Das Pushout (auch Kofaserprodukt, kokartesisches Quadrat, Fasersumme, amalgamierte Summe) ist ein Begriff aus dem mathematischen Teilgebiet der Kategorientheorie. Es handelt sich um die zum Pullback duale Konstruktion.

Pushout von Moduln

Es seien  und  zwei Homomorphismen zwischen Moduln über einem Ring .
Setzt man ,
so ist das Pushout von  und   definiert als
 mit den Homomorphismen
 und

Man kann zeigen, dass
und dass  die folgende universelle Eigenschaft hat:

Ist  irgendein -Modul mit Homomorphismen  und , so dass , so gibt es genau einen Homomorphismus  mit  und .

Pushout in  Kategorien
Durch obiges Beispiel motiviert, definiert man das Pushout in beliebigen Kategorien wie folgt.

Es seien  und  zwei Morphismen einer Kategorie. Ein Paar  von Morphismen  dieser Kategorie heißt Pushout von , falls gilt:

 Ist  ein Paar von Morphismen  mit  , so gibt es genau einen Morphismus  mit  und .

Manchmal nennt man nur das Objekt  ein Pushout und meint damit, dass es Morphismen  gibt, die obiger Definition genügen. Auch das Diagramm

wird bisweilen als Pushout bezeichnet. Es gibt die zum Pullback analoge Schreibweise .

Beispiele
 Jedes Pullback in einer Kategorie  ist ein Pushout in der dualen Kategorie , denn offenbar ist das Pushout genau das zum Pullback duale Konzept.
 In einer abelschen Kategorie ist das Pushout zu

gleich dem Kokern von .
 Ist mit obigen Bezeichnungen  das Nullobjekt einer additiven Kategorie, so ist das Pushout gleich der direkten Summe .
 Das einleitende Beispiel zeigt, dass es in der Kategorie der -Moduln stets Pushouts gibt.
 In der Kategorie der Gruppen existiert stets ein Pushout. Mit obigen Bezeichnungen ist dieses gleich dem freien Produkt  modulo dem von  erzeugten Normalteiler  mit den natürlichen Abbildungen  Diese Konstruktion tritt beim Satz von Seifert-van Kampen auf.
 In der Kategorie der kommutativen Ringe mit Einselement ist das Pushout mit obigen Bezeichnungen gleich dem Tensorprodukt  versehen mit der Eins  und der durch  bestimmten Multiplikation.
 In der Kategorie der Mengen ist das Pushout , wobei  die von  erzeugte Äquivalenzrelation auf der disjunkten Vereinigung  ist.
 Ähnlich lassen sich Pushouts von topologischen Räumen beschreiben. Diese spielen bei Verklebekonstruktionen eine Rolle.

Einzelnachweise

Kategorientheorie

Pushout


Gary Carl (Muhammad) Legenhausen 1953 yılında New York'ta doğdu. Felsefe çalışmaları sırasında varoluşçuluk ve pozitivizmden etkilenerek ailesinin Katolik inancından uzaklaşan yazar 1979 yılında Teksas Üniversitesindeki müslüman öğrencilerle tanışması, Rice Üniversitesinde felsefe dalındaki doktora tezini savunduğu 1983 yılında İslamiyeti seçişiyle son buldu. 1985 yılında İran'ı ziyaret etti. 1989 yılında Tahran'daki İran Akademisinde din felsefesi öğretimi için İran'a davet edildi. Halen İran'da İmam Humeyni Araştırma ve Eğitim Enstitüsünde Batı felsefesi ve din bilimleri eğitimi vermeye devam ediyor. Yazarın "Islam and Religious Pluralism" adında bir kitabı ve Ayetullah Misbah Yazdi'den "Contemporary Topics of Islamic Thought" başlığında yaptığı bir çevirisi ve çeşitli İngilizce ve Farsça makaleleri bulunmaktadır. Legenhausen özellikle dini çoğulculuk ve Tradisyonalizm eleştirileriyle tanınmaktadır.

Yazarın Bazı Makaleleri
 Why I am not a Traditionalist
 Islam and Religious Pluralism
 Religious Pluralisms of Seyyed Hossein Nasr and John Hick
 The Relationship between Philosophy and Theology in the Postmodern Age

1953 doğumlular
20. yüzyıl Amerikalı yazarları
21. yüzyıl Amerikalı yazarları
Yaşayan insanlar

Muhammad Legenhausen


Macbeth es un nombre femenino de origen hebreo.

La primera mención al nombre se encuentra en el Antiguo Testamento (véase Rebeca (personaje bíblico)), como esposa de Isaac (hijo del patriarca Abraham), y madre de Jacob y Esau.

Rebeca es uno de los nombres más populares para las niñas en Estados Unidos (a pesar de que en 2007 había caído hasta el puesto 105), Australia, Canadá, Irlanda, Reino Unido y Suecia.

Etimología

Su significado en el hebreo más probable era 'conexión' o 'cautivante'. El idioma protosemítico tenía una raíz *r-b-q "juntar, ligar." Hay un cognado árabe رفق. Puede ser de origen arameo,  W. F. Albright sostuvo que significa 'tierra', y que era el nombre de una diosa-tierra. En griego también puede significar 'fertilidad'.

Onomástico
 23 de marzo: Rebeca de Himlaia.

Variantes en otras lenguas
 alemán: Rebekka, Rebekah, Rebecka, Rebecca, Rebeccah, Rebeca, Becka, Becke, Beke
 árabe: رفقة (Rifqa)
 búlgaro: Ребека (Rebeka)
 castellano: Rebeca, Rebe, Beca
 danés: Rebekka
 eslovaco: Rebeka
 francés: Rebecca, Rebèque
 gallego: Rebeca, Beca
 griego: Ρεβέκκα (Revekka)
 hebreo: רִבְקָה ,ריבה (Rivqa, Riḇqāh, Riva)
 hebreo estándar: Rivqa
 hebreo tiberiano: Riḇqāh
 húngaro: Rebeka, Baka
 inglés: Rebecca, Rebekah, Rebeccah, Becky, Bekah, Reba
 neerlandés: Rebecca, Rebekka
 polaco: Rebeka
 rumano: Rebeca
 ruso: Ревекка (Revekka)
 sueco: Rebecka

Véase también
 Antroponimia
 Apellido
 Santoral

Nombres bíblicos
Nombres femeninos
Nombres hebreos

Rebeca (nombre)


ثُلاثية الأخاديد أو الطَّرغليف أو مخدد ثلاثي أو الخشخان هو عنصر معماري من عناصر الإفريز في النظام الدوري في العمارة اليونانية والرومانية. مصنوع من حجر ذي شكل صغير مزين بثلاثة أخاديد رأسية (glyphs).

مراجع

أعمدة ومعمدات
زخرفة (عمارة)
عناصر معمارية زخرفية

ثلاثية الأخاديد


Kemal Sünder (Kimdir) (født 20 oktober 1933 i Istanbul, Tyrkiet, død 2004) var en tyrkisk komponist, lærer og rektor.

Sünder studerede komposition på Naval Academy. Han har skrevet 3 symfonier, orkesterværker, klaverkoncert etc.

Han blev lærer og rektor på University State Conservatorie. Sünder hørte til en af nutidens vigtige tyrkiske komponister.

Udvalgte værker

 3 Symfonier (19?) - for orkester
 Klaverkoncert (19?) - for klaver og orkester

Kilde

 Om Kemal Sünder på www.ansiklopedi.biz

Komponister fra Tyrkiet
Lærere
Rektorer

Kemal Sünder


Muhammadu Buhari  (; born 17 December 1942) is a Nigerian politician who served as the president of Nigeria from 2015 to 2023. A retired Nigerian army major general, he served as the country's military head of state from 31 December 1983 to 27 August 1985, after taking power from the Shehu Shagari civilian government in a military coup d'état. The term Buharism is used to describe the authoritarian policies of his military regime.

Buhari ran for president of Nigeria on the platform and support of the All Nigeria Peoples Party (ANPP) in 2003 and 2007, and on the Congress for Progressive Change (CPC) platform in 2011. In December 2014, he emerged as the presidential candidate of the All Progressives Congress party for the 2015 general election. Buhari won the election, defeating incumbent President Goodluck Ebele Jonathan. This was the first time in the history of Nigeria that an incumbent president lost a general election. He was sworn in on 29 May 2015. In February 2019, Buhari was re-elected, defeating his closest rival, former Vice President Atiku Abubakar, by over 3 million votes.

Early life
Buhari was born to a Fulani family on 17 December 1942, in  Katsina State. His father was called Mallam Hardo Adamu, a Fulani chieftain from Dumurkul in Mai'Adua, and his mother, whose name was Zulaihat, had Hausa and Kanuri ancestry. He is the twenty-third-(23) child of his father and was named after ninth-century Persian Islamic scholar Muhammad al-Bukhari. Buhari was raised by his mother; he was about four years old when his father died. He attended primary school in Daura and Mai'adua, in 1953, Katsina Middle School, and attended Katsina Provincial Secondary School in Katsina State from 1956 to 1961 where he earned his West African School Certificate. Buhari went to the Nigerian Military Training School, Kaduna in 1963.

Military career
In 1962, at the age of 19, Buhari enrolled in the Nigerian Military Training College (NMTC). In February 1964, the college was upgraded to an officer commissioning unit of the Nigerian Army and renamed the Nigerian Defence Academy (NDA) (prior to 1964, the Nigerian government sent cadets who had completed their NMTC preliminary training to mostly Commonwealth military academies for officer cadet training).

From 1962 to 1963, Buhari underwent officer cadet training at Mons Officer Cadet School in Aldershot in England. In January 1963, at age 20, Buhari was commissioned a second lieutenant and appointed Platoon Commander of the Second Infantry Battalion in Abeokuta, Nigeria. From November 1963 to January 1964, Buhari attended the Platoon Commanders' Course at the Nigerian Military Training College, Kaduna. In 1964, he facilitated his military training by attending the Mechanical Transport Officer's Course at the Army Mechanical Transport School in Borden, United Kingdom.

From 1965 to 1967, Buhari served as commander of the Second Infantry Battalion and was appointed brigade major, Second Sector, First Infantry Division, April 1967 to July 1967. Following the bloody 1966 Nigerian coup d'état, which resulted in the death of Premier Ahmadu Bello, Lieutenant Buhari, alongside several young officers from Northern Nigeria, took part in the July counter-coup which ousted General Aguiyi Ironsi, replacing him with General Yakubu Gowon.

Civil war

Buhari was assigned to the 1st Division under the command of Lt. Col Mohammed Shuwa. The division had temporarily moved from Kaduna to Makurdi at the onset of the Nigerian Civil War. The 1st division was divided into sectors and then battalions,  with Shuwa assisted by sector commanders Martin Adamu and Sule Apollo, who was later replaced by Theophilus Danjuma. Buhari's initial assignment was as Adjutant and Company Commander 2 battalion unit, Second Sector Infantry of the 1st Division. The 2 battalion was one of the units that participated in the first actions of the war: they started from Gakem near Afikpo and moved towards Ogoja, with support from Gado Nasko's artillery squad. They reached and captured Ogoja within a week, with the intention of advancing through the flanks to Enugu, the rebel capital. Buhari was briefly the 2 battalion's Commander and led the battalion to Afikpo to link with the 3rd Marine Commando and advance towards Enugu through Nkalagu and Abakaliki. However, before the move to Enugu, he was posted to Nsukka as Brigade Major of the 3rd Infantry Brigade under Joshua Gin, who would later become battle fatigued and replaced by Isa Bukar. Buhari stayed with the infantry for a few months as the Nigerian army began to adjust tactics learnt from early battle experiences. Instead of swift advances, the new tactics involved securing and holding on to the lines of communications and using captured towns as training ground to train new recruits brought in from the army depots in Abeokuta and Zaria. In 1968, he was posted to the 4 Sector, also called the Awka sector, which was charged with taking over the capture of Onitsha from Division 2. The sector's operations were within the Awka-Abagana-Onitsha region, which was important to Biafran forces because it was a major source of food supply. It was in the sector that Buhari's group suffered a lot of casualties trying to protect the food supplies route of the rebels along Oji River and Abagana.

