1. Cuba
President
The next item is the debate on four motions for resolutions on Cuba.
Laima Liucija Andrikien
author. - Madam President, the Council has recently recognised that no tangible results have been achieved on human rights in Cuba, despite the goodwill shown by the Council in 2005.
The majority of us, if not all of us, are in agreement that it is necessary for Cuba to launch a process of political transition to multi-party democracy. This is not the Eurocentric position our opponents like to use against us but is about the universality and indivisibility of human rights, including civil, political and economic rights, in which we believe. Today we again urge the Council and Commission to continue to take whatever action is necessary to demand the release of political prisoners and prisoners of conscience.
It is important to give our unconditional support and full encouragement to the launching of a peaceful process of transition to a multi-party democracy in Cuba. We have examples to follow. Twenty years ago the present EU Member States from Eastern and Central Europe were in many ways - including as regards their human rights situation - in a similar situation to that which Cuba is in now. I hope that we will soon witness major changes in Cuba and I look forward to that very special day.
Marcin Libicki
author. - (PL) Madam President, Cuba has been ruled by a dictator for almost half a century and human rights are constantly being violated there. It is practically the last remaining bastion of Communism in the world. North Korea is another such bastion, whilst the Chinese regime is somewhat different but often equally cruel.
After the collapse of Communism in 1989 we expected those Communist countries to review their situation and that Communism would collapse there too. Unfortunately, that did not happen, notably in Cuba. It is true that the intensity of persecution in Cuba varied. There were times when it was particularly cruel and other periods when a degree of liberalisation was allowed and when concessions seemed to be made to the opposition. A particularly worrying contemporary development is that Cuba has succeeded in gaining a number of allies. The latter include left-wing governments in Europe.
The support often provided by governments of Member States of the European Union to the Cuban regime, albeit indirectly, is particularly worrying. The current more tolerant attitude to such evil regimes adopted also by the UN is unacceptable. For instance, it is being suggested that human rights are not being violated in Belarus or in Cuba.
I call on the House to adopt an unequivocal approach condemning the Cuban governments, and to follow this up with specific actions aimed at toppling Fidel Castro's cruel Communist regime.
Raül Romeva i Rueda
author. - (ES) Madam President, I would like to begin by expressing my concern at the fact that this item on relations between the European Union and the Cuban Government has replaced, in terms of urgency, another issue that I considered to be far more important and far more urgent: the situation of the refugee population in Iraq.
This is particularly worrying given that, in reality, the fundamental reason for this modification does not so much relate to issues involving that Caribbean Island, but rather to the customary tendency of certain Members from the People's Party to use the European Parliament to express their personal opposition to the Spanish Government.
It is not for me to defend the position of the Spanish Government; I am not a member of that government or of its party, but it does concern me that such an important opportunity as the Thursday afternoon sitting, which is dedicated to situations of violations of human rights in the world, should be called into question by this kind of initiative that goes against the very spirit of these debates.
Furthermore, I would also like to point out that on Monday the Council approved its conclusions on relations with the Cuban Government, in which it once again stated its intention to maintain the dialogue with civil society and offered to restore the dialogue with the Cuban Government on the basis of mutual, reciprocal and non-discriminatory interest.
Cuba must make a lot of progress on issues such as freedoms, rights, political rights in particular, and democratic openness, but I would insist that this is nothing new, it is not urgent. What is more, I believe that the position adopted by the Council on Monday sets the parameters for moving in that direction, particularly insofar as it distances itself from the United States' strategy based on a sterile confrontation and an embargo that is both ineffective and irresponsible, amongst other things because it actually hinders certain reforms within the island which would allow for a more ordered transition.
Furthermore, as we stated in our resolution, that of the Group of the Greens/European Free Alliance, cooperation must be an instrument for development, with a view to achieving the Millennium Development Objectives, and not a tool for imposing conditions with a view to achieving political ends.
Marco Cappato
author. - (IT) Madam President, ladies and gentlemen, for once I do not agree with Mr Romeva i Rueda, because I believe that there is an urgent issue concerning Cuba, and one that actually concerns us as well as the European Union. Otherwise, it would be pointless to treat questions of countries that have been dictatorships and not democratic for years and years, or even decades, as urgent topics.
In this case the urgency concerns us and our policy. A decision has been taken in the Council to invite a Cuban delegation. What can or what should initiating this dialogue mean? In our view, it should mean that any change, reform or strengthening of relations with Cuba must depend on an equally tangible plan to reform the situation of human rights and democracy on the island.
It is true that our strategy as the European Union is not to impose an embargo - and I intend to clarify and emphasise that again in an oral amendment - but it is also true that it must not and cannot be a strategy of unconditional and unilateral openness, because that too would prove to be a disastrous strategy, as it has proved to be in the past.
We must, for instance, give practical support to those dissidents who have come together behind the 'Unity for Liberty' declaration - and this is much more urgent for the European Union than for Cuba. One of the problems of Cuba's dissidents and opposition has always been their internal divisions, but this time there is a joint declaration and document that talks about non-violence and democracy. It is our job to support these dissidents. This has to be taken into account when the discussions and dialogue are initiated, otherwise they will be going against this Union's policies and principles on human rights and democracy.
