Olsenbanden og Dynamitt-Harry mot nye høyder, deutscher Festivaltitel Die Olsenbande und Dynamit-Harry zu neuen Höhen, ist der zehnte Film aus der Filmreihe der Olsenbande (Norwegen). Die norwegische Filmkomödie von Knut Bohwim ist eine norwegische Neuverfilmung von Die Olsenbande steigt aufs Dach und hatte am 7. September 1979 seine Kinopremiere.

Handlung

Durch eine Amnestie wird Egon gegen seinen Willen vorzeitig aus dem Gefängnis entlassen. Die Amnestie wurde zum Geburtstag des norwegischen Politikers und Justizministers Inger Louise Valle für alle Gefangenen beschlossen, die nur noch geringe Haftstrafen absitzen müssten. Olsen wäre aber sehr gern länger im Gefängnis geblieben, weil er dort in zwei Tagen den Rechtsanwalt Bakke getroffen hätte. Von diesem Anwalt wollte er ein paar wichtige Tipps für seinen neuesten Plan bekommen. Nachdem er von Benny und Kjell vom Botsfengsel abgeholt worden ist, muss er ihnen mitteilen, dass er dadurch bedingt leider keinen neuen Plan für einen Coup hat. Benny hat aber für einen Bruch einen Ersatzplan, worauf sich Egon nur widerwillig bereit erklärt mitzumachen. Benny plant, am Holmenkollsøndagen (Holmenkoll-Sonntag) – das ist der allerletzte Tag des Holmenkollen-Skifestivals am Holmenkollen – ein Ding zu drehen. Während dieser Skiveranstaltung sind alle abgelenkt, und niemand bekommt mit, wenn sie sich in das Schanzengebäude am Berg einschleichen. Bennys Plan läuft auch reibungslos, und nicht einmal zum Öffnen des Franz-Jäger-Tresors braucht er Egons Hilfe. Das ist zu viel für Egon, er vermasselt Bennys Coup und nutzt eine Gelegenheit, um den Alarm auszulösen. Benny und Kjell müssen fliehen, ohne ihre Beute mitnehmen zu können. Egon lässt sich als mutmaßlicher Einbrecher festnehmen, muss aber zur Überführung ins Gefängnis vorher von der Holmenkollen-Schanze herunterspringen. Olsen hat schließlich aber sein Ziel erreicht und ist wieder im Gefängnis.

Als Egon wieder herauskommt, bringt er nun diesmal einen ausgereiften Plan wieder mit. Diesmal geht es um einen Mikro-Film, der gestohlen werden soll und für den gewisse Leute bereit sind, sehr viel Geld zu bezahlen. Dieser Film enthält wichtige Informationen und Dokumente über Untersuchungen zu vielversprechenden unterseeischen Ölvorkommen in der norwegischen Nordsee. Wer über diese wichtigen Informationen verfügt, kann damit einen beträchtlichen Gewinn erzielen. Brock-Larsen, ein ehemaliger Diplomat und einst ein hochangesehene Beamter des Ölministeriums, der mittlerweile als windiger Finanzberater und Geschäftemacher unterwegs ist, ist schon seit einiger Zeit verzweifelt auf der Suche nach diesem hochbrisanten Film. Ein an der Erdölförderung in der Nordsee interessiertes deutsches Konsortium würde Herrn Brock-Larsen 100 Millionen Deutsche Mark für diese Daten bezahlen. Egon, bzw. die Olsenbande, will nun den Mikrofilm für Brock-Larsen aus dem norwegischen Ölministerium stehlen und soll dafür 10 % des Gewinns bekommen, was immerhin noch 10 Millionen DM wären. Auch die Polizei hat von den Machenschaften von Brock-Larsen Wind bekommen und will diese dunklen Geschäfte aufklären, bzw. verhindern. Kriminalkommissar Hermansen wird nun wegen des neuen Falles vom Polizeipräsidenten zurückgeholt, um sich erneut zu bewähren. Zuletzt wurde Hermansen wegen seines mutmaßlichen Versagens degradiert, zur berittenen Straßenpolizei versetzt und musste dort als Stallknecht in einem Polizeigestüt arbeiten.

Egon weiß ganz genau, wo und wie man sich den Film leicht beschaffen kann. In das Archiv des Ölministeriums gelangt man unbemerkt durch einen Eingang an einem historischen Mauerwerk und von dort aus weiter über einen alten geheimen Zugang einer Höhle, die direkt in das Gebäude führt. Es gelingt der Olsenbande, dank Egons genialem Plan und unter Anwendung ihrer Tricks, den brisanten Film zu stehlen. Bei der Übergabe an Brock-Larsen wird die Bande aber hereingelegt. Da Brock-Larsen sich die 10 % für Egon einsparen will und auch keine Zeugen gebrauchen kann, will er ihn verschwinden lassen. Der windige Geschäftsmann lässt Egon von seinem Gehilfen Roy in eine stillgelegte Fabrik bringen, wo er ihn mittels Gas beseitigen will. Benny und Kjell, die bemerken, dass bei Egon etwas schiefgelaufen ist, nehmen die Verfolgung auf und können ihn letzter Sekunde noch retten.

Egon schwört Rache und will sich jetzt dafür alles holen. Er weiß genau, wann die Ankunft und Übergabe des Filmes an den schwarzen Baron, dem deutschen Vertreter des ominösen Ölkonsortiums, stattfindet. Sie überlisten den schwarzen Baron bei seiner Ankunft am Osloer Flughafen und nehmen ihm den roten Koffer mit den 100 Millionen DM ab, die er für den Ankauf des Filmes verwenden wollte. Brock-Larsen ist das zu viel; er lässt Egon suchen und zeigt ihn als Dieb bei Kriminalkommissar Hermansen an. Olsen muss jetzt auch noch vor der Polizei flüchten. Schließlich wird er von den Helfern Brock-Larsens überwältigt und bekommt die Millionen wieder abgenommen. In einem erneuten Anlauf kann die Olsenbande den schwarzen Baron überlisten, als dieser sich noch ein paar Tage in Oslo vergnügt. Sie nehmen ihm den Film wieder ab und bieten diesen erneut Brock-Larsen an. Dieser lässt sich diesmal auf einen Handel mit Egon ein, da das vermeintliche Ölkonsortium nicht länger mit dem Handel warten will. In Kjells Wohnung wurde der Film aber versehentlich vertauscht mit einem Urlaubsfilm von Kjells Frau Valborg. Als Egon dem Ölkonsortium den Plan vorführen soll, blamiert er sich dadurch, und das Geschäft mit Brock-Larsen geht wieder flöten. Dieser setzt jetzt Egon unter Druck, damit dieser ihm endlich verrät, wo der richtige Film ist, und lässt ihn dazu an einem Fahrkorb auf dem Dach des Radisson SAS Hotel Scandinavia festbinden. als die Zeit um ist, ohne dass er sein Geheimnis verrät, wird Egon mit dem Fahrkorb in die Tiefe gelassen. Benny und Kjell haben sich in der Zwischenzeit die 100 Millionen DM aus Brock-Larsens Tresor geholt. Als sie Egon in seiner misslichen Situation sehen, brauchen sie aber Dynamit-Harrys Hilfe, um ihn befreien zu können. Dieser hat einen Job als Sprengmeister im Osloer Ortsteil Fornebu am Flughafen Oslo-Fornebu.  Mit seiner Hilfe "borgen" sie sich einen Hubschrauber vom Flugplatz, den Dynamit-Harry dann zu dem besagten Hotel steuert. Im letzten Moment können sie Egon noch vom Dach des SAS-Scandinavian-Airlines-Hotels retten. Die Rettungsaktion ist zwar erfolgreich, aber bei der Landung wird Egon verhaftet und mit dem Geldkoffer auf das Polizeipräsidium mitgenommen.

Hermansen lässt Brock-Larsen aufgrund einer Anzeige des Archivleiters des Ölministeriums verhaften. Da aber das Beweismittel, der beschlagnahmte Film, nur Urlaubsbilder von Kjells Familie enthält, muss er ihn wieder freilassen. Für sein erneutes Versagen wird er vom Polizeidienst suspendiert. Bevor er sich aber von der Polizei verabschiedet, lässt er auch Egon Olsen wieder laufen. Durch eine Verwechslung bei der Polizei wird jedoch Egons Koffer mit dem Geld gegen einen gleich aussehenden Koffer mit einer Angelausrüstung von Kriminalkommissar Hermansen vertauscht. Dieser wollte sich eigentlich in seinen geplanten Urlaub ein paar ruhige Anglertage gestalten. Als Hermansen  feststellt, dass in seinem Koffer jetzt das Geld ist, lässt er sich unverzüglich mit einem Taxi zum Flughafen bringen, um sich nach Kanada zu seiner Schwester abzusetzen. Egon stellt ebenfalls fest, dass er jetzt den falschen Koffer hat und möchte daher wieder ins Gefängnis. Vor Wut verwüstet Egon ein Schaufenster mit Auslagen aus der Porzellanmanufaktur Porsgrunn-Porselænsfabrik, wodurch er plangemäß wieder verhaftet wird und ins Osloer Staatsgefängnis einfährt. Anlässlich seiner zehnten Jubiläums-Inhaftierung  (bzw. dem zehnten norwegischen Olsenbandenfilm) wird er von einer Gefangenenband und einem Ehrengeleit im Gefängnis feierlich empfangen sowie vom Gefängnisdirektor persönlich begrüßt.

Kritiken

Anmerkungen
 Unter dem Titel Die Olsenbande und Dynamit-Harry zu neuen Höhen wurde der Film 1997 auf den Nordischen Filmtagen in Lübeck gezeigt. Der Film wurde mittlerweile auch auf VHS, DVD und Blu-Ray veröffentlicht. Eine deutschsprachige Veröffentlichung existiert zu diesen Film bisher noch nicht.

Literatur
 Hauke Lange-Fuchs: "Ich habe einen Plaan!" Die Olsen-Bande Slapstick-Komik zwischen Klamauk Subversion. Lübeck 1997, ISBN 3-924214-48-4.
 Frank Eberlein, Frank-Burkhard Habel: Die Olsenbande. Das große Buch für Fans. Schwarzkopf & Schwarzkopf, Berlin 1996, erweiterte Neuausgabe 2000. ISBN 3-89602-056-0
 Frank Eberlein: Das große Lexikon der Olsenbande. Schwarzkopf & Schwarzkopf, Berlin 2001. ISBN 3-89602-361-6

Weblinks

 Filmdatabase: Olsenbanden og Dynamitt-Harry mot nye høyder auf film.medietilsynet.no
 Olsenbanden og Dynamitt-Harry mot nye høyder auf filmfront.no

Einzelnachweise

Filmtitel 1979
Norwegischer Film
Kriminalfilm
Filmkomödie
Heist-Movie


Agrilus plutonicellus é uma espécie de inseto do género Agrilus, família Buprestidae, ordem Coleoptera.

