Increasing cancer rates particularly in the developed world are associated with related lifestyle and environmental exposures. Combined immunotherapy and targeted therapies are the main treatment approaches in advanced and recurrent cancer. An alternate approach, energy medicine is increasingly used in life threatening problems to promote human wellness. This study aimed to investigate the effect of biofield treatment on cancer biomarkers involved in human endometrium and prostate cancer cell lines. Each cancer cell lines were taken in two sealed tubes i.e. one tube was considered as control and another tube was subjected to Mr. Trivedi's biofield treatment, referred as treated. Control and treated samples were studied for the determination of cancer biomarkers such as multifunctional cytokines viz. interleukin-6 (IL-6) and tumor necrosis factor-alpha (TNF-α), interleukin-2 receptor (IL-2R), prostate specific antigen (PSA), and free prostate specific antigen (FPSA) concentrations using ELISA assay on day 10. Experimental results showed a significant reduction of IL-6 level in endometrium (12%) and prostate (98.8%) cancer cell lines while a significant increase was observed in TNF-α level in endometrium (385%) and prostate (89.8%) cancer cell lines as compared to control. No alteration of PSA level was observed in biofield treated endometrium and prostate cell line. Similarly, no alterations were evident in IL-2R and FPSA levels in endometrium and prostate cell lines after biofield treatment as compared to control. In conclusion, results suggest that biofield treatment has shown significant alterations in the level of cytokines (IL-6 and TNF-α) in both endometrium and prostate cancer cell lines.


This research examines strategies for social change in an authoritarian context that precludes avenues for direct political engagement, such as protests and public contention. I focus on the contemporary tongzhi (LGBT) movement in the People's Republic of China as a case in which grassroots groups have achieved significant social change—in terms of visibility, social acceptance, and participation—in virtual absence of public protest, and under conditions of tightening governmental control over civil society groups. Tongzhi organizations operate in a gray area delineated by the official policy of "not encouraging, not discouraging, and not promoting" homosexual behavior, which grants a certain degree of freedom to groups but also makes it difficult for organizers to know where the boundaries between acceptable and unacceptable behavior lie. At the same time, groups navigate a treacherous ideological field informed by the transnational circulation of models for sexual identity politics that have been developed in Western democracies, and that promote "out and proud" visibility and an understanding of LGBT rights as human rights. While such models offer opportunities for transnational cooperation and support, their reliance on human rights discourse also makes them politically risky under the leadership of Xi Jinping—whose administration has openly condemned human rights as an ideological attack perpetuated by Western forces. My work strives to disentangle these multiple social, cultural, and political constraints and opportunities through an analysis of tongzhi organizers' conceptualizations of, and approaches to, social change. I ground my work in social movement theory and transnational queer studies, proposing a focus on linguistic strategies and processes as mechanisms for change. I rely on a combination of qualitative methods—including ethnographic fieldwork, interviews, and rhetorical analysis of online content—to analyze the discursive strategies groups have developed in order to navigate the fragmented and ambiguous political environment in which they operate. My findings expose a theoretical gap in social movement literature, by questioning its problematic reliance on models that focus on confrontational tactics, protest, and rights-based strategies as a prerequisite for cultural and political change.


Preferential trade agreements have been grown in Asia Pacific since 1998, hence after this region faced financial crisis. The growing of those trade areas is called New Asian Economic Regionalism. This paper shows this new wage of regional economic integration, focusing the trade, whose main features are: include countries that were not previously member of any preferential trade area; economies are members of more than one regional trade agreements; some of new agreements cross world's geographic regions and many of the new agreements are bilateral. The paper gives economic integration definition and classification and the benefits and the limits that preferential trade agreements lead to economies. It is analyzed the areas of economic integration have existed yet and those in negotiation process in Asia Pacific region. Causes of the New Asian Economic Regionalism are analyzed: financial crisis of Asia, regional organisms and multilateral trade system lost of credibility, increasing preferential trade in other regions of the world and economic and political competition between countries of Asia. Conclusion is that if really there is integration between the economies, there will be a new cycle of Asian economic growth, mainly in East and Southeast Asia, continuing the economic model led by exports.