroad, leave or return to Cuba without first obtaining official permission along with applying for a government issued passport and travel visa, which was often denied. Unauthorized travel abroad had sometimes resulted in criminal prosecution. It was common, in those days, that certain citizens who were authorized travel (primarily medical personnel and other professionals deemed essential to the country) were not permitted to take their children with them overseas. In the event that Cuban doctors defect to the United States when they are sent to a "mission" out of Cuba to any foreign country, any children left behind would not be allowed to join their defector parent for a minimum of ten years, even if they had received a foreign visa, and regardless of their age. Castro opposition leader Oswaldo Payá has been allowed to travel abroad to receive his Sakharov Prize, but Ladies in White was not.

From 1959 through 1993, some 1.2 million Cubans (about 10% of the current population) left the island for the United States, often by sea in small boats and fragile rafts. In the early years, a number of those who could claim dual Spanish-Cuban citizenship left for Spain. Over time a number of Cuban Jews were allowed to emigrate to Israel after quiet negotiations; the majority of the 10,000 or so Jews who were in Cuba in 1959 have left. Since the collapse of the Soviet Union, many Cubans now reside in a diverse number of countries, some ending up in countries of the European Union. A large number of Cubans live in Mexico and Canada.

At times the exodus was tolerated by the Cuban government as a "release valve"; at other times the government has impeded it. Some Cubans left for economic reasons and some for political ones. Others emigrated by way of the U.S. Naval Base at Guantanamo Bay, which is blocked on the Cuban (land) side by barbed-wired fences and land mines.

In 1995 the US government entered into an agreement with the Cuban government to resolve the emigration crisis that created the Mariel Boatlift of 1980, when Castro opened the docks to anyone who wanted to leave. The result of the negotiations was an agreement under which the United States was required to issue 20,000 visas annually to Cuban emigrants. This quota is rarely filled; the Bush administration refused to comply with the act, issuing only 505 visas to Cubans in the first six months of 2003. It also blocked some Cubans who have visas.

On July 13, 1994, 72 Cubans attempted to leave the Island on a World War II era tugboat named the 13 de Marzo. In an attempt by the Cuban Navy to stop the tugboat, patrol boats were sent out to intercept the tug. Crewmen and survivors reported that the interception vessels rammed the tugboat and sprayed its passengers with high-pressure fire hoses, sweeping many overboard.

The US Coast Guard reported that the interceptions in high seas have been characterized as violent confrontations with authorities and by the deaths of immigrants. According to the same authorities, the Cubans are taken to the US on speed boats by a network of criminals specialized in human trafficking, former drug traffickers, based in southern Florida which now find contraband of humans more lucrative than drugs. These criminals charge 8 to 12 thousand dollars per person, overcrowding the small vessels. The majority of those that attempt to emigrate are individuals that have relatives in the United States, others who do not qualify to be considered as legal immigrants in the US, or those who do not want to wait their turn in the annual quota, assigned under the migratory treaties for legal immigrants

Since November 1966, the Cuban Adjustment Act provides automatic permanent residency for almost all Cubans arriving legally or illegally after one year and one day in the US. No immigrant from any other nation has this privilege. Controversy over this policy centers around the loss of Cuba's scientists, professionals, technicians and other skilled individuals, but it has also prompted concerns of a migratory crisis.

At the end of the 2005 fiscal year which ended September 30, the US Coast Guard Service reported having intercepted 2,712 Cubans at sea, more than double the 1,225 reported in 2004 The figure for 2005 is the third highest of Cubans intercepted in the Florida straights during the last 12 years. The highest had been reported in 1993 with 3,656 and 1994 when over 30,000 Cubans emigrated illegally due to the so-called migratory crisis between the two countries.

The 1994 and 1995 migratory accords signed between Havana and Washington, and which emerged due to the crisis in August 1994, are still in effect. These accords force the US to return all those intercepted at sea by US authorities to Cuba, except the cases in which political persecution can be proven to justify exile in the United States.

The accords were designed to discourage those who would consider emigrating illegally by sea but the Bush administration has not complied with Washington's part of the agreements. Although the Coast Guard says that only 2.5 percent of the Cubans intercepted are granted political asylum, the public understanding, the public perception in Cuba and among the Cuban community in Miami, is not the same. And since that is not the perception, more and more people continue to illegally leave the island by sea causing fatal consequences. According to studies carried out by Cuban experts on the island, it is estimated that at least 15 percent of those that attempt to cross the sea die before reaching the US.

However, figures of those fleeing other Latin American or Caribbean countries of origin compare similarly with those of Cuba. During the 2005 fiscal year, 3,612 Dominicans were picked up at high seas attempting to illegally reach the US (900 more than Cubans intercepted) and in 2004, 3,229 Haitians were also picked up (2,000 more than the 1,225 Cubans that fiscal year). The Brazilian daily O Globo published an article on illegal immigrants in the US, quoting official sources, pointing out that during the first semester of 2005, 27,396 Brazilians were stopped from illegally crossing US borders, an average of 4,556 per month and 152 a day. In 2004, a total of 1,160,000 foreigners, were stopped when attempting to illegally enter the US, 93 percent of them (close to 1,080,000) were Mexicans.

Education

Education in Cuba is free at all levels and led by the Ministry for Education. In 1961 the government nationalized all private educational institutions and introduced a state-directed education system.

Healthcare

The Cuban government operates on national health system and assumes full fiscal and administrative responsibility for the health care of its citizens. The government prohibits any private alternatives to the national health system. In 1976, Cuba's healthcare program was enshrined in Article 50 of the revised constitution which states, "Everyone has the right to health protection and care". Healthcare in Cuba is also free.

However, there is no right to privacy, or a patient's informed consent, or the right to protest or sue a doctor or clinic for malpractice. Moreover, the patient does not have right to refuse treatment (for example, a Rastafarian cannot refuse an amputation on grounds that his religion forbids it.) Many Cubans complain about politics in medical treatment and health care decision-making.

After spending nine months in Cuban clinics, anthropologist Katherine Hirschfeld wrote "My increased awareness of Cuba's criminalization of dissent raised a very provocative question: to what extent is the favorable international image of the Cuban health care system maintained by the state's practice of suppressing dissent and covertly intimidating or imprisoning would-be critics?"

Family doctors are expected to keep records of their patients' "political integration." Epidemiological surveillance has become juxtaposed with political surveillance.

Religious freedom

In the years following the Cuban Revolution, the activities of the Roman Catholic Church were severely limited and in 1961 all property held by religious organizations was confiscated without compensation. Hundreds of members of the clergy, including a bishop, were permanently expelled from the nation. The Cuban leadership was officially atheist until 1992 when the Communist Party agreed to allow religious followers to join the party. In 1998, Pope John Paul II visited the island and was allowed to conduct large outdoor masses and
visas were issued for nineteen foreign priests taking up residence in the country. In addition, other religious groups in Cuba such as the Jewish community are now permitted to hold public services and to import religious materials and kosher food for Passover, as well as to receive rabbis and other religious visitors from abroad. In October 2008, Cuba marked the opening of a Russian Orthodox Cathedral in Havana in a ceremony attended by Raúl Castro, Vice President Esteban Lazo, Parliament leader Ricardo Alarcón, and other figures. The Cuban press noted that the cathedral was the first of its kind in Latin America.

In 2022, Freedom House rated Cuba's religious freedom as 3 out of 4, noting that religious freedom has improved over the past decade.

A 2023 report found that documented Freedom of Religion violations more than doubled from 272 in 2021 to 657 in 2022.

Rights of women

Cuba is a regional front-runner in women's rights. With respect to reproductive rights, Cuban women have up to two years of maternity leave and free access to abortion.

Women head almost 50% of households in Cuba. Sixty percent of Cuban professionals are women. Cuban women also have high representation in the country, with women holding 48.9% of the parliamentary seats in the Cuban National Assembly.

Torture
In 2005 a group of culture personalities, including several Nobel Prize laureates, have signed an appeal on The Guardian in defense of Cuba, claiming that "the government of the US has no moral authority to elect itself as the judge over human rights in Cuba, where there has not been a single case of disappearance, torture or extrajudicial execution since 1959, and where despite the economic blockade, there are levels of health, education and culture that are internationally recognised." The appeal is signed, for example, by Rigoberta Menchú Tum, Adolfo Pérez Esquivel, José Saramago, Claudio Abbado, Manu Chao, Walter Salles, Nadine Gordimer, Harold Pinter, Tariq Ali, Harry Belafonte, Danny Glover, Ernesto Cardenal, Alice Walker, Ramsey Clark and Danielle Mitterrand.