Foi descrita cientificamente por Thomson, 1879.

Referências

plutonicellus

Agrilus plutonicellus


Et palatium er betegnelsen for en stenbygget pragtbolig inden for en borg i 1100-1200-tallet. Navnet svarer til et palads, der igen henviser til de romerske kejseres luksuriøse embedsbolig i Rom på Palatinerhøjen, en af Roms syv høje. Navnet fulgte med, når de romerske kejsere skiftede opholdssted, således Palatium Magnum i Konstantinopel.

Trods det fornemme navn var et palatium ikke nødvendigvis et stort hus. Pladsen inden for borgens ringmure var ofte knap. Et egentligt palatium findes kun i større borganlæg. Bygningen kunne senere omtales som fruerstuen, boligfløjen, residensen, lensmandsfløjen eller stenhuset. Et palatium findes nogenlunde velbevaret på Nyborg Slot på Fyn.

Kilder og henvisninger
Olsen, Rikke Agnete (2011) Danmarks middelalderborge

Bygninger, konstruktioner og anlæg
Fæstningsanlæg i middelalderen
Borge

Palatium


La préfecture du prétoire d'Illyricum (en latin : praefectura praetorio per Illyricum; en grec : ἐπαρχότης/ὑπαρχία [τῶν πραιτωρίων] τοῦ Ἰλλυρικοῦ) était l'une des grandes divisions administratives de l'Empire romain tardif. Elle comprenait les deux diocèses de Dacie et de Macédoine. Au moment de sa plus grande extension, elle s'étendait sur la Pannonie, le Norique, la Crète et la presque totalité de la péninsule des Balkans moins la Thrace. Sa capitale administrative fut d'abord Sirmium (aujourd'hui  Sremska Mitrovica en Serbie), puis Thessalonique. Elle fut souvent morcelée et eut une histoire mouvementée, due à sa situation géographique à la frontière entre l'Orient et l'Occident.

Contexte historique

thumb|left|La préfecture du prétoire d'Illyricum, 318-379.

Les provinces romaines font leur apparition au lendemain de la première guerre punique, alors que la République romaine s'étend hors de la péninsule italienne. La Sicile (à l'exception de Syracuse) devint ainsi la première province en 241 av. J.-C. et fut bientôt suivie après la guerre des Mercenaires par la Corse-Sardaigne en 227 av. J.-C.. Après les conquêtes d'Auguste et de ses successeurs, leur  nombre ne cessa d'augmenter : d'une dizaine à la mort d'Auguste, elles furent quarante-sept sous Dioclétien (r. 284-305). Ce dernier empereur en doubla le nombre, scindant les provinces existantes en unités plus petites  (elles passèrent de 47 à 85), pour les regrouper vers 297 en douze diocèses  gérés par des « vicaires ». Les diocèses où l'on parlait habituellement latin (Gaules et Italie) furent confiés à son coempereur, Maximien (r. 286 – 305), assisté d'un césar, Constance Chlore, jusque-là son préfet du prétoire. Les diocèses où l'on parlait grec formèrent la préfecture du prétoire d'Orient.

Histoire

Achevant les réformes administratives de Dioclétien, Constantin poursuivit la séparation des carrières militaire et civile. Le préfet du prétoire perdit le commandement des armées au profit d'un dux, choisi parmi les officiers militaires, et devint essentiellement un administrateur civil. Il est difficile d'établir précisément à quel moment se fit la transformation de ce qui était jusque-là une fonction militaire (Préfet du Prétoire) en une juridiction territoriale (préfecture du prétoire). Selon l'historien Zosime, les préfectures auraient été créées par Constantin en 218 ou 224. Mais pour l'historienne et byzantiniste Cécile Morrisson, il s'agit là d'un anachronisme : en effet, à la mort de Constantin, lorsque ses trois fils survivants se partagèrent l'empire, chacun continua à avoir son propre préfet du prétoire qui lui servait de chef d'État-major. Ce n'est que vers le milieu du  que les préfectures se seraient transformées en juridictions administratives. Ainsi naquirent les préfectures des Gaules à l'Ouest, d'Italie au centre et  d'Orient à l'Est. L'Illyricum pour sa part serait ballotée entre Orient et Occident.

Contrairement aux autres préfectures, celle d'Illyricum eut une existence agitée, marquée par sa création, son abolition, son rétablissement et la modification à maintes reprises de ses frontières. Sous la Tétrarchie, les Balkans étaient considérés comme un pont jeté entre l'Orient et l'Occident. Le diocèse de Thrace, qui contrôlait l'accès aux détroits et à la mer Noire, fut bientôt rattaché à la préfecture d'Orient, le reste du territoire étant gouverné depuis l'Italie.

Selon la division de l'empire envisagée par , il semble que les trois diocèses de Macédoine, de Dacie et de Pannonie aient dû revenir à Flavius Dalmatius, petit-fils de Constance Chlore, élevé en 335 au rang de césar. Mais celui-ci fut assassiné, ainsi que d'autres membres de la famille de Constantin après la mort de celui-ci. Les trois frères survivants, ,  et , se rencontrèrent le  pour diviser l'empire entre eux. , qui en tant que fils ainé revendiquait une certaine prééminence, obtint les Gaules et la partie ouest de l'empire,  l'Italie et l'Afrique sous l'autorité de son frère ainé, alors que  obtenait l'Orient. Mécontent de ce premier partage, Constant exigea une nouvelle division du territoire, lors d'une seconde rencontre qui eut lieu l'année suivante à Viminacium (aujourd'hui en Serbie). Il obtint alors les diocèses de Dacie et de Macédoine, qui firent ainsi partie de la préfecture du prétoire d'Italie, d'Illyricum et d'Afrique. Très vite cependant, la dispute reprit entre les deux frères au sujet des territoires d'Afrique. En 340,  envahit l'Italie, mais il fut encerclé à Aquilée où il perdit la vie, laissant Constant maitre de ses territoires.

Il semble que les trois diocèses de Macédoine, de Dacie et de Pannonie aient été regroupés en une préfecture prétorienne autonome en 347, ou même un peu plus tôt, en 343, lorsque Constant nomma un préfet distinct pour l'Italie.

Émule de Marc Aurèle, l'empereur Julien (r. 361-363) s'emploiera à démembrer les institutions mises en place par son oncle . Il s'attaqua en particulier à la lourde bureaucratie de l'empire pour redonner plus d'autonomie aux cités. Dès son arrivée au pouvoir, il réunit une commission de fonctionnaires et de militaires chargés de punir les crimes commis sous Constance. Parmi les accusés se trouvait l'ancien préfet d'Illyricum, Florentius, nommé par Constance à la mort de Vindonius Anatolius. Ce dernier fut condamné à mort in abstencia. La préfecture disparut en même temps que le préfet, pour réapparaitre en 364 lorsque Sextus Claudius Petronius Probus, auparavant Préfet de Rome puis proconsul en Afrique (358), fut nommé à ce poste.

En 364,  (r. 364-375) partagea l'empire avec son frère Valens (r. 364-378). Il garda pour lui les deux préfectures occidentales (Gaules et Italie-Illyricum-Afrique) et laissa l'Orient à son frère. Retenu alors par la lutte contre les barbares sur le Rhin, il dirigea les préfectures occidentales à partir de Trêves. Jusqu'en 375, l'Illyricum demeurera sous l'administration du préfet d'Italie Probus (en charge 367-375).

Il est possible qu'en 376 l'Illyricum ait été séparée de l'Italie, comme le laissent supposer deux lois datées de 376 et de 378 (?). Probus semble alors avoir conservé son poste et fut suivi par Olybrius et Ausone l'Ancien. Toutefois les invasions des Goths et le désastre d'Andrinople devaient amener un réaménagement des préfectures : Théodose qui avait reçu la préfecture d'Orient se vit attribuer également les diocèses de Macédoine et de Dacie, alors que Gratien qui conservait l'Occident ne retint que la moitié occidentale de l'Illyricum. En 379, l'Illyricum est donc dédoublé : sa partie Ouest est rattachée à l'Occident, alors que sa partie Est constitue une préfecture autonome plus petite que celles de 357 et 376. Sirmium étant dévolu à l'Occident, la capitale passe à Thessalonique.

Il s'agissait toutefois d'une situation temporaire, et il semble que dès que le péril barbare se fût éloigné, l'Illyricum ait réintégré l'Italie-Illyricum-Afrique en 380 ou 381. Chose certaine, en 386, c'est de Milan que  administre les mines de Mésie, de Dardanie, de Dacie méditerranéenne et de Macédoine. En ,  doit se réfugier à Thessalonique avec le préfet Probus devant l'avance de l'usurpateur Maxime. L'Illyricum fait donc encore partie du territoire qu'il contrôle en Occident.

Ce n'est qu'après la mort de Théodose en 395 et la division de l'empire, que l'Illyricum prit la forme sous laquelle elle apparait dans la Notitia Dignitatum : on distinguait un « diocèse d'Illyricum » (nouveau nom du "diocèse de Pannonie") rattaché à la préfecture italienne, et une « préfecture du prétoire d'Illyricum », partie intégrante de l'empire d'Orient.

Toutefois, afin de s'allier Arcadius (395 – 408) qui avait hérité de l'Orient, Stilichon (régent de 395 à 408) lui céda l'Illyricum. Il devait bientôt se raviser et réclamer à partir de 403 cette portion des Balkans. Longtemps après sa chute, l'Occident continuera à en revendiquer la possession. Ce n'est qu'en 437, alors qu'elle constituera une partie de la dot de Licinia Eudoxie, que  (r. 425 – 455) reconnut la souveraineté de l'Empire d'Orient sur la préfecture.

Après les invasions slaves du , les Byzantins perdirent le contrôle de l'arrière-pays des Balkans. Ils ne conservaient plus que la partie de la Thrace jouxtant Constantinople, Thessalonique et ses environs ainsi que certaines parties de la côte grecque. Si l'existence du préfet du prétoire (ὕπαρχος) est attestée jusque dans les premières années du , le dernier préfet connu est Basilidès en 529. Cette fonction sera l'une des derniers survivants du système administratif mis en place par Constantin pour l'ensemble de l'empire. La préfecture dut continuer à exister sur le papier, mais Thessalonique finit probablement par devenir, selon les mots de Paul Lemerle, « le seul endroit de l'Illyricum où continuait de s'exercer une administration byzantine régulière ». Le préfet de la préfecture d'Illyrie n'était sans doute plus que l'éparque de la ville.