Michael Gahler
on behalf of the PPE-DE Group. - (DE) Madam President, I would like to start by saying to the Spanish rapporteur that I do not need a visit from Mr Moratino to get het up about what the Spanish Government is doing. Within the Group of the European People's Party (Christian Democrats) and European Democrats, we have enough colleagues from Central and Eastern Europe who work with the people in Cuba out of a sense of solidarity, and the issue is not limited to the Spaniards within the PPE-DE. I do want to assure you of that.
The future for the people of Cuba should not be limited to two alternatives: either continuing with Communism or being taken over by the government in Miami. In the light of the Common Position of 1996 we have a political responsibility to support the democratic and peaceful forces as they work for change. That is why the European Parliament has awarded Sakharov prizes to the Ladies in White and to Oswaldo Payá.
I would have liked to have seen a clear statement in the Council Decision that the Common Position of 1996 still stands, that the Council Decision approved on Monday does not alter that Position, that the 2003 sanctions have merely been suspended, and that we will be reviewing the position again next June (the 17th evaluation of the Common Position). The Council should have made that clear.
Manuel Medina Ortega
on behalf of the PSE Group. - (ES) Madam President, I would like to reinforce what Mr Romeva just said. The sole motivation for raising this subject is a Spanish domestic political issue that has nothing to do with the situation in the country under discussion. The People's Party has preferred not to debate a truly urgent issue, which is that of Iraq.
There are currently two million Iraqi refugees within Iraq and a further two million who have been obliged to leave the country. At the moment, rather then taking in these poor people who are fleeing the bombings and killings in Iraq, countries are returning them to their country of origin. In other words, on the one hand, we are bombing the Iraqi population, and on the other we are not allowing them to leave and sending them back to that hell. This is a case of total inhumanity and it is not appropriate at this point for us to forget the situation of these people.
We therefore believe that this urgency is entirely inappropriate and that we have squandered an opportunity to deal with a case of genuine humanitarian urgency at a time when measures needed to be adopted.
There has very recently been a conference on Iraq in which this issue has been debated, a series of resolutions have been approved, and this Parliament is incapable of following them up because it prefers to deal with domestic political issues rather than the genuine problems that are currently of concern to humanity.
President
Colleagues, I would remind you all that the subject matter of this debate is Cuba, and if anybody else tries to discuss something else, I will be very strict.
Marios Matsakis
on behalf of the ALDE Group. - Madam President, I shall definitely speak about Cuba!
This House has dealt with the situation in Cuba on several occasions. Unfortunately, all our calls for full respect of fundamental freedoms of Cuban citizens have fallen on deaf ears. The utterly anachronistic Castro regime is now so much out of date and out of touch with reality and modern democratic norms that it is highly unlikely, in my view, that any significant change for the better will occur while Castro is still in power. However, he is now elderly, sick and physically incapable of running the country, so we must start thinking about what to do when he has finally gone from the power stage of Cuba.
In the mean time, we once again call for democratic reforms and, in particular, we call for the Cuban authorities to allow the two Cuban winners of the EP's Sakharov Prize to travel to Europe. Let us hope that some remnants of common sense may have survived in the minds of those ruling Cuba and that we shall soon welcome these Sakharov Prize winners to Parliament.
Giusto Catania
on behalf of the GUE/NGL Group. - (IT) Madam President, ladies and gentlemen, for a few seconds the display for the sitting said 'Iraqi refugees'. The slip-up has evidently also affected the technology in this Chamber. Indeed, that is the subject that we ought to have been debating: the 4 million Iraqis who are trying to come to Europe but to whom we are not showing any hospitality.
Instead, we are debating Cuba, because an international campaign is under way that led this Parliament to vote against Venezuela in the last part-session and will probably lead it to vote against Cuba today. We now expect that someone from the Spanish People's Party will put forward a resolution against Ecuador and Bolivia. That is what we are expecting.
The real purpose, in fact, is to combat the economic policy that a large part of Latin America is implementing at the moment, in contrast to neoliberalism and the imperialistic philosophy of permanent war. That is an objective fact in our debate.
Instead, I believe that we should call strongly for a review of the European Union's common position and for a review of the embargo. What the Council did last Monday in inviting a delegation from the Cuban authorities to Brussels was a very significant step that we ought to welcome, so as to initiate a positive dialogue and to give due merit to the progress made by Cuba.
I believe, however, that the content of this resolution, right from its first clause, explicitly states the views of one side of this Parliament. In other words, it is calling for a change to the social, economic and political system of an island and sovereign state. I regard that as unacceptable.
Daniel Hannan
Madam President, Castro's Cuba is the last polity in the western hemisphere in which there is no pretence of democracy: opposition movements are banned; dissidents are imprisoned; citizens are denied the right to travel abroad. There are few sights so degrading as that of Western leftists arguing that all this is somehow justified because Cuba is good at producing doctors and ballerinas.