After the war
From 1970 to 1971, Buhari was Brigade Major/Commandant, Thirty-first Infantry Brigade. He then served as the Assistant Adjutant-General, First Infantry Division Headquarters, from 1971 to 1972. He also attended the Defence Services Staff College, Wellington, India, in 1973. From 1974 to 1975 Buhari was acting director of Transport and Supply at the Nigerian Army Corps of Supply and Transport Headquarters.

In the 1975 military coup d'état, Lieutenant Colonel Buhari was among a group of officers that brought General Murtala Mohammed to power. He was later appointed Governor of the North-Eastern State from 1 August 1975 to 3 February 1976, to oversee social, economic and political improvements in the state. On 3 February 1976, the North Eastern State was divided into three states Bauchi, Borno and Gongola. Buhari then became the first Governor of Borno State from 3 February 1976 to 15 March 1976.

In March 1976, following the botched 1976 military coup d'état attempt which led to the assassination of General Murtala Mohammed, his deputy General Olusegun Obasanjo became the military head of state and appointed Colonel Buhari as the Federal Commissioner for Petroleum and Natural Resources (now minister). In 1977, when the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation was created, Buhari was appointed as its chairman, a position he held until 1978.

During his tenure as the Federal Commissioner for Petroleum and Natural Resources, the government invested in pipelines and petroleum storage infrastructures. The government built about 21 petroleum storage depots all over the country from Lagos to Maiduguri and from Calabar to Gusau; the administration constructed a pipeline network that connected Bonny terminal and the Port Harcourt refinery to the depots. Also, the administration signed the contract for the construction of a refinery in Kaduna and an oil pipeline that will connect the Escravos oil terminal to Warri Refinery and the proposed Kaduna refinery.

From 1978 to 1979, he was Military Secretary at the Army Headquarters and was a member of the Supreme Military Council from 1978 to 1979. From 1979 to 1980, at the rank of colonel, Buhari (class of 1980) attended the US Army War College in Carlisle, Pennsylvania, in the United States, and gained a master's degree in Strategic Studies. Upon completion of the on-campus full-time resident program lasting ten months and the two-year-long, distance learning program, the United States Army War College (USAWC) awards its graduate officers a master's degree in Strategic Studies.

Divisional commands held in the Nigerian Army:

 General Officer Commanding, 4th Infantry Division: August 1980 – January 1981
 General Officer Commanding, 2nd Mechanised Infantry Division: January 1981 – October 1981
 General Officer Commanding, 3rd Armed Division: October 1981 – December 1983

Coup d'état of 1983

Major-General Buhari was one of the leaders of the military coup of December 1983 that overthrew the Second Nigerian Republic. At the time of the coup plot, Buhari was the General Officer Commanding (GOC), Third Armoured Division of Jos. With the successful execution of the coup by General Buhari, Tunde Idiagbon was appointed Chief of General Staff (the de facto No. 2 in the administration). The coup ended Nigeria's short-lived Second Republic, a period of multi-party democracy revived in 1979, after 13 years of military rule.

According to The New York Times, the officers who took power argued that "a flawed democracy was worse than no democracy at all". Buhari justified the military's seizure of power by castigating the civilian government as hopelessly corrupt and promptly suspended the constitution. Another rationale for the coup was to correct economic decline in Nigeria. In the military's first broadcast after the coup, Sani Abacha linked 'an inept and corrupt leadership' with general economic decline. In Buhari's New Year's day speech, he too mentioned the corrupt class of the Second Republic but also as the cause of a general decline in morality in society.

Head of State (1983–1985)

Consolidation of power
The structure of the new military leadership - the fifth in Nigeria since independence - resembled the last military regime, the Obasanjo/Yaradua administration. The new regime established a Supreme Military Council, a Federal Executive Council and a Council of States. The number of ministries was trimmed to 18, while the administration carried out a retrenchment exercise among the senior ranks of the civil service and police. It retired 17 permanent secretaries and some senior police and naval officers. In addition, the new military administration promulgated new laws to achieve its aim. These laws included the Robbery and Firearms (Special Provisions) Decree for the prosecution of armed robbery cases, and the State Security (Detention of Person) Decree, which gave powers to the military to detain individuals suspected of jeopardizing state security or causing economic adversity. Other decrees included the Civil Service Commission and Public Offenders Decree, which constituted the legal and administrative basis to conduct a purge in the civil service.

According to Decree Number 2 of 1984, the state security and the chief of staff were given the power to detain, without charges, individuals deemed to be a security risk to the state for up to three months. Strikes and popular demonstrations were banned and Nigeria's security agency, the National Security Organization (NSO) was entrusted with unprecedented powers. The NSO played a wide role in the cracking down of public dissent by intimidating, harassing and jailing individuals who broke the interdiction on strikes. By October 1984, about 200,000 civil servants were retrenched. Buhari mounted an offensive against entrenched interests. In 20 months as Head of State, about 500 politicians, officials and businessmen were jailed for corruption during his stewardship. Detainees were released after releasing sums to the government and agreeing to meet certain conditions. The regime also jailed its critics, including Fela Kuti. He was arrested on 4 September 1984 at the airport as he was about to embark on an American tour. Amnesty International described the charges brought against him for illegally exporting foreign currency as "spurious". Using the wide powers bestowed upon it by Decree Number 2, the government sentenced Fela to five years in prison. He was released after 18 months, when the Buhari regime was overthrown.

In 1984, Buhari passed Decree Number 4, the Protection Against False Accusations Decree, a wide-ranging repressive press law. Section 1 of the law provided that "Any person who publishes in any form, whether written or otherwise, any message, rumour, report or statement [...] which is false in any material particular or which brings or is calculated to bring the Federal Military Government or the Government of a state or public officer to ridicule or disrepute, shall be guilty of an offense under this Decree". The law further stated that offending journalists and publishers will be tried by an open military tribunal, whose ruling would be final and unappealable in any court and those found guilty would be eligible for a fine not less than 10,000 naira and a jail sentence of up to two years.

Economics

In order to reform the economy, as Head of State, Buhari started to rebuild the nation's social-political and economic systems, along the realities of Nigeria's austere economic conditions. The rebuilding included removing or cutting back the excesses in national expenditure, obliterating or removing completely, corruption from the nation's social ethics, shifting from mainly public sector employment to self-employment. Buhari also encouraged import substitution industrialisation based to a great extent on the use of local materials. However, tightening of imports led to reduction in raw materials for industries causing many industries to operate below capacity,  reduction of workers and in some cases business closure.

Buhari broke ties with the International Monetary Fund, when the fund asked the government to devalue the naira by 60%. However, the reforms that Buhari instigated on his own were as or more rigorous as those required by the IMF.

On 7 May 1984, Buhari announced the country's 1984 National Budget. The budget came with a series of complementary measures:

A temporary ban on recruiting federal public sector workers
Raising of interest rates
Halting capital projects
Prohibition of borrowing by state governments
15 percent cut from Shagari's 1983 Budget
Realignment of import duties
Reducing the balance of payment deficit by cutting imports
It also gave priority to the importation of raw materials and spare parts that were needed for agriculture and industry.

Other economic measures by Buhari took the form of counter trade, currency change, price reduction of goods and services. His economic policies did not earn him the legitimacy of the masses due to the rise in inflation and the use of military might to continue to push many policies blamed for the rise in food prices.

Mass social mobilization

One of the most enduring legacies of the Buhari government has been the War Against Indiscipline (WAI). Launched on 20 March 1984, the policy tried to address the perceived lack of public morality and civic responsibility of Nigerian society. Unruly Nigerians were ordered to form neat queues at bus stops, under the eyes of whip-wielding soldiers. Civil servants who failed to show up on time at work were humiliated and forced to do "frog jumps". Minor offences carried long sentences. Any student over the age of 17 caught cheating on an exam would get 21 years in prison. Counterfeiting and arson could lead to the death penalty.

Buhari's administration enacted three decrees to investigate corruption and control foreign exchange. The Banking (Freezing of Accounts) Decree of 1984, allotted to the Federal Military Government the power to freeze bank accounts of persons suspected to have committed fraud. The Recovery of Public Property (Special Military Tribunals) Decree permitted the government to investigate the assets of public officials linked with corruption and constitute a military tribunal to try such persons. The Exchange Control (Anti-Sabotage) Decree stated penalties for violators of foreign exchange laws.

Decree 20 on illegal ship bunkering and drug trafficking was another example of Buhari's tough approach to crime. Section 3 (2) (K) provided that "any person who, without lawful authority deals in, sells, smokes or inhales the drug known as cocaine or other similar drugs, shall be guilty under section 6 (3) (K) of an offence and liable on conviction to suffer death sentence by firing squad." In the case of Bernard Ogedengebe, the Decree was applied retroactively. He was executed even if at the time of his arrest the crime did not mandate the capital punishment, but had carried a sentence of six months imprisonment. In another prominent case of April 1985, six Nigerians were condemned to death under the same decree: Sidikatu Tairi, Sola Oguntayo, Oladele Omosebi, Lasunkanmi Awolola, Jimi Adebayo and Gladys Iyamah.

In 1985, prompted by economic uncertainties and a rising crime rate, the government of Buhari opened the borders (closed since April 1984) with Benin, Niger, Chad and Cameroon to speed up the expulsion of 700,000 illegal foreigners and illegal migrant workers. Buhari is today known for this crisis; there even is a famine in the east of Niger that have been named "El Buhari". His regime drew criticism from many, including Nigeria's first Nobel Prize winner Wole Soyinka, who, in 2007, wrote a piece called "The Crimes of Buhari" which outlined many of the abuses conducted under his military rule.

Ahead of the 2015 general election, Buhari responded to his human rights criticism by saying that if elected, he would follow the rule of law, and that there would be access to justice for all Nigerians and respect for fundamental human rights of Nigerians.

Coup d'état of 1985

In August 1985, Major General Buhari was overthrown in a coup led by General Ibrahim Babangida and other members of the ruling Supreme Military Council (SMC). Babangida brought many of Buhari's most vocal critics into his administration, including Fela Kuti's brother Olikoye Ransome-Kuti, a doctor who had led a strike against Buhari to protest declining health care services. Buhari was then detained in Benin City until 1988.

Pre-presidency (1985–2015)

Detention
Buhari spent three years of detention in a small guarded bungalow in Benin. He had access to television that showed two channels and members of his family were allowed to visit him on the authorization of Babangida.

Civilian life
In December 1988, after his mother's death he was released and retired to his residence in Daura. While in detention, his farm was managed by his relatives. He divorced his first wife in 1988 and married Aisha Halilu. In Katsina, he became the pioneer chairman of Katsina Foundation that was founded to encourage social and economic development in Katsina State.

Buhari served as the Chairman of the Petroleum Trust Fund (PTF), a body created by the government of General Sani Abacha, and funded from the revenue generated by the increase in price of petroleum products, to pursue developmental projects around the country. A 1998 report in New African praised the PTF under Buhari for its transparency, calling it a rare "success story".

Presidential campaigns and elections

2003 presidential election

In 2003, Buhari ran for office in the presidential election as the candidate of the All Nigeria People's Party (ANPP). He was defeated by the People's Democratic Party incumbent, President Olusẹgun Ọbasanjọ, by more than 11 million votes.

2007 presidential election

On 18 December 2006, Buhari was nominated as the consensus candidate of the All Nigeria People's Party. His main challenger in the April 2007 polls was the ruling PDP candidate, Umaru Yar'Adua, who hailed from the same home state of Katsina. Buhari officially took 18% of the vote to Yar'Adua's 70%, but Buhari rejected these results. After Yar'Adua took office, he called for a government of national unity to bring on board aggrieved opposition members. The ANPP joined the government with appointment of its national chairman as a member of Yar'Adua's cabinet, but Buhari denounced this agreement.