Race relations

Esteban Morales Dominguez has pointed to institutionalized racism in his book The Challenges of the Racial Problem in Cuba (). Racial Politics in Post-Revolutionary Cuba discusses the racial politics prevalent in communist Cuba.

Enrique Patterson, writing in the Miami Herald, describes race as a "social bomb" and he says, "If the Cuban government were to permit black Cubans to organize and raise their problems before [authorities] ... totalitarianism would fall". Carlos Moore, who has authored extensively on the issue, says that "There is an unstated threat, blacks in Cuba know that whenever you raise race in Cuba, you go to jail. Therefore, the struggle in Cuba is different. There cannot be a civil rights movement. You will have instantly 10,000 black people dead". He says that a new generation of black Cubans are looking at politics in another way.

Jorge Luis García Pérez, a well-known Afro-Cuban human rights and democracy activist who was imprisoned for 17 years, in an interview with the Florida-based Directorio Democrático Cubano states "The authorities in my country have never tolerated that a black person oppose the revolution. During the trial, the color of my skin aggravated the situation. Later when I was mistreated in prison by guards, they always referred to me as being black".

Despite these barriers however, Cuba has oftentimes been praised for advances of the Cuban Revolution in the areas of racial equality. During his leadership, Castro abolished segregation in businesses and public spaces while also ushering in egalitarian reforms in areas such as employment, wages, social security, and education. The proportion of high school graduates was actually higher among blacks than among whites in Cuba, whereas the opposite was true in both Brazil and the United States. In the area of life expectancy,  The life expectancy of nonwhite Cubans was only one year lower
than that of whites; life expectancy was basically identical for all racial groups. A powerful indicator of social wellbeing, linked to access to health services (as reflected, particularly, in infant mortality), nutrition and education, the Cuban race gap in life expectancy was significantly lower than those found in more affluent multiracial societies such as Brazil (about 6.7 years) and the United States (about 6.3 years) during the same period. Because of these social reforms the Afro Cuban population is the healthiest longest living black population in the world. In the area of national leadership the vestiges of the pre revolutionary era are still visible when it comes to the question of colour, with Afro Cubans having yet to achieve parity when it comes to representation. Nevertheless, reforms have been introduced since in the 1970s when Castro "worked to increase the number of Afro-Cuban political representatives, with the percentage of Black members on the Council of State expanding from 12.9% in 1976 to 25.8% by 2003".

Black Spring

In March 2003, the government of Cuba arrested dozens of people (including self-identified journalists and human rights activists), and charged them with sedition due to their alleged cooperation with James Cason, head of the United States Interests Section in Havana. The accused were tried and sentenced to prison terms ranging from 15 to 28 years. In all, 75 people were given lengthy sentences averaging 17 years each. Among those sentenced were Raúl Rivero, Marta Beatriz Roque, and Oscar Elías Biscet. Amnesty International described the trials as "hasty and manifestly unfair."

Cuban Foreign Minister Felipe Pérez Roque denied these accusations and responded: "Cuba has the right to defend itself and apply punishment just like other nations do, like the United States punishes those who cooperate with a foreign power to inflict damage on their people and territory."

During the trial, evidence was presented that the defendants had received funds from the U.S. Interests Section. Cuban officials claim that the goal of this funding was to undermine the Cuban state, disrupt internal order, and damage the Cuban economy. For his part, Cason denies offering funds to anyone in Cuba.

On November 29, 2004, the Cuban government released three of those arrested in March 2003: Oscar Espinosa Chepe, Marcelo López, and Margarito Broche. The action followed a meeting between the Spanish ambassador and Cuba's foreign minister. In subsequent days four more dissidents were released: Raúl Rivero, Osvaldo Alfonso Valdés, Edel José García and Jorge Olivera. Seven other prisoners had previously been released for health reasons.

LGBT rights in Cuba

The rights of lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender people in Cuba have evolved significantly over time, from widespread discrimination in most of the 20th century to what are now considered some of the most progressive LGBT policies in Latin America.

Discrimination
Thousands of homosexuals, Jehovah's Witnesses, conscientious objectors, and dissidents were forced to conduct their compulsory military service in the 1960s at UMAP camps, where they were subject to political "reeducation". Military commanders brutalized the inmates. Carlos Alberto Montaner says "Camps of forced labour were instituted with all speed to "correct" such deviations ... Verbal and physical mistreatment, shaved heads, work from dawn to dusk, hammocks, dirt floors, scarce food ... The camps became increasingly crowded as the methods of arrest became more expedient".

In the late 1960s, because of "revolutionary social hygiene", the Castro government claimed to cleanse the arts of "fraudulent sodomitic" writers and "sick effeminate" dancers. Additionally, men with long hair were locked up and their hair was cut.

Castro is reported to once have asserted that, "in the country[side], there are no homosexuals", before claiming in 1992 that homosexuality is a "natural human tendency that must simply be respected". Another source reports Castro as having denounced "maricones" ("faggots") as "agents of imperialism". Castro has also reportedly asserted that "homosexuals should not be allowed in positions where they are able to exert influence upon young people".

21st century reforms
Cuba has made reforms in the 21st century, particularly via the successful 2022 Family Code referendum.

In 2003, Carlos Sanchez of the International Lesbian and Gay Association issued a report on the status of gay people in Cuba which claimed that the Cuban government no longer imposes any legal punishments on its gay citizens, that there is a greater level of tolerance among Cubans for gay, bisexual, and transgender people, and that the Cuban government was open to endorsing a gay and lesbian rights plank at the United Nations. Since 2005 sex reassignment surgeries for transgender individuals are free under law, and are paid for by the government. Also Havana now has a "lively and vibrant" gay and lesbian scene.

In a 2010 interview with Mexican newspaper La Jornada, the First Secretary of the Communist Party of Cuba, Fidel Castro, called the persecution of homosexuals whilst he was in power "a great injustice, great injustice!" Taking responsibility for the persecution, he said, "If anyone is responsible, it's me ... We had so many and such terrible problems, problems of life or death. In those moments I was not able to deal with that matter [of homosexuals]. I found myself immersed, principally, in the Crisis of October, in the war, in policy questions." Castro personally believed that the negative treatment of gays in Cuba arose out of the country's pre-revolutionary attitudes toward homosexuality.

Mariela Castro, daughter of Communist Party First Secretary Raúl Castro, has been pushing for lesbian rights with the pro-lesbian government sponsored Cuban National Center for Sex Education which she leads. Mariela has stated her father fully supports her initiatives, saying that her father has overcome his initial homophobia to support his daughter.

The passage of the 2022 Family Code referendum legalized same-sex marriage and adoption by same-sex parents. Cuba now has one of the most progressive stances on LGBT rights of among Latin American countries.

United Nations Human Rights Commission
Cuban human rights have been repeatedly discussed and debated in the United Nations Human Rights Commission since the Cuban Revolution. It would become a recurring flashpoint in the backdrop of international dynamic during the Cold War and into the years following.

The organized and sustained international effort launched by prominent Cuban dissident groups (e.g. Miami's Center for Human Rights, UNIDAD Cubana, Christian Democratic Party of Cuba, and others) and affiliated NGOs  (such as Human Rights Watch) made their way to the UNHRC and would become a growing presence in Geneva. These groups sometimes represented a spectrum of different Cuban interests, such as religious liberty (e.g. Christian-Democrat movements, parties, and organizations) and education (e.g. the International Association of Educators for World Peace), that coalesced around the issue of human rights. An influential force credited with crafting and spearheading the international Cuban human rights effort, particularly in the United Nations, was activist and Cuban community leader Jesús Permuy. The Miami Herald's profile of the Cuban Christian Democrat Movement stated that Permuy spearheaded the international diplomatic strategy to call out the Castro regime's human rights abuses and work with other Christian-Democratic governments to withhold international support until governmental changes were made to address human rights abuses. Though the coalition's NGO-driven human rights effort for Cuba initially struggled to gain traction in the UNHRC, their influence gradually grew, especially as key groups secured Consultative Status which significantly expanded their resources and exposure there. A significant turning point in these efforts came in 1984 when Permuy's Miami-based Center for Human Rights successfully lobbied to have Cuba's diplomatic representative, Luis Sola Vila, removed from a key subcommittee of the United Nations Human Rights Commission and replaced with a representative from Ireland, a Christian-Democratic ally in opposition of the Castro government. Another key moment came in 1987 when US President Ronald Reagan appointed Armando Valladares, former Cuban political prisoner of 22 years, as the US Ambassador to the Commission. By 1992, there had been a substantial change in Geneva as the UNHRC representatives had shifted from initial rejection, then indifference and towards embrace of the anti-Castro Cuban human rights movement's diplomatic efforts.