Two factors have maintained the Castroist dynasty in power: first, the misconceived American blockade, which has allowed him to sustain the siege mentality necessary to dictatorship, and second, the indulgence of those in Europe - and here I must especially mention the Zapatero Government, which indulges the Cuban Communists by according full diplomatic courtesies.
The way to bring freedom to Cuba would be through economic engagement but political isolation. Instead, we are doing the opposite with calamitous consequences for that unhappy country.
'Sola mors tyrannicida est' wrote my countryman, Thomas More - death is the only way to get rid of tyrants. That it should have proved so in the case of Castro says nothing good about the rest of us.
Pedro Guerreiro
(PT) What ought to have been on Parliament's agenda was an expression from the EU of a genuine desire for dialogue on the basis of respect for Cuba.
In our view, the establishment of open dialogue covering all issues of mutual interest naturally entails bringing down the barriers that have been created to make that dialogue difficult or impossible. This means calling for a definitive end to the sanctions imposed by the EU in 2003, which are temporarily suspended, and the permanent scrapping of the EU's common position on Cuba. These measures would pave the way for the normalisation of relations between the EU and Cuba.
This, however, is not an option for those who pushed this debate onto Parliament's agenda and who have put their names to the motion for a resolution put to today's vote. Its objective is to encourage Cuba's isolation, in line with the unacceptable embargo imposed on Cuba by the US Administration. It is also aimed at the blatant, unreserved promotion of intervention in Cuba's internal affairs and at exerting pressure from outside in order to impose decisions that only the Cuban people have the sovereign right to take. Reality demonstrates that the best response to such plans is the country's enormous prestige and importance, and millions of millions of human beings showing active solidarity with Cuba and its people.
Zuzana Roithová
(CS) Ladies and gentlemen, I was in Cuba not long ago and the country has not made any progress in upholding human rights; quite the opposite, in fact - things have got worse. I therefore call on the Council and the Commission to protest more strongly against flagrant human rights violations in Cuba; to support organisations that campaign for the very survival of political opponents and their families, or that help NGOs in Cuba to communicate with one another and express their opinions on how to resolve public issues; and to make the Internet available for Cubans in our embassies, because people do not have access to information in Cuba.
The Council must campaign for the release of political prisoners who are physically maltreated and do not receive the medicines they need. Normal Cubans, too, live in destitution and suffer illness. There is a lack of doctors and modern techniques. Health was once Castro's pride and joy, yet today normal medicines are only for rich Communist leaders or foreign tourists.
Cubans want change and they want freedom. We must not let the Council open dialogue with the Cuban regime without setting out clear conditions on the release of prisoners and on freedom of expression.
László Kovács
Madam President, we have good reason to follow closely the recent developments in Cuba, because after 47 years of ruling Cuba Fidel Castro transferred power to his brother, Raúl, who has been running the island in a relatively calm and organised fashion. It is too early to say whether Fidel will fully recuperate from his illness, but nearly all observers agree that he will never be able to assume day-to-day management again.
Cuba, for the first time since the revolution of 1959, has to face the prospect of a country no longer fully run by Fidel Castro. This is definitely a new situation, which we must take into account. The question is: how can, and how should, the European Union react to this new development?
The Council of the European Union gave its first answer three days ago. In its conclusions on Cuba of 18 June, the EU renewed its offer of an open and comprehensive dialogue with the Cuban authorities and invited a Cuban delegation to Brussels to sound out the feasibility of such an exercise. This open-door approach is consistent with the EU's overall policy of constructive engagement towards Cuba.
Since 1996, when the European Union adopted its position on Cuba, experience has proved that only a policy of engagement and cooperation, not one of sanctions, has the potential to promote peaceful change in Cuba towards democracy, respect for human rights, the rule of law, sustainable economic recovery and improvement in the living conditions of the Cuban people, as stipulated in the EU's common position of 1996.
Only the establishment of an open, comprehensive and result-orientated dialogue with the Cuban authorities will enable us to make the best use of the variety of instruments the EU and its Member States have at their disposal to further cooperation in the fields of political relations, human rights, investment and trade, development work, scientific research, educational exchanges and culture.
The European Union is a profoundly value-based entity that makes respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms a key policy priority in its external actions. It is deeply convinced that this commitment towards open dialogue must also involve wider Cuban civil society. Extending a hand to the Cuban Government to enter into a long-term partnership with the European Union only makes sense if, at the same time, the European Union does all it can to maintain and step up its dialogue with those involved in Cuban civil society, including human rights defenders and peaceful political activists.
As long as Cuba denies its citizens internationally-recognised basic civil political and economic rights, the European Union will not stop lobbying for democracy and respect for the rule of law and fundamental freedoms. It should not stop expressing its full solidarity with and support to those peacefully committed to making these universal values a reality in Cuba. This is the true meaning of the 'two-track approach': saying 'yes' to extending a hand to the Cuban authorities for dialogue and cooperation while explicitly expressing critical remarks and concerns, and 'yes' to defending the right of Cuban citizens to decide freely about their future.