2011 presidential election

In March 2010, Buhari left the ANPP for the Congress for Progressive Change (CPC), a party he had helped to found. He said that he had supported foundation of the CPC "as a solution to the debilitating, ethical and ideological conflicts in my former party the ANPP".

Buhari was the CPC Presidential candidate in the 2011 election, running against incumbent President Goodluck Jonathan of the People's Democratic Party (PDP), Mallam Nuhu Ribadu of Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN), and Ibrahim Shekarau of ANPP. They were the major contenders among 20 candidates. Buhari campaigned on an anti-corruption platform and pledged to remove immunity protections from government officials. He also gave support to enforcement of Sharia law in Nigeria's northern states, which had previously caused him political difficulties among Christian voters in the country's south.

The elections were marred by widespread sectarian violence, which claimed the lives of 800 people across the country, as Buhari's supporters attacked Christian settlements in the country's central region. The three-day uprising was blamed in part on Buhari's inflammatory comments. In spite of assurances from Human Rights Watch, which had judged the elections "among the fairest in Nigeria's history", Buhari claimed that the vote was flawed and warned that "If what happened in 2011 should again happen in 2015, by the grace of God, the dog and the baboon would all be soaked in blood".

Buhari remained a "folk hero" to some for his vocal opposition to corruption. He won 12,214,853 votes, coming in second to Jonathan, who polled 22,495,187 votes and was declared the winner.

2015 presidential election

Buhari ran in the 2015 presidential election as a candidate of the All Progressives Congress party. His platform was built around his image as a staunch anti-corruption fighter and his incorruptible and honest reputation, but he said he would not probe past corrupt leaders and would give officials who stole in the past amnesty if they repented.

In the runup to the 2015 election, Jonathan's campaign asked that Buhari be disqualified from the election, claiming that he was in breach of the Constitution. According to the fundamental document, in order to qualify for election to the office of the president, a person must be "educated up to at least School certificate level or its equivalent". Buhari failed to submit any such evidence, claiming that he lost the original copies of his diplomas when his house was raided following his overthrow from power in 1985.

In May 2014, in the wake of the Chibok schoolgirls kidnapping, Buhari strongly denounced the Boko Haram insurgency. He "urged Nigerians to put aside religion, politics and all other divisions to crush the insurgency he said is fanned by mindless bigots masquerading as Muslims". In July 2014, Buhari escaped a bomb attack on his life by Boko Haram in Kaduna, 82 people were killed. In December 2014, Buhari pledged to enhance security in Nigeria if elected president. After this announcement, Buhari's approval ratings skyrocketed, largely due to Jonathan's apparent inability to fight Boko Haram. Buhari made internal security and wiping out the militant group one of the key pillars of his campaign. In January 2015, the insurgent group "The Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta" (MEND) endorsed Buhari.

Buhari's campaign was briefly advised by former Obama campaign manager David Axelrod and his AKPD consultancy. In February 2015, former Nigerian President Olusegun Obasanjo quit the ruling PDP party and endorsed Buhari.

On 31 March, Jonathan called Buhari to concede and congratulate him on his election as president. Buhari was sworn in on 29 May 2015 in a ceremony attended by at least 23 heads of state and government.

Presidency (2015–2023)

The economy has averaged a growth rate of 0.9% since the administration's first term, unemployment is at an all-time high of 23%, and millions entered poverty. Since 2015, Buhari has lost supporters due to his perceived  un-energetic personality and contemplative decision making.

Cabinet
Buhari's key advisers include: his nephew Mamman Daura, businessman Ismaila Isa Funtua, political operator Baba Gana Kingibe, Abba Kyari the Chief of Staff to the President; and from the late stages of his first term, Boss Mustapha the Secretary to the Government of the Federation. Empowering his kitchen cabinet after his second inauguration, Buhari has stated his preference for cabinet members seeking meetings or consultation to direct such requests through the chief of staff or through the government secretary.

Since the Fourth Republic, ministerial positions are legally required to be composed of a federal ethno-demographic character with a minister representing each state of the federation. A result of this has created the outcome of political considerations as an important factor in nominating ministers as local party officials lacking in merit jostle for cabinet positions. Nomination into Buhari's cabinet has been influenced by those political considerations and also closeness to the president and his inner cabinet.

In August 2019, the president named his cabinet of predominantly male members with an average years of 60 and dominated by political actors or those close to the president. The cabinet include two wealthy former governors from the Niger Delta, Timipre Sylva and Godswill Akpabio who were originally members of the opposition party PDP and fourteen retained ministers some of whom critics alleged had performed poorly or having a close relationship with a corrupt past Head of State.

Health
In May 2016, Buhari cancelled a two-day visit to Lagos to inaugurate projects in the state but he was represented by the Vice-president Yemi Osinbajo after citing an "ear infection" suspected to be Ménière's disease. On 6 June, Buhari travelled to the United Kingdom to seek medical attention. This happened days after the Presidential Spokesman Femi Adesina was quoted as saying Buhari was "as fit as fiddle" and "hale and hearty", to much discontent and criticism from political analysts and followers. In February 2017, following what were described as "routine medical check-ups" in the UK, Buhari asked parliament to extend his medical leave to await test results. His office did not give any further details on his health condition nor the expected date of his return. On 8 February, President Buhari personally signed a letter addressed to the President of the Senate of Nigeria alerting him of a further extension to his annual leave, leaving his vice president in charge. Following an absence of 51 days from office, President Buhari returned to Nigeria. He arrived at Kaduna Airport in the morning of 10 March. Although information was limited during his stay in London, he was pictured on 9 March meeting the most senior cleric of the world Anglican congregation, Archbishop of Canterbury Justin Welby. Vice President Yemi Osibanjo remained in charge as acting president, while the President continued to recover in Abuja. The President has missed major official and public appearances just two months following his return to office from England. Most recently he was absent from the Federal Executive Council (FEC) meeting, the worker's day event held at the Eagle Square in Abuja on May Day 2017. Speculations about the President's health circulated in the public sphere in the days following President Buhari's wishes to "work from home". Some prominent Nigerian figures urged the President to take a long-term medical leave, citing his failure to make any public appearances over a two-week period.

President Buhari again left Nigeria for a reported health check-up in London on 7 May 2017. President Buhari returned to Nigeria from his medical leave in the United Kingdom 104 days after leaving, on 19 August 2017. On 8 May, Buhari left Nigeria to London for medical check up, upon arrival from USA; and he returned on Friday 11 May 2018.

Economy
Buhari was an attractive choice to many Nigerians because of a perceived incorruptible character. Once in power, Buhari who had earlier mobilized supporters in three previous elections was slow to manifest his intention to solve problems he mentioned during his campaign. Determination to initiate his domestic policy agenda like naming of cabinet officials took six months, while the passage of the 2016 and 2017 budgets were delayed by infighting.

In Buhari's first year in office, Nigeria suffered a decline in commodity prices which triggered an economic recession. To source funds to close shortfall in revenue and fund an expansionary capital budget, Buhari traveled to 20 countries seeking loans. Thereby, expansionary budget allocation to finance infrastructure was pushed back to a further date.

In the first year of the administration, Naira, the currency of Nigeria depreciated in the black market leading to a gulf between the official exchange rate and the black-market rate. A resulting shortage in foreign exchange hit various businesses including petroleum marketers. However, the gulf between the official rates and the black market rates opened up the opportunity for well connected individuals to engage in arbitrage, making a mockery of the president's anti-corruption image. In May 2016, the government announced a rise in the official pump price of petroleum to curtail shortfall in the commodity as a result of foreign exchange shortages.

In 2016, the country's economy declined by 1.6% and in 2017 per capita economic growth is projected to be negligible. Buhari's first tenure as head of state coincided with a decline in oil prices similar to his second stint but his administration has not shown dedicated effort to diversify sources of government spending. The 2018 budget signaled an expansionary fiscal policy with funds dedicated to infrastructural projects such as strategic roads, bridges and power plants.

Since an upturn in economic growth from the decline of 2016, a slow pace of recovery has the country behind many of its continental neighbors in GDP growth. Unemployment levels remain high and any effort to increase non-oil revenues has not improved while government deficit spending include a significant portion of its yearly budget dedicated to service debts.

Buhari with the support of the Central Bank chief initiated policies to improve agriculture production through lobbying private banks to lend to the  sector and restriction of foreign exchange at official rates for importation of food product that are grown locally. In his second term, the budget minister, Udo Udoma and trade minister, Enemalah both of whom favored liberalisation were not returned.

The government continued to operate flexible exchange rates into the second term of the administration despite critics alluding to the exchange rate regime of being susceptible to arbitrage abuses and round tripping by cronies of the government.

Social welfare
In 2016, Buhari launched the National Social Investment Program, a national social welfare program. The Program was created to ensure a more equitable distribution of resources to vulnerable populations, including children, youth, and women. There are four programs which address poverty, unemployment and help increase economic development:

 The N-Power program provides young Nigerians with job training and education, as well as a monthly stipend of 30,000 Nigerian naira (USD $83.33).
 Npower is a social investment scheme initiated by President Muhammadu Buhari on 8 June 2016 in an attempt to boost the youths employment rate. The scheme was established as a core component of the National Social Investment program to cushion the skill acquisition training and capacity building in the beneficiaries.
 The Conditional Cash Transfer Program (CCTP) directly supports the most vulnerable by providing cash to those in the lowest income group, helping reduce poverty, improve nutrition and self-sustainability, and supporting development through increased consumption.
 The Government Enterprise and Empowerment Program (GEEP) is a micro-lending entrepreneurship program targeting farmers, petty traders and market women with a focus. This program provides no-cost loans to its beneficiaries, helping reduce the start-up costs of business ventures in Nigeria. The programs include: TraderMoni, MarketMoni and FarmerMoni.
 The National Home Grown School Feeding Program (NHGSF) is attempting to increase school enrollment by providing free meals to schoolchildren, particularly those in poor and food-insecure regions. The program works with local farmers and empowers women as cooks, building the community and sustaining economic growth from farm to table.

The program was previously co-ordinated from the office of Vice President Yemi Osinbajo, until 2019, when the program was moved to the new Ministry of Humanitarian Affairs, Disaster Management and Social Development under Sadiya Umar Farouq. In his 2019 Independence Day Speech, the President attributed the movement to the need to have the programmes institutionalized.

Anti-corruption

The $2 billion arms deal was exposed following the interim report of Buhari's investigations committee on arms procurement under the Goodluck Jonathan administration. The committee report showed extra-budgetary spending to the tune of N643.8 billion and additional spending of about $2.2 billion in the foreign currency component under Goodluck Jonathan's watch. Preliminary investigation suggested that about $2 billion may have been disbursed for the procurement of arms to fight against the Boko Haram insurgency in Nigeria. The investigative report indicated that a total sum of $2.2 billion was inexplicably disbursed into the office of the National Security Adviser in the procurement of arms to fight against insurgency, but was not spent for the purpose for which the money was disbursed. Investigations on this illegal deal led to the arrest of Sambo Dasuki, the former National Security Adviser who later mentioned prominent Nigerians involved in the deal. Those who were mentioned and arrested includes Raymond Dokpesi, the Chair Emeritus of DAAR Communications Plc, Attahiru Bafarawa, the former Governor of Sokoto State, and Bashir Yuguda, the former Minister of State for Finance, Azubuike Ihejirika, the Chief of Army Staff, Adesola Nunayon Amosu, the former Chief of the Air Staff, Alex Badeh and several other politicians were mentioned.

On 21 December 2016, the government's Federal Ministry of Finance announced a whistle-blowing policy with a 2.5%-5% reward. The aim is to obtain relevant data or information regarding: the violation of financial regulations, the mismanagement of public funds and assets, financial malpractice, fraud, and theft.