Subdivisions administratives

Les provinces

Les provinces existant sous Constantin peuvent être classées en fonction de leur localisation géographique :

 Au sud, trois provinces que n'ont pas touché les réformes de Dioclétien : la Crète (capitale : Gortyne), l'Achaïe ou Hellade (capitale : Corinthe) et l'Épire « ancienne » (capitale : Nicopolis).
 Au centre, trois provinces résultant du démembrement par Dioclétien de l'ancienne province de Macédoine : la Macédoine (capitale : Thessalonique), la Thessalie (capitale : Larissa) et l'Épire nouvelle (capitale : Dirrachium).
 Au nord, trois provinces, fruits de la division de l'ancienne Mésie supérieure : la Dacie ripuaire (capitale : Ratiaria), la Dacie méditerranéenne (capitale : Serdica) et la Dardanie (Scupi).
 À l'ouest, la Prévalitaine (capitale : Doclea) et la Mésie I (capitale : Viminacium).

Les diocèses

Sous Dioclétien, ces provinces forment un seul diocèse, celui de Mésie, plus tard partagé sous Constantin en un diocèse de Macédoine regroupant les provinces du sud et du centre et un diocèse de Dacie, regroupant celles du nord et de l'ouest.
Trois changements importants se produisent entre le milieu du  et la fin du  :

 Dans la seconde moitié du , la Macédoine est divisée en deux, la Macédoine I et la Macédoine II ;
 Au cours du , la pointe orientale de la Pannonie II est rattachée, avec les villes de Sirmium et de Bassiana, au diocèse de Dacie ;
 Vers la fin du , la Dalmatie est rattachée à l'Illyricum.

La capitale

Il semble que la capitale ait été à l'origine Sirmium, laquelle devint l'une des capitales de l'empire avec la création de la Tétrarchie, puis fut la capitale de l'empire sous Galère . Selon la Novelle 11 de Justinien, elle aurait été transférée à Thessalonique à l'époque d'Attila ; on a vu toutefois que Thessalonique avait déjà joué ce rôle lors du court intervalle de 379. Toutefois en 535, le même empereur Justinien jugea la situation suffisamment rétablie pour projeter de transférer sa capitale vers le nord, dans la nouvelle ville de Justiana Prima qu'il venait de fonder en Dacie méditerranéenne, près de son lieu de naissance. Il semble cependant que ce projet soit resté lettre morte, puisque l'année suivante le préfet siégeait toujours à Thessalonique, et que dans la Novelle 131 datant de 545, ce transfert ne concernait plus que l'organisation ecclésiastique.

Liste des préfets du prétoire connus pour l'Illyricum

thumb|right|Insignes du préfet du prétoire d'Illyricum selon la Notitia Dignitatum : Les insignes du Préfet du prétoire d'Illyricum, tels que dépeints dans la Notitia Dignitatum : l'encrier d'Ivoire et le porte-plume (theca), le codicille de nomination sur une table recouverte d'un drap bleu ainsi que le chariot de fonction (Kelly (2004) .

 Vulcacius Rufinus (347-352)
 Lollianus Mavortius (nom complet : Quintus Flavius Maesius Egnatius Lollianus signo Mavortius (355-56).
 Vindonius Anatolius (-360)
 Flavius Florentius (360)
 Sextus Claudius Petronius Probus  (vers 364)
 Quintus Clodius Hermogenianus Olybrius (378-379)
 Vettius Agorius Praetextatus  (384, aussi préfet du prétoire d'Italie)
 Polemius (390 - ?)
 Flavianus  (? – 392 ?)
 Apodémius (392 ? – 394)
 Flavius Eutychianus (396-397)
 Anatolius (397-399)
 Herculius (408-410)
 Leontius (412-413)
 Flavius Junius Quartus Palladius (416-421, also Praetorian Prefect of Italy)
 Gessius (entre 421 et 443)
 Flavius Anthemius Isidorus (424)
 Flavius Simplicius Reginus (435)
 Eubulus (436)
 Thalassius (439)
 Apraeumius (441)
 Eulogius (c. 451)
 Valentinianus (452)
 Callicrates (468-469)
 Iohannes (472)
 Basilidès  (529)

Notes et références

Notes

Références

Bibliographie

Sources primaires

 Aurelius Victor, Liber de Caesaribus. en ligne.
 Otto Seeck, Notitia dignitatum. Accedunt notitia urbis Constantinopolitanae et laterculi provinciarum. Berlin, Weidmann, 1876, réédité sans altération chez Minerva, Frankfurt am Main, 1962.
 Notitia dignitatum, edited by Robert Ireland, (in) British Archaeological Reports, International Series 63.2.

Sources secondaires

  Absil, Michel. Les préfets du prétoire d'Auguste à Commode: 2 avant Jésus-Christ, 192 après Jésus-Christ, 1997, De Boccard ,
  Barnes, T.D. The New Empire of Diocletian and Constantine, Harvard University Press, 1982 .
  Barnes, T.D. Constantine: Dynasty, Religion and Power in the Later Roman Empire, Wiley-Blackwell, 2011 .
 .
  Bulić, Dejan (2013). "The Fortifications of the Late Antiquity and the Early Byzantine Period on the Later Territory of the South-Slavic Principalities, and their re-occupation". The World of the Slavs: Studies of the East, West and South Slavs: Civitas, Oppidas, Villas and Archeological Evidence (7th to 11th Centuries AD). Belgrade: The Institute for History, 2013. .
  Bury, John B, A history of the Eastern Roman empire from the fall of Irene to the accession of Basil I. (A. D. 802-867), London, Macmillan and Co, 1912.
  Cameron, Alan. "Polyonomy in the Late Roman Aristocracy: The Case of Petronius Probus". Journal of Roman Studies, 75, 1985  . doi:10.2307/300658. JSTOR 300658.
  Catholic Encyclopedia. "New Advent". [en ligne] https://www.newadvent.org/cathen/
  Curta, Florin. The Making of the Slavs: History and Archaeology of the Lower Danube Region, c. 500–700. Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 2001.
  Curta, Florin. Southeastern Europe in the Middle Ages, 500–1250. Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 2006.
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  Given, John. The Fragmentary History of Priscus. Merchantville, New Jersey, Evolution Publishing, 2014. ASIN :  B01A2LLDY8.
 Janković, Đorđe. "The Slavs in the 6th Century North Illyricum". Гласник Српског археолошког друштва. 20, 2004. .
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  Le Bohec, Yann. Histoire militaire des guerres puniques : 264-146 avant J.-C., Monaco, Éditions du Rocher, coll. « Art de la guerre », 2003,  .
  Maraval, Pierre. Les fils de Constantin, Paris, CNRS éditions, coll. « Biblis », 2013,  .
  Mirković, Miroslava B. Sirmium: Its History from the First Century AD to 582 AD. Novi Sad, Center for Historical Research, 2017.
  Mócsy, András . Pannonia and Upper Moesia: A History of the Middle Danube Provinces of the Roman Empire. New York: Routledge, (2014) [1974] .
  Molin, Michel. « Préfets et préfecture du prétoire dans l'Histoire romaine de Dion Cassius », Cahiers du Centre Gustave Glotz, no 18, 2007,   [en ligne] https://www.persee.fr/doc/ccgg_1016-9008_2007_num_18_1_1650.
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   Whitby, Michael. The Emperor Maurice and his Historian: Theophylact Simocatta on Persian and Balkan warfare. Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1988 .
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Voir aussi

Articles connexes

 Liste des diocèses de l'Empire romain
 Préfecture du prétoire des Gaules
 Préfecture du prétoire d'Italie
 Préfecture du prétoire d'Orient
 Diocèse (Empire romain)
 Province romaine
 Guerre des Goths (401-413)

Liens externes
 Sur le site de Cambridge University Press, présentations du
  volume 1
  volume 2
  volume 3
  Roman Emperors. An Online Encyclopedia of Roman Emperors, [en ligne] http://www.roman-emperors.org/epitome.htm.

Antiquité tardive
Historiographie romaine
Prosopographie
Territoire du haut Moyen Âge
Institution de l'Empire romain

Préfecture du prétoire d'Illyricum


Ant etkenmen (în română: am făcut legământ) este imnul național al tătarilor din Crimeea. A fost scris de Noman Çelebicihan și a servit ca imn național al formațiunii statale de scurtă durată, Republica Populară Crimeea.

Versurile

Note

Vezi și
 Șce ne vmerla Ukraiina, imnul național al Ucrainei

Imnuri

Ant etkenmen


Hietzing (), Viyana'nın 13. Merkez İlçesi'dir.İlçe Hietzing, Unter Sankt Veit, Ober Sankt Veit, Hacking, Lainz, ve Speising adlı bölgelerden oluşmaktadır.

Hietzig Almanca erkek ismi Heinrich'in kısaltması olan Hiezo veya Hezzo adından gelmektedir, ayrıca 1130 tarihli arşivlerde de bu isme rastlanmaktadır.

Eskiden mera, ekin tarlaları ve üzüm bağlarından oluşmaktaydı, ayrıca bugünkü Hietzinger Mezarlığı'nın (Hietzinger Friedhof) bulunduğu yerde eskiden yapılar için taş, çakıl ve kum çıkarılan bir ocak vardı Viyana'daki görkemli yapılardan biri olan Schönbrunn Sarayı'nın taşları ve diğer inşaat malzemeleri de bu ocaktan karşılanmıştır.

1683 yılındaki II. Viyana Kuşatması'n da tamamen boşaltılan ve bağlarının çoğu ekin tarlalarına dönüştürülen Hietzing'in kendini toparlaması biraz zaman almıştır.

Avusturya İmparator'unun bu yöreye yerleşimi teşvik etmek için Schönbrunn Sarayı'nı yaptırmıştır.
Sarayın yapımından sonra üst sınıfın saray çevresine yerleşmesi çok zaman almamıştır.

O zamanki yerleşimin etkisi bugünkü Hietzing'in yüzünü açıkça göstermektedir.
Günümüzdeki Hietzing genelde varlıklı kişilerin ikaamet ettiği geniş ve yeşil alanı bol bir İlçe'dir.

Politika
Hietzing kısmen liberal bir bölgedir. Onun için Avusturya Halk Partisi'nin kalesidir.

Belediye Başkanı
Haynrih Gerstbah (ÖVP)

Hietzing Meclisinde milletvekilliği dağılımı
ÖVP 17

SPÖ 14

Yeşiller 6

FPÖ 3

Görülecek yerler
 Schönbrunn Sarayı ve Parkı -
 Gloriette -
 Schönbrunn Hayvanat Bahçesi - Dünyanın en eski Hayvanat Bahçesi.
 Palmenhaus - Schönbrunn Sarayı'nın park alanında bulunan (kapalı) Botanik Bahçe.
 Roulette - Online Roulette
 Lainzer Tiergarten - Viyana'nın akcigeri Lainzer Ormanı.
 Gustav Klimt Villası - Ünlü ressamın yaşadığı villa Feldmühlgasse 15a numarada.

Kaynakça

Dış bağlantılar
 Hietzing (Almanca)

Viyana'nın ilçeleri

Hietzing


The Respect Party was a left-wing to far-left, socialist political party active in the United Kingdom between 2004 and 2016. At the height of its success in 2007, the party had one Member of Parliament (MP) in the House of Commons and nineteen councillors in local government.