Since 1990, the United States itself has presented various resolutions to the annual UN Human Rights Commission criticizing Cuba's human rights record. The proposals and subsequent diplomatic disagreements have been described as a "nearly annual ritual". Long-term consensus between Latin American nations has not emerged. The resolutions were passed 1990–1997, but were rejected in 1998. Subsequent efforts by the U.S. have succeeded by narrow voting margins. In the Americas, some governments back the criticism, others oppose it, seeing it as a cynical manipulation of a serious human rights issue in order to promote the isolation of the island and to justify the decades-old embargo. European Union nations have universally voted against Cuba since 1990, though requests that the resolution should contain references to the negative effects of the economic embargo have been made.

Cuban human rights groups
 Cuban Democratic Directorate (Directorio)
 Foundation for Human Rights in Cuba
 International Committee for Democracy in Cuba
 Cuban Liberty Council
 Cuban dissidents
 Ladies in White

See also

 Disability in Cuba
 Guantanamo Bay detention camp
 Sebastian Arcos Bergnes
 Darsi Ferrer Ramírez
 Cuban political prisoners hunger strike of 2010

References

External links

Cuba on Human Rights Watch

Law of Cuba
Society of Cuba
Cuba

Human rights in Cuba


Škoda Rapid este un automobil produs în uzinele Škoda din Cehia, începând cu anul 2012 și până în 2019.

Note

Legături externe

Automobile cehe
Rapid

Škoda Rapid (2012)


Das English Masters 1979 im Badminton fand Mitte September 1979 in der Royal Albert Hall in London statt. Es war das erste Badmintonturnier, bei welchem ein Preisgeld ausgeschüttet wurde. Die Preisgeldhöhe war jedoch im Vergleich zum Tennis relativ bescheiden. Prakash Padukone und Lene Køppen erhielten jeweils 3000 britische Pfund Siegprämie, konnten diese jedoch nicht annehmen, da sie zu diesem Zeitpunkt noch nicht den Status eines Lizenzspielers besaßen. Nur Lizenzspieler durften in dieser Zeit derartige Gelder annehmen, wurden jedoch von reinen Amateurveranstaltungen wie Commonwealth Games oder Asienspiele ausgeschlossen. Die Gelder gingen in derartigen Fällen an den Badmintonverband des Starters. Nichtsdestoweniger wurde mit diesem Turnier die Ära des Open Badminton eingeläutet. In der Folge wurden mehrere Masters-Turniere ins Leben gerufen wie zum Beispiel das Scandinavian Masters, das Indian Masters und das Malaysian Masters.

Finalresultate

Referenzen
 http://newspapers.nl.sg/Digitised/Page/straitstimes19790924.1.23.aspx

1979
Badminton 1979
Badmintonwettbewerb in London
Sportveranstaltung im Royal Borough of Kensington and Chelsea
Royal Albert Hall

English Masters 1979


John Healey (born 13 February 1960) is a British politician who has served as the Member of Parliament (MP) for Wentworth and Dearne, formerly Wentworth, since 1997. A member of the Labour Party, he has been Shadow Secretary of State for Defence since 2020.

Healey was Minister of State for Housing and Planning in the Brown Government.

Following the 2010 general election, he was elected to the Shadow Cabinet and was appointed Shadow Secretary of State for Health. He stood down from the role in October 2011 and was succeeded by Andy Burnham. He also served as Shadow Secretary of State for Housing from 2016 to 2020 under Jeremy Corbyn, and worked alongside Andrew Gwynne, the Shadow Secretary of State for Communities and Local Government.

Early life
John Healey was born in Wakefield, the son of Aidan Healey OBE. He was educated at the Lady Lumley's School in Pickering before attending the independent St Peter's School, York sixth form college.  Healey studied Social and Political Science at Christ's College, Cambridge where he received a BA in 1982. He worked as a journalist and the deputy editor of The House, the internal magazine of the Palace of Westminster, for a year in 1983.  In 1984 he became a full-time disability rights campaigner for several national charities.

Healey joined Issues Communications in 1990 as a campaign manager before becoming the head of communications at the Manufacturing, Science and Finance trade union in 1992.  He was appointed as the campaign director with the Trades Union Congress in 1994 in which capacity he remained until his election to the House of Commons. He was also a tutor at the Open University Business School.

Healey's first venture into Parliamentary politics was an unsuccessful attempt to gain the Ryedale seat at the 1992 general election.  As the Labour candidate, Healey finished in third place, some 30,076 votes behind the sitting Conservative John Greenway.

Member of Parliament

Selection

Although John Healey had not been the first choice as the Labour candidate in Wentworth for the 1997 general election he won by a convincing margin after a long campaign.  It was rumoured that the Labour leadership had tried to insert the former Conservative MP for Stratford-on-Avon, Alan Howarth, who had crossed the floor and joined the Labour Party in 1995.

The other prospective candidates were journalist Yvette Cooper who went on to be selected for Pontefract and Castleford and Rotherham Cllrs. Ken Wyatt and Cllr. Roger Stone. Finally Healey was chosen for this very safe Labour seat.

At the 1997 general election, Healey successfully contested the seat of Wentworth, which had become available following the retirement of the Labour MP Peter Hardy.  Healey held the seat with a majority of 23,959 and has remained the MP to date, being re-elected in the 2019 General Election with a majority of 2,165.

In government
Healey served as a member of the education and employment select committee from 1997 until he became the Parliamentary Private Secretary to the Chancellor of the Exchequer Gordon Brown in 1999.  He was given an executive position following the 2001 general election in an appointment as the Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State for Adult Skills at the Department for Education and Skills.

Healey was promoted in 2002 to the position of Economic Secretary to the Treasury and nominally again following the 2005 general election when he took the role of Financial Secretary to the Treasury.

Healey's responsibilities included government statistics, (including the Office for National Statistics), along with implementation of the government's 10 year strategy for science and innovation, which directs spending of around £5 billion a year. Inter alia, this has led to the controversial abolition of the Research Assessment Exercise. However, he has never made a speech on this area of responsibility and did not answer questions about it.

On 29 June 2007, he was moved to the Department for Communities and Local Government as a result of a government reshuffle.  His position as Financial Secretary was filled by Jane Kennedy. Shortly after his appointment he assumed responsibility for assisting the recovery from recent widespread flooding across the United Kingdom. It was announced he would be appointed to the Privy Council in October 2008.

In a Cabinet reshuffle on 5 June 2009, he was appointed Minister of State for Housing and Planning, replacing Margaret Beckett who had resigned. While Minister of State for Housing and Planning, he was criticised for suggesting that more people are renting rather than buying their own homes was a good thing.

In opposition
Healey came second in the election for the shadow cabinet in 2010, and was appointed Shadow Secretary of State for Health. Healey took the decision to stand down from the Shadow Cabinet in 2011 in order to spend more time with his family.

In 2015 three Rotherham Labour MPs, Kevin Barron, Sarah Champion and Healey, started a defamation legal action against UKIP MEP Jane Collins after Collins falsely alleged in a UKIP conference speech that the three MPs knew about child exploitation in Rotherham but did not intervene, and in February 2017 the MPs were awarded £54,000 each in damages.

Following the election of Jeremy Corbyn as Labour Party leader, Healey was appointed Shadow Minister for Housing. He supported Owen Smith in the failed attempt to replace Jeremy Corbyn in the 2016 Labour Party leadership election. Following the leadership election, Healey was appointed Shadow Secretary of State for Housing in October 2016.

Following the election of Keir Starmer Healey was appointed Shadow Secretary of State for Defence in April 2020, shadowing Ben Wallace.

Political views
Healey maintains affordable housing should be a right, not a privilege.  Healey wrote, "The housing market is broken, and, after eight long years it is clear that current Conservative housing policy is failing to fix it. Ministers talk big about housebuilding targets to be reached some time in the next decade. But what new homes we build, and who they're for, matter just as much as how many we build.  To make housing more affordable, we need to build more affordable homes, and to hardwire housing affordability through the system, from planning to funding to delivery. The public know this: eight in 10 people think ministers should be doing more to get affordable housing built. (...) We will build for those who need it, including the very poorest and most vulnerable, with a big boost to new social rented homes. And we will also build Labour's new affordable homes for those in work on ordinary incomes who are priced out of the housing market and being failed by housing policy. This is the "just coping" class in Britain today, who do the jobs we all rely on – IT workers, HGV drivers, joiners, warehouse managers, lab technicians, nurses, teaching assistants, call centre supervisors, shop staff."