It is the Commission's firm conviction that the Council conclusions of 18 June are a welcome and necessary first step in this direction.
President
That concludes the debate on Cuba.
The vote will take place shortly.
Written statements (Rule 142)
Filip Kaczmarek
in writing. - (PL) Madam President, the proposal that the European Union should depart from the policy of freezing diplomatic contacts with Cuba is totally unacceptable. We can agree to reopening a full and open political dialogue on all areas of common interest with the Cuban authorities with a view to improving relations between the EU and Cuba, but only on certain conditions. To do so unconditionally would be to send quite the wrong signal to the Cuban regime. It would imply that we condone the unacceptable behaviour of the authorities in that country. By its very nature, dialogue is a two-sided process, not a one-sided one.
The Cuban authorities' agreement to include in the discussion issues related to the state of human rights in Cuba must be a sine qua non to reopening a full dialogue. It is also difficult to conceive of an honest dialogue with Cuba as long as the Sakharov prize winners are not allowed to travel to Europe. The current Spanish Government's approach is very ambiguous in this regard. One would expect the Spanish Socialists to demonstrate greater solidarity with European policy towards Cuba. It is our duty to demonstrate our consistent opposition to the flagrant violations of human rights by Castro's regime. For dialogue between Cuba and the European Union to lead to positive changes it must be a genuine dialogue, not a propaganda stunt. In the past, the Cuban side has taken advantage of the Union's openness to launch a propaganda offensive.


12. Croatia: 2007 progress report (
- Before the vote on Amendment 4
Hannes Swoboda
rapporteur. - (DE) Mr President, as I understand it, the PPE-DE has withdrawn Amendment 4, but would like to vote on paragraph 8 in two parts, which I fully support. The first part would go as far as 'on public opinion in Croatia' and the second part would begin with 'urges the Croatian Government'. As I say, the withdrawal of Amendment 4 would mean that we would take the vote in the two parts mentioned.
(The oral amendment was accepted)
- Before the vote on Amendment 12
Hannes Swoboda
rapporteur. - (DE) Mr President, it is simply a matter of replacing the word 'envisages' with 'envisaged'. Time has moved on, so it needs to be put in the past tense.
- Before the vote on Amendment 15
Hannes Swoboda
rapporteur. - (DE) Mr President, after yesterday's debate in the House, it has become apparent that a large majority would actually be in favour of our replacing the word 'could' with the phrase 'should in any case'. That could produce a broad consensus in the House after all, which would be very important in this instance.
Bernd Posselt
(DE) Mr President, I would like to say that if this oral amendment were adopted, my group would vote in favour of Mr Swoboda's motion instead of against.
President
You will not know until after the vote, though, whether it has been accepted or not.
(The oral amendment was accepted)


3. Sudan: Killing of African Union peace-keeping soldiers
President
The next item is six motions for resolutions on Sudan and particularly the killing of African Union peacekeeping soldiers.
Marios Matsakis
author. - Mr President, this House has repeatedly been dealing with the dire situation in Darfur, the last resolution having been adopted only in mid-September this year. The news that, at the end of September, a murderous attack took place against an African Union base in south Darfur, resulting in the death of 10 peacekeepers, the serious injury of eight other personnel, and the apparent taking hostage of approximately 40 people more, has come as a grim reminder that, despite our efforts, much remains to be done in order to secure peace and stability in this sad corner of the world.
We should, of course, recollect that at least 200 000 people have died in Darfur during the four-year conflict, and more than two million people have been forced from their homes. The September attack on African Union peacekeepers must force the EU and the UN to make sure that peacekeepers in Darfur are adequate in numbers and training, that they are properly and fully equipped and that they are given adequate logistical and other necessary support in order to fulfil their task safely and effectively.
Merely sending poorly trained and ill-equipped AU civilians into highly hazardous situations does not, as has been demonstrated in this case, serve any useful purpose other than to reduce the cost in terms of money but increase the cost in terms of human lives. An urgent rethink and replanning by the international community is essential.
Last but not least, we must not forget those 40 people still missing and thought to have been taken hostage. Every effort must be made to establish their fate and help bring them safely back to their loved ones.
Alain Hutchinson
author. - (FR) Madam President, Commissioner, colleagues, after losing ten men in the raid at Haskanita, the head of the African Union mission in Darfur, General Martin Luther Agwai, sounded an alarm call, highlighting the fact that his forces were ill-equipped and too few in number, and that they could be defeated in a very short time. There has, as yet, been no change in the situation, and further attacks like that of 29 September remain possible. The General's alarm call must be heeded by the international community and particularly by the European Union, which could surely issue a powerful appeal for effective joint action by all the Member States involved in providing the promised EU support.