The Respect Party was established in London by Salma Yaqoob and George Monbiot in 2004. Arising in the aftermath of the 2003 invasion of Iraq, it grew out of the Stop the War Coalition and from the start revolved largely around opposition to the United Kingdom's role in the Iraq War. Uniting a range of leftist and anti-war groups, it was unofficially allied to the Muslim Association of Britain (MAB) and the Socialist Workers Party (SWP), a far-left, Marxist group. In 2005, Respect's candidate George Galloway was elected MP for Bethnal Green and Bow and the party came second in three other constituencies. Respect made further gains in the 2006 and 2007 local elections, at which point its support peaked. In 2007, a schism emerged in the party between SWP supporters and the Respect Renewal group led by Galloway and Yaqoob; the former group left the party to form the Left List. Over the coming years, Respect gradually lost its council seats and it deregistered with the Electoral Commission in 2016.

Avowedly socialist and opposed to capitalism, Respect called for the nationalisation of much of the UK economy, increased funding to public services, and further measures to tackle poverty and discrimination. It was Eurosceptic and promoted an anti-imperialist worldview. It was also anti-Zionist, opposing the existence of Israel and endorsing the Palestinian solidarity movement. Due to its links with MAB, several commentators claimed that Islamism was a component of its ideology and regarded it as part of a wider alliance between socialists and Islamists within Western Europe. Respect's voting base was primarily among the British Muslim communities in East London, Birmingham and Bradford, where it built upon opposition to the Iraq War and disenchantment among leftist voters with the governing Labour Party.

Ideology
The political scientists Matthew Goodwin and Robert Ford characterised Respect as a "broad coalition of left-wing interests" which had arisen in opposition to the New Labour government and the UK's involvement in the invasion of Iraq. Other political scientists characterised the party as far-left. The socialist activist Tariq Ali characterised the party's programme as being social democratic in orientation. Eran Benedek described the party as "an amalgamation of radical international socialism and Islamism", adding that its radical socialist position was informed by Marxism–Leninism and Trotskyism.

Benedek characterised it as a manifestation of what Amir Taheri called the "Marxist-Islamist coalition" which united around opposition to the United States, a desire to destroy the state of Israel, and a wish to overthrow international capitalism. Similarly, Emmanuel Karagiannis characterised the party as "the epitome" of the "convergence" between radical left and Islamist groups in Western Europe and Nick Cohen describing it as an "alliance... between the Trotskyist far left and the Islamic far right."

Socialism and anti-capitalism
The party's policies have been described as "traditionally leftist and anti-capitalist".
Respect encouraged the nationalisation of many sectors of the economy, including the railways, water, gas, electricity, and the North Sea oil industry. It urged a substantial increase in corporation tax in order to increase funding to public services. It sought to overturn what it described as "anti-trade union" legislation, and to introduce policies to deal with issues of poverty and discrimination. Respect promoted revolutionary socialism and international socialism. The party was largely hostile to Western capitalism and neoliberalism, and interpreted many world events through the prism of anti-imperialism, calling for an end to what it characterised as imperialist wars like that in Iraq. Respect was anti-globalization, believing that it resulted in the exploitation of the working class. It also expressed a Eurosceptic approach to the European Union, deeming the Union to be lacking in democracy and exploitative toward the working class.

Anti-Zionism
Respect was anti-Zionist and, according to Benedek, rejected "the right to independent Jewish statehood in Israel". It presented this position through the terminology of social justice and human rights. One of its core principles was stated support for the Palestinian people and opposition to what Respect described as "the apartheid system that oppresses them". It was constitutionally committed to supporting the Palestine Solidarity Campaign and the boycotting of Israel. It calls for Israel to withdraw from any land conquered in 1967, and for the right of return to be granted to all Palestinians forced to move on the formation of the state of Israel in 1948. On its website and published fliers, it included maps of the Levant in which the entirety of Israel was labelled "Occupied Palestine". In 2017, the party's website asserts: "Respect supports the idea of a democratic bi-national solution of one state from the Jordan River to the Mediterranean Sea in which all people, Jews, Muslims and Christians live equally; one man, one woman, one vote" and says British foreign policy should recognise Britain's "partial responsibility for the problem by their participation in the creation of the state of Israel".

According to the party's national council member Yvonne Ridley, speaking at London's Imperial College in February 2006, Respect "is a Zionist-free party... if there was any Zionism in the Respect Party they would be hunted down and kicked out."

The rejection of Israel's right to exist and the characterisation of it as a garrison of American imperialism in the Middle East had been espoused by the SWP even prior to the establishment of Respect.

In February 2013, George Galloway walked out of a debate organised by Christ Church, Oxford because his opponent was an Israeli citizen. He explained his actions thus: "The reason is simple: no recognition, no normalisation. Just boycott, divestment and sanctions, until the apartheid state is defeated. I never debate with Israelis nor speak to their media. If they want to speak about Palestine – the address is the PLO." The Zionist Federation called it a "racist" walkout displaying "xenophobic" tendencies.

Respect was supportive of anti-Zionist Islamist militant groups like Hezbollah and Hamas. In July 2006, Respect official Lindsey German stated that "whatever disagreements I have with Hamas and Hezbollah, I would rather be in their camp... they want democracy. Democracy in the Middle East is Hamas, is Hezbollah". Galloway met with Hamas leader Khaled Mashal In September 2006, and that November the party's national-secretary John Rees attended the Beirut International Conference organised by Hezbollah.

History

Formation: 2004

Respect emerged from the British anti-war movement which had developed from late 2001 onward. The Stop the War Coalition (StWC) had been established in September 2001, with a central role being played by the Socialist Workers Party (SWP), which was then the largest radical left group in the UK. The StWC's president was Tony Benn, a Labour Member of Parliament (MP) until 2001, while it also gained the support of several rebel Labour MPs, among them Katy Clark, Jeremy Corbyn, Tam Dalyell, Alice Mahon, and George Galloway. The StWC had also attracted significant support from within Britain's Muslim community, and the Muslim Association of Britain (MAB) officially affiliated itself with the coalition. The movement politicised a large number of young British Muslims, among them Salma Yaqoob, who became the head of the StWC branch in Birmingham.

Galloway later revealed that, about a year before the UK and US launched the Iraq War, he had broached the subject of leaving Labour and establishing a new party with his friends Seumas Milne and Andrew Murray. At the time—he later stated—he was of the view that UK Prime Minister Tony Blair and US President George W. Bush had already committed themselves to invading Iraq. Galloway was vocal in his opposition to Blair's calls for an invasion, and in May 2003 he was suspended from the Labour Party and then expelled in October, having been found to have brought it into disrepute. He then announced that he would stand against Labour in the 2004 European Parliament elections, and that he would "seek to unify the red, green, anti-war, Muslim and other social constituencies radicalised by the war, in a referendum on Tony Blair".

The two main instigators of the party were Yaqoob and George Monbiot, a journalist with The Guardian. They had been part of a discussion surrounding the unification of a broad range of anti-war forces that were to the left of Labour, a successor to the Socialist Alliance electoral list that had contested the 2001 general election. They wanted to reach out beyond the far left's traditional support base and gain support from peace activists and religious groups, particularly the Muslim community. In November 2003, a number of public meetings were held under the title of "British Politics at the Crossroads", at which it was agreed that a new political party should be established. At a convention on 24 January 2004, the party, titled "Respect – the Unity Coalition", was officially declared. The name "RESPECT" was a contrived acronym for respect, equality, socialism, peace, environmentalism, community, and trade unionism. Galloway said in April 2004: "Respect. It's a young word. It's a black word. It's the first postmodern name for an electoral political movement; most are one or other arrangement of the words The, Something, and Party. With respect, we're different." Opposition to the Iraq War was the party's primary issue, around which it galvanised much of its support.

At its foundation, the party also called for a halt to privatisation and the renationalisation of the British railways. Although it did not secure the full backing of any major trade unions, some local branches of the National Union of Rail, Maritime and Transport Workers (RMT)—which had disaffiliated from Labour in February 2004—voted to support Respect. Although containing members from both the SWP and MAB, Respect was not a formal coalition between the two groups. From the beginnings of Respect, there remained tension within the party between SWP members and Muslim leaders. This alliance was also criticised by some observers; in June 2004, the political commentator Nick Cohen wrote that "for the first time since the Enlightenment, a section of the left is allied with religious fanaticism and, for the first time since the Hitler-Stalin pact, a section of the left has gone soft on fascism."

Respect initially tried to form an electoral pact with the Green Party of England and Wales but this proved unsuccessful. The Greens stated that they had selected their candidates for the 2004 European Parliamentary elections by postal ballot months previously and that they were also sceptical of the SWP's influence over Respect. After Respect decided to stand candidates against the Greens, Monbiot stepped down from the party in February 2004, claiming that to compete against the Greens might threaten the positions of "two of the best elected representatives in Britain", the Green Members of the European Parliament (MEPs) Caroline Lucas and Jean Lambert.

Early electoral campaigns: 2004–05

Respect fielded candidates for both the 2004 elections for the European Parliament (EP) and for the London Assembly, attempting to present these elections as a referendum on Blair's Labour government. The party claims that this support was achieved primarily as a result of the anti-war protests and by attracting votes from "disillusioned" Labour voters. The party was widely derided in the British media, which viewed Respect as a single-issue party that would soon disappear from British politics.

Respect polled a quarter of a million votes in the EP election. Its proportion of the national vote was 1.7%, which grew to 5% in London, although it failed to win any seats. The strong showing of the Greens and the UK Independence Party had been part of the reason for this failure to secure a seat. In the London Assembly election, Respect secured 4.5% of the vote, meaning that they did not secure a seat on the Assembly. However, within both the London Borough of Newham and the London Borough of Tower Hamlets—both areas with large Muslim populations—Respect secured the largest number of votes, with over 20% in both. Respect mocked Ken Livingstone's Labour candidacy as the "Blair Mayor Project".

Respect's first election victory was in the council by-election for the St Dunstan's and Stepney Green ward of Tower Hamlets, where its candidate, Oliur Rahman, secured 31% of the vote. At the Birmingham Hodge Hill and Leicester South by-elections, both held on 15 July 2004, the party gained 6.3% and 12.7% of the vote respectively. At the time, following defections from other parties, Respect had a council seat in Nuneaton and another in Preston.

The coalition put up candidates in 26 constituencies across England and Wales, just under half of them from the SWP. However, Britain's first past the post electoral system made it difficult for small parties to make gains unless they geographically concentrated their vote. Respect recognised that East London, an area with large numbers of Muslim British Bangladeshis, would be electorally lucrative, particularly as three of the area's four sitting Labour MPs had voted in favour of British participation in the invasion of Iraq. At the 2005 general election Respect fielded candidates in this area: Lindsey German in West Ham, Abdul Khaliq Mian in East Ham, Rahman in Poplar and Canning Town, and Galloway in Bethnal Green and Bow.

