European integration process of Montenegro (debate)
President
The next item is the Council and Commission statements on the European integration process of Montenegro.
Enikő Győri
Madam President, Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen, you will be voting on the resolution on the European integration process of Montenegro tomorrow. I consider the commitment of the European Parliament to preserve the openness of the European Union very commendable. At the same time, you will also have an important role in winning over the general public of the Member States to the cause of enlargement, of enlargement based on conditionality. The resolution you will be adopting tomorrow also confirms the realisation of this responsibility.
Let me tell you that there is utmost commitment on the part of the Council as well. In line with the renewed enlargement consensus approved by the European Council, the Council confirmed in its conclusions of 14 December 2010 that the EU firmly supports the continuation of the enlargement process in the Western Balkans countries on the basis of the principles and conclusions adopted.
The Hungarian Presidency of the European Council is also deeply committed to this objective. I would like to thank you for the excellent work you have done, and for contributing through this resolution to the consolidation of Montenegro's achievements, for which there is a great need throughout the accession process.
We have confirmed Montenegro's European perspective on several occasions. The stability of the country and its orientation towards Europe, which is supported by all political parties as well as the majority of the citizens, and the high degree of consensus between the various ethnic groups, are all features which make Montenegro a stabilising factor in the Western Balkans region.
Let us not forget that Montenegro achieved visa liberalisation, the conclusion of the stabilisation and association agreement, and obtained candidate country status within 12 months. These are significant results, and prove that a European perspective acts as a driving force for the preparations of a country. The EU must therefore acknowledge the commitment and achievements of the countries intending to join. Thanks to the progress made, further steps can be taken in the country's European programme; new commitments can be made and new requirements can be formulated. To this end, delegations of the EU institutions and the Member States, at different levels and in different fields, are meeting on a daily basis these days.
We therefore welcome the current steps taken by Montenegro, particularly the action plan just adopted by its government, drawn up in response to the recommendations formulated in the Commission's opinion, and we also welcome the method employed, namely, that the government held extensive consultations with civil society before the drafting of the action plan.
Please allow me to give a quick list of the so-called key priorities where progress needs to be made. These are also mentioned in the Commission's November 2010 opinion. These include the reinforcement of the rule of law, the continuation of the reform of public administration, as well as the strengthening of public administration capacity, the adoption of an electoral law that complies with the constitution, and increased media freedom. This is not only important from a legal point of view, but also represents a touchstone for the political maturity of the authorities. Furthermore, it is extremely important to guarantee the legal status of persons who were forced to leave their homes and to respect their rights, as is the fight to eliminate organised crime and corruption. We are expecting serious progress from Montenegro in this respect as well.
In order for any subsequent step to be taken in the stabilisation and association process in general, and specifically in the commencement of the accession negotiations, it is very important for Montenegro to make progress in these areas and also to make further efforts. It is essential for Montenegro to fulfil its undertakings and to be able to present tangible results.
Ladies and gentlemen, Montenegro plays an important part in regional cooperation. It engages in close cooperation with its neighbours and we honestly welcome the constructive role it is playing in stabilising the region and promoting good neighbourhood relations, particularly as the country holding the Presidency of the South-East Europe Cooperation Process.
Moreover, Montenegro is home to the new workgroup on culture and society of the Regional Cooperation Council, the Cetinje Parliamentary Forum. Integration is inconceivable without regional cooperation, and Montenegro sets an example in this respect.
The resolution to be adopted by Parliament represents an actual stocktaking of achievements. It is an accurate account of the current situation and a useful guideline to the tasks of the candidate country. I congratulate the rapporteur, as well as all those who actively participated in the creation of the document.
Finally, I would like to encourage Montenegro and the Montenegrin authorities to continue their reform efforts and to endeavour to meet the expectations of their own citizens.
Štefan Füle
Member of the Commission. - Madam President, it is an honour for me to address the European Parliament on the European integration process of Montenegro. Let me start where the Presidency has ended in congratulating the rapporteur for Montenegro, Mr Charles Tannock, on his report, and expressing my gratitude to all honourable Members who have contributed. Parliament plays a key role in enlargement policy. I believe that, with the concerted action of all the European institutions, we can achieve more.
Montenegro's overall progress towards fulfilment of the criteria for European Union membership has been remarkable. There is a growing political consensus. The country has made important progress in putting in place its legal and institutional framework. It is also strongly committed to regional cooperation. There is a solid record of structural economic reforms and progress in most areas of the acquis.
The European Council decision to grant candidate status to Montenegro is a recognition of these achievements and a strong signal which confirms the credibility of the European Union's enlargement policy. The country has entered a decisive stage. Candidate status is a great responsibility for Montenegro. Tangible results are needed in order for Montenegro to be able to move to the next stage of European integration. I am confident that the European Parliament resolution will send the right message to Montenegro of acknowledging past achievements, but also the strong expectation that the reform process will be pursued with determination and that all the key challenges on Montenegro's path to European Union membership will be thoroughly addressed.
I met the new Prime Minister of Montenegro, Dr Igor Lukšić, last week. His commitment to pursuing the reform process and his strong determination to meet the key priorities set out in the Commission opinion are encouraging. On 17 February, after public consultations with civil society and talks with the Commission services, the government adopted an action plan to address the priorities. It is now crucial to focus on implementation and establish a solid track record.
The key priorities set out in the opinion are a significant, but achievable, challenge that requires the involvement and commitment of all actors in Montenegro. Previous enlargements have shown the importance of addressing key issues under the political criteria, as well as Chapter 23, early in the accession process. Early solid achievements in this area in Montenegro, notably, in the politicisation of the public administration, the strengthening of the independence of the judiciary and the effective fight against corruption and against organised crime, will later ensure smooth negotiations and integration into the European Union.
Montenegro must improve its electoral framework, in line with the recommendations of the OSCE/ODIHR and the Venice Commission. The Parliament needs strengthening, which is an important priority for both the Commission and the European Parliament. Effective compliance with European standards in the field of human rights is essential, in particular, regarding freedom of expression and relations with civil society. Further efforts are needed to strengthen anti-discrimination policy, notably, gender equality and the effective protection of vulnerable groups. Sustainable solutions are needed for displaced persons.
Other shortcomings identified in the opinion and in your draft resolution also need to be addressed. Montenegro needs to strengthen its administrative capacity and to upgrade its preparation in a number of areas of the European Union acquis. The future of Montenegro undeniably lies in the European Union and we should act responsibly. The credibility of our enlargement policy is based on the enlargement countries respecting the conditionality towards the European Union and the European Union respecting its commitment towards the enlargement countries.
It is in all our interests to ensure that the progress of Montenegro towards the European Union is based on solid achievements and concrete results. Montenegro's performance this year will be assessed in the enlargement package due in October 2011. Only when the Commission has established that Montenegro has achieved the necessary degree of compliance with the accession criteria, in particular, the seven key priorities set out in the opinion, will it be in a position to recommend opening negotiations.
Charles Tannock
on behalf of the ECR Group. - Madam President, I visited Montenegro twice during the past eighteen months, with my colleague Anna Ibrisagic from the PPE as shadow rapporteur, to form my own assessment of the country's progress towards, first, candidate status and, now, the prospect of EU membership.