In two days' time, important talks are to take place in Libya between the Sudanese Government and various rebel forces. It is still unclear whether Abdel el-Nur - the founder of the Sudan Liberation Army, now exiled in France - will take part in these talks. Indeed, there is just as much uncertainty about other figures representing the array of rebel forces, for their numbers change from one day to the next. Be that as it may, we have to prioritise these discussions, which have the potential to produce a ceasefire. So once again we would ask the European Union authorities to spread the word as widely as possible about the importance of the meeting and about Europe's intention to support any positive developments that may come out of it, both militarily and in relation to improving conditions for aid workers, who are operating in a particularly difficult situation.
I would also remind you that the Government in Khartoum, through its actions thus far, bears a huge share of responsibility for today's tragic situation - and not only because it has supported the Janjaweed militias bringing death and terror to black African communities. It was also the Government that categorically refused, for months, to accept the presence of a Western force in Sudan. It was also the Government that made it impossible for journalists and foreign observers to gain access to the most troubled regions, even though their work there could make a major contribution to the ongoing mobilisation of international public opinion. That mobilisation is clearly needed if we are to ensure that all of us in Europe shoulder our responsibilities in combating what must be recognised as nothing short of genocide.
Another important point is that the new European force, due to deploy in eastern Chad and the north of the Central African Republic, will make it harder for the rebels to move freely across the borders with those countries and to pursue their policy of recruiting fighters, willing or otherwise, from refugees' and displaced persons' camps. Anticipating this obstacle to their activities, some armed groups are already turning their attention to the other side of Darfur, to the neighbouring region of Kordofan, to which Haskanita is a gateway. Here too, the support the European Union has undertaken to provide may prove very useful, although within a short time it may also prove quite inadequate.
It is thus part of our task to continue doggedly doing what we can to bring about political conditions in which European intervention will be effective. Surely we have seen enough violence and heartbreak in this region of the world? Not only have hundreds of thousands of lives already been lost, but the social fabric of Darfur is also being utterly devastated, so the task of reconstruction becomes more problematic from day to day.
President
I do realise that we have a little more time this afternoon, but let us not get entirely carried away, please!
Tobias Pflüger
author. - (DE) Madam President, the attack to which this resolution relates was targeted against a diplomatic solution to the situation in Sudan. The context is quite important, because the attack occurred shortly before Desmond Tutu was due to conduct meaningful talks in Darfur. It seems obvious that the attack was deliberately timed to thwart the quest for a diplomatic solution, which is so desperately needed in that region. There followed lengthy speculation, of course, as to the identity of the rebel group that had carried out the attack, which claimed the lives of ten soldiers from the AU peacekeeping force. The signs seem to indicate that the most likely perpetrators were a pro-Western rebel group.
When we deal with the Darfur issue, it is important not to focus too narrowly, but to remember that the most widely diverse rebel groups from the Sudan, Chad and the Central African Republic are operating there in addition to the local armed forces on both sides.
I find it very revealing that the attempt made by the European Union to act on the Darfur conflict through the Chad mission is effectively in a sorry state at the present time. At the start, the talk was about sending an EU force there. In fact, a French force with a few additional troops has been sent there under the EU banner. I have not yet been able to obtain any proper information about that force's actual area of operation. Although we are still being told that the force is essentially there to protect refugees, most of the refugees are to be found in the border area, which is precisely where the Government of Chad does not want the EU force deployed. Perhaps the Commissioner can assist again with some information.
What the EU is doing at the moment is definitely not what is needed to defuse the present situation We have to say very clearly that the very thing Desmond Tutu wanted, namely a diplomatic solution, is what we ought to be supporting here.
Mieczysław Edmund Janowski
author. - (PL) Madam President, Commissioner, following its independence in 1956, Sudan, which is the largest country in Africa in terms of surface area, was supposed to be a home for everyone, for the Arab north and the Black south, for Muslims, Christians and animists.
However, the civil war that has continued for almost 50 years has claimed at least two million victims in that country. Over 4.5 million people have been forced to leave their homes. In Darfur, where the conflict broke out at the beginning of 2003, about 200 000 have died and nearly two million have been driven from their homes. This is the result of terrible battles, purges and terror. This is currently the most tragic humanitarian crisis in the world, and it is further aggravated by hunger and the lack of water.
One should therefore be grateful to all those who undertake peace initiatives in this tortured land. We should address such thanks to the African Union, which sent a 7 000-strong peace mission there. The most recent attack on this mission, which took place in Haskanita, aroused strong objections. At least ten dead and about 50 lost or kidnapped. This is a clear breach of existing agreements as well as of United Nations resolutions. I would like to express my sympathy to the families of these persons.
We should, acting as the European Union, demand that those responsible be punished and that the peace process be reinstated. The planned forces of the UN mission together with the African Union will number about twenty thousand more soldiers. However, they must have some possibility to neutralise the armed conflict and help bring stability to this explosive corner of Africa. I hope that the European Parliament's decision to award the Sakharov prize to the Sudanese lawyer Salih Mahmoud Osman will be helpful in making a breakthrough in the Sudanese drama.
Raül Romeva i Rueda
author. - (ES) Madam President, I naturally wish to add my voice to the vigorous condemnation of the killing of the members of the peace-keeping forces.