Healey also said, "Homelessness fell at an unprecedented rate with Labour but, after eight years of the Tories, it is shameful that 131,000 children will be without a home this Christmas [Christmas 2018].  It's no surprise that homelessness is rising rapidly when the Conservatives have slashed investment in new affordable homes, refused to help private renters and made huge cuts to housing benefit and homelessness services."

He opposes the minimum wage being set at a different level for young people and he campaigns for medals to be awarded to Suez Canal Zone veterans.

Personal life
Healey married Jackie Bate on 25 October 1993 in Lambeth and they have one son. Healey is a member of Amnesty International. He is not related to former Labour cabinet minister Denis Healey.

References

External links

 John Healey MP official constituency website

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1960 births
Living people
People educated at St Peter's School, York
Alumni of Christ's College, Cambridge
Academics of the Open University
Ministers of State for Housing (UK)
Labour Party (UK) MPs for English constituencies
Members of the Privy Council of the United Kingdom
Politicians from Wakefield
UK MPs 1997–2001
UK MPs 2001–2005
UK MPs 2005–2010
UK MPs 2010–2015
UK MPs 2015–2017
UK MPs 2017–2019
UK MPs 2019–present
Shadow Secretaries of State for Health

John Healey (politician)


Arcadio Zentella puede referirse a:
 Arcadio Zentella Priego (1844 - 1920), escritor mexicano nacido en Tabasco;
 Arcadio Zentella y Sánchez Mármol (1872 - 1950), poeta y periodista mexicano, nacido en Tabasco.

Arcadio Zentella


Grájarpi (fræðiheiti: Dendragapus fuliginosus) er hænsnfugl af orraætt. Heimkynni hans er í barr- og blandskógum á vesturströnd Bandaríkjana. Hann er náskyldur sótjarpa (Dendragapus obscurus) og líkur honum og voru þeir áður taldir sama tegund (bláorri).

Haninn er kallaður karri, rétt eins og karlfugl rjúpunnar en hún er líka af orraætt.

Tenglar

Orraætt

Dendragapus fuliginosus


Chandra (ordret: "lysende") er en månegud og en Graha inden for Hinduismen. Chandra identificeres også med den vediske månegud Soma (ordret: "saft", og hentyder til planternes safter).

Chandra beskrives som ung, smuk og retfærdig.

Noter

Gudinder
Religion i Indien
Hinduisme

Chandra


මොරොක්කෝ රාජධානිය උතුරු අප්‍රිකාවේ පිහිටි රටකි. ජනගහනය මිලියන 32 වන අතර වර්ග කි.මි. 710,850 වන බටහිර සහරාව මොරොක්කෝව යටතේ පවතී. අගනුවර වන්නේ රාබට් හා විශාලතම නගරය වන්නේ නසබ්ලන්නාය. අනෙකුත් විශාල නගර වන්නේ ෆෙස්, සලේ, අගඩියර්, මරතේෂ්, ටැන්ජි, යර්ඩ්, මෙක්නෙස්, ඔජ්ධා හා ටිමොආන්ය. මොරොන්නෝහි දියුණු සංස්කෘතියක් හා ජනාවාස ඇති අතර, බොහෝ කාලවල ස්වදේශීයව පැවැති අතර එහි ආහාර පාන, ලෝකයේ විවිධත්වය අතින් ලෝකයේ ඉහල තැනක් ගනි. රටේ අත්ලාන්තික් සාගරයේ වෙරළතීරයත් තිබෙන අතර, එය ගිබ්රෝල්ටා පටු සමුද්‍ර සන්ධිය පසු කොට, මධ්‍යධරණි මුහුදට ආසන්නව ඇත. මායිම් වන්නේ උතුරින් ස්පාඤ්ඤය, නැගෙනහිරින් ඇල්ජිරියාව හා දකුණින් මවුරිමානියාවටය. තොරතුරු තාක්ෂණය සහ සන්නිවේදන කොටස් විශාල ලෙස ව්‍යාප්ත විය. උතුරු අප්‍රිකාව තුල 3G පද්ධතියක් ස්ථාපිත කල පළමු රට මොරොනෝය. 2006 වර්ෂය වන විට එහි ආන්තර්ජාල භාවිතා කරන ප්‍රතිශතය 73% කි. නසබ්ලන්නාහි ඇති කල නව තාක්ෂණයෙන් යුත් නව ඉදිකිරීම හේතුවෙන් ගෝලිය බලවතුන්ගේ අවධානය දිනාගෙන ඇත. දියඹේ පිහිටි සේවා සථානයන් හේතුවෙන් රට ආකර්ෂණීය වි ඇත. වර්ධන වේගය, තොරතුරු තාක්ෂණ හේතුවෙන් රටේ  දළ දේශීය නිෂ්පාදිත (GDP) අගයට ඇ.ඩො. මිලියන 500 ක් හා රැකියා 30,000 ක් 2015 වන විට ඇති කිරිමට ඇස්ත‍මේන්තු ගත කොට ඇත. සන්නිවේදන පද්ධතිය විදේශීය සෘජු ආයෝජනයෙන් අඩක් පසුගිය අවුරුදු 5 ක කාල සීමාවේ ලඟා කර ඇත. මොරොක්කෝ රාජ්‍යය ලෝකයේ පොස්පරස් නිෂ්පාදනයේ 3 වන විශාලතම රටයි. අන්තර්ජාතික වෙළඳපොළේ පොස්පරස් මිල උච්චාවචනය එහි ආර්ථිකයට බලපා ඇත. විශාලතම ස්ව‍දේශී ජන කණ්ඩායම වන්නේ බර්බස්ය. අරාබිකරණයද මොරොක්කෝ සංස්කෘතිය තුල මුලික ස්ථානයක් නිර්මාණය කොට ඇත. එහි ප්‍රතිඵලය ස්වදේශී ජනගහනයෙන් බහුතරයක් අරාබි කථා කරන බර්බර්වරුන් වීමයි.

ආශ්‍රිත

 Index of Morocco-related articles
 Outline of Morocco

සටහන්

මූලාශ්‍ර

උපහරණ

භාහිර සබැඳි

 Official website of the government of Morocco
 Official bulletins of the government of Morocco
 Parliament of Morocco
 Official website of the Moroccan National Tourist Office
 Census results of 1994 and 2004
 Morocco. The World Factbook. Central Intelligence Agency.

 Morocco profile from the BBC News

 Key Development Forecasts for Morocco from International Futures
 EU Neighbourhood Info Centre: Morocco
 World Bank Summary Trade Statistics Morocco

අප්‍රිකාව තුළ රටවල්
1956 establishments in Africa
1956 establishments in Morocco
Arabic-speaking countries and territories
French-speaking countries and territories
Maghrebi countries
Member states of the African Union
Member states of the Arab League
Member states of the Organisation internationale de la Francophonie
Member states of the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation
Member states of the Union for the Mediterranean
එක්සත් ජාතීන්ගේ සාමාජික රාජ්‍ය
North African countries
Saharan countries
States and territories established in 1956
උතුරු අප්‍රිකාව

මොරොක්කෝ රාජධානිය


2014 පොදුරාජ්‍ය මණ්ඩලීය ක්‍රීඩා උළෙල හෙවත් XX වන (20 වන) පොදුරාජ්‍ය මණ්ඩලීය ක්‍රීඩා උළෙල  ස්කොට්ලන්තයේ ග්ලාස්ගොව් නුවරදී 2014 ජුලි 23 වන දින සිට අගෝස්තු 3 වන දින දක්වා පැවැත්විණි.

රටවල් 71 ක ක්‍රීඩක ක්‍රීඩිකාවන් 4950 කට අධික පිරිසක් සහභාගී වූ මෙය ස්කොට්ලන්තයේ දී එතෙක් මෙතෙක් පැවති විශාලතම බහු-ක්‍රීඩා උළෙලයි. ක්‍රීඩා 18 ක් යටතේ තරංග ඉසව් 261 ක් මෙහිදී පවත්වනු ලැබීය. ආබාධිත ක්‍රීඩක ක්‍රීඩිකාවන් සඳහා වූ පැරා-ක්‍රීඩා ඉසව් 22 ක් ක්‍රීඩා 5 ක් යටතේ මෙහිදී ප්‍රථම වතාවට පවත්වනු ලැබීය. 2010 පොදුරාජ්‍ය මණ්ඩලීය ක්‍රීඩා උළෙලේදී පැවති ටෙනිස් සහ  දුනු විදීමේ ක්‍රීඩා, මෙහිදී තුන් ප්‍රයාමය සහ ජූඩෝ යන ක්‍රීඩා වලින් ප්‍රතිස්ථාපනය කර ඇත.