I have been extremely impressed by the diligence and commitment of the entire Montenegrin Government. No matter how small it may be, it is certainly one that works extremely hard. I would pay very special tribute to the former prime minister, Milo Ðjukanović, and his recent successor, Igor Lukšić, who have both been pragmatic and, at the same time, single-minded in their approach and in their quest to lead their country towards EU accession and NATO accession.
The onus is now on Montenegro to meet the EU's expectations. In particular, the Montenegrin Government needs to address the seven key priorities identified by Commissioner Füle in the Commission's opinion. I particularly emphasise the issue of corruption and organised crime, on which there are clear and well-defined benchmarks for measuring progress.
I am pleased that last month, the government adopted a very well formulated action plan aimed at responding to these priorities and demands. In my view, Montenegro is now ready to start negotiating EU membership as an official candidate, and it is curious that the Commission should be insisting on a significant time-lapse between the granting of official candidate status and the opening of negotiations. This delay has no real justification or apparent basis, according to my reading of the Treaties. More importantly, it is hardly the most positive signal to send to Podgorica, or indeed to countries elsewhere in the region, such as Macedonia, working hard to obtain candidate status.
I only hope that this enforced wait, which now is inevitable and is frustrating to Montenegro, will not result in a weakening of the country's commitment to an engagement with the European Union.
Montenegro should be judged solely on merit, facts and achievements. Its case should not be tied to the progress in other neighbouring states in the western Balkans. Montenegro is a small country but a beautiful country, which has enjoyed remarkable stability and economic growth since its peaceful divorce from Serbia. It has few, if any, internal ethnic or religious problems, unlike some of its larger neighbours. It has a minor border dispute with Croatia, which it will resolve peacefully before the International Court of Justice. It has recently negotiated and ratified extradition treaties with both Serbia and Croatia in the fight against organised crime.
It is euro-based: it has the euro without being in the eurozone, believe it or not. Its economy remains undiversified - sadly - relying mainly on tourism and one aluminium smelter. It needs to create more jobs in hydroelectric power for export, and financial services may well be another solution.
Personally, I remain optimistic for what is essentially a very good news story in the western Balkans.
Anna Ibrisagic
Madam President, as shadow rapporteur for Montenegro for the Group of the European People's Party (Christian Democrats), I would first like to thank Mr Tannock for his excellent cooperation and a very sound and well-balanced report. I would also like to urge my fellow Members to give their support tomorrow to the report that we have before us.
I would like, in particular, to emphasise the fact that I have a very positive view of the European Council's decision of December 2010 to grant Montenegro candidate status with the prospect of EU membership. At the same time, it is important for us not to stop there, but to quickly continue towards the goal, which is EU membership for Montenegro. The political and economic stability that Montenegro has continually shown right from the time it became independent is immense. This country is often described as a success story - and we heard it today from the Council, too.
Like Mr Tannock, I also think it is regrettable that candidate status has been disconnected from the right to begin negotiations. I therefore believe that the Commission should initiate membership negotiations as quickly as possible and set a date to start these negotiations with Montenegro. It is clear that the reform process must continue, for example, within the judiciary and with regard to combating conflicts of interest in public administration, and that the priorities recommended by the Commission must be dealt with, but I would nevertheless like to praise the government of Montenegro for the positive reforms that it has succeeded in implementing so far.
Today, we have Montenegro's ambassador with us here in the Chamber, and I hope and look forward to the day when we can welcome not only the ambassador, but the whole of Montenegro to the EU and the representatives of Montenegro to this Parliament.
Göran Färm
Madam President, I would like to thank Mr Tannock for his constructive cooperation on behalf of the Group of the Progressive Alliance of Socialists and Democrats in the European Parliament, too. I am pleased that Montenegro can now pursue a path towards EU membership. I agree that the Commission should initiate the negotiations as soon as possible, provided, of course, that Montenegro continues to move towards the EU's targets.
The fact that Montenegro has now been granted candidate status sends out a strong signal about the EU's commitment to the future of whole of the former Yugoslavia in the EU. Like Croatia, Montenegro can show the remaining countries the way to EU membership. Rapprochement to the EU is a key factor for both prosperity and stability in the region. That is abundantly clear.
Montenegro is a small, new and peaceful country that is strongly committed to regional cooperation. It has good relations with its neighbouring countries and, hence, good prerequisites for success in the forthcoming membership negotiations. However, there are areas that require vigorous reforms. The legal and administrative capacity to form a fully viable society based on the rule of law has been strengthened, but more is still required. Corruption and organised crime are rife and the legal system needs a great deal of further enhancement in order to meet the EU's requirements.
I have tabled a number of amendments in order to point out that Montenegro also needs to strengthen the position of women, secure freedom of the press, safeguard the fundamental rights of workers and minorities and, in particular, develop civil society. We must not forget that these, too, are crucial areas in the forthcoming EU negotiations. I welcome Montenegro's membership of the European Union as soon as possible.
Ivo Vajgl
Madam President, I would like to congratulate Mr Tannock on his report and on the cooperation he has shown in formulating it. If, by adopting the resolution on Montenegro, we wish to renew, in principle, the commitment towards continuation of the process of European Union enlargement and towards enabling all the states of our continent to develop under the aegis of Union membership, then we first need to ensure fulfilment of the following steps, first of all for Montenegro, and then also for Serbia, Macedonia, Bosnia and Herzegovina and Albania, not forgetting Turkey of course.
For Montenegro, this would mean that the granting of candidate status and the decision, in principle, to start negotiations should be followed by the actual opening of negotiations. Meanwhile, much more work awaits the Montenegrin Government in terms of harmonising legal systems and enabling administrative capacities. The fight against corruption, in all its diverse forms, must continue and must result in the conviction of those who have engaged in corrupt practices.
Ensuring equality and respect for women is not a task that deserves to be highlighted today only. Freedom of expression, media independence and protection of minorities are all values which any candidate for membership in the European Union must unconditionally respect.
The young Montenegrin democracy must provide an appropriate and prominent place in its society for NGOs. Commissioner, I would like to bring to your attention a particular wish which I heard while staying in Montenegro and speaking to its politicians there. It is important that relations between Montenegro and Serbia evolve without Serbia attempting to interfere with its neighbour's development through ethnic Serbian parties. That school of thought has already done great damage in the history of south-eastern Europe.
Ulrike Lunacek
on behalf of the Verts/ALE Group. - Madam President, Commissioner, I would also like to thank our colleague, Charles Tannock, for a very good and well-balanced report and I am glad we found consensus here in regretting the decoupling of the candidate status for Montenegro from opening the negotiations. As previous speakers have said, I would also like Montenegro to move forward with negotiations and I hope the delay will not be too long. I am happy also to hear from the Hungarian Presidency that they are strong supporters in the enlargement process. So I hope there will be progress this year, at the latest, following the progress report. Montenegro has achieved a lot in the past and in recent years, but there are still quite a few areas of concern. I would like to mention three: fighting corruption, discrimination and ecological issues.
In the fight against corruption and organised crime, I am glad that in this report, we also demand from the state authorities that they refrain from pressurising NGOs and civil society organisations that investigate corruption and organised crime. They should be free to do their work and support the state in removing corruption and organised crime.
The second aspect is anti-discrimination. There are still lots of groups where, despite good legislation, anti-discrimination is not working: Roma, Ashkaeli and Egyptians, LGBT people; we should also mention gender equality on International Women's Day.