At the same time, however, I also wish to remember all the civilians who were victims, and who are victims in the situation in Darfur, with particular reference to the brutality with which certain assaults with clear sexual overtones are being carried out and serious violations are taking place in terms of the way women are used on a variety of fronts, including sexually.
I believe that all of this requires not only actions and declarations but a solid investigation which should be carried out not only by the people on the ground but also by the International Criminal Court. That, for me, is one of the fundamental aspects of this debate.
Secondly, I also wish to note that we should welcome the fact that there is currently permission - to give it some kind of name, from the Government of Sudan to accept UNAMID troops but at the same time we should also note that on other occasions they have broken this commitment, broken this promise and therefore we should maintain a degree of caution.
I believe, naturally, that it is necessary to continue to insist, while at the same time, as Mr Pflüger said, ensuring that the forces which go, go with a broad United Nations mandate, and not only to back the interests of one country in particular.
Thirdly, I believe it is also essential and necessary to recall that all aid must be made available, whether political, financial or technical as may be required to perform the duties that that mission will have to face on the ground. It is not possible to send a mission into the field without its having guarantees that it will be able to fulfil its mandate.
Finally, and again very significantly, I would like to note, and here I undoubtedly go beyond the words of the Resolution, which urges the government of Sudan to follow the demands of the Chief Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court, Luis Moreno-Ocampo, to arrest Ahmed Haroun, Sudan's Minister of Humanitarian Affairs, specifically so that he can be held accountable for the displacement of two million people in Darfur, thereby instigating an international trial which should have begun some time ago.
Jürgen Schröder
author. - (DE) Madam President, Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen, the facts are known: there was an attack on the AU peacekeeping force on 30 September; ten soldiers lost their lives, eight were seriously injured, and forty are still missing.
I was in Darfur with a delegation from our Parliament in July. During our visit we met representatives of AMIS, the African Union Mission in Sudan. It was, and still is, an incredibly difficult mission, as we heard from some of these AMIS representatives. For example, one of the commanders, a Nigerian general, told us that he felt as though he were a priest rather than a soldier. All he could do, he said, was appeal to people to refrain from evil acts; he had no real mandate to act, and so it is hardly surprising that rebel factions have exploited this weakness.
The West is not focusing sharply enough on Africa. There is an imbalance between the extent of the tragedy in Darfur and the level of attention we devote to it. Military operations in Africa are all very well, but there is a danger of Africa becoming a testing ground for that type of mission. When the EU conducts operations there, its forces must be armed with a robust mandate, appropriate equipment and sufficient manpower. The duration of the mission must also depend on its objectives.
We must not hide behind others, but must fulfil our own obligations. This applies to the funding of AMIS and to support ranging from logistics and military equipment to personnel. Above all, however, we need the political will of everyone, and it is my opinion that peace in Darfur and the whole of Sudan can be achieved only in cooperation with China.
José Ribeiro e Castro
on behalf of the PPE-DE Group. - Madam President, I will read from the press: 'Just after the evening meal to break the Ramadan fast on 29 September, around 30 vehicles loaded with several hundred Sudanese rebels ripped through the perimeter of an African Union peacekeepers' base on the edge of Haskanita, a small town in southern Darfur, the embattled province in western Sudan where at least 200 000 people and perhaps as many as 300 000 have been killed since the rebellion began in 2003.'
The units of about 100 troops, most of them Nigerian, fought off the first attack before falling back to trenches, firing through the night until their ammunition ran out. Then, ten were killed. At least 40 fled into the bush. The attackers looted the compound before Sudanese troops rescued the survivors. A week later, Haskanita itself was razed. When the UN inspected the damage, only the school and the mosque were still standing. About 7 000 people are thought to have fled. Then, on 8 October, fighting erupted in the town of Muhajiriya, controlled by a Darfuri rebel faction. Scores were killed.
No one is sure who the attackers were. Even the Government of Omar El Bashir came under suspicion. But it could be the rebels. What we know is that these things will continue to go on until there are international forces with an effective mandate and with effective means there. Everybody knows that, and it is time to stop this game of hide-and-seek with the Government of Khartoum.
Ana Maria Gomes
on behalf of the PSE Group. - Madam President, the appalling attack by rebel forces in Haskanita against the African Union Mission in the Sudan (AMIS) was followed by a series of other revenge attacks by Government forces against all villages supposed to shelter rebels with tremendous civilian casualties.
We must realise that this suits the genocidal strategy of the Bashir clique in Khartoum to divide and destroy the Darfur communities and the rebel groups in order to make peace negotiations, such as the ones that are supposed to start this weekend in Libya, go nowhere.
That appalling attack and the violence which followed also demonstrate the fundamental limitations of an all-African force in Darfur such as AMIS. It is, therefore, crucial that the African Union/United Nations Hybrid operation in Darfur (UNAMID), which is to be deployed by early January, will actually be duly equipped in full force and capacity to operate by then.
In this context, it is very disturbing that the Chairman of the African Union Commission, Mr Konaré, has been insisting on an all-African force, even rejecting the integration of units offered by Uruguay, Thailand and Norway into UNAMID, in contradiction with the UN Security Council decision and, in this way, echoing the manoeuvres of the clique in Khartoum.