Galloway sought to unseat the sitting Labour MP, Oona King, and the ensuing campaign for the seat has been cited as "one of the most acrimonious in recent history". King accused Galloway of sexual impropriety, although was later forced to retract those allegations. She alleged that she had been the victim of antisemitism from Respect supporters after having been pelted with eggs at a Jewish memorial service. She also claimed that Respect canvassers had urged Muslims not to vote for her because she is Jewish. Respect threatened legal action if King repeated the claim.

Respect won 0.3% of the national vote, with an average of 6.8% of the vote in the constituencies it had contested; 17 of its candidates failed to have their deposits returned. However, Galloway won the seat of Bethnal Green and Bow by a narrow margin of 823 votes. Galloway's surprise victory provided much momentum for his party. His victory represented the first time that a party to the left of Labour had won a seat in the Houses of Parliament since 1951. Respect also did well in several other constituencies, coming second to Labour in both West Ham and East Ham, and also securing second place in Birmingham Sparkbrook and Small Heath, where Yaqoob had been its candidate, securing 27.5% of the vote.

Respect made "rapid progress", aided by growing finances and the existing campaign experience of the far left. By the end of 2005, in the London Borough of Newham, two Labour and one Liberal Democrat councillor had defected to Respect. By December 2005, it had an official membership of 5,674. Galloway, however, told Decca Aitkenhead in April 2012 for a Guardian profile that Respect, at its peak, only had about 3–4,000 members. Its university wing, Student Respect, claimed by 2007 to have branches in over fifty campuses across England and Wales. Benedek suggested that this probably made it the fastest-growing student political group in the UK. The SWP's student group, the Socialist Worker Student Society (SWSS), encouraged its members to join Respect and became largely dormant.

Local electoral victories: 2006–07

In 2006, Galloway appeared on Channel 4's reality television show Celebrity Big Brother. His hope was to use it as a public relations exercise in which he could promote his views to a wider audience, however this backfired as Channel 4 producers censored most of his political discussions. Media attention instead focused on the fact that he had seemingly abandoned his constituents to appear in the show and on an episode in which he had impersonated a cat. This did little to damage Respect's electoral appeal.

Respect stood about 150 candidates in the 2006 local elections, at which it secured 16 seats. At Respect's campaign launch, Galloway anticipated a "referendum on new Labour", and said the election "will be the last blow that will knock out Tony Blair". In Tower Hamlets, Respect took eleven new council seats, giving it a total of twelve and making it the borough's official opposition to Labour. In Newham, Respect gained 26% of the vote and returned its three councillors, although was disappointed not to gain further ones. In Birmingham, Respect gained 55% of the vote in the Sparkbrook ward, and Yaqoob was elected as the city's first female Muslim councillor. None of the new Respect councillors were connected with the SWP. Galloway explained at the time that many Respect supporters "are small business people and wouldn't describe themselves as socialists and are not bound to accept it."

Respect stood 48 candidates in the 2007 local election, of which three were elected. The party had peaked, and following this would witness a decline. In July 2007, Galloway was suspended from the House of Commons for 18 days after the standards and privileges commit accused him of a lack of transparency in the financing of is charity, the Mariam Appeal. In August, a Respect councillor in Tower Hamlets resigned, triggering a by-election which Harun Miah narrowly secured for Respect.

Schism: 2007
The SWP had been members of Respect's "Unity Coalition" since its early years, although relations between them and Galloway had been strained. In August 2007 he wrote a letter to the party's national council stating that Respect had various internal weaknesses, with many deeming this a veiled criticism of the SWP. This generated rifts within the SWP itself as two of its members were expelled for refusing to step down as Galloway's parliamentary assistants. By October, SWP publications were claiming that there was a "witch hunt" against socialists within Respect, despite the presence of socialist groups other than the SWP. That month, disagreements between Rahman and Abjol Miah, leader of the Respect group in Tower Hamlets, resulted in four of the borough's councillors resigning the Respect Party whip.

By November 2007, Respect had split into two rival factions. The first consisted largely of members affiliated with the SWP and included the rebel councillors from Tower Hamlets. The second, which named itself Respect Renewal, was led by Galloway and Yaqoob and had the support of virtually all of the party's elected representatives and national council. According to political scientist Timothy Peace, these events were "characteristic of the faction fighting that has always plagued the radical left." The SWP-allied faction controlled the party's website and claimed that Galloway had simply left the party, of which they were the rightful representatives. The Respect Renewal group changed the locks of the party's national office and barred access to SWP supporters. On 17 November, both groups held conferences at which they claimed to be the legitimate manifestation of Respect. The Electoral Commission subsequently ruled that control of the party's name rested with Fire Brigades Union activist Linda Smith, the nominating officer; she had sided with Galloway, meaning that the Respect Renewal group were able to continue using the name. The SWP faction split and began using the name Left List.

The SWP attributed the split to a shift to the right by Galloway and his allies, motivated by electoralism (seeking to gain Muslim votes) and attacks on the left. This opinion was shared by Hilary Wainwright, who saw a common pattern of "leaderism" in this and other leftist debacles, although she thought Galloway possessed positive qualities. SWP-dominated branches of Respect were reportedly less active than those with far fewer members of that group. A narrow failure of John Rees in 2006 to gain election in the Tower Hamlets local elections, while the 12 candidates from the Bangladeshi community were all elected, was also alleged to have alienated the SWP from the project.

In December 2009, the party de-registered (removed) itself from the Register of Political Parties for Northern Ireland, but remained registered for England, Scotland and Wales.

Decline: 2008–2011
Respect went into gradual decline after 2008. By this point its primary unifying issue, anger at Labour over the Iraq War, had become less salient, with the political scientist Stephen Driver suggesting that for this reason Respect "struggled to be anything more than a one-trick pony". The party was in disarray following the schism and only forwarded one candidate for the 2008 London Assembly elections. This candidate, Hanif Abdulmuhit, stood for the City and East constituency and secured 15% of the vote but trailed behind their Labour and Conservative Party rivals. Overall Respect attained 2.4% of the London Assembly vote, below the 5% threshold needed to secure a seat. Galloway had headed the Respect (London-wide) top-up list. Respect had not fielded a candidate for London Mayor, instead endorsing Labour's Ken Livingstone, while Left List had fielded German, who secured significantly fewer votes than she had gained as a Respect candidate for Mayor in 2004. The outbreak of the 2008 Gaza War provided renewed impetus for Respect's campaigning. Throughout much of 2009, the party devoted much of its resources to raising funds for the Viva Palestina aid convoy to alleviate the humanitarian crisis in the Gaza Strip. The first convoy, which set off from Glasgow in February 2009, was led by Respect member Kevin Ovenden.

Respect Renewal stood 10 candidates in the local council elections also taking place on 1 May across England and Wales. They returned one new councillor, Nahim Khan, in Birmingham Sparkbrook, who received 42.64% of the vote.
The party did not field any candidates for the 2009 European Parliament elections, instead urging supporters to vote for either the Green Party or the left-wing Eurosceptic alliance, No2EU. Instead, Arthur Scargill's Socialist Labour Party proved to be the most successful radical left party in the election, securing 1.1% of the national vote.

Respect fielded ten candidates in the 2010 general election, with a particular focus on three that they considered winnable. The party's manifesto highlighted that a hung parliament would be likely, and that if there were three Respect MPs in the House of Commons then they would have a chance of forming a coalition with a minority government. Their three targeted seats were Birmingham Hall Green, which was being contested by Yaqoob—who was then party leader—Poplar and Limehouse, which was contested by Galloway, and Galloway's existing seat of Bethnal Green and Bow, which was being defended by Miah. The election however proved disastrous for Respect. Labour secured all three of the seats that Respect had targeted, with Galloway and Miah being pushed into third place with 17% of the vote. Nationwide it had secured 33,251 votes, less than half of that which it had attained in the 2005 general election. Local elections were held on the same day which also resulted in significant losses for Respect; in Tower Hamlets it went from having eight councillors to one, and in Newham is lost all its councillors.

However the party had better results elsewhere. In Birmingham Hall Green constituency Respect candidate Salma Yaqoob performed better, receiving 12,240 votes, 25.1%, placing second after Labour candidate Roger Godsiff, who received 16,039 votes, 32.9%.

Respect fielded eight more candidates in other constituencies, who together polled 4,319 votes. Arshad Ali received 1,245 votes, 3.1%, in Bradford West, and Kay Phillips received 996 votes, 2.9%, in Blackley and Broughton. In total, Respect candidates received 33,269 votes, which amounted to 6.8% of the total vote in the constituencies where they stood and 0.1% of the total UK vote.

During the 2010 General Election the Green Party stood down in favour of Respect candidates in Birmingham Sparkbrook and Blackley and Broughton. While Respect agreed not to stand against the Trade Unionist and Socialist Coalition candidate in Salford and Eccles or to oppose the Greens standing in Manchester Central, indicating the beginning of a tentative co-operation between the three parties locally . Galloway told Decca Aitkenhead in April 2012: "When we lost the three parliamentary seats in 2010 that we'd hoped to win, we became almost minuscule"; Respect he said then had about 8-900 members.

Abjol Miah was elected as the National Chair of Respect in January 2011. After the introduction of a directly elected mayor of Tower Hamlets—something that Respect had campaigned for locally—the party backed the successful independent candidate Lutfur Rahman.

On 5 May 2011, in the 2011 Scottish Parliament election, the Respect Party, on whose list Galloway stood in the Glasgow electoral region, received 6,972 votes (3.3%). He campaigned under the banner of Coalition Against the Cuts, but the vote was insufficient to become a Member of the Scottish Parliament in the proportional voting system used. In the Birmingham City Council election of 2011, Respect lost one of its three councillors to Labour. In July, Yaqoob then resigned due to health reasons, leaving the party with only one councillor in the city.

2012: Galloway wins Bradford West by-election
Galloway successfully contested Bradford West in a by-election held on 29 March 2012, following the resignation of Labour MP Marsha Singh due to ill health.

Galloway and his supporters, such as the Muslim Public Affairs Committee (MPACUK), were active in a campaign against Imran Hussain, the Muslim deputy leader of Bradford City Council, whose commitment to his faith was queried because he is reported to drink alcohol. Meanwhile, one of Galloway's supporting speakers at a rally on the Sunday before the byelection was Abjol Miah, once group leader of the Respect councillors in Tower Hamlets, who is also active in the IFE.

Galloway was elected with a majority of 10,140 with one of the largest swings in the polls against the defending political party in modern political history.

2012: party resignations
Yaqoob resigned as party leader in September, following Galloway's remarks about rape with respect to the Julian Assange case. She told a reporter from The Guardian that she had had to make a choice between "standing up for the rights of women" and her admiration for Galloway's "anti-imperialist stance". In October 2012, party secretary Chris Chilvers said Respect had 2,000 members, while before the by-election it had 300. Arshad Ali, who succeeded Yaqoob as leader, resigned as national chair in December 2012 after it was discovered that he has a spent conviction for electoral fraud (dating from his time in the Labour Party), although at this point the Electoral Commission still had Yaqoob listed as the party's leader.