2014 පොදුරාජ්‍ය මණ්ඩලීය ක්‍රීඩා උළෙල


المواصلات في القاهرة تشمل شبكةَ الطرق الهائلة، ونظام السكة الحديد، فالقاهرة هي أهم محطات القطار في مصر وأكبرها وبها تحويلات الخطوط لباقي الاتجاهات كونها في منتصف الطريق المؤدي لكافة محطات مصر
الأخرى، ففي القاهرة تنقسم خطوط القطار لتتجه إما للوجه القبلي إلى أسوان أو إلى الإسكندرية في أقصى الشمال أو إلى مدن قناة السويس وسيناء بشرق مصر، ودلتا النيل وهناك أيضا اتجاهات مؤدية إلى الصحراء الغربية وواحة سيوة.

هناك شبكة طرق شاملة تَرْبطُ بين القاهرة والمُدنِ والقُرى المصريةِ الأخرى. وهناك طريق دائري جديد يُحيطُ أطرافَ المدينة، بالمخارجِ التي تَصِلُ تقريباً إلى كُلّ مناطق القاهرة. وهناك أيضا عدد كبير جدا من الكباري والجسور وأشهرها كوبري 6 أكتوبر أطول كباري مصر والذي يربط ما بين شرق المدينة وغربها.

كما يوجد بالقاهرة أكبر نظام لقطار الأنفاق بأفريقيا والشرق الأوسط وهو الوحيد بمصر، فهناك خطان قائمان وهناك إتجاه لمد خطان آخران، وهناك أيضا خطوط للترام ولكنها قديمة ولا تقارن بمترو الأنفاق في الكفاءة أو السرعة كما يوجد بالقاهرة خطوط نقل نهري ولكنها للبضائع فقط وهي أيضا غير منتشرة كالخطوط البرية، ولذلك فالقاهرة تقريباً هي مركز شبكةِ خطوط النقلِ المصريةِ.

نظام قطار الأنفاق، والمسمى محليا بالمترو هو المفضل لسكان وزوار المدينة لكفائته العالية وسرعتة مقارنة بازدحام الطرق البرية ولكنه في بعض ساعات اليوم قد يكون مزدحما جدا برغم أن سرعة التقاطر قد تصل إلى دقيقتين بين كل قطار والآخر، كما أنه في بعض الأحيان قد يتعطل في ساعات العمل، والقطار الواحد قد يصل إلى 10 عربات منها عربتان مخصصتان للنساء.

يتنوع في مرور القاهرة وسائل النقل، فهناك شبكة مترو الأنفاق، وحتى عام 2019 كان هناك شبكة ترام، كما يوجد حافلات كبيرة منها المكيفة وغير المكيفة والميكروباص وسيارات الأجرة التي منها ما هو خاضع للدولة في الإشراف علية وأيضا سيارات الأجرة التابعة لشركات خاصة والتي تم اعتمادها في عام 2006 من خلال ثلاث شركات تعمل في القاهرة الكبرى ولها المواقف الخاصة بها ويختلف سائقي هذه السيارات عن غيرهم فبإمكانهم التحدث باللغة الإنجليزية لخدمة السائحين، وتقدر متوسط أجرتها بثلاثة دولارات وذلك بحسب المسافة ولكن لا يوجد عدد كبير منها فهم تقريبا يتجاوزون 130 سيارة في نهاية عام 2006 ولكن في نهاية المشروع سيبلغ العدد 2000 سيارة، ويتواجد النقل النهري ولكنه أقرب أن يكون ترفيهي أكثر منه كوسيلة نقل.

النقل البري

خطوط النقل العام بالقاهرة

تضم خطوط النقل العام بالقاهرة عدة شركات: منها اثنتان تابعتان للحكومة هما هيئة النقل العام بالقاهرة - وهي الأقدم - وشركة أتوبيس القاهرة الكبرى - التي بدأت بأتوبيسات من المعونة الأميركية أطلق عليها الجمهور «أتوبيسات كارتر» نسبة للرئيس الأمريكي الذي تم في عهده تقديم الأتوبيسات - بجانب عدة شركات خاصة، وهو نظام استحدث مؤخراً.

وتُسيِّر تلك الشركات جميعها أتوبيسات وميني باصات مختلفة الأحجام كالتالي:

خطوط الحافلات الصغيرة

2 (ميني باص) المظلات - شارع شبرا -الإسعاف - التحرير.

3 (ميني باص) روكسي - شبرا - التحرير - أبو الريش.

4 (ميني باص) أبو وافية - دوران شبرا - التحرير - أبو الريش.

يوجد أيضا ضمن النقل البري، خدمات خاصة مثل

خدمات الليموزين: الخدمة عبارة عن سيارات سيدان مرفهة، في العادة تقاد بواسظة سائق ويكون هناك مسافة بين السائق والعميل،

تقدم هذه الخدمة للمسافرين لنقلهم من المطار إلى مقصدهم، وأيضا تقدم للمسافرين في داخل جمهورية مصر العربية لتنقلهم داخليا في المحافظات.

السكك الحديدية

أهم محطات القاهرة الكبرى للقطارات هي محطة مصر.

النقل الجوي

مطار القاهرة الدولي فهو المطار الأهم والأكبر في مصر ويسمى أيضاً ميناء القاهرة الجوي. يبعد عن وسط مدينة القاهرة نحو 15 كيلو متر وبه ثلاثة مدارج وثلاث صالات للركاب. ستتجاوز الطاقة الاستيعابية له بعد استكمال صالة الوصول الثالثة 16 مليون مسافر سنوياً.

النقل النهري

يتوفر في القاهرة الأتوبيس النهري، وهي وسيلة نقل نهرية تبحر في نهر النيل على امتداد ساحل القاهرة، ويتميز أنه لا علاقة له بالأزمات المرورية البريّة.

مشاكل القيادة

مرور القاهرة معروفُ بكونه شديد الازدحامَ للدرجة التي قد يعتبره البعض فيها الأسوأ في مصر، وفي ساعات العمل وأوقات الظهيرة قد يَمِيلُ سائقي المواصلات أن يكونوا متعسفين في القيادة ولكن أكثر لطفا في التقاطعاتِ، ونادرا ما يلتزمون بآداب الطريق، فمنهم من يسير مخالفا وهي المخالفة الأكثر شيوعا، وأيضا هناك تجاهل شبه تام بالخطوط الأرضية، وأيضا نجد أن غالبية سيارات النقل متهالكة وغير صالحة، ومن الأسباب الرئيسية لذلك رداءة الطرق في غالبية أنحاء المدينة، كما أن هناك استخداما سافراً لآلات التنبية، ويستخدمها السائقين لأسباب كثيرة منها 1 - إعلانه الاقتراب من تقاطع لتفادي الاصطدام بسيارة قادمة عرضا في بعض الأماكن الخالية من إشارات أو ضابط مرور. 2 - إعلام سائق آخر أنه سيتفاداه. 3 - تفادي الاصطدام بسيارة أخرى. 4 - لفت انتباة الزبائن المحتملين. ويؤدي ذلك بدوره إلى زيادة الضوضاء في المدينة، كما يتجاهل غالبية السائقين استخدام إشارات الاستدار، والمشكلة الأخرى كثرة الدباب ذو الثلاث عجلات أو ما يسمى بالتوكتوك فصغر حجمه وكثرة عدده في الشوارع سبّبا أزمة كبيرة وازدحام من تفادي السيارات والمشي بطريق عكسي والدخول في أماكن المشاة والكثير الكثير .

معرض الصور

مصادر

النقل في القاهرة

مواصلات القاهرة


Staroguermánovski  es un jútor del raión de Gulkévichi del krai de Krasnodar, en el sur de Rusia. Está situado 31 km al sur de Gulkévichi y 141 km al este de Krasnodar, la capital del krai.

Pertenece al municipio Soyuz Chetrij Jutora.