It is also disturbing that the European Union, the US and other rich countries have been failing to provide the speedy and full support that they should give to the deployment of that mission, namely by not providing it with a financial airlift and other logistical and military capacities that it needs to operate. Even the Chad mission is very much delayed, and that was supposed to be 'urgent'.
Finally, Mr Bashir is going to be given a red carpet welcome in Lisbon: it is not only Mr Mugabe. I hope that the European Union authorities, the Commission and the Presidency and the Member States will not fail to take that opportunity to actually confront him with this tremendous responsibility that, one day, will bring him to The Hague.
Carl Schlyter
on behalf of the Verts/ALE Group. - (SV) First of all, our thoughts go out to the sons, brothers and loved ones who are now missing following the brutal attack on the AMIS force. These people died trying to help their fellow humans in a neighbouring country. Many have been affected by violence, rape, murder and extreme poverty here. How many times have we stood here and talked about it? How many times have we demanded that the government or others take action? Let me remind you that the central task of any government is to protect the human rights of its civilian population. This government has never attempted or tried to do this in its entire career. However, we must still be patient in our frustration, as it is only through long-term economic and political support for those who are endeavouring to resolve the conflict that we can do it. We must not altogether ignore our own economic interests. Sometimes it is our own oil companies that are actually supporting certain groups, indirectly or directly. We must address this too. A heavy responsibility rests with the government, and we must make further demands. I agree completely with my colleague Raül Romeva that the International Criminal Court must be given full access rights and a full right to investigate, so that the people in this stricken country can see justice in due course. Thank you.
Kathy Sinnott
on behalf of the IND/DEM Group. - Mr President, as Irish soldiers leave for Chad to protect refugees from neighbouring Sudan, I am again painfully reminded that this tragedy of genocide in Sudan continues day in and day out, without any end in sight. I congratulate this motion for deploring violence, for its support of the UN and AU missions to Sudan. 'We must show a united front', the motion suggests; and, whilst I applaud the notion, I fail to see how this can come to pass. You see, the UN itself is implicitly divided on the issue.
Efforts can only go so far while China, a deciding member, continues to sustain and prolong the conflict by supplying the region with arms. Once again, we must point the finger at China as the main supporter of the Government in Khartoum. China exchanges Chinese weapons for Sudanese oil, and it is not rocket science to see that this is one of the most important ways in which the ongoing conflict is being sustained.
We should not accept that the Chinese policy of exporting arms remain shrouded in secrecy. Beijing does not publish any information about arms transfers abroad and has not submitted any data to the UN Register on Conventional Arms in the last eight years. With Chinese arms exports - some of them in the attack that was described a minute ago - estimated to be in excess of USD 2 billion a year, the irresponsibility with which they act has to be called into question.
If this issue remains unaddressed, it is not just Sudan that will suffer. Weapons from China can be found as far as Australia, Malaysia, Thailand, South Africa; regular shipments are sent to Burma and Nepal. So, finally, I implore Parliament to act to condemn China for its role in underwriting the genocide of the Sudanese people. For it is all very well to support peace and the role of the UN, but we must do this actively - if not, we risk contributing to the suffering of the Sudanese people.
Koenraad Dillen
on behalf of the ITS Group. - (NL) Mr President, of course the death of ten soldiers in the African Union peacekeeping force in Darfur is yet another tragic event. For years this Parliament has been expressing concern about the region.
I do regret, though, that once more we have missed an opportunity to raise the matter of the responsibility and disastrous role of China in this conflict, because it has to be said again that, in seeking influence in Africa, China is playing a pernicious role in war-ravaged Sudan. It is doing so on the backs of the victims killed in Darfur, and now indirectly too, with the blood of soldiers who are helping to stabilise the situation.
With their dubious investments, the Chinese have made an enormous contribution to the war efforts of the regime there. Europe just has to realise that the stronger the Chinese become in Africa, the less powerful is our Western message of democracy, freedom and good governance. However, China is too important a trading partner for Europe, and talk of human rights and democracy is all too often pushed into the background when Realpolitik comes into the picture.
Colm Burke
Madam President, I strongly deplore the killing of 10 African Union peacekeepers on 30 September 2007 by unidentified forces in Haskanita in south Darfur. At least eight other personnel from the African Union Mission in Sudan (AMIS) were also seriously injured and another 40 remain missing. I urge the Sudanese Government to cooperate fully with an independent investigation into the attack and to bring all those responsible to justice.
These deaths are a reminder of the gravity of the security situation in this region. Unfortunately, there is no peace to keep at the moment but, nevertheless, the international community, including the UN and the European Union, have a responsibility to try to help secure this region as soon as possible so that peace can be realised in the future.