Kate Hudson had originally been selected for the Manchester Central by-election, but stood down in early September following Galloway's comments on rape, and left the party in October. In the same month, Respect announced that Catherine Higgins, a local "community advocate", would contest the by-election on 15 November 2012. Higgins finished ninth out of 12 candidates.

In November 2012, at a rally in Rotherham, Respect announced that Yvonne Ridley had been chosen to contend the Rotherham by-election. The election took place on 29 November 2012; Ridley finished fourth with 8% of the vote, ahead of both the Conservative and Liberal Democrat candidates, but behind UKIP and the BNP.

2012–15: Respect's Bradford councillors
Respect won five seats on Bradford Council in May 2012 following Galloway's success in the by-election at the end of March. Amid a fiercely fought campaign, there were claims and complaints of violence and harassment by the Respect Party and its opponents. The party came second in Oldham's Werneth ward and Tower Hamlets' Weavers ward.

After several months of inconclusive reports in the media, on 10 August 2013, the Bradford Telegraph & Argus reported that Galloway might not be a candidate in Bradford at the 2015 general election and instead stand in the 2016 London Mayoral election. The five Respect councillors in Bradford elected the previous year resigned from the party whip on 15 August 2013 after coming into conflict with Galloway over his comments that he might run in the London mayoral election. They argued that the MP was needed in Bradford. Two of the councillors had said the MP should resign if he intended to stand in London; Galloway and his associates had immediately suspended them, although their three fellow council members were in agreement. One of the other three councillors, Alyas Karmani, then leader of the Respect group on Bradford City Council, said the party had not, in fact, been consulted about Galloway's plans.

Galloway had also claimed that the councillors were working against him and the party with Aisha Ali Khan, his former aide, and her husband. (Both Ali Khan and her husband later received criminal convictions related to her former employment by Galloway.) After no retraction of the assertions made against them had been forthcoming, the five councillors entirely severed their connections with Respect towards the end of October and then intended to sit as independents for the remainder of their term of office. Claims that they had been "conniving" with Galloway's former aide were false, they said. A spokesman from Respect accused them of attempting to gain control of the party in Bradford.

In the 2014 local elections, Respect stood eight candidates in Bradford, but none of them won in their council wards. Two other Respect councillors lost their seats, leaving Respect without any representation on local authorities. In 2014, the party had only 630 members and assets of £1,947. By that point, the party was largely a vehicle for Galloway's personality.

This changed in March 2015 when four of the former Respect councillors rejoined and a Labour member of the council, Asama Javed, left the party and aligned herself with Respect. The remaining councillor of the five who resigned in August 2013, Mohammad Shabbir, announced he was joining the Labour group on the council in mid-April 2015 with immediate effect rather than rejoining Respect with his former colleagues. In July 2015, the four councillors who had rejoined reversed their decision and decided to continue under the Bradford Independent Group label, although rejoining Respect was still a possibility.

2015–16: general election and de-registration
At the 2015 general election, Respect had four candidates, in Halifax and two Birmingham seats (Hall Green and Yardley) in addition to Bradford West. Where Respect was not standing in the election, Galloway had urged a vote for Labour in 2013, having met and been impressed with then Labour leader Ed Miliband. None of the Respect candidates were elected. In George Galloway's own seat, the 10,000 majority he had gained at the 2012 Bradford West by-election was reversed, and the Labour Party candidate Naz Shah became the constituency's MP with a majority of 11,420 votes.

In December 2015, it became known that former Respect Party leader Salma Yaqoob had applied to join the Labour Party in Hall Green following Jeremy Corbyn's election as leader. Her application was rejected by her local constituency Labour Party owing to her standing against Labour candidates.

Robert Colvile reported in The Spectator at the beginning of January 2016:

Following his defeat in the 2015 general election, Galloway announced that he would stand as Respect's candidate in the 2016 London Mayoral Election. During hustings, he praised newly elected Labour leader Jeremy Corbyn, but condemned Labour Mayoral candidate Sadiq Khan as a "flip-flop merchant" and a "product of the Blairite machine". In the final result of the London Mayoral election held on 5 May 2016, Galloway came seventh with 37,007 (1.4%) first preference votes. After second preference were accounted for, Sadiq Khan became London mayor. Respect failed to hold any of their seats in Bradford in the 2016 local elections, leaving them without any representation at any level of government.

The Respect Party "voluntarily deregistered" from the Electoral Commission's Register of Political Parties on 18 August 2016, twelve years after it initially registered.

Support

Voter base

Since its formation, Respect has presented itself as being "genuinely left" and has sought to appeal to leftist voters dissatisfied with the Labour Party's shift to the centre under the leadership of Blair and Gordon Brown. There has however been little electoral support for parties to the left of Labour in Britain, with the party having to seek out an alternative voting base.

The primary electoral support for Respect came from the British Muslim community. Traditionally, British Muslims voted for the Labour Party, but many had been disenchanted following the Labour government's decision to invade Iraq. Respect appealed in particular to British Muslims who had been disenchanted by the war. According to Emmanuel Karagiannis, "now that the old working class has assimilated into an expanded middle class, the radical Left is obviously looking for a new constituency, and Europe's deprived and alienated Muslim communities may well be the answer." The political scientist Stephen Driver suggested that this over-reliance on dissatisfied Muslim voters left its electoral base "fragile", for when "the source of the protest disappears, so do the protest votes".

At no point did Respect position itself as a specifically Muslim party akin to the Islamic Party of Britain or the Muslim Party in Birmingham, however from its beginnings it did specifically target Muslims with its campaign material, characterising itself as "the party for Muslims" and focusing on issues of particular concern to British Muslim communities. A local election flyer printed in 2004 featured the slogan "George Galloway – Fighting for Muslim Rights!" It often fielded Muslim candidates to stand in largely Muslim areas, although this was not unusual in British politics, with Labour, the Conservatives, and the Liberal Democrats often doing the same.

Respect's main electoral support base was in East London and Birmingham. However, there were other areas of Britain with large Islamic communities—such as Yorkshire, Lancashire, and Leicester—where the party did not do well. Peace suggested that Respect had been successful in East London and Birmingham and not other areas with Muslim communities because these two areas had established anti-war movements and that Respect candidates had already become well known within that movement.

It has also been suggested that Respect's connection to religious groups and mosques has been crucial to the party's success in many areas. It attracted some controversy for allegedly being tied to the Islamic Forum of Europe (IFE), a group based at the East London Mosque in Tower Hamlets. Both The Telegraph and Dispatches have alleged that Respect activist Miah is an IFE member, although he has denied this.

Reception
Respect received little attention from scholars of politics. This may be due to the perception that it was a single-issue party that provided a protest vote among a particular community.
As with the Greens, Respect were recognised as having radical views but were nonetheless widely regarded as a legitimate part of politics in the UK. In this they contrasted with the pariah status accorded to contemporary far right groups like the British National Party.
In just over two years, it had gained the electoral success that it had taken the BNP twenty years to attain.

Respect was controversial within Britain's far left movement. Far left criticisms of the party included that it was engaging in political opportunism, that it invited the petty bourgeoisie into the socialist workers' movement, and that it focused on the narrow sectarian interests of British Muslims rather than the socio-economic issues of the working-class and in doing so neglected feminism and LGBT rights.
According to The Guardian journalist Dave Hill, Respect were "a case study in the British far left's enduring gift for self-parodic, self-destructive splits".

Criticisms of Respect

Equality
Respect has been accused of abandoning some traditional social-liberal issues, including women's rights, abortion, gay rights and fighting homophobia, to attract Muslim support. While Respect included opposition to discrimination based on gender and sexual orientation in its founding declaration, critics claim that Galloway – during the time he was a Respect MP – tended to avoid parliamentary votes involving equal rights for gay people. In a 2006 interview with PinkNews, Galloway praised New Labour's record on improving gay rights, and says of his absence from one vote that "there was never any doubt about the passage of the civil partnerships [bill], I wholly support it".

According to a resolution at that year's conference, Respect's 2005 manifesto omitted the "defence of LGBT rights despite policy adopted at last year's AGM and contained in the founding statement". A resolution was passed calling for the end to all discrimination against lesbians, gay men, bisexuals and transgender people and that this policy would be stated in all of its manifestos and principal election materials. Despite this commitment, Respect and parts of the LGBT community have clashed on several occasions. In November 2005, Respect's second largest single financial donor, Mohammad Naseem, was accused in an article by Peter Tatchell of being homophobic due to his senior position in the Islamic Party of Britain, which Tatchell claimed advocated the "banning of gay organisations" and the "execution of homosexuals". Naseem, however, stated that the Islamic Party was now little more than a thinktank, and furthermore, disagreed with the statements on the Islamic Party website which Tatchell pointed to, stating his views on homosexuality as follows: "These things are a matter of personal choice [...] I am not concerned with what people do in their bedrooms." Naseem was also present at Respect's 2005 conference, where the vote to reaffirm Respect's support of LGBT rights was passed unanimously.

In January 2006, an article attacking Tatchell's opposition to the party was written by Respect member and journalist Adam Yosef. Writing for Desi Xpress, Yosef accused Tatchell of Islamophobia but was attacked by gay organisations for "encouraging violence against Tatchell" and for using "xenophobic" and "homophobic" language. Yosef also used other articles to attack same-sex unions, describing them as a front for "tax fraud". Tatchell called on Respect to expel Yosef but the party responded with the following statement: "Adam Yosef has the right to voice his own opinions in his own column – they range from an ecstatic review of Birmingham's gay pride to venting his thoughts about Peter Tatchell." However, in October 2009, Yosef pledged his formal support to Tatchell's 2010 general election parliamentary candidacy, calling for the left to "embrace a mutual personal and political commitment towards equality and human rights".

Antisemitism
Abul Hussain, a former member of Respect's national council, posted antisemitic comments on Facebook and was expelled for his comments in September 2010. The councillor joked about chopping off a Jewish person's sidelocks and confiscating their kippah. He also wrote about Jews, "Here's a penny go put it in the bank and [you] just might get a pound after ten years interest!". The Respect Party stated that "such views are demonstrably incompatible with party membership".

In 2011 Carole Swords, of Bow, the chairwoman of the Respect Party in Tower Hamlets, was convicted for a public order offence after an altercation with a Jewish counter-protester, Harvey Garfield, at a protest inside a Covent Garden Tesco Metro supermarket. She was alleged to have struck him in the face, smacking off his eyeglasses, while he was protecting Israeli goods from potentially being damaged. A subsequent appeal in December cleared her of the offence. Swords' defence team claimed Garfield had harassed and intimidated Swords inside the supermarket, and alleging he had called her a "Nazi", a "fishwife" and a "terrorist". The recorder determined that Garfield had followed Swords inside the Tesco and that she had demanded he desist. The recorder could not determine how Garfield's glasses had fallen based on the store footage, and allowed the appeal. Swords had earlier described Zionists as "cockroaches ... bugs [which] need to be stomped out" and at a different rally, Swords had told a Jewish protester to "go back to Russia".