Finally, on ecological issues, Montenegro defines itself in its constitution as an ecological state, which is great. The problem is, despite the beautiful coast and mountains, if good transparent progress is not made by having environmental assessments, then this beautiful countryside is in danger of being destroyed. So, I hope that this country will move forward, involve civil society, and have transparent processes in its ecological areas, especially hydro-electric power plants.
György Schöpflin
Madam President, I agree with most of the speakers so far that Montenegro has made considerable progress towards EU integration despite a poor starting position. In common with the other former Yugoslav republics, it has had to cope with the collapse of Communism, coming together with the collapse of the state, the war that followed, and then having to build a new system on the ruins of the old.
This is no easy task and some of the negative features of the previous system have lived on in new guises. What is important, however, is the emergence of a younger élite that has committed itself to a European future, in which it was certainly helped by the unsuccessful union with Serbia. Problems remain, of course. We have heard about some of these, the usual ones that former Communist states have had to cope with: corruption, criminality, abuses in the administration of justice, a not particularly efficient public service, and the like.
The remedying of these and parallel flaws in the political, economic, legal and administrative systems will require a major effort on the part of the leadership, and it should be prepared for both active and passive resistance from the beneficiaries of the existing system. Every former Communist country has had to face analogous difficulties. The determination of both élites and public opinion to offer a European future is probably the single most important factor ensuring Montenegro's eventual accession to the EU.
Monika Flašíková Beňová
(SK) Madam President, progress in the European integration process is one of the fundamental factors contributing to the further development of Montenegro. From an economic perspective, the country has achieved a certain level of macro-economic stability, and has also advanced successfully in the sense of fulfilling the political criteria set out at the Copenhagen Summit, or the Copenhagen sitting of the Council.
However, we must bring more pressure to bear, especially in the area of strengthening the rule of law - including reforms to the judiciary - and it is also essential to continue the ongoing effort in the fight against corruption and organised crime. It is also desirable to see progress in the reform of the public administration and electoral reform, and a stronger role for parliament
Emphasis must be placed on the implementation of freedom of expression and media freedom. It would also be appropriate to cooperate with civil society, and to try and address discrimination and the social and economic integration of minority groups in the population, including the Roma. Regional cooperation and correct neighbourly relations are undoubtedly one of the other preconditions for a successful Euro-integration process.
Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen, Montenegro has made a considerable effort in the attempt to fulfil the criteria set out for successful integration into the European Union, and it is therefore time to consider granting candidate country status. I believe that this will be achieved.
Eduard Kukan
Madam President, first of all, I would like to thank and congratulate the rapporteur, Mr Tannock, for the excellent report and very good preparation of the relevant resolution.
Montenegro has made good progress in the integration process. The country also plays a constructive role in maintaining regional stability. It is on the right track, which was confirmed last year by the Commission and the Council granting Montenegro candidate country status. I hope that it will ensure that the remaining criteria for opening accession negotiations are fulfilled soon to enable those negotiations to be started.
Until that happens, Montenegro's government needs to focus on progress in key areas, which have been clearly indicated. Let me summarise them as follows: the rule of law, the fight against corruption and organised crime, election legislation, strengthening Parliament's supervisory role vis-à-vis the government and broader involvement of civil society in interaction with the government, the reform of justice, with continual strengthening of the independence of the judiciary and prosecution, and tackling corruption, which undermines state institutions, economic and social development and the functioning of the public administration.
Finally, I am glad to see that Montenegro is continuously proceeding further in the integration process. That is why I hope that the Council will decide to open negotiations with the country really soon.
Zoran Thaler
(SL) Madam President, Mrs Győri, Commissioner Füle, I would like to congratulate the rapporteur, Mr Charles Tannock, on the achievement represented by the resolution on Montenegro, on which we will be voting tomorrow. Montenegro is a major hope for the process of European Union enlargement across the Western Balkans. Montenegro is a state and society without any objective problems which might prevent it from doing what is necessary to attain membership of the European Union. However, its neighbours, Bosnia and Herzegovina and Macedonia, have not been so fortunate.
The European Commission's seven key priorities are clear and I would suggest that Prime Minister Igor Lukšić's government addresses them in a determined fashion and in this way opens negotiations on Montenegro's full membership. In doing so, the government should rely on Montenegro's civil society, free-thinking intellectuals and non-governmental organisations. The critics are not Montenegro's enemies, the independent media are not enemies, but a valuable asset for Montenegro. Obviously, combating corruption and organised crime remains key. In the words of a Montenegrin folk song: 'Montenegro may be small, but it is honourable and fair'.
Elena Băsescu
(RO) Madam President, stability in the Western Balkans region will be strengthened even further with Montenegro's recommendation as a candidate country by the European Commission. At the same time, I wish to mention how important it is to comply exactly with the Copenhagen criteria, which are key to the progress of EU integration. Although a great deal of progress has been made, the Montenegrin authorities still have reforms to implement in key sectors. For example, I feel obliged to mention the report from the Commission on the spread of corruption and illegal tax transactions. With this in mind, the most important measure is to create a specialist structure for combating these problems.
On the other hand, the rights of minorities, and I am referring here, in particular, to those of the Roma, still do not have the necessary legislative basis. The reference to the status of minorities in the fundamental law, together with their rights, will be a positive sign for European integration. I welcome the promotion of Montenegro as a state championing the green movement. One of the EU's key objectives is environmental protection. On this point, I want to draw attention to the adverse impact which excessive, poorly managed tourism has. One consequence could be to extend the future accession negotiations.
Finally, I wish to mention that Montenegro's prospect of EU integration is helping Europe come to terms with its past in the Balkans region as a whole.
Csaba Sándor Tabajdi
(HU) Madam President, Mrs Győri, Commissioner, I am pleased that the Hungarian Presidency considers enlargement in the Western Balkans region one of its priority tasks, and I trust that this will substantially contribute to Montenegro advancing from the stage of candidate country to finally commencing accession negotiations. My fellow Members have already mentioned how important the fight against corruption is in the accession of a Western Balkans country, but there are two other key areas. One is the quality of its neighbourhood relations. In this respect, Montenegro has performed very well by signing agreements with Croatia and Serbia.
The other is minority issues. Montenegro has an exemplary minorities act, which, in many respects, builds upon the experience gained from the local minority government model of my home country, Hungary. However, I note with regret that at the moment, the electoral law fell through for the very reason of minority representation remaining unresolved. I hope that our Montenegrin friends will solve this problem as well.
Jan Kozłowski
(PL) Madam President, I would like to start by congratulating Montenegro on achieving the status of candidate country for accession to the European Union in December 2010. The political dialogue between this country and the EU institutions is at a very advanced stage, despite the fact that it has not been going on for long. Evidence of Montenegro's high level of commitment and strong political will to make changes can be seen in the way that it has implemented reforms under the Bologna process, for example, or in the improvements it has made to the functioning of the labour market.
As emerges from the Commission communication on Montenegro's application, however, continuing high levels of unemployment point to a discrepancy between the skills which are available and those which are required, thus revealing the education system's weak points. Montenegro should therefore make every effort to ensure that all social groups, including those at risk of social exclusion, have the opportunity to receive high quality general education and training, in order to equip its citizens with skills which increase their chances of employment.