The European Union mission to the Chad, Central African Republic and Darfur border must also be mindful of the danger of incurring casualties. No one said this was going to be an easy undertaking. It is crucial that EU Member States mobilise political, financial, logistical and technical support for the Irish, French, Belgian, Polish and other troops forming part of this mission. We cannot have our troops ill-equipped, like the beleaguered AMIS. If we are putting our troops in a volatile environment, we must give them the means to protect themselves. This EU mission will have a robust use-of-force mandate, with reference to Chapter VII of the UN Charter, and troops should be encouraged to invoke it. Peacekeeping is one of the noblest professions and it is tragic when a peacekeeper loses his or her life whilst protecting the lives of others.
That is why we need to maintain pressure on the various parties involved ...
(The President cut off the speaker)
Lidia Joanna Geringer de Oedenberg
(PL) The conflict that has been ongoing in Darfur since 2003 is acknowledged as the greatest humanitarian catastrophe of our time. Two hundred thousand people have lost their lives as a result of ethnic cleansing and pogroms, and a further two and a half million have been displaced. Millions of refugees live in fear of what the next day will bring, and they have a force of just seven thousand poorly equipped soldiers from the African Union's peace force, which, increasingly, is becoming the focus of bloody attacks, such as the attack in Haskanita in September of last year.
The situation in this region is dramatically worsening, and representatives of humanitarian peace organisations are falling victim to kidnappings. In this situation it is important to act as quickly as possible to put into motion the joint UN and African Union mission, which, now that it has the agreement of the Sudanese government, must also have a strong mandate allowing it to provide full protection to the civilian population. The mission must have the appropriate number of soldiers and the appropriate quantity of equipment and funds. The European Union, the UN and the African Union must make joint efforts to renew the peace process in Darfur and to help to find a just and lasting agreement that is signed by all interested parties.
Benita Ferrero-Waldner
Member of the Commission. - Madam President, we as the European Commission join with the European Parliament in strongly condemning the killing of the African Union peacekeepers in Haskanita, and in other incidents over the past year, and, of course, the fact that many others are still missing.
We should not pretend that even the larger peacekeeping force due to take over from the current African Union Mission in Sudan (AMIS) will be able to protect itself easily to ensure the vast humanitarian operation supported by the European Commission and so many other donors and to keep the peace if there is no peace to keep. This is the question.
We acknowledge the acceptance by the Government of Sudan of the presence of the UN peacekeeping force on Sudanese soil. Along with the rest of the international community, we intend to keep the Government to its word. We welcome the intention of the Government to declare a cessation of hostilities when negotiations commence in Libya on 27 October, yet the Government needs to go further. The European Commission also calls upon the Government of Sudan to engage meaningfully in negotiations intended to result in the equitable sharing of power and of wealth in Darfur. We join with the rest of the European Union in calling upon the rebel movements themselves to declare an end to the killings and banditry that sully their cause. We also call upon them to participate wholeheartedly in the talks in Sirte.
On top of that, as you know, UN Security Council Resolution 1778, adopted on 25 September, mandates an international multidimensional force to contribute to the stabilisation of eastern Chad and the north-eastern Central African Republic and thus also guarantee the security of the local civilian population, refugees and displaced people and stabilise the situation in Sudan.
On this basis, the General Affairs Council and Foreign Affairs Council on 15 October decided to send an interim and multidimensional European force of 3 000 troops, EUFOR Chad, as we call it, to support and complement in the short term the deployment of the UN contingent. Taking into account the regional dimension of the Darfur crisis, the deployment of this new EUFOR Chad mission and of a UN police mission in parallel with UNAMID in Sudan is, I think, a crucial step towards facilitating a durable solution of the conflict in Darfur and, ultimately, also towards the voluntary return of the Sudanese refugees who have settled in Chad. I can tell you that, at this very moment, an Irish General is there exploring the situation and exploring where exactly EUFOR should be deployed.
But coming back to the question of Sudan itself, let me say that we firmly believe that the future of Sudan lies in the sharing of wealth and power, in a federal government and a federal arrangement. This is what the Government and the rebels agreed in Naivasha in January 2005, when the Comprehensive Peace Agreement was signed, ending decades of civil war between the north and the south. The international community must stand firm behind this Comprehensive Peace Agreement. For if this agreement can be made to hold - yes, it is at present in difficulty, but these difficulties need not be terminal - this will demonstrate powerfully that similar arrangements can surely be extended to Darfur.
So through the support extended also under the European Development Fund for the recovery and rehabilitation of southern Sudan and for the long-term equitable and sustainable development of the whole of the country, we are standing firmly behind the Comprehensive Peace Agreement. We also back the efforts of the EU Special Representative to Sudan to facilitate peace in Darfur and, along with other donors, we stand ready to ensure that the peace dividend, in the shape of the rehabilitation and recovery of Darfur, follows closely on the heels of a renewed peace agreement.
We think it is in the interest of all the parties - the Government, the Darfur rebels, the countries of the Horn of Africa region and the international community - that Sudan stays together. However long and arduous, and at times discouraging, the Sirte talks might turn out to be, I think we must be steadfast for peace in Sudan. The unity of this country remains within our grasp.
President
The debate is closed.
The vote will take place after the debates, during voting time - which is, in fact, the next item.