In May 2018, the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC), Nigeria's anti-corruption agency, announced that 603 Nigerian figures had been convicted on corruption charges since Buhari took office in 2015. The EFCC also announced that for the first time in Nigeria's history, judges and top military officers including retired service chiefs are being prosecuted for corruption. The successful prosecutions were also credited to Buhari's EFCC head Ibrahim Magu. Under Buhari, Chief Justice of the Nigerian Court Walter Onnoghen was convicted by the Code of Conduct Tribunal on 18 April 2019, for false assets declaration. In December 2019, Mohammed Bello Adoke, the former Attorney General of the Federation, was extradited to Nigeria to stand trial on corruption charges. In January 2020, however, Transparency International still gave Nigeria a low performance in its corruption perception index.

In July 2020, Ibrahim Magu the EFCC chairman was arrested by the Department of State Services (DSS) over damaging security reports concerning his activities as the Buhari administration's leading anti-corruption figure and alleged financial irregularities, he was later replaced by Mohammed Umar. In December 2020, Former Pension Reform Taskforce head Abdulrasheed Maina, who was arrested in the neighboring country of Niger after jumping bail, appeared in an Abuja court on a 12-count charge of fraud and money laundering. Ali Ndume, a senator representing Borno South, was arrested after jumping bail as well.

Security issues

Niger Delta

Nigeria has the second-largest reserves of crude oil in Africa, reserves largely found in the Niger Delta region of the country. Years of oil production have resulted negative impact on farming and fishery by oil spillage. The government initiated Hydrocarbon Pollution Remediation Project (HYPREP) to help clean up Ogoniland while other state governors within the region want a similar setup. HYPREP was initiated in 2005 but has been slow to commence remediation works in Ogoniland.

Nonetheless, there are still intermittent attacks on oil facilities by groups such as the Niger Delta Avengers. This has significantly affected oil production leading to cuts in exports and government revenue. The Avengers are waging conflict for greater economic and political autonomy.

Shia Muslims

The Islamic Movement of Nigeria led by Sheikh Ibrahim Zakzaky is one of the country's leading organization of Shia Muslims. Nigeria's Muslim population is mainly Sunni while the Shia population have gone through sporadic persecution by governments. After the Islamic movement was accused of an attack against Chief of Army Staff Tukur Buratai in December 2015, Zakzaky's base was shelled causing hundreds of fatalities while Zakzaky was arrested. Zakzaky was held for almost six years, aside from a three-day medical trip to India, until being acquitted and released in July 2021.

Biafra separatists

A separatist group, the Indigenous People of Biafra and led by Nnamdi Kanu became high profile in 2015 for advocating independence for a separate nation of Biafra.  A breakaway Biafra republic was briefly formed during Nigeria's Civil War. In October 2015, Kanu was arrested on allegation of treason, his arrest was followed by protests against his detention across many Southeastern states. Kanu later jumped bail and fled abroad to help lead the low-level insurgency in Southeastern Nigeria before being arrested by Interpol and brought back to Nigeria.

Boko Haram

Since 2015, the fight against the extremists has taken a new dimension, internally the groups have splintered into the traditional Boko Haram sect controlled by Abubakar Shekau and the Islamic State in West Africa Province controlled by Abu Musab al-Barnawi. Other groups supported by Al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb such as Ansaru, who were driven from Mali due to the French-led Operation Serval have surfaced and co-operated with Boko Haram despite being its rival. This was mostly out of necessity, as the two factions could not risk to weaken themselves by fighting each other. In February 2020, over two hundred and fifty Ansaru members were killed in a police raid in Birnin Gwari.

In October 2016, the government negotiated a deal with the terrorist group, Boko Haram which secured the release of 21 Chibok girls. By December 2016, the government had recovered much of the territories previously held by Boko Haram and after the capture of Sambisa Forest, Buhari announced that Boko Haram has been technically defeated. The insurgency displaced about 2 million people from their homes and the recapture of the towns now present humanitarian challenges in health, education and nutrition. On 6 May 2017, Buhari's government secured a further release of 82 out of 276 girls kidnapped in 2014, in exchange of five Boko Haram leaders. On 7 May 2017, President Buhari met with the 82 released Chibok girls, before departing to London, UK, for a follow-up treatment for an undisclosed illness.

Shekau committed suicide after his grouping was encircled by ISWAP rivals in May 2021. In the following months, hundreds of "repentant" terrorists surrendered to the government, many likely loyal to Shekau.

Farmer-Herder violence

The Middle-Belt region of Nigeria has been vulnerable to clashes between farmers and cattle herders, two groups trying to secure arable land for grazing or farming and access to water. The intensity and politicization of the conflict along ethnic and religious divide increased during the administration of Buhari as instances of conflicts flared in parts of Southern Nigeria.  About 300 civilians were killed in a village in Benue State, Middle-Belt of the country and about 40 civilians were killed in Enugu in Southeastern Nigeria. The violence has displaced upwards of 250,000 villagers who migrate to cities ill-prepared to handle the influx of migrants. The conflict between farmers many of whom are largely Christians and herders who are predominantly Muslims has stoked religious tension not helped when the president sent in military troops disarm ethnic Christian militias while critics allege of his lukewarm towards armed cattle herders.

The administration's effort to solve the conflict led to the National Livestock Transformation Plan to modernise cattle grazing and stabilize the Middle Belt region. In 2017, RUGA, an acronym for Rural Grazing Area but also a word meaning settlement in Fulani was a proposed solution that came from deliberations of the transformation plan. RUGA was to set aside grazing areas for herders as they migrate south, however, many Southern states opposed any involuntary acquisition of land for RUGA and the plan was suspended

Banditry in Northern Nigeria

Since 2015, the Buhari Administration has suffered with an increased spate of banditry-related activities in Northern Nigeria. The Abuja-Kaduna highway has been termed the "highway of kidnapping", due to the rampant atrocities committed by bandits. In February 2020, the Northern Elders Forum, a socio-political organisation, said the administration has failed Nigerians in terms of security.

By July 2021, about 45 people a day were kidnapped, largely by bandits for ransom. Other bandits focused on stealing cattle, camels, and other livestock while some groups attacked and seized control of entire villages and wider territories. The banditry lead to fears of collaboration between bandits and Northeastern terrorists with those fears being confirmed in August 2021 when the Nigeria Immigration Service reported that large groups of Zamfara-based bandits were traveling to Borno State for training from Boko Haram.

National issues

Ruga policy

The Buhari administration introduced the controversial Ruga policy (human settlement policy), aimed at resolving the conflict between nomadic Fulani herdsmen and sedentary farmers. The policy, which is currently suspended, would "create reserved communities where herders will live, grow and tend their cattle, produce milk and undertake other activities associated with the cattle business without having to move around in search of grazing land for their cows."

Alleged militarization

Buhari has faced a lot of criticism in office. In 2019 his government came under widespread criticism over the unfair treatment of US-based Social Activist Sowore during his trial, despite the court granting him bail. This move was largely condemned, with Sowore himself stating that Buhari had violated his civic space. In December 2019, Nigeria's Newspaper Giants: PUNCH stated that henceforth they would addressed Buhari's administration as a "regime" and subsequently address him as "General Buhari" as his military-like administration was a far cry from democracy. They insisted that he was a 'military dictator', a move that was greeted with mixed receptions on social media.

COVID-19 pandemic

Following the outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic in Nigeria, Buhari established a Presidential Task Force for the control of the virus in the country. On 23 March, Buhari's chief of staff Abba Kyari tested positive for COVID-19 sparking fears that Buhari may have been infected, it was later revealed that Buhari tested negative. On 30 March, Buhari announced a two-week lockdown on major cities Abuja, Lagos and Ogun.

On 14 October, the presidential task force on COVID-19 warned about a potential second wave "if the guidelines and protocols are not adhered to strictly".

End SARS protests

In October 2020, protests against alleged police brutality of a special police unit of the Nigerian Police Force the Special Anti-Robbery Squad (SARS) erupted in Lagos and other major cities. The End SARS movement with no centralised leadership beyond the small assembly that organized the initial protests, share similarities with the 2012 Occupy movement.

On 12 October, a day after demonstrators declared their demands Buhari announced the disbandment of SARS and promised "extensive police reforms". Since independence in 1960, the Nigerian Police Force has been at the forefront of tackling organised crime in Nigeria with the recent spate of banditry, cultism, drug trafficking, fraud and kidnapping drastically affecting its personnel capacity, leaving a vacuum for SARS members to exploit and commit extrajudicial killings.

On 13 October Mohammed Adamu the Inspector General of Police announced the creation of a new unit the Special Weapons and Tactics (SWAT) to take over the duties of SARS. This move did not satisfy most demonstrators, who expected a substantial overhaul of the police structure. On 14 October, the demonstrations continued with at least ten protestors being killed, and violent clashes occurring between pro-SARS and anti-SARS protesters with the elite Presidential Guard Brigade intervening in the federal capital.

On 12 June 2021, there was a deployment of the Nigerian Police Force and the Nigerian Army to the streets, Nationwide to curb the planned protest by the Youths, The demonstration of this was to prevent the incidents from the End Sars Protest that happened October 2020

Foreign policy

Buhari described the military crackdown by the Myanmar Army and police on Rohingya Muslims as ethnic cleansing and warned of a disaster like the Rwandan genocide.

Nigeria and South Africa between them share about 50% of Africa's economic output but both countries macroeconomic structure is hampered by high poverty rates, youth unemployment and decline in capital investment. About 600,000 Nigerians have emigrated to South Africa to seek out better economic opportunities and like in Nigeria, it is an economy struggling with its own high unemployment rates. Tensions between migrants and the local populace have occasionally flared up, in 2008, 2015 and in 2019. The last resulted in the violence between migrants including Nigerians and black South Africans. The leaders of both countries met in early October 2019, to discuss measures to improve the relationship between both countries which has been affected not only by anti-migrant violence in South Africa both issues about profit repatriation by South African firms operating in Nigeria.

Buhari is the first president to call for a global treaty to end violence against women and girls.

Post-presidency (2023–present)
Buhari handed over power peacefully to his successor Bola Tinubu on 29 May 2023 at 10AM (WAT) at an inauguration ceremony in Eagle Square, Federal Capital Territory. He left the seat of power in Abuja immediately after the handover ceremony and in keeping with the tradition of past heads of state and presidents returned to his home state of Katsina where he was received by state and traditional dignitaries before evidently retiring to his farm and family seat in Daura.

Controversies

US$2.8 billion NNPC scandal

During his tenure as Federal Commissioner of Petroleum and Natural Resources, US$2.8 billion allegedly went missing from the accounts of the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC) in Midlands Bank in the United Kingdom. General Ibrahim Babangida later allegedly accused Buhari of being responsible for this fraud.

However, in the conclusion of the Crude Oil Sales Tribunal of Inquiry headed by Justice Ayo Irikefe to investigate allegations of 2.8 billion Dollars misappropriation from the NNPC account, the tribunal found no truth in the allegations even though it noticed some lapses in the NNPC accounts.

Chadian military affair

In 1983, when Chadian forces invaded Nigeria in the Borno State, Buhari used the forces under his command to chase them out of the country, crossing into Chadian territory in spite of an order given by President Shagari to withdraw. This 1983 Chadian military affair led to more than 100 victims and "prisoners of war".

Umaru Dikko affair

The Umaru Dikko Affair was another defining moment in Buhari's military government. Umaru Dikko, a former Minister of Transportation under the previous civilian administration of President Shagari who fled the country shortly after the coup, was accused of embezzling $1 billion in oil profits. With the help of an alleged former Mossad agent, the NSO traced him to London, where operatives from Nigeria and Israel drugged and kidnapped him. They placed him in a plastic bag, which was subsequently hidden inside a crate labelled as "Diplomatic Baggage". The purpose of this secret operation was to ship Dikko off to Nigeria on an empty Nigerian Airways Boeing 707, to stand trial for embezzlement. The plot was foiled by British airport officers.

53 suitcases saga
Buhari's administration was embroiled in a scandal concerning the fate of 53 suitcases with unknown contents. The suitcases were being transported by the Emir of Gwandu, whose son was Buhari's aide-de-camp, and were cleared through customs on 10 June 1984 without inspection during his return flight from Saudi Arabia.

PTF allocation to the military
While Buhari was Chairman of the Petroleum Trust Fund (PTF), critics had questioned the PTF's allocation of 20% of its resources to the military, which they feared would not be accountable for the revenue.