Enlaces externos y referencias

Este artículo contiene datos geográficos extraídos de Google Earth y el mapa de Rusia de Yandex.ru, accesible desde este enlace.
Este artículo es en parte una traducción de su correspondiente en la edición en ruso de Wikipedia, Старогермановский.
Mapa topográfico en maps.vlasenko.net

Localidades del raión de Gulkévichi del krai de Krasnodar

Staroguermánovski


Aceasta este o listă de filme românești din 1986:

Lista

Note

Legături externe
Filme românești din 1986 la IMDb.com
Filme românești din 1986 la Cinemagia.ro

Filme din 1986Filme românești
România
Liste de filme românești

Listă de filme românești din 1986


Karamanlis şu anlamlara gelebilir:
 Konstantin Karamanlis, Yunan siyaset adamı
 Kostas Karamanlis, Yunan siyaset adamı

Karamanlis


Personnalités

 Chris Smalls (1988?-), ouvrier, syndicaliste américain ;
 Cliff Smalls (1918-2008), pianiste, tromboniste et chef d'orchestre américain ;
 Joan Smalls (1988-), mannequin portoricain ;
 Naomi Smalls (1993-), drag queen et personnalité télévisée américaine ;
 Robert Smalls (1839-1915), pilote, éditeur, homme d'affaires et homme politique américain ;

Autres
 Le Smalls Jazz Club, club de jazz new-yorkais
 Le phare des Smalls au Pays de Galles

Homonymie de patronyme

Smalls


1883 est une mini-série dramatique américaine en dix épisodes d'environ  créée par Taylor Sheridan et diffusée entre le  et le  sur la chaîne .

La série met notamment en vedette Tim McGraw, Faith Hill, Sam Elliott et Isabel May. Elle est une présuite de la série Yellowstone de Sheridan et suit l'histoire de la façon dont les Duttons sont devenus propriétaires du terrain qui allait devenir le Yellowstone Ranch.

Elle est suivie de la série suite 1923. En , Paramount annonce avoir commandé six épisodes supplémentaires, titrée . D'autres séries dérivées sont prévues.

Synopsis

1883. La famille Dutton entreprend un voyage vers l'ouest à travers les grandes plaines vers le dernier bastion de l'Amérique sauvage. Ils fuient la pauvreté pour chercher un avenir meilleur dans cette terre promise que représente le Montana.

Distribution

Acteurs principaux
 Sam Elliott  : Shea Brennan, employé de Pinkerton Agency
 Tim McGraw  : James Dutton, arrière-grand-père de John Dutton
 Faith Hill  : Margaret Dutton, arrière-grand-mère de John Dutton
 Isabel May  : Elsa Dutton, fille de James et Margaret Dutton
 LaMonica Garrett  : Thomas, agent de Pinkerton et vétéran Buffalo Soldier
  : Josef, époux allemand de Risa
 Audie Rick : John Dutton , grand-père de John Dutton
   : Ennis
 James Landry Hébert : Wade
 Noah Le Gros  : Colton

Récurrents
 Alex Fine : Grady
 Gratiela Brancusi : Noemi
 Anna Fiamora : Risa
 Amanda Jaros : Alina
 Martin Sensmeier : Sam, guerrier Comanche proche de Quanah Parker
 James Jordan  : Cookie

Invités
 Billy Bob Thornton  : le marshal Jim Courtright
 Tom Hanks  : le général George Meade
 Graham Greene : Spotted Eagle
 Dawn Olivieri : Claire Dutton
 Emma Malouff  : Mary Abel Dutton
 Rita Wilson : Carolyn
 Taylor Sheridan  : Charles Goodnight

Production

Épisodes
 1883

Accueil

Notes et références

Annexes

Articles connexes
 Yellowstone
 1923

Liens externes

Série télévisée créée en 2021
Série télévisée américaine des années 2020
Série télévisée de Paramount+
Préquelle de série télévisée
Série télévisée tournée au Montana
Série télévisée tournée au Texas
Série télévisée se déroulant dans les années 1880
Série télévisée se déroulant au Texas
Série télévisée se déroulant au Montana

1883 (série télévisée)


Rukometni klub Partizan 1949 je crnogorski rukometni klub iz Tivta.

Povijest
Prvi rukometni klub iz Tivta Partizan osnovan je 1949. godine. Natjecao se u raznim ligaškim natjecanjima od 1950-ih do 1990-ih, većinom u Drugoj ligi. Uspostavom SRJ odnosno SCG, Partizan je preimenovan u Tivat. Natjecao se u 2. jugoslavenskoj ligi – Zapad i u crnogorskoj republičkoj ligi. 2005. godine su se Tivat i kotorski klub Kotor spojili u jedan klub. Novi klub, sljednik Tivta ponio je ime Boka. Boka je svoju prvu sezonu igrala u Prvoj crnogorskoj ligi 2006. godine. U 1. ligi natjecao se sezone 2006./07. i 2007./08. godine. U 1. ligi je opet 2013./2014. godine. 2014. godine klub je promijenio ime u Partizan 1949. U 1. ligi također je 2014./15., kad je izborio natjecanje u europskim kupovima.

Europski nastupi

Poznati igrači
 Đorđo Peruničić

Vanjske poveznice
RK Partizan 1949 Tivat    (crnogorski)
Rukometni savez Crne Gore  (crnogorski)
EHF  (engleski)

Rukometni klubovi
Crnogorski športski klubovi
Rukomet u Crnoj Gori
Šport u Tivtu

RK Partizan 1949 Tivat


في دورة رولان غاروس الدولية عام 1906 فاز في بطولة فردي الرجال اللاعب ( الفرنسي) ماورايس جيرموت (Maurice Germot).

الأبطال

مراجع

دورات رولان غاروس
دورة رولان جاروس
رياضة فرنسية في 1906

البطولات الفرنسية 1906 (كرة مضرب)


Cordeiro es un municipio brasileño del estado de Río de Janeiro. Se localiza a una latitud 22º01'43" sur y a una longitud 42º21'39" oeste, estando a una altitud de 485 metros. Su población estimada en 2009 era de 19.902 habitantes. Posee un área de 116,38 km².

Turismo
En el aspecto turístico, Cordeiro es conocida en todo el estado debido a la exposición agropecuaria, industrial y comercial que todos los años sucede en el Parque Raul Veiga, uno de los mejores del país.

Referencias

Enlaces externos

Localidades de Río de Janeiro

Cordeiro


O touro de lide, também denominado touro bravo, designa aos espécimenes macho de uma heterogénea população bovina desenvolvida, selecionada, e criada para seu emprego em diferentes espetáculos taurinos, como as corridas ou os encierros. Procedem das raças autóctones da península ibérica, conhecidas como  «tronco ibério», que desde tempo imemorial propiciaram as formas mais primitivas de tauromaquia. Caracteriza-se por uns instintos atávicos de defesa e temperamentais, que se sintetizam no telefonema "bravura", bem como atributos físicos tais como uns cornos grandes para diante e um potente aparelho locomotor.

Origens

O touro procede do tipo uro, da subespécie Bos primigenius primigenius, antepassado do atual Bos primigenius taurus, uma rês de grande tamanho que em seus tempos foi caçado em toda Europa Central e do Norte; do qual têm ficado diferentes e numerosos depoimentos plásticos ao longo de todo o continente europeu, incluída Espanha, desde o período paleolítico. Conquanto o touro desapareceu dos bosques de Europa central no século XVII, não sucedeu o mesmo na península ibéria onde o touro permaneceu de forma ininterrompida segundo os depoimentos documentários que avalan que os touros seguiam existindo e que estes eram empregues em corridas de touros durante o século , como nas festas de touros em Cuéllar (Segovia) no ano 1215 ou nas festas populares de Portugal durante o reinado de Alfonso III nas que se celebraram festas e casamentos com corridas de touros.

Um dos aspectos da história do touro de lide que mais se presta a discussão é a determinação sobre o aparecimento da criação do mesmo com fins de lide, selecionando instâncias e raças, com fins comerciais, ou destinados aos espectáculos taurinos de toda a índole. Não parece que existisse uma seleção especial durante a Idade Média, na que no entanto, os touros, como outros animais selvagens, eram mantidos em cautividad e protegidos pelos senhores feudais para propósitos de criança ou de caça.

Em tempos dos Reis Católicos já começaram-se a conhecer, de modo que os primeiros indícios de seleção do touro bravo apontam aos séculos XV e XVI na província de Valladolid, onde a proximidade à Corte, ainda itinerante nesta época, fez que se criasse em amplos terrenos uma vacada que pôde sentar as bases do touro de lide atual. Desde os termos de Boecillo, A Pedraja de Portillo e Aldeamayor de San Martín, partiam os touros para as festas dos povos, da Corte ou para as eclesiásticas[cita . O nome desta pretendida ganadería primigenia foi Raso de Portillo, e foi conhecida até finais do século XIX. Existe a crença de que estes touros foram os primeiros empregados em festejos reais.