Janusz Władysław Zemke
(PL) Madam President, this debate has shown that Montenegro is increasingly well-prepared for accession to the European Union's structures. It goes without saying that this is important for Montenegro itself, but I should like to draw your attention to the fact that there are also two other dimensions to this process. The first is a European dimension, demonstrating that the principles and values governing the European Union's actions are still attractive to the rest of Europe. The second dimension relates to the Balkans, since this process shows the other Balkan states what path they can, and indeed should, follow. It is a difficult path, but one which is not impossible.
I have one very quick question: would Commissioner Füle mind giving us a timetable for Montenegro's future accession to the European Union? Thank you very much.
László Tőkés
Madam President, as a citizen of Romania with a strong belief in the benefits of a prosperous multi-ethnic society based on peaceful coexistence and reconciliation between nations, I welcome Montenegro's efforts to comply with the Copenhagen criteria, as regards the stability of institutions guaranteeing democracy, and to correspond to European and international standards.
Montenegro is a parliamentary democracy based on a constitutional and legislative framework for the rule of law, human rights and the respect for and protection of minorities.
However, there are serious gaps in the implementation of legislation. Corruption remains prevalent, organised crime continues to be a serious problem and there are concerns over the efficiency of the judiciary.
I encourage Montenegro to continue its constructive engagement in regional cooperation and in strengthening bilateral relations with neighbouring countries.
Katarína Neveďalová
(SK) Madam President, last week's visit by Commissioner Füle shows that the commitment of the Montenegrin Government to European integration is genuine and is the best path for a country that is moving towards the European Union.
The social and political changes that have taken place in Montenegro in recent years are a positive sign not only for the EU, but also for the country's neighbours. The Montenegrin Government has also won plaudits from the UN over the broad spectrum of problems it has managed to address. According to the United Nations Development Programme report, Montenegro is capable of fulfilling the Millennium Development Goals, including the eradication of poverty, universal primary education and a reduction in infant mortality, by 2015.
Montenegrin premier, Igor Lukšič, stated during his recent visit to Brussels that Montenegro's priorities are EU and NATO membership. I therefore personally consider Montenegro's efforts enormously important, and I fully support the assistance and aid which the EU is providing to the country, and I believe that this country will join the EU in the near future.
Raffaele Baldassarre
(IT) Madam President, Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen, although some excellent results have been achieved so far on the road towards European integration, there remain some gaps in fundamental areas for the development of a democratic system and full confirmation of the rule of law.
Despite the progress made with the amendments to the legislation on criminal procedures and other primary laws, some aspects are still substantially behind schedule. I refer, in particular, to the urgent need to ensure the responsibility and efficiency of the judiciary, as well as its transparency, not to mention that of the public prosecutor's office, and their independence from political interference.
To that end, substantial changes are needed to the system for appointing judges and public prosecutors, putting an end to the practice whereby their appointments only take place in parliament and within the government.
Lastly, (...) to improve access to justice and to free legal assistance.
Corina Creţu
(RO) Madam President, Montenegro's gaining of accession candidate country status is the upshot of the open door policy promoted by the European Union, which has had a beneficial impact not only in Eastern Europe but also in the Western Balkans, as in this case. Montenegro is at the start of a journey which will neither be easy nor simple, but it has a prospect of accession and a road map, and it can benefit from the experience of the countries in the region which have completed the path of accession not very long ago. It is important that the next country report is positive and allows accession negotiations to actually begin.
I believe that the European Union has successfully made a crucial contribution to the process of reconciliation in the former Yugoslavia. Once all the states formed from the disintegration of the Yugoslav Federation have been admitted to the European Union, this will also close the final wounds of a violent past, which is still an issue for the entire European community. I wish the Montenegrin nation every success in its efforts to modernise its country in order to meet the accession conditions.
Andreas Mölzer
(DE) Madam President, the expectation was that visa liberalisation for Serbia, Montenegro and Macedonia would encourage tourists and businesspeople to make greater use of this opportunity. Instead, we have seen an increase in economic migrants. In this context, information campaigns in these countries are undoubtedly important, so that we can make it clear that a visitor's visa is not the equivalent of asylum or a job in the EU. The fact that the EU had to exert pressure to close the so-called travel agencies which specialised in emigration to the EU demonstrates the lack of awareness of the problem. We will have to wait and see how effective the planned early warning system for mass movements relating to the Roma problem will be.
Many people seem to believe that their future does not lie in their home countries in the Balkans, such as Montenegro, but want to make use of their newly acquired freedom of travel to enter the EU illegally. However, they do not have the right to access Europe's social security systems.
It is important for Montenegro to make greater efforts to introduce EU standards in areas such as justice, combating corruption and protecting minorities, in order to establish a European perspective.
Štefan Füle
Member of the Commission. - Madam President, honourable Members, our discussion has proved productive in reconfirming the next steps necessary for Montenegro to achieve further progress on its European Union path. As acknowledged in the draft resolution we discussed today and in the Commission opinion of last November, Montenegro has achieved a lot but needs to deliver substantially more.
The country has now entered a decisive stage. Tangible results are needed in order for Montenegro to be able to move to the next stage of European integration. The momentum created by candidate status should not be lost; reforms should be pursued with determination. The objectives are well known: it is up to Montenegro to meet the required priorities and, once ready, to engage in the negotiation process. The pace of Montenegro's progress towards European Union membership depends on its own achievements, and that should explain my hesitation in prejudging an enlargement calendar as many of you have invited me to do. But I am positive that with our support, but mainly with the determination of its people, Montenegro can make real progress towards the European Union.
Enikő Győri
Madam President, Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen, first of all, I would like to thank you for this extremely fruitful discussion. It is encouraging to see that the European Parliament continues to support with all its heart Montenegro's European integration efforts. I would like to reassure you that the concerns and tasks you mentioned during this debate are on the agenda of the ongoing dialogue between the EU institutions on the European perspective of Montenegro, and we are making every effort to address them properly.
There have been multiple mentions and questions as to what happens in the time between the granting of candidate status and the commencement of the accession negotiations, that is, why we are not beginning the negotiations immediately, without delay. Perhaps you, too, are aware, and both the Commissioner and I have mentioned it, that now that Montenegro has obtained the status of candidate country, the Commission has set out conditions it must fulfil. There are seven such conditions, including the rule of law, taking action against organised crime, the fight against corruption, etc., and the Commission will evaluate the progress made in these areas, which will then be tabled before the Council in autumn, after which we will be able to decide whether we have reached a stage where we can launch the negotiations.
Once again, thank you for this debate and I believe that this, too, proves that the European Parliament is ready to send out a positive signal to the Western Balkans region. A signal which proves that the enlargement process is under way, that it still exists, and that it needs to be credible. This means that the progress made with each country in the region is based on a personalised approach and is performance-related. In the case of Montenegro, this refers to what has been said here; in the case of Serbia, it means that the answers to the questionnaire received have been prepared and will now be evaluated by the Commission; and in the case of Croatia, it means that the country must finish its homework and prepare in every possible way to ensure that the negotiations can be concluded during the term of the Hungarian Presidency. This way, the process remains credible and we can ensure that our immediate neighbours, these true European countries, remain on the right track, and that they will ultimately be able to join the EU once they have reached the appropriate stage of preparedness.