Akhaine, Saxone (27 August 2001) Nigeria: Buhari Calls for Sharia in All States . He was quoted in 2001 as saying, "I will continue to show openly and inside me the total commitment to the Sharia movement that is sweeping all over Nigeria", he then added: "God willing, we will not stop the agitation for the total implementation of the Sharia in the country." Buhari has denied all allegations that he has a radical Islamist agenda. On 6 January 2015, Buhari said: "Because they can't attack our record, they accuse me falsely of ethnic jingoism; they accuse me falsely of religious fundamentalism. Because they cannot attack our record, they accuse us falsely of calling for election violence – when we have only insisted on peace. Even as Head of State, we never imposed Sha'riah."

Mediation with Boko Haram
In 2012, Buhari's name was included on a list published by Boko Haram of individuals it would trust to mediate between the group and the Federal Government. However, Buhari strongly objected and declined to mediate between the government and Boko Haram. In 2013, Muhammadu Buhari made a series of statements, when he asked the Federal Government to stop the killing of Boko Haram members and blamed the rise of the terrorist group on the prevalence of Niger Delta militants in the South. Buhari stated that "what is responsible for the security situation in the country is caused by the activities of Niger Delta militants [...] The Niger Delta militants started it all". He also questioned the special treatment including close to $500 million a year paid to 30,000 militants under the amnesty programme since 2013 by the Federal Government and deplored the fact that Boko Haram members were killed and their houses destroyed.

Abolishing the office of the first lady

In December 2014, Muhammadu Buhari went on the record to say he would abolish the office of the First Lady if he was elected as president, claiming it was unconstitutional.

The Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta (MEND), a Nigerian militant group that endorsed Buhari during the 2015 general elections, commended Buhari for his plans and went on to say that the office of the First Lady was "obviously an irrelevant, fraudulent and unconstitutional office, whose only purpose is to further plunder the resources of the country."

Since assuming the presidency on 29 May 2015, Buhari has yet to terminate the office of the First Lady. Aisha Buhari operates from the office of the First Lady as "wife of the President".

Having suggested the abolition of the office of the First Lady, Buhari has further aired some controversial statements about women.

On his visit to the Germany's Angela Merkel, Buhari reiterated "I don't know which party my wife belongs to, but she belongs to my kitchen and my living room and the other room"  after his wife had earlier advised him to step up his leadership.

Plagiarism scandal
In September 2016, President Buhari came under heavy criticism after a newspaper report found him using plagiarized speech during the launching of a national re-orientation campaign tagged "Change begins with me". The speech was later found to be lifted from the 2009 inaugural speech of former US President Barack Obama. The presidency later apologized and says the blunder was caused by "overzealous staff" and "Those responsible" will be sanctioned. However, one week later, a deputy director in the State House linked to the speech was redeployed and presidency assured Nigerian public that it has taken steps to avoid a repeat of such an embarrassing occurrence by implementing digital tools that detect plagiarism.

Twitter ban

After Buhari made a Twitter post threatening violence against the Biafra insurgents in southeast Nigeria on 5 June 2021, Twitter deleted his comments as violations of its terms of service. Shortly thereafter, the Nigerian government banned Twitter from the country entirely. They lifted the ban on 13 January 2022, after they said Twitter had agreed to register its operations in Nigeria and pay tax.

Personal life

Family

In 1971, Buhari married his first wife, Safinatu (née Yusuf). They had five children together, four girls and one boy. Their first daughter, Zulaihat (Zulai) was named after Buhari's mother. Their other children are Fatima, Musa (deceased son), Hadiza, and Safinatu. In 1988, Buhari and his first wife Safinatu divorced. On 14 January 2006, Safinatu died from complications of diabetes. In November 2012, Buhari's first daughter, Zulaihat (née Buhari) Junaid died from sickle cell anaemia, two days after having a baby at a hospital in Kaduna.

In December 1989, Buhari married his second and current wife Aisha Buhari (née Halilu). They also had five children together, a boy and four girls: Aisha, Halima, Yusuf, Zahra and Amina. Yusuf married Zahra Nasir Bayero, the daughter of Emir Nasiru Ado Bayero, in August 2021.

Buhari is a Muslim.

Wealth
In 2015, Buhari declared US$150,000 cash; in addition to five homes and two mud houses as well as farms, an orchard and a ranch of 270 head of cattle, 25 sheep, five horses and a variety of birds, shares in three firms, two undeveloped plots of land, and two cars bought from his savings.

Honours

National honours
:
 Grand Commander of the Order of the Federal Republic (GCFR) (1983)

Foreign honours
:
 Grand Collar of the Order of Independence (2016)
:
 Second Class of the Order of the Republic of Serbia (2016)
:
 Grand Cordon of the Order of the Pioneers of Liberia (27 July 2019)

Traditional titles
In 2017, the South-East council of traditional rulers honoured President Buhari with the chieftaincy titles of the Enyioma I of Ebonyi and the Ochioha I of Igboland. At the time of his investiture, the president had already held a title - that of the Ogbuagu I of Igboland - in the Nigerian chieftaincy system. He was later awarded another one, Ikeogu I of Igboland, in the following year.

See also
 List of heads of state of Nigeria
 List of Nigerians

List of Hausa people

References

Sources

External links

 2011 Presidential Election Campaign website

 Muhammadu Buhari – In a HARDtalk interview on 21 January 2004

1942 births
Living people
Presidents of Nigeria
Politicians from Katsina
Leaders who took power by coup
Leaders ousted by a coup
Ribadu family
All Nigeria Peoples Party politicians
All Progressives Congress politicians
Graduates of the Mons Officer Cadet School
Nigerian Defence Academy alumni
Nigerian Fula people
Nigerian generals
Nigerian military governors
Nigerian Muslims
Nigerian revolutionaries
Petroleum ministers of Nigeria
United States Army War College alumni
Participants of coups in Nigeria
Participants in the 1966 Nigerian counter-coup
Participants in the 1975 Nigerian military coup
Participants in the 1983 Nigerian military coup
Candidates in the Nigerian general election, 2003
Candidates in the Nigerian general election, 2007
Candidates in the Nigerian general election, 2011
Candidates in the 2015 Nigerian general election
Candidates in the 2019 Nigerian general election
Defence Services Staff College alumni

Muhammadu Buhari


Thais Carla da Rocha dos Santos (Nova Iguaçu, 15 de outubro de 1991) é uma dançarina, coreógrafa, bailarina, influenciadora digital e ativista brasileira. É conhecida por seu ativismo contra o estigma social da obesidade.

Biografia e carreira
Natural de Nova Iguaçu, Thais Carla ficou conhecida em 2009 ao participar do quadro Se Vira nos 30, do programa Domingão do Faustão, da TV Globo, e ganhou o prêmio de 15 mil reais ao dançar uma música de hip hop. Após participar do Legendários em 2012, fez parte do grupo de dançarinas da cantora Anitta de 2017 a 2019. Desde então, tornou-se figura notável nos camarotes durante o carnaval, incluindo o de Salvador. No dia 18 de novembro de 2021, participou do São Paulo Fashion Week. Em janeiro de 2022, lançou uma minicoleção de biquínis cortininha para pessoas gordas. Thais também é sócia e proprietária da Alitasex, marca de produtos sensuais com linha exclusiva de lingeries e fantasias para pessoas gordas.

Thais é conhecida por sua militância a favor das pessoas gordas e lutar contra a gordofobia. Nas redes sociais, publica fotos de biquíni e demonstra autoestima. Sua carreira na internet tem o objetivo de incentivar mulheres gordas a se aceitarem.

Processos
Em outubro de 2021, o humorista Léo Lins foi condenado a pagar 5 mil reais por danos morais, em um processo judicial que Thais moveu contra ele por gordofobia. Ela declarou: "Me ridicularizou com diversas frases preconceituosas e gordofóbicas. Essa foi a primeira vez que um juiz deferiu diretamente a condenação pela violação de gordofobia em primeiro plano, o que é um excelente ganho para todas [as] pessoas gordas." Em março de 2022, ganhou uma liminar na Justiça obrigando o apresentador Danilo Gentili a apagar de suas redes sociais fotos da dançarina — ela havia entrado com um processo por gordofobia, danos morais e uso indevido das imagens nas postagens. Thais processou o influencer do TikTok Pietro Krauss por utilizar sua imagem sem autorização, já que, após isso, ela teria sido hostilizada de forma recorrente nos comentários. Além de solicitar a exclusão do vídeo, sob pena de multa, a influencer pediu uma indenização de 15 mil reais. Em setembro de 2022, a Justiça negou o pedido de antecipação de tutela feito por Thais e manteve o vídeo no ar.

Em maio de 2022, anunciou que havia processado a técnica de enfermagem Letícia Bastos, que criticou algumas de suas falas sobre gordofobia. Em 25 de novembro, a especialista foi condenada a pagar 4 mil reais. Um mês depois, as partes entraram em acordo para definir a forma de pagamento. No entanto, a enfermeira mentiu em suas redes sociais dizendo que havia ganhado o processo.

Em 5 de fevereiro de 2023, dias antes do Carnaval, Thais publicou nas redes sociais uma foto fantasiada de Globeleza. O deputado federal bolsonarista Nikolas Ferreira respondeu "Tiraram a beleza e ficou só o Globo". Devido à postagem, foi acusado de gordofobia. Depois das críticas, gravou um vídeo irônico dizendo: "Onde eu estava com a cabeça de chamar uma gorda de gorda? Eu deveria ter tratado a obesidade como romance, como empoderamento, e não como doença. Onde já se viu, [no] século 21 ter opinião própria, né?". Em seguida, postou uma foto montada em que simula o próprio rosto em um corpo gordo e escreveu: "Pronto, agora tenho lugar de fala". As advogadas de Thais informaram que iriam acionar o deputado pedindo indenização de 52 mil reais por danos morais e uso indevido de imagem.

Vida pessoal
Thais é casada com o fotógrafo Israel Reis e tem duas filhas. Morou em Salvador com a família até 2021, quando se mudou no final do ano para o interior de São Paulo para ficar mais perto de sua loja. Em maio de 2022, anunciou que retornaria à Bahia.

Prêmios e indicações

Dançarinos do estado do Rio de Janeiro
Bailarinos do estado do Rio de Janeiro
Coreógrafos do Brasil
Influenciadores digitais do Brasil
Ativistas do Brasil

Thais Carla


The Thirteenth Floor, Almanya ve ABD sinemalarında gösterime girmiş, Josef Rusnak'ın yönettiği ve 1999 yapımı olan bir filmdir. Yapımcıları arasında Roland Emmerich'in de bulunduğu film, Daniel F. Galouye'un Simulacron-3 adlı romanından ve Rainer Werner Fassbinder'in Welt am Draht (İng., World on a wire; Tür., Kablodaki Dünya) adlı Alman televizyonu mini dizisinden esinler taşır.

The Thirteenth Floor, aynı sene gösterime girmiş The Matrix ile eXistenZ ve bir sene önce gösterime girmiş Dark City (Karanlık Şehir) gibi varoluşçu temalara sahip filmlerle konusu itibarıyla büyük paralellikler taşısa da bu filmlerin gölgesinde kalmış, genellikle olumsuz eleştiriler almış ve daha çok ev sinemasında meraklısıyla buluşabilmiş bir filmdir.