Following Naz Kahn's appointment as Respect's women's officer in Bradford in October 2012, it emerged that Kahn had recently commented on Facebook that "history teachers in our school" were and are "the first to start brainwashing us and our children into thinking the bad guy was Hitler. What have the Jews done good in this world??" David Aaronovitch in The Jewish Chronicle wrote: What have the Jews done good in this world?' clearly means 'The Jews do only bad'. The Jews haven't suffered as much as they say they have, but insofar as they have suffered it's their own fault and, in any case, they have gone on to inflict equal or more suffering on others. That's 'the Jews' as a group, not 'many Jews', 'some Jews' or 'a few Jews'." Ron McKay, Galloway's spokesman, said Kahn's comments had been written shortly before she joined Respect, on an "unofficial site" (the Respect Bradford Facebook page), and that she "now deeply regrets and repudiates that posting".

The last formal leader of Respect, George Galloway, has been accused by The Guardian journalist Hadley Freeman of having "said and done things that cross the line from anti-Israel to antisemitic". He threatened to sue her for the comments made on Twitter in February 2015, although the tweet had already been deleted. Her tweet followed the Question Time George Galloway in Finchley controversy, an edition of the BBC's political debate series on which Freeman's Guardian colleague Jonathan Freedland had also appeared and made similar assertions about Galloway's conduct.

Galloway's support for Hizbollah and Hamas, his refusal to debate with Israeli Jews, and his declaration of Bradford as being an "Israeli-free zone" are among the issues which have led to the attitudes of the politician being thought suspect.

See also
 Respect Party election results

References

Sources

Further reading

External links
Respect publications
 Peace Justice Equality: the Respect manifesto for the May 2005 election 727 KB PDF document. Retrieved 5 May 2005.
 Where now for Respect? 435 KB PDF document John Rees, Respect National Secretary. 22 June 2004. Archived from the original on 4 December 2004. Retrieved 5 May 2005.

Anti-austerity political parties in the United Kingdom
Anti-Zionism in the United Kingdom
Defunct political parties in the United Kingdom
Political parties established in 2004
Political parties disestablished in 2016
2004 establishments in the United Kingdom
2016 disestablishments in the United Kingdom
Far-left politics in the United Kingdom

Respect Party


The first USS Essex of the United States Navy was a 36-gun  or 32-gun sailing frigate that participated in the Quasi-War with France, the First Barbary War, and in the War of 1812. The British captured her in 1814 and she then served as HMS Essex until sold at public auction on 6 June 1837.

Service history
The frigate was built by Enos Briggs, Salem, Massachusetts, at a cost of $139,362 subscribed by the people of Salem and Essex County, to a design by James Hackett. Essex was armed with mostly short-range carronades that could not hope to match the range of 18- and 24-pounder naval guns. She was launched on 30 September 1799. On 17 December 1799 she was presented to the United States Navy and accepted by Captain Edward Preble.

With the United States involved in naval action against France on 6 January 1800, Essex, under the command of Captain Preble, departed Newport, Rhode Island, in company with  to rendezvous with a convoy of merchant ships returning from Batavia, Dutch East Indies. Shortly after commencement of her journey, Essex became the first US Naval ship to cross the Equator.  Congress was dismasted only a few days out, and Essex was obliged to continue her voyage alone, making her mark as the first US man-of-war to double the Cape of Good Hope, both in March and in August 1800 prior to successfully completing her convoy mission in November.

First Barbary War
Captain William Bainbridge commanded Essex on her second cruise, whereon she sailed to the Mediterranean with the squadron of Commodore Richard Dale. Dispatched to protect American trade and seamen against depredations by the Barbary pirates, the squadron arrived at Gibraltar on 1 July 1801 and spent the ensuing year convoying American merchantmen and blockading Tripolitan ships in their ports. Following repairs at the Washington Navy Yard in 1802, Essex resumed her duties in the Mediterranean under Captain James Barron in August 1804. She participated in the Battle of Derne on 27 April 1805, and remained in those waters until the conclusion of peace terms in 1806.

Returning to the Washington Navy Yard in July, she was placed in ordinary until February 1809, when she was recommissioned for sporadic use in patrolling American waters and a single cruise to Europe.

War of 1812
When war was declared against Britain on 18 June 1812, Essex, commanded by Captain David Porter, made a successful cruise to the southward. On 11 July near Bermuda she fell in with seven British transports (Silverside being one) and by moonlight engaged and took one of them as a prize. On 13 August she encountered and captured the sloop  after an engagement. By September, when she returned to New York, Essex had taken ten prizes. The youngest member of the Essex crew was 10-year-old midshipman David Glasgow Farragut, who would become the first admiral of the US Navy. Farragut, who was Captain Porter's foster son, remained with the ship for the next two years.

Essex sailed in South Atlantic waters and along the coast of Brazil until January 1813. On 11 December 1812 she captured the Post Office Packet Service packet  as Nocton was returning to England from Rio de Janeiro. The Americans removed the specie that she was carrying (about £16,000) and some of her crew.

Essex then sailed to the Pacific where she decimated the British whaling fleet there. Although her crew suffered greatly from a shortage of provisions and heavy gales while rounding Cape Horn, she anchored safely at Valparaíso, Chile, on 14 March, having seized the whaling schooner Elizabeth, and the Peruvian man-of-war Nereyda along the way. Nereyda had captured two American whalers, Walker and Barclay, only to have the British whaler and privateer Nimrod take Walker. Nereyda had sent Barclay to Callao, where Porter was able to capture her before she could enter port. He sent a disarmed Nereyda back to the Peruvian authorities as a gesture of good will. He searched for Nimrod and Walker, but was unable to find them. At Valparaiso Essex landed the crew members that she had taken off Nocton.

In the next five months, Essex captured thirteen British whalers, including , (ex-Atlantic) which cruised in company with her captor; Porter put his executive officer, John Downes, in command of Essex Junior. The two ships and nine of their prizes put in at the island of Nuku Hiva in the Marquesas Islands on 25 October 1813 for repairs. While they were there, their crews became involved in a local dispute that resulted in the Nuku Hiva Campaign, which temporarily established the United States' first colony and naval base in the Pacific Ocean. Essex and Essex Junior departed Nuku Hiva in mid-December 1813.

In January 1814, Essex sailed into neutral waters at Valparaíso, only to be trapped there for six weeks by the British frigate  (36 guns), under Captain James Hillyar, and the sloop-of-war  (18 guns). On 28 March 1814, Porter determined to gain the open sea, fearing the arrival of British reinforcements. Upon rounding the point, Essex lost her main top-mast to foul weather and was brought to action just north of Valparaíso.

Despite Porter's complaints to the US Navy on several occasions, Essex was armed almost entirely with powerful but short-range 32-pounder carronades that gave Phoebe, armed with long 18-pounders, a decisive advantage at long range. For  hours, Phoebe and Cherub bombarded Essex from long range, where Essex could only resist with her few long 12-pounders. Fires twice erupted aboard Essex, at which point about fifty men abandoned the ship and swam for shore, only half of them landing; the British saved sixteen. Eventually, the hopeless situation forced Porter to surrender. Essex had suffered 58 dead and 31 missing of her crew of 214. The British lost four men dead and seven wounded on Phoebe, and one dead and three wounded on Cherub.

The then Lieutenant William Bolton Finch was said to have served with distinction on the Essex between 1812 and 1814.

British service and fate
Because Essex was stored and provisioned for six months, and capable of sailing to Europe without "the slightest cause for alarm", Captain Hillyar placed Lieutenant C. Pearson in command of her for the voyage to England, supported by acting lieutenant Allen Francis Gardiner. Essex arrived in England in November. There, the Admiralty had her repaired and taken into the Royal Navy as HMS Essex.

The Royal Navy never fitted her for sea, but re-classed her as a 42-gun ship. She served as a troopship on 7 July 1819. She was hulked at Cork to serve as a prison ship in Ireland in October 1823, and between 1824 and 1834 served in this capacity at Kingstown. On 6 June 1837 she was sold at public auction for £1,230.

During early 21st century resurfacing work on the east pier of Dún Laoghaire harbour, Essexs permanent mooring anchor was discovered embedded in the pier.

In literature and popular culture
Herman Melville wrote about Essex in "Sketch Fifth" in The Encantadas, focusing on an incident off the Galápagos Islands with an elusive British ship.  The story was first published in 1854 in Putnam's Magazine.

Patrick O'Brian adapted the story of Essexs attack on British whalers for his novel The Far Side of the World.

The 1950 American film Tripoli is a fictionalized account of the Battle of Derne, and USS Essex is shown in it.

See also
List of ships captured in the 19th century
Bibliography of early American naval history

Notes

Citations

References
Daughan, George (013) The Shining Sea: David Porter and the Epic Voyage of the U.S.S. Essex during the War of 1812 (Basic Books). ASIN B00C4GRUMO

   Available freely at this Google eBook link

External links

Essex, a scaled replica—A scaled wooden admiralty style model of the USS Essex.
Painting Capture of the U.S. Frigate Essex by his B.M. Frigate Phoebe and Sloop Cherub in the Bay of Valparaiso by George Ropes, Jr., in the collection of the Peabody Essex Museum.
Watch- and Quarter-Bills of the U.S.S. Essex, 1812 (approximate), MS 65 held by Special Collections & Archives, Nimitz Library at the United States Naval Academy

1799 ships
Barbary Wars American ships
Captured ships
Quasi-War ships of the United States
Sailing frigates of the United States Navy
Ships built in Salem, Massachusetts
Vessels captured from the United States Navy
War of 1812 ships of the United States
Frigates of the Royal Navy

USS Essex (1799)


බටුවත්ත ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ, ගම්පහ දිස්ත්‍රික්කයට අයත් කලාපයකි. එය ගණේමුල්ල නගරයේ සිට කිලෝ මීටර 4 ක් පමණ දුරින් පිහිටයි.

ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ බස්නාහිර පළාතේ ජනාකීර්ණ ප්‍රදේශ

බටුවත්ත


Brachygnathus est un genre d'insectes coléoptères de la famille des Carabidae, de la sous-famille des Harpalinae ou des Panagaeinae selon les classifications.

Ils vivent en Amérique du Sud.

Liste d'espèces
Selon  :
Brachygnathus angusticollis (Burmeister, 1885)
Brachygnathus fervidus (Burmeister, 1885)
Brachygnathus festivus (Dejean, 1830)
Brachygnathus imperialis (Chaudoir, 1863)
Brachygnathus intermedius Perty, 1830
Brachygnathus muticus Perty, 1830
Brachygnathus oxygonus Perty, 1830

Références

Liens externes

Panagaeinae
Genre de Coléoptères (nom scientifique)
Insecte décrit en 1830

Brachygnathus


An Aristida scribneriana in uska species han Liliopsida nga ginhulagway ni Albert Spear Hitchcock. An Aristida scribneriana in nahilalakip ha genus nga Aristida, ngan familia nga Poaceae. Waray hini subspecies nga nakalista.