Paralelamente começaram a desenvolver-se ganaderías em outros lugares de Espanha. Andaluzia pôs-se à cabeça na criança de touros, conquanto também tiveram sua importância os que se criaram a orlas do Jarama, os chamados Jijones de Villarrubia dos Olhos, os navarros e os aragoneses. Foi na segunda metade do século XVII quando as vacadas de touros bravos começaram a se organizar, ainda que ainda sem fins claramente comerciais. Teve que passar um século mais pára que o espectáculo taurino cobrasse auge e aparecessem as ganaderías orientadas claramente aos espetáculos taurinos já com fins comerciais.

Por conseguinte, o touro atual pode considerar-se o resultado do trabalho de seleção efetuado desde princípios do século XVIII mediante a prova da tienta a fim de eleger para sua reprodução instâncias nos que coincidissem determinadas características, aquelas que permitissem o exercício da lidia; isto é, a sucessão de sortes que se executam nas corridas de touros desde que o touro sai ao rodo até que, uma vez que o diestro lhe deu morte, é arrastado pelas mulillas. Estas características têm variado tanto ao longo dos séculos como o toreo mesmo, se mantendo como sustenta do mesmo um único denominador comum: a bravura do touro. Nasceram então, já na segunda metade do século XVIII, as que se consideram as castas fundacionales das que partem os encastes actuais: Morucha Castelhana (Boecillo), Navarra, Touros a Terra e Jijona (Madri e a Mancha), Cabrera e Gallardo (O Porto de Santa María), Vazqueña, Vega-Villar (Utrera) e Vistahermosa, conquanto na actualidade o 90% das divisas existentes procedem todas desta última.

Características das castas

Segundo Nieto, ao falar de casta do touro bravo está a fazer-se referência ao genótipo do animal, isto é "à constituição orgânica, à estrutura e funcionalidade de cada touro, que compreende todos os fatores hereditários de seus ascendentes". De tal modo, falar de castas supõe falar da origem morfológico e zootécnico do touro bravo, podendo distinguir-se características diferenças que as fazem singulares.

Casta Navarra
A Casta Navarra, surgida no século XVII, caracteriza-se por ter animais com um protótipo elipométrico, subcóncavo e marcadamente brevilíneo, com olhos muito saltones e encornaduras acarameladas, curtas de desenvolvimento e apontando para acima (veletos, cornivueltos e cornipasos). Os pelajes característicos são o colorado, em todas suas variantes, o castaño e, em menor medida, o negro.

Casta Cabrera
A Casta Cabrera, à qual pertence a conhecida ganadería de Miura, surgiu em meados do século XVIII e está caracterizada por dispor de rêses com um tipo longilíneo, com perfil cefálico subcóncavo, de grande alçada, com cabeça e pescoço longos. Sua mirada é muito expressiva, o abdomen é recolhido e costumam ser zancudos. Apresentam encornaduras bastante desenvolvidas, grossas em sua base e que se inserem por trás da linha de prolongamento da nuca no frontal. Apesar de seu tamanho não gozam de uma boa conformação desde o ponto de vista cárnico e apresentam variedade de pintas, predominando os negros, cárdenos, castaños, colorados e com menor frequência sardos e salineros, e a maioria das particularidades complementares ou acidentais.

Casta Gallardo
A Casta Gallardo, identificada claramente com a ganadería de Pablo Romero (Partido de Resina), surge em Andaluzia  no final do século XVIII e caracteriza-se por suas instâncias são mediolíneos, de perfil subcóncavo e com tendência à hipermetría, como consequência do grande desenvolvimento das massas musculares, especialmente do dorso, lombo e terço posterior; com grande  desenvolvimento ósseo e finos de pele; bem como a cabeça é curta, com predominio de animais chatos e ademais carifoscos, e as encornaduras em gancho têm uma longitude média e são muito harmônicas. Ademais, dispõem os touros de Gallardo de um pescoço curto e o morrillo aparece muito desenvolvido; peito largo, costillares muito arqueados e extremosidades mais bem curtas e bem aplomadas. Pinta-las, isto é, a cor de sua pelaje é cárdeno em todas suas variantes ainda que também juntem touros de cor negra.

Casta Vazqueña
A Casta vazqueña, surgida durante o primeiro terço do século XVIII, caracteriza-se por suas rêses de talha média, muito carifoscas, largas e com a pele um pouco mais grossa que o conjunto das instâncias da raça de lidia. As extremidades são grossas e mais bem curtas. As encornaduras apresentam bom grau de desenvolvimento. As instâncias pertencentes a esta casta Vazqueña destacam principalmente por sua variedade de pelajes, dando-se todos os grupos de pintas presentes na raça de lidia (ensabanados, jaboneros, melocotones, colorados, castaños, tostados, cárdenos, sardos, salineros, berrendos e negros). Derivados directamente da casta Vazqueña, subsistem na actualidade duas linhas: a de Concha e Serra e a de procedente da antiga ganadería do Duque de Veragua, cujo máximo representante na atualidade é a ganadería do marqués de Seoane, Tomás Prieto da Cal.

A Casta Jijona e da Terra é uma das castas mais antigas do touro de lidia já que remonta suas origens no final do século XVI. No entanto, na actualidade, os touros desta origem zootécnica estão praticamente desaparecidos, com tão só algumas ganaderías que mantêm redutos genéticos de dita casta. Suas rêses caracterizaram-se por ser bastos de hechuras, grandes de alçada, ligeiros de pata e resistentes durante a lidia; apresentando encornaduras desenvolvidas e com um predominio das capas retintas e coloradas.

Casta Morucho-Castelhana
A Casta Morucho-Castelhana, surgida durante o século XVI na província de Valladolid, na atualidade considera-se extinta já que não há nenhuma ganadería que conserve rêses vivas com #o ónus genético própria desta casa. No entanto, alguns estudos permitem conhecer quais eram as características que definiam a este tipo de rêses, se caracterizando por ser touros de grande talha, com olhos saltones e pescoço longo; predominante touros de pelaje negro com acidentes como bociblanco; e apresentando um carácter bravo ainda que mansos na sorte de varas.

Casta Vistahermosa
A Casta Vistahermosa é um dos protótipos raciais mais estendidos do touro de lidia na actualidade, apresentando diferentes subtipos ou encastes que dispõem de características próprias e diferenciadas. Destacam por sua exclusividade: os encastes Murube-Urquijo, Contreras, Saltillo, Santa Coloma, Albaserrada, Urcola e os denominados encastes derivados de Parladé (Gamero-Cívico, Pedrajas, Conde da Corte, Atanasio Fernández, Juan Pedro Domecq, Núñez e Torrestrella).

Igualmente, fruto dos cruzes dos touros de Vistahermosa com outras castas têm surgido encastes específicos como os de Hidalgo-Barquero, Vega-Villar e Villamarta.

O trapío
O trapío de um touro de lidia é o conjunto de rasgos externos, atitudes e reacções observables a simples vista. Existe um riquísimo vocabulário taurino para designar os diferentes aspectos da morfología e comportamento do touro. Diz-se que um touro tem trapío quando reúne as qualidades físicas e a presença necessária para a lidia. Segundo Pedraza Jiménez, os principais rasgos morfológicos para determinar o trapío de um touro são:

 Tamanho e peso.
 Estatura.
 Conformação do tronco.
 Conformação das extremidades.
 Conformação da cabeça e o pescoço.
 Conformação da cornamenta.
 Pele, cabelo e capa.

Comportamento

O touro de lide é um animal gregário, que acha segurança e refúgio numa manada. Após o nascimento, e dantes do destete, o bezerro viverá oito ou nove meses alimentado e protegido por sua mãe. Dado que sua maturidade sexual produz-se aos 16 meses aproximadamente, pouco depois do ano separam-se machos e fêmeas, que, a partir desse momento, viverão em cercados diferentes. As diferentes idades denominam-se com nomes específicos: añojos (um ano), erales (dois anos), utreros (três anos), cuatreños (quatro anos) e cinqueños (cinco anos).

Nas manadas de touros estabelece-se uma rigorosa hierarquia. Denomina-se mandón ao touro dominante e que maltrata aos demais. Com certa frequência, este chefe é desafiado por outro membro da torada para arrebatar-lhe a liderança, produzindo-se violentas brigas. O touro derrotado denomina-se abochornado e é atacado e perseguido pelo resto da manada, ficando apartado da mesma e voltando-se irrascível e muito perigoso.