Konusu
Büyük bir bilgisayar şirketinin sahibi olan Hannon Fuller şirketin geliştirdiği ve henüz deneme aşamasında çok önemli bir şey fark eder ve bunu ortağı Douglas Hall'a söyleyeceği esnada öldürülür. Keşfettiği şey sebebiyle hayatının tehlikeye girdiğini düşünen Fuller, bir barda görevli olan Jerry Ashton'a Douglas Hall'a iletmesi için bir mektup bırakır. Fakat Jerry Ashton mektubu gizlice okur. Kendi dünyasına dönen Hannon Fuller, telefonla Douglas Hall'a sanal dünyada bir mesaj bıraktığını belirtir. Douglas, sonradan mektup şeklinde bırakıldığını anlayacağı mesaja ulaşması için 1937'de geçen sanal olarak kurulmuş paralel dünyaya gitmek zorundadır. Bu dünya Hannon Fuller ve Douglas Hall'ın şirketinin 13. katındaki bilgisayar yardımıyla geçiş yapılabilen ve orada buradaki kişilerin karşılığı olan bir dünyadır. Hannon Fuller'ın karşılığı Grierson, Douglas Hall'ın karşılığı John Ferguson, şirkette bu olayı bilen üçüncü kişi olan Jason Whitney'ın karşılığı ise Jerry Ashton'dur.

Oyuncular

Dış bağlantılar

Bilimkurgu romanlarından uyarlanan filmler
Amerika Birleşik Devletleri yeniden yapım filmleri
2020'lerde geçen filmler
1999 çıkışlı filmler
1990'larda bilimkurgu filmleri
Josef Rusnak'in yönettiği filmler
Amerika Birleşik Devletleri bilimkurgu filmleri
Psikolojik bilimkurgu filmleri
1930'larda geçen filmler
Konusu Los Angeles'ta geçen filmler
Almanya bilimkurgu filmleri
2024'te geçen filmler

The Thirteenth Floor


Two ships of the United States Navy have been named USS Chenango, after the Chenango River of New York.

 , was  a side-wheel steamer in service during the American Civil War in 1864 and 1865.
 , was a fleet oiler commissioned in 1941, converted to an escort aircraft carrier in 1942, and in service until 1946.

Sources

United States Navy ship names

USS Chenango


Lunar er en dansk fintech-virksomhed etableret i Aarhus 2015. Lunar tilbyder et alternativ til de traditionelle banker og retter sig især mod de såkaldte millennials med en bankkonto gennem en smartphone-app samt et tilhørende Visa-kort.

Lunar driver ikke selv bankfilialer, og al kundekontakt foregår igennem appen. Forretningsplanen er bygget op som en freemium-model, hvor man får grundpakken gratis og derefter kan tilkøbe forskellige services.

Lunar er ikke en fysisk bank med filialer, men en teknologivirksomhed, og havde derfor modsat traditionelle banker ikke deres egen banklicens til at starte med. Det betyder, at den konto man fik, når man oprettede sig hos Lunar, egentlig oprettes hos partnerbanken Nykredit Bank, der foruden en samarbejdsaftale også har investeret et mindre beløb for en minoritetspost i selskabet. I 2019 fik Lunar dog deres egen banklicens

Ved en finansieringsrunde i december 2016 hentede Lunar 4,2 millioner euro fra et uoplyst antal engleinvestorer samt SEED Capital Denmark.

Lunars eget mål er først at nå 85.000 brugere i Norden og derefter at åbne i fem europæiske lande inden for de efterfølgende to år og have en brugerbase på mindst en kvart million brugere. Selskabet har indgået indledende samarbejder med lokale partnerbanker i Sverige og Norge.

Bag Lunar er blandt andet stifteren, it-iværksætter Ken Villum Klausen, der solgte IT-firmaet WallMob til norske Visma, bestyrelsesformand Henning Kruse Petersen, der er tidligere koncerndirektør hos Nykredit samt forhenværende formand for Finansiel Stabilitet, og bestyrelsesmedlem Tuva Palm som også er CTO hos Nordnet Bank.

Lunar fik i 2016 en andenplads i kategorien 'Challenger Banks' ved European Fintech Awards.

Referencer

Eksterne henvisninger
Officiel hjemmeside

Softwarevirksomheder i Danmark
Mobilbetaling i Danmark
Virksomheder i Aarhus

Banker i Danmark
Etableret i 2015

Lunar


Institutul Național de Statistică și Studii Economice (), abreviat INSEE (), este biroul național de statistică francez. INSEE colectează și publică informații despre economia franceză și oameni, și efectuează periodic recensăminte național. Cu sediul în Paris, este filiala franceză a Eurostat. INSEE a fost creat în 1946 ca un succesor al SNS din regimului de la Vichy.

Scopul
INSEE este responsabil pentru producerea și analiza statisticii oficiale în Franța. Printre cele mai cunoscut responsabilități sale includ:

 Organizarea și publicarea națională de recensăminte.
 Producerea de diverse indicii – care sunt larg recunoscute ca fiind de o calitate excelenta – inclusiv indicele de inflație utilizat pentru determinarea costului chiriilor și costurile asociate cu construcția.
 Eurostat utilizează statisticile INSEE în combinație cu cele ale altor agențiile naționale de statistică pentru a compila statistici comparabile pentru UE ca un întreg. De asemenea, este unanim recunoscut ca reprezentând Franța la întrebări internaționale de statistică.

Organizarea
INSEE este responsabilitatea MINEFI, Ministerul francez de Finanțe. Actualul director este Jean-Luc Tavernier. Cu toate acestea, Eurostat consideră INSEE ca un organism independent, deși acest lucru nu este menționat în lege.

Didactice și de cercetare
De cercetare și de predare pentru INSEE se ocupă GENE, sau Grup de Școli Naționale de Economie și Statistică (franceză: Groupe des Écoles Nationales d'Économie et Statistique), care include:

 ENSAE (L'École nationale de la statistique et de l'odministration économique), un grande école care pregătește administratori și ingineri specializați în statistică, economie și finanțe.
 ENSAI, (L'École nationale de la statistique et de l'onalyse de l'amnformation), o scoala de inginerie.

Coduri și sistemul de numerotare
INSEE dă coduri de indexare numerice (franceză: les Coduri INSEE) la diverse entități în Franța:

 coduri INSEE (cunoscut sub numele de COG) sunt date de la diferite unități administrative, în special cea franceză comune (acestea nu coincid cu coduri poștale). "Complet", a codului de 8 cifre și 3 spații de interior, dar nu este un popular "simplificat" codul cu 5 cifre și nu există spațiu în:
 2 cifre (département) și 3 cifre (comuna) pentru 96 de departamente din Franța Metropolitană.
 3 cifre (département sau colectivitate) și 2 cifre (comuna) pentru departamentele de peste Mări, de peste Mări, Colectivităților Teritoriale și Țările și Teritoriile de peste. Vezi de asemenea și: fr:Cod INSEE#Cod comunale.
 INSEE numere (13 cifre + o de două cifre cheie) sunt națională numerele de identificare dat de oameni. Formatul este după cum urmează: syymmlllllooo kk, unde
 s este 1 pentru masculin și 2 pentru feminin pentru un număr permanent; este 7 pentru un mascul, 8 pentru o femeie pentru un număr temporar,
 yy reprezintă ultimele două cifre ale anului de naștere,
 mm este luna de nastere sau un număr de peste 20 dacă data nașterii este necunoscut
 lllll este ROTIȚĂ pentru locul de naștere,
 ooo este un număr de ordine pentru a distinge oamenii fiind născut în același loc în același an și o lună.
 "kk" este "cheie de control", egal cu 97-(restul de numărul modulo p.97).Există excepții pentru persoanele în situații particulare.
 SIRENA coduri sunt date pentru întreprinderi și asociații non-profit, SIRET, codurile lor, unitățile și facilități.

Istoria

Statistici în Franța, înainte de INSEE
INSEE a fost precedată de mai multe agenții de statistică din Franța. În 1833, Biroul de Statistică (franceză: Biroul de la statistique) a fost creat de Adolphe Thiers. În 1840 a fost redenumit SGF sau Statistici Generale din Franța.

Sub conducerea lui Lucien Martie, SGF-a extins activitatea. Ea a început o anchetă a obiceiurilor de consum în 1907.

În 1920 , Alfred Sauvy a introdus un examen de admitere pentru recrutarea în SGF. René Carmille, un pionier al utilizării calculatoare, a fost cel care a pus bazele moderne ale organizației. În 1940, Demografice, de Servicii (Serviciu de la démographie) a fost creat în cadrul Ministerului de Finanțe, în scopul de a înlocui militare biroul de recrutare interzisă prin iunie 1940 Armistițiu cu Germania Nazistă. În scopul de a ascunde mai bine întreprinderile sale, Demografice, de Servicii de absorbit SGF, la 11 octombrie 1941. Noua organizație a fost numit SNS sau Serviciul Național de Statistică. Ca parte din această reorganizare, șase birouri noi au fost create în Nord (ocupat) zona a căror structură regională este menținut și astăzi în INSEE.

René Carmille creat o știință Aplicată de Școală (predecesorul actualului ENSAE) să tren special pentru membrii SNS.

Carmille lucrat pentru Vichy, Franța, dar el a fost de fapt un agent dublu pentru rezistența franceză. Din poziția sa în SNS-a sabotat Nazist recensământul din Franța, care a salvat un mare număr de Evrei din lagărele de concentrare. El a folosit, de asemenea, departamentul său pentru a ajuta la mobilizarea rezistenței franceze în Algeria. El a fost prins de către Naziști și trimis la Dachau , unde a murit în 1945.

Crearea de INSEE
SNS a fost în cele din urmă transformat în INSEE de legea din 27 aprilie 1946, Institutul Național de Statistică și Studii Economice pentru metropolă și de peste mări a Franței (L 'institut national de la statistique et des études économiques pour la métropole et la France d' outre-mer).

Lista de administrație
Aceasta este o listă de administrație al INSEE de la infiintarea sa:

 1946-1961: Francis-Louis Closon
 1961-1967: Claude Gruson
 1967-1974: Jean Ripert
 1974-1987: Edmond Malinvaud
 1987-1992: Jean-Claude Miller La Degetul Mic
 1992-2003: Paul Champsaur
 2003-2007: Jean-Michel Charpin
 2007-2012: Jean-Philippe Cotis
 2012–: Jean-Luc Tavernier

A se vedea, de asemenea,

 Observatoire National de la Pauvreté et de l ' Exclusion Sociale
 TVA

Referințe

Link-uri externe

Demografia Franței
Economia Franței

INSEE


Frenkel puede referirse a:
 Alexander Frenkel
 Diego Frenkel
 Noemí Frenkel
 Yakov Frenkel (en)
 el defecto Frenkel
 Frenkel exciton, nombrado así por el físico Yakov Frenkel.

Frenkel


دار المبدعون للنشر كانت دار نشر صغيرة أنشأها دكتور نبيل فاروق الكاتب البوليسي الأشهر في العالم العربي بالقاهرة ولم تستمر التجربة طويلا بسبب الظروف المادية وإن كانت إرهاصه أولية مهمة لإنشاء دار ليلى للنشر بالقاهرة فيما بعد.

دور نشر في مصر

دار المبدعون للنشر


Ulf Erik Appelgren (født 31. marts 1945 i Oscars menighed, Stockholm, død 18. juli 2007) var en svensk instruktør og skuespiller med roller i flere svenske TV-serier.

Appelgren var primært teaterskuespiller.  Han var engageret ved både Pistolteatern og senere ved Malmö stadsteater.