President
I have received one motion for a resolutiontabled in accordance with Rule 110(2) of the Rules of Procedure.
The debate is closed.
The vote will take place on Wednesday, 9 March 2011.


ESDP operation in eastern Chad and the north of the Central African Republic (debate)
President
The next item is the Council and Commission statements on the ESDP operation in eastern Chad and the north of the Central African Republic.
Manuel Lobo Antunes
President-in-Office of the Council. - (PT) Thank you, Mr President. The Portuguese Presidency appreciates this opportunity to exchange thoughts on the possibility of an operation being conducted in the framework of the ESDP (European Security and Defence Policy) in eastern Chad and the north-east of the Central African Republic. The Darfur conflict remains one of the main priorities of the EU's foreign policy. We are pleased with the recent progress made and, in particular, and firstly, the announcement that discussions will begin on 27 October, under the auspices of the United Nations and the African Union Special Envoy, to find a peaceful solution to the conflict that will increase the prospects for peace in Darfur. Secondly, we also regard as positive the unanimous adoption of Security Council Resolution 1769 creating the UNAMID (AU/UN Hybrid operation in Darfur), which will add a new dynamic to the efforts made to resolve the conflict in Darfur.
However, in order for these efforts to produce results, the Darfur conflict must be tackled within a wider regional perspective. The conflict's negative impact on the humanitarian and security situation in neighbouring countries, in particular Chad and the Central African Republic, is cause for very particular concern. In our opinion, a lasting solution to the conflict in Darfur cannot be found without stabilising the situation in these neighbouring countries.
As you know, in its conclusions of 23 July the Council emphasised the urgent need to address the destabilising impact of the Darfur crisis on the humanitarian and security situation in neighbouring countries and reiterated its support for the deployment of a multidimensional UN presence in eastern Chad and the north-east of the Central African Republic.
The Council also decided to continue working on a possible decision on a bridging operation, in the framework of the European Security and Defence Policy, to support this multidimensional UN presence with a view to improving security in those areas.
Preparations for such an operation have been ongoing throughout the summer. On 12 September the Council adopted the crisis management concept that defines the main planning parameters of this bridging operation. Particular emphasis is placed on the objective of protecting civilians in danger, particularly refugees and displaced persons, and of facilitating the delivery of humanitarian aid by increasing security in the region.
With regard to the internal political situation in these two countries, the Council considers that the mission should maintain its independence, impartiality and neutrality. Planning based on this concept is in hand, in accordance with the EU's crisis management procedures. The next steps to be taken will be the approval of a common action on the concept of the operation and the operational plan, including determining the composition of the force. The operation will last one year and it is expected that it will be replaced by a multinational UN mission. Any ESDP operation in Chad and the Central African Republic must be based on a UN Security Council resolution and will be conducted in strict consultation with the UN and our African partners.
We in the EU welcome the statement made by the President of the UN Security Council on 27 August in which he indicated the readiness of the Security Council to authorise the establishment of a multidimensional presence in eastern Chad and the north-eastern Central African Republic. Any EU operation to Chad and the Central African Republic must be complemented by political initiatives to tackle the regional dimension of the Darfur conflict. In particular, any efforts aimed at normalising relations between Chad and Sudan should be supported, in accordance with the Tripoli and Riyadh Agreements. Sudan, Chad and the Central African Republic should also be encouraged to respect the commitments they made in terms of not supporting the rebel movements operating from their territories against any of the other countries.
Louis Michel
Member of the Commission. - (FR) Madam President, ladies and gentlemen, with yesterday's adoption by the United Nations Security Council of Resolution 1778/2007 on the deployment of an international force in the eastern part of Chad and in the north-east of the Central African Republic the door is now open for the Council of the European Union to give its approval, within the next few days, to an ESDP operation in these countries. This is clearly a major development and I believe it is to be welcomed. The regions targeted by the operation are currently in a state of general instability and insecurity that is affecting hundreds of thousands of civilians, who are forced to live in conditions of extreme vulnerability. As you know, this situation cannot solely be explained by the knock-on effect that the Darfur crisis is having on Chad and the Central African Republic. There are also endogenous reasons, peculiar to these two countries, especially in the case of Chad.
Stability in these areas of Chad and the Central African Republic can only be assured if international action, and especially that taken by the European Union, incorporates a number of factors. These include, firstly, the quality of the military and police presence in Chad and in the CAR, secondly the adoption of an approach that is not exclusively based on security but also includes the provision of aid and the establishment of political structures, and finally the capacity to confine and contain any interference by Sudan and the Darfur region in Chad and the Central African Republic.
Let me deal with the first point: this is an area that comes under the second pillar. Members of the Council have expressed their views on this matter and doubtless will have more to say in the days ahead. One important element that has to be taken into account in the deployment of such a European protection force is obviously the need to protect the humanitarian zone. This is why my staff at ECHO have been working closely with the Council's military planners with a view to ensuring that the relevant mandates are respected and that there is a high level of cooperation between the military and the humanitarian agencies. We have in particular insisted that the liaison officers of the European protection force should be present on the ground in order to ensure close links and a permanent exchange of information with the humanitarian organisations.
I will now move on to the second point. The aid measures provided by the Commission cover three aspects. The first comprises a security backup for the Chadian police operation, under the direction of the United Nations. This essentially constitutes funding for the training of 800 Chadian police officers who will be responsible for maintaining order in the camps that have been set up for refugees and displaced persons. It is crucial that this police action is exemplary. It is also very important that it is well received by the local people. For this purpose, funding to the amount of some EUR 10 million is to be provided by the stability instrument before the end of 2007.
Now I will turn to the humanitarian measures. In 2007 the Commission allocated EUR 30.5 million for emergency humanitarian aid and for multisectoral aid programmes designed to help the refugees and internally displaced populations as well as the host communities in Chad. The Central African Republic received EUR 8 million in aid and similar amounts have been allocated for 2008.
The third element concerns reintegration and rehabilitation. Additional funding from the 9th European Development Fund of about EUR 13.1 million are to be mobilised in the short term for Chad and the Central African Republic. The programme is intended as a continuation of ECHO's activities in pursuing a strategy for rehabilitation and the transition to development.
Ladies and gentlemen, these aid measures are necessary but must at the same time be linked to actions involving the political process. If lasting stability is to be assured, the actions being taken at international and European level need to be supplemented by various other activities associated with the restoration of the rule of law, the revival of economic governance, the reform of the legal and security systems, and the pursuit of political dialogue between the government and the opposition parties. It goes without saying that this is an important element, especially in view of the 2009 elections.
The Commission will continue to promote this global approach in Chad and in the Central African Republic. By the same token the Commission is fully active in trying to resolve the Darfur conflict, not only by providing humanitarian aid and help for reconstruction but also by lending support to the process of negotiation and mediation, in which we are obviously very much involved. In this regard I recently informed the Secretary-General of the United Nations, Mr Ban Ki-moon, and the Chairman of the African Union Commission, Mr Konaré, that the Commission would be contributing to the Darfur Trust Fund in support of the negotiations. Moreover, the Commission is also financing initiatives aimed at ensuring that Darfurian society is involved in and committed to the process of conflict resolution.