Mga kasarigan

Aristida

Aristida scribneriana


Kina je država smještena u istočnoj Aziji, a graniči s još četrnaest država, uključujući Mongoliju na sjeveru; Kazahstan, Kirgistan, Tadžikistan, Afganistan i Pakistan na zapadu; Indija, Nepal i Butan na jugozapadu; Mianmar, Laos i Vijetnam na jugu; Sjeverna Koreja na jugoistoku; a Rusija na sjeveroistoku i sjeverozapadu.

Južna Kina i Istočna Kina graniče s Tihim oceanom, s Južnokineskim morem na jugu i Istočnokineskim morem i Žutim morem na istoku. Kineska prostranstva omogućuju joj da graniči s još četiri glavne azijske regije, s površinom od 9.596.960 km2, prema CIA-inom The World Factbook-u.

Točno kopneno područje ponekad je izazvano graničnim sporovima, ponajviše oko Tajvana, Aksai China, područja Trans-Karakoram, južnokineskih morskih otoka, otoka Senkaku i Južnog Tibeta. Hong Kong i Makao dodatno kompliciraju implikacije kineskih granica. Iako oba teritorija imaju svoje nacionalne simbole, jurisdikcije, pa čak i vlastite carine,  odvojene granice između njih i kontinentalne Kine, oni se također službeno smatraju posebnim administrativnim regijama unutar Kine u okviru politike "Jedna Kina, dva sustava".

Kina ima veliku fizičku raznolikost. Istočne ravnice i južne obale zemlje sastoje se od plodnih nizina i podnožja. Na njima se nalazi većina kineske poljoprivredne proizvodnje i ljudske populacije. Južna područja zemlje (južno od rijeke Jangce) sastoje se od brdskog i planinskog terena. Na zapadu i sjeveru zemlje dominiraju potopljeni bazeni (poput Gobija i Taklamakana), valovite visoravni i visoki masivi. Obuhvaća dio najvišeg ravničarskog područja na zemlji Tibetansku visoravan.

Tradicionalno, kinesko stanovništvo usredotočilo se na kinesku središnju ravnicu i orijentiralo se na vlastito ogromno tržište u unutrašnjosti, razvijajući se kao carska sila čije je središte bilo u srednjem i donjem toku Žute rijeke na sjevernim ravnicama. U novije vrijeme, obala od 18 000 km intenzivno se koristila za izvozno orijentiranu trgovinu, zbog čega su obalne provincije postale vodeće gospodarsko središte.

Izvori

Zemljopis Kine


İbrahim Feyzi Mengüç (18 Mayıs 1896 – 23 Haziran 1965) Türk asker. Türk Silahlı Kuvvetlerinin 9. Genelkurmay Başkanı.

1914 yılında İstihkâm Asteğmen rütbesi ile Harp Okulu'ndan mezun oldu. 1919 yılına kadar istihkâm Bölüklerinde ve Yol İnşaat Şubesi'nde İstihkâm Subaylığı yaptı. 1919 yılında girdiği Harp Akademisi'ni 1921 yılında bitirerek Kurmay oldu. 1939 yılına kadar çeşitli karargâh ve birliklerde görev yaptı.

1939 yılında Tuğgeneral, 1941 yılında Tümgeneral, 1947 yılında Korgeneral ve 1953 yılında Orgeneral rütbesine terfi etti. Tuğgeneral rütbesi ile Ağrı Hudut Tugay Komutanlığı ve 15. Tümen Komutan Vekilliği, Tümgeneral rütbesi ile 15. ve 69. Tümen Komutanlığı, Korgeneral rütbesi ile Harp Akademileri Komutan Vekilliği ve 7. Kolordu Komutanlığı, Orgeneral rütbesi ile 3. Ordu Komutanlığı, Harp Akademisi Komutanlığı ve Yüksek Askeri Şura Üyeliği görevlerinde bulundu. Askeri Yargıtay Başkanı iken, 11 Ekim 1957 - 22 Ağustos 1958 tarihleri arasında idareten Genelkurmay Başkan Vekilliği görevini yürüttü. 15 Aralık 1959 tarihinde Askeri Yargıtay Başkanlığı'ndan kendi isteği ile emekli oldu.

Kaynakça

1896 doğumlular
1965 yılında ölenler
İstanbul doğumlu askerler
Edirnekapı Şehitliği'ne defnedilenler
Mekteb-i Harbiye'de öğrenim görenler
Osmanlı karacı subayları
I. Dünya Savaşı'nda Osmanlı askerleri
Kurtuluş Savaşı'ndaki Türk askerler
Mekteb-i Erkân-ı Harbiye'de öğrenim görenler
Kırmızı şeritli İstiklâl Madalyası sahipleri
İstihkâm subaylar
Yüksek Askerî Şûra üyeleri

Feyzi Mengüç


السرويات  هي  من النباتات تتبع  الصنوبرانية من  حقيقيات الأوراق.

فصائل
 السروية
 الطقسوسية
 الكويماكية

مراجع

سرويات
سرويات

سرويات


Jörundur er þröngur hellir nálægt gosstöðvum Lambahrauns. Hellirinn er litskrúðugur og með ýmsar óvenjulegar myndanir dropasteina og ganga sumir svo langt að segja hann einn flottasta hraunhelli jarðar.

Hann fannst í upphafi hundadaga 1980 og heitir eftir Jörgen Jörgensen hundadagakonungi.

Jörundur er 225 m langur.

Hellar á Íslandi
Bláskógabyggð

Jörundur (hellir)


136. brigada Hrvatske vojske osnovana je 28. listopada 1991. godine temeljem zapovijedi načelnika GS OSRH, ista se popunjava iz Uprave i Ureda za obranu Slatina.

Ratni put
Brigada je nastala na temelju 64. samostalnog bataljuna ZNG koji je osnovan početkom Domovinskog rata u kolovozu 1991. Ispočetka naoružanja je bilo vrlo malo i bataljun se tek naoružao zauzimanjem vojarne neprijateljske JNA u Slatini i okolnih karaula Noskovci i Kapinci uz rijeku Dravu i državnu granicu s Mađarskom. Tokom kolovoza uspostavljena je linija obrane prema brdskom dijelu općine u dužini četrdesetak km, a gdje su srpski pobunjenici prekinili prometnu komunikaciju i počinju s prvim napadima. Početkom rujna točnije 3.9.1991. u selima Četekovac, Balinci i Čojlug srpske snage masakriraju 21 osobu (Pokolj u Četekovcu 3. rujna 1991.). Nakon toga srpske snage u više navrata pokušavaju presjeći Podravsku magistralu i željezničku prugu Virovitica- Našice -Osijek jedine prometnice tada prema istočnoj Slavoniji. U više navrata vrše pješačke napade prema Slatini i selima Bistrica i Mikleušu. Krajem studenog 1991. nakon većeg naoružavanja i formiranja brigade prelazi se u ofenzivna djelovanja prema okupiranim dijelovima (Operacija Orkan '91.). 136. brigada djeluje na oslobađanju sela na potezu Hum- Ćeralije, a 15. prosinca pripadnici brigade ulaze u Voćin. U Voćinu i okolici pronalaze 44 ubijena i masakrirana stanovnika hrvatske nacionalnosti, te miniranu do temelja crkvu Majke Božje Voćinske i razrušene obiteljske kuće. Brigada nastavlja dalje s protjerivanjem neprijatelja u pravcu Zvečevo – Kamenska, te prema Bučju gdje se spaja sa 127. brigadom HV iz Virovitice. Nakon Sarajevskog primirja, a početkom siječnja 1992. brigada prelazi na istočnoslavonsko ratište uz rijeku Dravu na potezu Petrijevci – Nard nedaleko Valpova. Krajem travnja 1992. brigada se nalazi u obrani Posavine, a u lipnju 1992. prelazi na vinkovačko ratište u područje Borinaca. Krajem kolovoza brigada se vraća u Slatinu i većina pripadnika biva demobilizirana, a veliki broj pripadnika brigade prelazi je u gardijske brigade u 5. gardijsku brigadu "Sokolovi", 3. gardijsku brigadu "Kune", te kasnije u 81. gardijska bojna HV "Kumovi" i druge postrojbe.

Kroz brigadu je prošlo 2500 branitelja, poginulo je 34 pripadnika, a više od 148 je bilo ranjenih.

Odlikovanja
Brigada je odlikovana Redom Nikole Šubića Zrinskog za iskazano junaštvo njezinih pripadnika u Domovinskom ratu, a povodom 15. obljetnice Oružanih snaga Republike Hrvatske. Brigada je odlikovana i Zlatnom plaketom grada Slatine.

Ostalo
U centru Slatine park nosi naziv Park 136. slatinske brigade.

Izvori

Vanjske poveznice
 http://www.vpz.hr
Hrvatske brigade u Domovinskom ratu
Slatina
Nositelji Reda Nikole Šubića Zrinskog

136. brigada HV


Le massacre du  au Mali est survenu lorsque des hommes armés non identifiés ont attaqué et tiré sur un bus dans la région de Mopti, dans le centre du Mali, tuant 31 civils. Le bus était principalement composé de femmes voyageant de Songo-Doubacoré vers un marché de Bandiagara.

Selon le maire local de Bankass, pendant le massacre, les hommes armés ont d'abord crevé les pneus, avant de tirer sur les civils. Les autorités maliennes ont envoyé un groupe d'agents de la sécurité de l'État sur les lieux du crime, où ils ont trouvé 25 corps brûlés dans le coffre du véhicule.

Le massacre s'est produit le jour même où des rebelles islamistes ont attaqué un convoi dans la région, tuant deux casques bleus de l'ONU. Les attaques ont eu lieu lors d'une récente insurrection parmi les djihadistes en Afrique de l'Ouest.

Réponses
Le président Assimi Goïta a ordonné que tous les drapeaux du pays soient mis en berne de dimanche à mardi, au cours desquels le Mali tiendrait trois jours de deuil national.

Notes et références

Décembre 2021
2021 au Mali
Massacre du XXIe siècle

Massacre du 3 décembre 2021 au Mali


Daliang Shan () ist ein Gebirge in Südwestchina.

Es liegt auf dem Gebiet des Autonomen Bezirks Liangshan der Yi im Südwesten der chinesischen Provinz Sichuan. Sein höchster Gipfel ist der Xiaoxiang Ling mit .

Die Chengdu-Kunming-Bahn (Cheng-Kun tielu 成昆铁路) von Chengdu nach Kunming in Yunnan führt durch das Gebirge.

Siehe auch
 Liste der Gebirge in China
 Xiaoliang Shan

Daliang Shan