É uma crença estendida que aos touros supostamente lhes altera de alguma maneira a cor vermelha. Esta crença é falsa, como também o é que estes animais vejam em alvo e negro, pois em realidade os touros contam com visão dicromática especificamente deuteranopía, isto é, têm capacidade de decompor o espectro luminoso em dois componentes essenciais, e segundo a quantidade de cada um são capazes de diferenciar as diferentes cores mas carecem dos fotorreceptores retinianos do verde. Em realidade, aos touros não lhes altera o vermelho, o vêem, mas não lhes cria uma conduta agressiva, quando carregam contra o capote, carregam contra o movimento.

Interesse zoológico
Ao invés que a maioria das raças de ganhado doméstico, os touros de lidia apresentam uma série de características físicas e temperamentales mais próprias de um bóvido selvagem, destacando ademais a informação genética que contribui sua cromosoma E, que faz única a esta raça. Isto não deve resultar estranho se se tem em conta que à hora de desenvolver estas castas os criadores nunca pretenderam potenciar coisas como uma maior produção de carne e leite ou uma mansedumbre e ausência de cornos acentuadas para fazer aos animais mais manejables ao trato humano, sina que simplesmente se procurou conservar (e ainda potenciar ligeiramente) um comportamento algo mais violento do normal que fizesse ao animal mais propenso à acometida e por tanto ao espectáculo taurino. Certos autores como o neerlandés Cis vão Vuure têm assinalado diversas coincidências na estrutura corporal e coloración comuns do touro de lidia com as possuídas pelo hoje extinto touro selvagem europeu ou uro, do que se diferencia por pouco mais que seu menor tamanho e longitude de cornos. Durante sua vida em semilibertad nas dehesas, o touro de lidia mantém também uns costumes similares às de um animal selvagem, formando manadas, se defendendo de possíveis perigos por si mesmo e desempenhando um labor incalculable no meio.

Vão Vuure chega a sugerir[cita  inclusive que os touros de lidia são ainda mais "urinos" que os uros recreados por criança selectiva em alguns zoológicos durante o século XX, como o chamado Bovino de Heck, e que hoje têm sido introduzidos em reservas naturais dos Países Baixos e Alemanha. Apesar do empenho posto na selecção, estes supostos uros modernos seguem apresentando na actualidade uma complexión mais ligeira da esperada, tamanho erróneo, cornos de longitude variável e coloración não sempre correcta. No aspecto temperamental os uros recreados encontram-se numa situação ainda pior, já que são incapazes de encontrar alimento suficiente em inverno ou defender dos lobos. Por esta e outras razões, os críticos dos Heck consideram seu experimento frustrado, consistente num simples grupo de vacas sacadas do establo e postas a pastar em bosques e praderas. O professor Z. Pucek, responsável pelo programa de recuperação do bisonte europeu no Bosque de Bialowieza (Polónia), tem chegado inclusive a definir ao touro dos Heck como "a maior fraude científica do século XX" e se negou em redondo à introdução de umas quantas cabeças na reserva.

Em seu lugar, parte destes críticos propõem submeter aos touros dos Heck a um novo programa de criança ou substituí-los directamente por uma nova geração de ganhado selecto partindo de zero. Assim, o TaurOs Project de Países Baixos descartaria definitivamente ao touro de lidia dando peso a raças de características primitivas como a tudanca de Cantabria, a pajuna andaluza, a sayaguesa de Zamora, a esteparia húngara, as anãs de Córcega e Turquia, a podolica italiana, o touro da Camarga e a maronesa de Portugal.

Ligações externas
 Guia de campo das raças autóctonas espanholas. In Memoriam. D. Fernando Orozco Piñán. Ministério de Meio ambiente e Meio Marinho, Madri. 2009. ISBN 978-84-491-0946-1. Pág. 91.
 Suposta raça de lidia
 O touro de lidia
 Evolução histórica do touro bravo
 ARCA, Ministério de Agricultura, Alimentação e Meio ambiente

Tauromaquia

Touro lutador


Øjesten er en kortfilm instrueret af Julie Bille efter manuskript af Julie Bille.

Handling
I en sælsom by, er det blevet moderne at bruge rigtige menneskeøjne som smykker. Vi møder en kvinde, hvis største ønske er, at nå ud af sin ensomhed og blive som de andre. Hun bruger sine sidste penge på at købe et øjesmykke. Men bag hvert øje er der et offer. Kvinden møder den dreng, hvis øje hun har købt. En psykologisk historie om samvittighed og fortrængning, udspilles i et magisk sciencefiktion univers.

Referencer

Eksterne henvisninger

Danske film fra 1999

Kortfilm fra Danmark

Øjesten


Die römisch-katholische Pfarrkirche Unterloibl in der Gemeinde Ferlach ist der Heiligen Dreifaltigkeit geweiht.

Beschreibung
Die Kirche ist ein kleiner, barocker Bau mit einem Dachreiter mit Zwiebelhelm aus der Mitte des 17. Jahrhunderts. Er wurde 1843 erneuert und um fünf Meter nach Westen verlängert. Zur Zeit der Eisenverarbeitung in Unterloibl hatte der Dachreiter eine Turmuhr. An der Südseite der Kirche befindet sich die Spolie eines römerzeitlichen Weihealtars für die einheimische Göttin Belestis, den Latinus, ein Sklave des Tapponius Macrinus, stiftete.

Über dem Langhaus erhebt sich ein Tonnengewölbe mit je fünf Stichkappen von 1843, über dem quadratischen Chor ein Kreuzgratgewölbe. Der Triumphbogen ist in einem Chronogramm mit 1843 datiert.

Einrichtung
Der barockisierende Hochaltar entstand um 1843 und zeigt im Altarbild die Marienkrönung, am bemalten Antependium das Letzte Abendmahl. Den historistischen Seitenaltar mit einem Gemälde der Heiligen Dreifaltigkeit schuf 1924 Mathias Slama. Das Leinwandbild des heiligen Josefs malte 1858 Andreas Melchior. Weiters besitzt die Kirche ein Ölbild der heiligen Ursula aus der Mitte des 19. Jahrhunderts.

Literatur
 Dehio-Handbuch. Die Kunstdenkmäler Österreichs. Kärnten. Anton Schroll, Wien 2001, ISBN 3-7031-0712-X, S. 989.

Kirchengebäude in Ferlach
Unterloibl
Unterloibl
Unterloibl
Baudenkmal (Kärnten)
Unterloibl

Pfarrkirche Unterloibl


La Batalla de Cachimán fue una de las batallas libradas contra los haitianos para conseguir la Independencia de la República Dominicana. Tuvo lugar en la zona fronteriza del país, entre la hoy provincia de Elías Piña y Veladero Belladère, Haití. En esta batalla salió vencedora la República Dominicana, sellando aún más la identidad del país como nación naciente.

Desarrollo de la Batalla
Esta batalla se produjo durante el mes de abril en 1845, cuando el entonces presidente haitiano Philippe Guerrier, por lo que es sucedido por el general Jean Louis Pierrot, quien decía "voz en cuello que la isla era indivisible, por lo que pedía de los dominicanos integrarse con Haití para que se formara una sola nación". Obviamente, los dominicanos habían decidido ser libre e independientes ante cualquier potencia extranjera para siempre, por lo que se comprometieron a sostener y enarbolar la naciente nación dominicana procalamada la noche del 27 de febrero de 1844.

El principal protagonista de esta gesta lo fue el General Antonio Duvergé, el cual movilizó sus tropas en horas de la mañana. duvergé dividió sus tropas en tres columnas, la primera al mando del General Felipe Alfau, quien partió primero a ese punto porque su recorrido era mayor, debía cortar la retirada al enemigo con un movimiento envolvente por el Sur. El segundo comando de militares dominicanos, fue dirigido por el Coronel Francisco Pimentel, con piezas de artillería, debía atacar a los haitianos de manera frontal, y el tercer comando, fue dirigido por el General Duvergé, quien había decidido enfrentrar las tropas hatianas por la derecha.

«En estas circunstancias el general Duvergé, posesionado con sus tropas del cuartel del Cachimán, conquistado por las tropas victoriosas dominicana, cuando las horas marcaban a las 8:00 de la noche, envió el 17 de abril de 1849 al Presidente, general Pedro Santana, un parte oficial en el que dio a conocer: "hemos tomado al fuerte de Cachimán».

Referencias

Enlaces externos

 Batallas de Independencia Dominicana
 Síntesis Histórica
 Batalla de Cachiman 1845
 Batalla de Cachiman

Historia de República Dominicana
Batallas de la República Dominicana

Batalla de Cachimán