Karl von Wogau
on behalf of the PPE-DE Group. - (DE) Madam President, ladies and gentlemen, the humanitarian situation in Chad, especially along the country's 1 360 km border with Sudan but also in the area bordering the Central African Republic, in my view makes intervention by the international community necessary.
I myself was in Chad a few days ago and was able to form an impression of the situation there. More than 400 000 refugees and displaced persons are hosted in camps in this border area. These camps are permanently under threat from bandits and marauding gangs but also from the Janjaweed militia from Sudan. The situation in the open country is even more difficult. Due to the lack of security there, more and more people are seeking refuge in the camps.
To help alleviate the plight of these people, the security situation in the region must be improved so that they can return to their homes. This is a difficult challenge, and in order to manage it, burden-sharing is essential. The United Nations has committed to helping to develop the police force, which can then partner the security forces. The European Union, on the other hand, was asked to provide troops with the capability to ward off the Janjaweed and the bandits and prevent attacks on the refugees, displaced persons and the civilian population.
With this draft resolution, the European Parliament endorses this operation, albeit subject to the following conditions: firstly, as you have pointed out, Mr President, Commissioner, political negotiations must continue, for ultimately we need a political solution. If we send troops, however, they must have a robust mandate which genuinely enables them to deter the Janjaweed and the bandits.
A very large area needs to be secured. The force must therefore also be large enough to achieve a genuine improvement in the security situation. It must be clear that this is a European force involving several European nations. EUFOR must also be adequately equipped to fulfil its mandate. In view of the relatively low troop strength and the size of the border area, this means that outstanding intelligence and transport capabilities are required, for the force must be able to determine quickly where there is a threat and must be able to reach the relevant location swiftly.
Under no circumstances should a situation arise in which, due to the mandate itself or to equipment deficits, a European force in Chad could only protect itself without being able to fulfil its real mandate. A further condition imposed by the European Parliament is that a clear exit strategy must be defined which should foresee how and by whom EUFOR is replaced after its intended operational duration of one year.
In the present draft resolution the European Parliament also emphasises that in the light of the complex political situation in the region, this European force in Chad should act as a neutral force for security and the protection of the civilian population. The deployment of EUFOR last year in Congo made it clear how important credible impartiality and independence can be for the success of an operation.
In the present situation, by deploying a force for a limited period of one year, the European Union can make an important contribution to improving the humanitarian situation and supporting the African Union as it takes on more responsibility in the region. Both these aspects are necessary, and so I ask you to vote in favour of the present resolution.
Ana Maria Gomes
on behalf of the PSE Group. - (PT) Security Council Resolution 1778, which was adopted yesterday, determines that the situation in the region of the border between Sudan, Chad and the Central African Republic constitutes a threat to international peace and security.
This Parliament's motion for a resolution recognises the urgency of the situation and the European Union's responsibility to provide protection. An overwhelming majority of Members in this House agree with the humanitarian NGOs on the ground, with the refugees in the region who are living in miserable conditions and in a climate of permanent fear, and with the Secretary-General of the United Nations. All cite the urgent need for an international presence in that region, which must include a strong military component. There is no country or multilateral organisation that is better suited than the European Union to effectively fulfil the mandate given by Resolution 1778. The ESDP (European Security and Defence Policy) has come of age and exists for these very emergencies.
In this context, as regards sending an EU military force to the region, the Council and the Portuguese Presidency can count on the support in principle of Parliament. However, the European Parliament must express its concern about certain aspects of this mission. Firstly, we fear that the reluctance of Member States to provide the force with the minimum personnel and military equipment needed will greatly reduce its effectiveness. We would add that the smaller the contributions of the other Member States, the more noticeable the French component of the force will be. However, the perception of this mission's impartiality is fundamental to its success and France is not regarded as a neutral player in the region.
Secondly, Parliament asks that this force be accompanied by a diplomatic offensive in the region in order to move forward the national reconciliation processes within Chad and the Central African Republic. The roots of the instability, although linked to the drama in Darfur, are also domestic and can only be overcome through internal political processes. As stated by Parliament's motion for a resolution, without a genuine political reconciliation process in the region, the European Union operation, planned to last only 12 months, cannot sustainably contribute to peace in the region.
Finally, this Parliament welcomes the mandate of the force which will act under Chapter VII of the Charter of the United Nations. It is essential that this mandate is correctly interpreted on the ground and that the European troops are proactive in protecting civilians in danger, creating a humanitarian area for the international organisations and protecting the United Nations Mission in the Central African Republic and Chad (MINURCAT). Recent history is full of tragic examples, from Kigali to Srebrenica, of defenceless civilian populations paying the ultimate price for the timidity and overscrupulousness of international troops.
We hope that one day this operation will be used as a model example of the ESDP and effective multilateralism in action and as due evidence of the European Union's desire to strengthen the United Nations and contribute to conflict resolution in accordance with international law and the responsibility to protect enshrined therein.
Annemie Neyts-Uyttebroeck
Madam President, Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen, as you have already said several times, the UN Security Council yesterday voted unanimously to develop a multidimensional presence in east Chad and the north-east of the Central African Republic for one year. This will consist of a civil and police UN mission that we will call MINURCAT following the UN and a military mission of the European Union, EUFOR, which will support and protect it.
This European security and defence mission will operate under Chapter VII of the UN Charter and that is extremely important because it means that it will be able to use all means to fulfil its task and it means that it will have a robust mandate, which is what Parliament expressly wanted. That increases the chance of the mission succeeding but it also substantially increases its and our responsibility.
We have repeatedly expressed our concern in Parliament about the situation in Darfur and our alarm at the expansion of the lack of security and instability into neighbouring territories and the whole region. More than 1 million people have been forced to flee, either inside their own country or across the borders. They are exposed to all manner of hardship and acts of violence, with women and children usually suffering the most. In addition, this situation is threatening the fragile peace agreements reached both in Chad and in the Central African Republic, because as well as the political rebels, ordinary bandits see it as their opportunity to rob, abuse and murder the civilian population.
EUFOR's task will, therefore, be anything but simple. However, before we can talk about that, we have to think about assembling those troops, as Mrs Gomes has said, and not only putting the force together but equipping it too. The moment of truth is dawning for every Member State, including my own: the moment when, as well as fine words and noble statements, we have to deliver the goods in terms of soldiers and material. That also holds good for Parliament. We insisted, rightly, on thorough information and we have used our powers to give documented and substantiated advice. We were able to do that partly because we had a lengthy exchange of views last week with General Leaky.
Our advice is positive. It will be our job and our responsibility to ensure that the mission can get underway as soon as possible and in the best of circumstances.
Ģirts Valdis Kristovskis
on behalf of the UEN Group. - (LV) Madam President, on behalf of the Union for Europe of the Nations Group I would like to stress that we support the ESDP military mission within the largest peace-keeping mission in the world, in Chad and the Central African Republic. We are talking about the most serious cross-border humanitarian crisis in the world. In fact, the UN Security Council ought to have taken action much earlier. The four-year delay has cost the lives of 200 000 people, 2.5 million people have been driven from their homes, and brutal attacks are being carried out on providers of humanitarian aid. We can predict that the scale of the crisis triggered by the Darfur conflict will make it possible to test the European Union's political will, as well as its military capacity. A few days ago General D. Leakey assured Members that, regardless of funding problems and the difficulties in anticipating all possible threats and risks that could arise during the operation, in military terms the European Union was capable of carrying out this operation no worse than in Bosnia, and from a military viewpoint the operation would be less intense.