Eksterne henvisninger

Instruktører fra Sverige
Skuespillere fra Sverige

Erik Appelgren


සිරි කුරුස විද්‍යාලය ගම්පහ

ඉතිහාසය 20 වැනි සියවස ආරම්භයේදී ගම්පහ තවමත් නාගරීකරණය වී නොතිබූ අතර පිරිමි ළමයින් සඳහා ඉංග්‍රීසි පාසලක් හැර බාලිකා පාසලක් නොතිබුණි. එබැවින් රෝමානු කතෝලික සභාව 1924 මාර්තු 10 වැනි දින ගම්පහ නගරයේ තරුණියන් 7 දෙනෙකුගෙන් පමණක් අධ්‍යාපනය සඳහා ශුද්ධ කුරුස පාසල ආරම්භ කරන ලදී. පළමු පාසල් ගොඩනැගිල්ල ගම්පහ ශුද්ධ වූ කුරුස දේවස්ථානයට අනුබද්ධ විය. සියවසකට ආසන්න මතකයන් ප්‍රථම විදුහල්පතිනිය වූයේ ඇමීලියා ෆ්‍රැන්සිස් පෙරේරා මහත්මියයි. ආචාර්ය මණ්ඩලය ගිහි ගුරුවරියකගෙන් සමන්විත වූ අතර ශිෂ්‍යයන් හත් දෙනෙක් (ගැහැණු ළමයින් 6 දෙනෙක් සහ එක් පිරිමි ළමයෙක්) 1927 දී ගරු පියතුමා පල්ලියේ ගොඩනැගිලි හැර පාසලට වෙනම ගොඩනැගිල්ලක් ඉදිකිරීමට මූලිකත්වය ගෙන කටයුතු කළේ වැලිවේරිය පැවිදි ජේම්ස් ඩොමිනික් පොන්වීර ඕ.එම්.අයි. 1928 දී පාසල ලියාපදිංචි කරන ලද අතර පළමු පාසල් දිනය 1928 සැප්තැම්බර් 14 වන දින සමරන ලදී. 1938 දී අපෝස්තලික කාර්මලයිට් සහෝදරියන් 3 දෙනෙක්, Sr. Carmeline, Sr. Lutgard සහ Sr Melanie ශුද්ධ වූ කුරුස කාර්ය මණ්ඩලයට එක් වූහ. 1948 දී ෆ්‍රැන්සිස් පෙරේරා මහත්මිය ශිෂ්‍යයන් 200 දෙනෙකුගෙන් යුත් පාසල අපෝස්තලික කර්මෙල් කන්‍යා සොහොයුරියන් වෙත භාර දෙන ලදී. දෙවන ලෝක යුද්ධ සමයේදී කොළඹ සිට ගම්පහට සැලකිය යුතු සංක්‍රමණයක් සිදු විය. එහි ප්‍රතිඵලයක් ලෙස ශිෂ්‍ය සංඛ්‍යාව වැඩි වූ අතර උසස් පාසල දැනට පාසලේ පවතින පරිශ්‍රය වන බණ්ඩියමුල්ලට ගෙන යන ලදී. ගරු පියතුමා. එලියස් වීරක්කොඩි සහ වික්ටර් ධනපාල මහත්ම මහත්මීන් විසින් පැරැණි සමරක්කොඩි පාරම්පරික නිවස සහ පාසල සඳහා ඉඩම ලබා ගැනීමට දැඩි වෙහෙසක් ගත් අතර මෙම ආරම්භක අදියරේ දී පාසල් පන්ති කාමර ලෙස තාවකාලික මඩුද තිබී ඇත. 1956 වසර වන විට ෆාතිමා ශාලාව, ලොරෙටෝ ශාලාව සහ තවත් ගොඩනැගිලි කිහිපයක් ඉදිකරන ලදී. 1960 දී, පාසල ආධාර නොලබන පෞද්ගලික පාසලක් සහ පිළිගත් කතෝලික ජ්‍යෙෂ්ඨ පෞද්ගලික පාසලක් බවට පත් විය. 1961 පාසල් පවරා ගැනීමේ පනතෙන් පසුව, එවකට විදුහල්පතිනිය වූ Euphemia මව්තුමිය, Apostolic Carmel පරිපාලනය යටතේ පෞද්ගලික පාසලක් ලෙස පාසල සුරක්ෂිත කිරීමට සමත් වූ අතර, අද HCC රජයේ ආධාර ලබන කතෝලික පෞද්ගලික පාසලක් ලෙස ක්‍රියා කරයි.

1950 සිට ෆාතිමා ශාලාව (Fatima Hall

1950 ලොරෙටෝ ශාලාව (Loretto Hall

1955 ෆාතිමා ශාලාවට නව කොටස (New Section to the Fatima Hall)

1988 ළමා ජේසුස් වහන්සේ ශාලාව (වර්තමාන වෙරෝනිකා ශාලාව) (Child Jesus Hall (The present Veronica Hall)

1985 පුංචි මල් ශාලාව (Little Flower Hall)

1988 කාර්මෙල් ශාලාව (Carmel Hall )

1994 ගෘහස්ත ක්‍රීඩාංගනය (Indoor Stadium)

1997 නිමල කුමාරි සෙවන (Nimala Kumari Sevana)

2006 පරිගණක රසායනාගාරය (Computer Laboratory)

2008 හෙලේනා ශාලාව (Helena Hall)

2011 ජෝසප් වාස් ශාලාව (Joseph Vaz Hall)

2016 ශ්‍රවණාගාරය (Auditorium)

සිරි කුරුස විද්‍යාලය


Mrs. (American English) or Mrs (British English; standard English pronunciation:  ) is a commonly used English honorific for women, usually for those who are married and who do not instead use another title (or rank), such as Doctor, Professor, President, Dame, etc. In most Commonwealth countries, a full stop (period) is usually not used with the title. In the United States and Canada a period (full stop) is usually used (see Abbreviation).

Mrs. originated as a contraction of the honorific Mistress (the feminine of Mister or Master) which was originally applied to both married and unmarried women in the upper class. Writers who used Mrs for unmarried women include Daniel Defoe, Samuel Richardson, Henry Fielding, and Samuel Johnson. The split into Mrs. for married women and Miss for unmarried began during the 17th century, but was not reliable until well into the 19th century.

It is rare for Mrs. to be written in a non-abbreviated form, and the unabbreviated word lacks a standard spelling. In literature it may appear as missus or missis in dialogue. A variant in the works of Thomas Hardy and others is "Mis'ess", reflecting its etymology. Misses has been used but is ambiguous, as this is a commonly used plural for Miss. The plural of Mrs. is from the French: Mesdames. This may be used as is in written correspondence, or it may be abbreviated Mmes.

Traditional usage
Originally, Mrs was used with a woman's own first name and married surname. Abigail Adams, for example, was addressed as Mrs. Abigail Adams. In the 19th century, it became common to use the husband's first name instead of the wife's. Jane Austen gave some of the earliest examples of that form when she wrote of Mrs. John Dashwood. By the early 20th century, that usage was standard, and the forms Mrs Jane Smith, Mrs Miller (wife of John Smith), or Mrs Miller-Smith were considered incorrect by many etiquette writers. Many feminists (such as Elizabeth Cady Stanton, Lucy Stone, and Charlotte Perkins Gilman) objected, but they disagreed on whether the problem was the title Mrs or the husband's first name or the husband's surname.

In several languages, the title for married women such as Madame, Señora, Signora, or Frau, is the direct feminine equivalent of the title used for men; the title for unmarried women is a diminutive: Mademoiselle, Señorita, Signorina, or Fräulein. For this reason, usage had shifted toward using the married title as the default for all women in professional usage. This had long been followed in the United Kingdom for some high-ranking household staff, such as housekeepers, cooks, and nannies, who were called Mrs. as a mark of respect regardless of marital status.

In the United Kingdom, the traditional form for a divorcée was Mrs Jane Smith. In the U.S., the divorcée originally retained her full married name unless she remarried.  Later, the form Mrs. Miller Smith was sometimes used, with the birth surname in place of the first name. However, the form Mrs. Jane Miller eventually became widely-used for divorcées, even in formal correspondence; that is, Mrs. preceded the divorcée's maiden name.

Before social mores relaxed to the point where single women with children were socially acceptable, the unwed mother was often advised by etiquette mavens like Emily Post to use Mrs. with her maiden name to avoid scrutiny.

The separation of Miss and Mrs. became problematic as more women entered the white-collar workforce because it was difficult to change names and titles when they had already established a career. Women who became famous or well known in their professional circles before marriage often kept their birth names, stage names, or pen names. Miss became the appellation for celebrities (e.g., Miss Helen Hayes, or Miss Amelia Earhart) but this also proved problematic, as when a married woman did use her husband's last name but was still referred to as Miss; see more at Ms. and Miss.

Modern usage
It is now very uncommon for a woman to be addressed by her husband's first name; however, this still sometimes occurs if a couple is being addressed jointly, such as in Mr. and Mrs. John Smith.

Many married women still use the title with their spouse's last name but retaining their first name (e.g., Mrs Jane Smith). Other married women choose not to adopt their spouse's last name at all. It is generally considered polite to address a woman by Ms. rather than Mrs., unless the preference of the woman in question is clearly-known. This is especially true in written communication, as dictated by professional etiquette.

Modern etiquette provides various options in addressing married couples in which the wife uses her own last name, or uses a title such as Dr., Mayor, or Ms.. Etiquette-writer Judith Martin ("Miss Manners") generally advises that, in non-standard situations, the individuals be addressed on separate lines when writing invitations (e.g., "Dr. Sue Martin/Mr. John Martin").

In direct address, a woman with the title Mrs. may be addressed Mrs. [Lastname], or with the stand-alone Madam or Ma'am, although the latter two are more-often used for any adult woman, regardless of marital status, in modern conversation. It is normally considered correct to address a woman as Ms. [Lastname], regardless of her marital status.

A woman who has a long-term sexual relationship with a partner who is married to someone else may be referred to as their partner's "mistress".

See also
 Mr
 Ms
 Mx
 Name

References

External links

Honorifics
Women's social titles

Mrs.


Mændenes hold i bueskydning-begivenhed var en af 4 bueskydningsbegivenheder ved sommer-OL 2016.

Resultater
Kilde:

Rangeringsrunde

Referencer

Herrehold

Bueskydning under sommer-OL 2016 - Herrehold


An Stipa cordobensis in uska species han Liliopsida nga ginhulagway ni Carlo Luigi Carlos Luis Spegazzini. An Stipa cordobensis in nahilalakip ha genus nga Stipa, ngan familia nga Poaceae. Waray hini subspecies nga nakalista.

Mga kasarigan

Stipa

Stipa cordobensis


Olaylar
 Antik Ermeni Krallığı dağıldı (kuruluşu MÖ 190).

Doğumlar

Ölümler

428


Le potentiel Volta (également appelé différence de potentiel Volta, différence de potentiel de contact, différence de potentiel externe, Δψ, ou "delta psi") en électrochimie, est la différence de potentiel électrostatique entre deux métaux (ou un métal et un électrolyte ) qui sont en contact et sont en équilibre thermodynamique. Plus précisément, il s'agit de la différence de potentiel entre un point proche de la surface du premier métal et un point proche de la surface du second métal (ou électrolyte ).

Le « potentiel Volta » doit son nom à Alessandro Volta.

Potentiel Volta entre deux métaux

Lorsque deux métaux sont électriquement isolés l'un de l'autre, une différence de potentiel arbitraire peut exister entre eux. Cependant, lorsque deux surfaces métalliques neutres différentes sont mises en contact électrique (même indirectement,  à travers un long fil électroconducteur par exemple), les électrons s'écouleront du métal avec le niveau de Fermi le plus élevé vers le métal avec le niveau de Fermi inférieur jusqu'à ce que  les deux niveaux, dans les deux phases s'équilibrent (équilibre thermodynamique)  (le nombre réel d'électrons qui passent entre les deux phases est généralement faible). Cependant, ce n'est pas parce que les niveaux de Fermi sont égaux que les potentiels électriques sont égaux. Le potentiel électrique à l'extérieur de chaque matériau est contrôlé par sa fonction de travail, et ainsi même à l'équilibre, des métaux différents peuvent montrer une différence de potentiel électrique.

Le potentiel Volta n'est pas une propriété intrinsèque des deux métaux considérés, mais est  déterminé par les différences de travail entre les surfaces des métaux. Tout comme la fonction de travail, le potentiel Volta dépend sensiblement de l'état de surface et de la contamination, entre-autres.

Mesure du potentiel Volta (sonde Kelvin)

Le potentiel Volta peut être important (de l'ordre de 1 volt) mais il ne peut pas être mesuré directement par un voltmètre ordinaire. Un voltmètre ne mesure pas les potentiels électrostatiques du vide, mais plutôt la différence de niveau de Fermi entre les deux matériaux, une différence qui est  nulle à l'équilibre.