Angelika Beer
on behalf of the Verts/ALE Group. - (DE) Madam President, ladies and gentlemen, here are some more figures relating to what we are talking about: 230 000 refugees, plus a further 170 000 internally displaced persons and an estimated 700 000 people who are indirectly at risk from attacks.
We are here to close this gap, this vacuum, in the protection. That must be the focus of the European mission. Since yesterday, the condition of a robust mandate has been in place. The issue of neutrality is not resolved. At the moment, it looks as if the French troops already deployed in Chad will merely be boosted by a few countries. This puts both the neutrality and the success of the mission at risk.
What I want particularly from the Foreign Ministers who have to decide on Friday, however, is for them to ensure that the operational area of the EUFOR mission is clearly defined. This is still not the case at present. It would be a disaster if this mission were not permitted to operate where the help is most urgently needed, namely in the border area. I expect the European Union to negotiate with the regime in Chad and ensure that it has the right to operate along the 35 km border as well. Otherwise, this is a fig-leaf operation which could even put more people at risk.
Tobias Pflüger
on behalf of the GUE/NGL Group. - (DE) Madam President, to clarify, this is an ESDP mission in Chad and the Central African Republic under Chapter VII of the UN Charter; in other words, it is a military operation. It is not about Sudan and Darfur. The French Government wants this EU mission at all costs. It wants to provide the Force Headquarters and the Operation Headquarters itself. The German and the British Governments are very sceptical. French troops are already deployed in Chad. It is quite clear that France is acting as a protection force for the governments in Chad and the Central African Republic and now simply wants to embellish its engagement there with the EU logo. The French troops are not neutral; on the contrary, they are obviously biased. For example, they have bombed rebels operating in the country. The rebel leaders have announced that if the EU force is not neutral, they will wage a war against these troops.
I have now heard that the Nordic Battle Group is not available, and the UN resolution calls for open cooperation with the military and the police in Chad. It is obviously the case that Chad and the Central African Republic are not democracies. Refugee return is not part of the mandate of this EU force and this mission is - to be frank - extremely dangerous. As a group, we will be voting against the resolution tabled, because we believe that the situation will not improve but will deteriorate further as a result of this operation.
Hubert Pirker
(DE) Madam President, Commissioner, let me clarify for the benefit of Mr Pflüger and the others: the mandate of the EU force is humanitarian in nature and consists of ensuring the safety of refugees from Chad and Darfur, also by military means. The UN Security Council has endorsed the deployment of a UN-mandated European force and the consequence is that the European Union is immediately under international scrutiny to determine what it is actually capable of achieving in foreign policy and military terms.
This operation entails both a risk and an opportunity: it is a risk due to the extremely difficult political parameters in this conflict-laden region, but on the other hand, it also offers the opportunity to show that the European Union has developed foreign policy and military capabilities and can genuinely act to protect refugees in this region.
At present, however, and this view is shared by many, the risk is greater than the opportunity. That is why the European Parliament has drawn up a list of conditions, which have already been outlined: from the time-limited mandate to precise definitions of targets and tasks, the proper preparation and technical equipment for EUFOR troops, and the granting of an operational mandate including an exit strategy.
Naturally, we must expect this operation not only to be approved but also supported by the local governments so that it is successful. However, and I believe we all agree on this point, if all these conditions which the European Parliament has set are fulfilled, the prospects of success are greater than the risk, and we can approve the mission.
Michel Rocard
(FR) Madam President, Commissioner, Mr President-in-Office of the Council, I am satisfied with this draft resolution and with the decision that it upholds and I would also like to say something else: when man's brutality leads to tragedy and suffering on the scale that we have seen in Darfur, then our conscience demands solidarity. I am profoundly pleased that the European Union is responding to the appeal made by the Secretary-General of the United Nations.
Many Members and diplomats, including my friend and colleague Mrs Gomes just now, have stressed that this operation must under no circumstances be allowed to look like an opportunity to support French interests or to extend France's military presence in the region. I hope that I am surprising no one when I too give my vigorous support to this view.
Speaking as a former Prime Minister, may I say with some conviction that if France is still present in this region it is simply because of her significant historical heritage, where the burden of colonialism has been such that a policy of solidarity with the people is needed to try to help them regain peace and stability and to herald the start of effective governance. France no longer has any strategic or economic interests in these regions and I am one of those who would have preferred to see us withdraw a long time ago: that would have saved a lot of money and would really have been in our own interest. Even the uranium resources of the Niger do not constitute a strategic interest of kingly proportions, but simply require sufficient peace and stability so that these deposits can be made accessible to everyone and a competitive market can be established.
This then is essentially a European peacekeeping operation, not a French one, and that is the way it should be. I would add a word of warning, however: this vision will only be made reality if a large number of European Member States agree to send troops. It would be damaging if the spirit of solidarity, which for historical reasons has placed greater demands on France than on others to the extent that we have the largest contingent, were to be turned by your absence into a climate of post-colonial suspicion. That would be senseless and I would take great exception to it.
Let me end with the following remark. The oral amendment tabled this morning by our fellow Member Mr Gahler is for once - sadly for him - not relevant. The Republic of Chad, by way of its Foreign Minister, gave its agreement in principle to this operation in a written communication that was sent to the Security Council several days ago. I have a photocopy of this document here and I will be happy to make it available to Mr Gahler.
Eoin Ryan
Madam President, I too support the decision to send 4 000 EU troops to Chad in the form of a peacekeeping force. The reality is that there is a wholesale political instability in Chad and in the Central African Republic. We know that genocide is taking place in the Darfur region of Sudan. If peacekeepers are not sent to Chad, we run the risk of an even greater level of instability and violence breaking out in this region of Africa.
It is estimated that there are as many as 400 000 refugees from the Central African Republic and from Darfur in refugee camps in Chad, but there are only 250 guards from the army of Chad manning these camps. Refugee camps in Chad are an enormous humanitarian crisis and the international community, including the European Union, must help the Government of Chad to deal with what is an escalating and growing problem. The stories that we hear from people who have visited the area recently are really awful and, as I said, we have to do what we can to try and relieve the human misery that is going on there at the moment.
I very much support the decision to deploy 26 000 UN peacekeepers in Sudan. The European Union must be at the forefront in participating in this peacekeeping force. I also welcome the decision taken by my own Government today to carry out an immediate and in-depth assessment of the future role that Irish peacekeepers could play in the UN and EU peacekeeping missions in Sudan, the Central African Republic and Chad.
Michael Gahler
(DE) Madam President, the situation in Chad and the Central African Republic is difficult for the people affected, and I therefore support, in principle, engagement by the EU to stabilise the situation and improve the real conditions of life for the people concerned.
In his statement of 27 August the President of the UN Security Council described the international community's intentions to deploy an EU operation for 12 months with the goal of bridging the time gap until the deployment of a UN-led mission. That is why the EU has also clearly limited the operation to a period of one year. I am convinced that we need a robust mandate here; that means not limiting ourselves purely to self-defence, but being able to pursue our objectives, if necessary, in the face of opposition from those who wish to stop us doing so.