Le potentiel Volta correspond  à un champ électrique réel dans les espaces entre et autour des deux objets métalliques, champ généré par l'accumulation de charges à leurs surfaces. La charge totale  sur la surface de chaque objet dépend de la capacité  entre les deux objets, par la relation , où  est le potentiel Volta. Il s'ensuit donc que la valeur du potentiel peut être mesurée en faisant varier la capacité entre les matériaux d'une quantité connue (par exemple, en éloignant les objets les uns des autres) et en mesurant la charge déplacée qui traverse le fil qui les relie.

La différence de potentiel Volta entre un métal et un électrolyte peut être mesurée de la même manière. Le potentiel Volta d'une surface métallique peut être cartographié à très petite échelle à l'aide d'un microscope à force à sonde Kelvin, basé sur la microscopie à force atomique. Sur de plus grandes surfaces de l'ordre de millimètres à centimètres, une sonde Kelvin à balayage (SKP), qui utilise une sonde filaire d'une taille de dizaines à centaines de microns, peut être utilisée. Dans les deux cas, le changement de capacité n'est pas connu - à la place, une tension continue de compensation est ajoutée pour annuler le potentiel Volta afin qu'aucun courant ne soit induit par le changement de capacité. Cette tension de compensation est le négatif du potentiel Volta.

Artickes connexes
 Potentiel électrique
 Potentiel Galvani
 Tension électrique
 Volt
 Effet Volta

Notes et références

Électrochimie
Volta

Potentiel Volta


Rudolf Horvat, hrvatski šahist. Jedan od boljih šahista u Hrvatskoj u Kraljevini Jugoslaviji i znamenitih imena hrvatskog šaha. Bio je jedan od najboljih šahista u državi. Dugo je pokušavao doći do naslova šahovskog majstora. Podijelio je 4. i 5. mjesto na prvenstvu Banovine Hrvatske u šahu 1940. godine. Bio je majstorski kandidat i nikad nije postao majstor, premda je igračkom kakvkoćom bio znatno iznad majstorskog naslova. Natjecao se na nakoliko završnih turnira prvenstva FNRJ, te brojne poluzavršnice. Cijelu je igračku karijeru igrao za ZŠK. Igrao je napadačkim načinom i po rješenjima Talj prije Mihaila Talja. U Hrvata je u briljancijama u šahu uz Horvata, Talju prethodio i Šubarić. U karijeri je pobijedio velika imena poput prvog hrvatskog velemajstora Miju Udovčića. Pobijedio ga je u Skandinavci čija završnica spada u najljepše hrvatske šahovske kombinacije 20. stoljeća. Horvatu su u Zagrebu posvetili sobu u šahovskom klubu.

Izvori

Hrvatski šahisti
Šport u Zagrebu

Rudolf Horvat (šahist)


Charales, biljni red u diviziji parožina (Charophyta), dio je razreda Charophyceae. Pripada mu 1088 vrsta unutar 5 porodica

Parožine reda Charales, dio razreda Charophyceae žive u slatkoj vodi i općenito su potopljene i pričvršćene za muljevita dna slatkih ili bočatih rijeka i jezera. One su od malog izravnog značaja za ljude. Međutim, mnoge pružaju hranu i stanište ribama i drugim vodenim organizmima. Najmanje jedna vrsta, Nitellopsis obtusa, invazivna je vrsta u područjima izvan svog izvornog područja rasprostranjenja.

Površno nalikujući nekim višim biljkama, strukture Charalesa uključuju korijenske rizoide, vijuge grana u pravilnim razmacima i uspravnu cilindričnu os koja može biti okružena omotačem malih stanica. U spolnom razmnožavanju svaki ženski spolni organ (oogonij, takozvana oogamija) sadrži jedno veliko nepokretno jajašce, a svaki muški spolni organ (anteridij) proizvodi jedan mali dvožičasti spermij. Ovojnica sterilnih stanica okružuje reproduktivne strukture. Ne stvaraju se pokretne spore.

Neke vrste su kalcificirane (osobito one iz roda Chara) i mogu se akumulirati kao naslage kalcijevog karbonata. Te naslage mogu biti toliko velike da čine najveći dio vapnenačkog lapora u jezerima i ponekad su štetan korov u mrijestilištima riba.

Smatra se da su ove alge bile glavna karika u evolucijskom prijelazu algi u biljke.

Podjela
Ordo Charales Dumortier 1088 vrsta
 Characeae S.F.Gray 924
 Clavatoraceae Pia 25
 Eocharaceae	Grambast 1
 Feistiellaceae Schudack 24
 Porocharaceae Grambast 114

Vanjske poveznice

Izvori

Charophyceae

Charales


Dyrkning af vinterhvede er en dansk dokumentarfilm fra 1986.

Handling
Filmen starter med såbedstilberedning om efteråret og viser igennem vækstsæsonen de problemer, der opstår med afgrøden, samt de dyrkningsmæssige indgreb, der skal foretages.

Referencer

Eksterne henvisninger

Dokumentarfilm fra Danmark
Danske film fra 1986

Dyrkning af vinterhvede


ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ A ශ්‍රේණියෙහි මහාමාර්ග ලැයිස්තුව යනු, මහා මාර්ග අංකය අනුව වර්ග කෙරුනු ශ්‍රී ලංකාවෙහි මහා මාර්ග ලැයිස්තුවකි. මෙම ශ්‍රේණියේ AA, AB, AC යනුවෙන් වර්ග තුනක් පවති. මෙම මාර්ග කාණ්ඩයේ සියලූම තාක්ෂණික හා සාම්ප්‍රදායික වාහන ගමන් කිරීමට අවසර ඇත.

මහා මාර්ග හා දුර

AA වර්ගය

මෙයද බලන්න
 මාර්ග හා මහා මාර්ග ලැයිස්තුව

AA ශ්‍රේණියේ මාර්ග - ශ්‍රී ලංකා
ශ්‍රී ලංකාව හා සබැඳි ලැයිස්තු

ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ AA ශ්‍රේණියේ මාර්ග ලැයිස්තුව


L'ingénierie clinique (en ) est une spécialité de l'ingénierie biomédicale chargée d'utiliser la technologie médicale pour optimiser la prestation des soins de santé.

Les ingénieurs cliniques forment et supervisent les techniciens d'équipement biomédical (TEBM), travaillent avec les organismes de réglementation gouvernementaux dans le cadre d'inspections et d'audits hospitaliers, et servent de consultants technologiques pour les autres membres du personnel hospitalier (c'est-à-dire les médecins, les administrateurs et le personnel informatique). Les ingénieurs cliniques conseillent également les producteurs de dispositifs médicaux et surveillent l'état de l'art afin de maintenir à jour les modèles d'approvisionnement des hôpitaux.

Grâce à leur formation en conception de produits et à leur expérience des points d'utilisation, les ingénieurs cliniciens constituent un pont entre les concepteurs de produits et les utilisateurs finaux.

Les départements d'ingénierie clinique des grands hôpitaux engagent parfois non seulement des ingénieurs biomédicaux, mais aussi des ingénieurs industriels et des ingénieurs systèmes pour traiter de sujets tels que la recherche opérationnelle, les facteurs humains, l'analyse coût-avantage et la sécurité.

Histoire

Le terme  a été utilisé pour la première fois en 1969 dans un article de Landoll et Caceres. C'est à Caceres, un cardiologue, qu'on attribue généralement la paternité du terme.

Le domaine plus large de l'ingénierie biomédicale a également une histoire relativement récente, la première réunion d'ingénierie inter-sociétés axée sur l'ingénierie en médecine s'étant probablement tenue en 1948.

L'idée générale d'appliquer l'ingénierie à la médecine remonte toutefois à plusieurs siècles.

Par exemple, les travaux de Stephen Hales au début du , qui ont conduit à l'invention du respirateur artificiel et à la découverte de la pression artérielle, impliquaient l'application de techniques d'ingénierie à la médecine.

Au début des années 1970, on pensait que l'ingénierie clinique nécessiterait de nombreux nouveaux professionnels. Les estimations pour les États-Unis allaient jusqu'à , soit un pour .

Références

Voir aussi

Articles connexes
 Génie biomédical

Liens externes

Techniques et sciences appliquées
Spécialité médico-technique

Ingénierie clinique


Den mellemste ballemuskel eller Gluteus medius (latin: Musculus gluteus medius) er en kraftig bred muskel, der har sit udspring på den øverste del af hoftebenet. Den er en del af de tre Gluteusmuskler. Fibrene samler sig mod en stor affladet sene, som fæstner på ydersiden øverst på lårbenet, men højere oppe end gluteus maximus.

Funktion
Den mellemste ballemuskel har stor betydning for stabiliteten i hofteleddet, mens dens primære virkning er abduktion i hofteleddet.

Hoftemuskler
Hofteabduktorer
Hoftens lateralrotatorer
Sædemuskler

Den mellemste ballemuskel


An Dichaea rendlei in uska species han Liliopsida nga ginhulagway ni Henry Allan Gleason. An Dichaea rendlei in nahilalakip ha genus nga Dichaea, ngan familia nga Orchidaceae. Waray hini subspecies nga nakalista.

Mga kasarigan

Dichaea

Dichaea rendlei


بيو المعروف بلقبه «بادري بيو» أي الأب بيو (بالإيطالية:Padre Pio) ولد بتاريخ 25 مايو/أيار عام 1887 في بيترلشينا في بينيفنتو في إيطاليا لوالديه أورازيو فورجونيه وجوزبّا دي نونزيو وكان اسمه عند الولادة فرانسيسكو.

حياته
التحق بدير الآباء الكبوشيين في موركونيه وهو في عمر الخامسة عشرة. وأصبح راهباً بتاريخ 22 يناير/كانون الثاني 1903، ورسم كاهناً بتاريخ 10 أغسطس/آب 1910 وذلك في كاتدرائية مدينة بينيفنتو. وبسبب ظروفه الصحية اضطر للمكوث عدة سنوات في قريته. استقر بيو لاحقاً في دير القديسة حنّة في فوجا وذلك في شهر شباط من عام 1916، بعدها انتقل إلى دير يوحنا روتوندو وبقي فيه لا يغادره إلا ما نادر.

بحسب الرواية الدينية فإن بيو وخلال قيامه بالصلاة بتاريخ 20 سبتمبر/أيلول عام 1918 نال ما يعرف باسم «سمات المسيح» أي ظهور جراح في ذات المواضع التي جرح بها يسوع المسيح عند صلبه بحسب الكتاب المقدس (في اليدين والرجلين وفي الخاصرة وأحياناً على الجبين) وهي ظاهرة تعتقد بها الكنيسة الكاثوليكية. مارس بيو خلال حياته الكهنوتية نشاطات اجتماعية وإنسانية متنوعة وكان افتتاح مستشفى «بيت التخفيف من الألام» من أبرز إنجازاته. توفي في 23 سبتمبر/أيلول 1968.

أعلنه البابا يوحنا بولس الثاني مكرماً في يوم 18 ديسمبر/كانون الأول عام 1997 وطوباوياً بتاريخ 2 مايو/أيار في العام 1999، وأخيراً نادى به قديساً في تاريخ 16 يونيو/حزيران 2002.

من أقواله

مصادر

 عيلة مار شربل/ القديس الأب بيو

وصلات خارجية

 موقع كنيسة القديسة تيريز بحلب/ بادري بيّو: القديس الأب بيّو
 الموقع الرسمي (بالإيطالية)

التطويبات من قبل البابا يوحنا بولس الثاني
الكاثوليك الموقرون من قبل البابا يوحنا بولس الثاني
تطويبات من قبل البابا يوحنا بولص الثاني
رجال دين كاثوليك
رهبان
رومان كاثوليك إيطاليون
شخصيات مسيحية معاصرة
صانعو عجائب
صوفيون كاثوليك
قديسون رومان كاثوليك إيطاليون
قديسون عفيفون
قديسون فرنسيسكان
قديسون في الكنيسة الكاثوليكية
قديسون مسيحيون في القرن 20
متصوفون مسيحيون في القرن 20
مواليد 1887
مواليد في بينيفنتو
وفيات 1968
وفيات في بوليا

بادري بيو