The text of yesterday's Security Council resolution points in this direction: it refers to a 'multidimensional presence intended to help create the security conditions conducive to a voluntary, secure and sustainable return of refugees and displaced persons'. We are authorised 'to take all necessary measures'.
I urge the Council to ensure that this force is not simply a cosmetically enhanced French force. In terms of the nationality of the commander, too, local sensitivities should be respected. Unfortunately, France has not been neutral so far in the conflicts in Chad and the Central African Republic, but has traditionally supported the government. For that reason, the language chosen for the command and operation at local level should be English, so that the people at least understand that these Europeans are obviously different from the ones they are accustomed to seeing.
Indeed, while I am on the subject of Britain, the UK has prevented the EU's Command Headquarters in Brussels from leading the operation, and in my view, this warrants considerable criticism. Not participating yourself but denying others the use of joint structures: that is something that we should not accept from those who drop out in future!
As regards the achievability of the goals, I still have doubts. Have we set ourselves clear objectives? How many of the internally displaced persons should be back home by the end of the year? How many refugees from Darfur should have returned to Darfur? We would not have achieved enough if we handed on the baton after a year with the same number of people still in the camps.
The costs are also considerable: I hear that it will cost EUR 100 million just to build a suitable runway and headquarters. Then there are the ongoing costs of the troops. Can the Council give us any specific details of the overall financial framework?
I have one final, but to my mind crucial, point: before deploying the force we must have an explicit assurance from the Government of Chad that it will subsequently endorse the deployment of a UN-led force, whatever the composition may be. I have heard what our colleague has said. I would like to have that confirmed in writing, in the form of an official document from the Government of Chad, not verbally from the Minister in the UN Security Council. When I have this assurance, I can vote for the project. Otherwise, we really will face the alternative, after a year, of either having to extend the operation or withdrawing and leaving a military vacuum in which an identical situation to the present one could very quickly arise. In that event, we would literally have allowed hundreds of millions to run into the sand.
Alain Hutchinson
(FR) Madam President, Commissioner, Mr President-in-Office of the Council, I am delighted that we are today able to discuss and vote for a resolution on an issue that in my view does not get enough attention, for the situation facing the border communities of Sudan, Chad and the Central African Republic is quite simply intolerable and it is something that must never be forgotten in this House.
I for my part do not forget and I have no intention of passing over in silence the fact that this whole affair is one of the many consequences of the Darfur genocide, an event that has been masquerading as something else. Since 2003 the Darfur crisis has created two and a half million refugees, including 125 000 in Chad. There have also been several hundreds of thousands of deaths.
Moreover, to date the humanitarian agencies of the United Nations and the NGOs have had to move their camps 31 times in order to escape the violence, though this has not prevented the arrest of a number of their officials by the Sudanese police, the massacre of 12 humanitarian workers and the disappearance of five others.
The resolution that we are tabling today is clearly intended as an effective contribution to the objective of ending the situation that exists in the border areas. This situation is unacceptable, but it is of relative magnitude when we see the scale of the disaster currently unfolding in that part of the world.
In this respect, I would like to point out that our responsibilities should not be limited to supporting or heading isolated and narrowly-defined operations as an emergency reaction to conflict situations. This responsibility calls for action to be taken in the wider context to which such conflicts belong. It also requires measures to be taken ahead of events, in other words making every possible effort to ensure that such conflicts do not happen in the first place.
The second part of my speech concerns the situation of the humanitarian organisations operating in the region. The manner in which methods have evolved for the intervention of armed forces and for the role played by humanitarian agencies in conflict situations has meant that the boundary separating these two parties is becoming increasingly blurred.
As the confusion that exists between military and humanitarian personnel tends to act to the detriment of those missions traditionally assigned to the humanitarian agencies, we now find that the very survival of the humanitarian aid workers is being put at risk and, with it, the safety of all those people who are supposed to be benefiting from these services.
It is therefore absolutely vital that our protection force is not implicated in any way in the operations being undertaken by the various humanitarian groups that are working in the region. I am pleased to see that the document before us today includes this point, which is so important for the future of our development policies both in this region and everywhere else in the world.
Colm Burke
Madam President, I strongly support the sending of an ESDP mission to the Chad/Darfur border and I welcome the opportunity today to debate this proposition.
The conflict in Darfur has had dire cross-border consequences on neighbouring Chad and the Central African Republic, with a huge refugee spillover and the creation of thousands of internally displaced persons.
According to high level expert advice, this mission is doable despite some considerable operational and security challenges. The infrastructure in this area is poor, water shortages subsist and logistic lines are difficult. Such a mission will also face threats from rebel groups holding out against the government, but it appears based on a thorough assessment recently carried out in this region that all these challenges are surmountable.
So there is no reason to further delay deployment. We have the military capacity; what is now required is the political will.
I call for Irish troops to form part of this ESDP mission. There is a sincere sense of urgency in this crisis region of the world, and Ireland could be part of a noble European effort to stabilise this border area.
Troops could be pulled from the Nordic battle groups for this operation. Like these battle groups, this present ESDP mission is also intended to be a bridging operation. Alternatively, Irish troops currently in the Lebanon could also join this mission.
This force has many worthy objectives. It would improve the security situation in this region prior to further deployment of the United Nations/African Union mission in Darfur. It would also be of assistance to relief organisations as it would open up previously impeded humanitarian corridors. Thirdly, it would eventually facilitate the return of Sudanese refugees.
I believe this mission should have a robust use-of-force mandate with reference to Chapter VII of the UN Charter enabling it to have a deterrent effect when necessary, especially in the case of attacks against civilians, camps, villages, humanitarian workers, UN police officers and for self-defence.
The rainy season is abating. The frequency of attacks on refugee camps is likely to increase as the militia and rebel groups become more mobile now that the rains have subsided. The time for the UN to act is now. Inaction is costing lives. The EU is the most acceptable organisation to carry out this mission, and it is, based on several accounts, well-set to undertake this task.
I urge the Council to adopt a joint action immediately and to set the final stages in motion so that we do not miss the boat on getting EU troops in where they are urgently required.
Geoffrey Van Orden
Madam President, well, we do seem to have a lot of armchair generals in the House this afternoon! The desperate humanitarian and security situation in Darfur and neighbouring regions of Chad and the Central African Republic certainly cry out for international action, but I have to say that is a separate matter from the issue before us today, which is really about ESDP, as we have heard from so many speakers.
I have long argued against the waste of resources, the duplication, the divisions, indeed the sheer duplicity involved in the EU's attempts to develop a military capability. There are no EU troops, Mr Ryan. Our nations have troops and there are already well-tried structures for organising international military intervention by that small number of states that have capable armed forces and an expeditionary capability. This is primarily through NATO and the UN. The EU institutions have little to contribute to military matters.
It is clear that the motives of the ESDP enthusiasts are essentially political. Indeed, one has said that Chad should be seen as a political opportunity. The EU offered itself to the UN; it was not the UN that invited the EU. The EU is desperately keen to pin its institutional label on another military operation but, not surprisingly, national military staffs do not share the enthusiasm of the Eurocrats. With extended lines of communication, over a thousand miles to the nearest seaport, lack of water resources and infrastructure, and a reluctance to take on rebel groups with offensive military operations, the Chad mission is precarious from every point of view. Britain, Germany and Italy have already said that they will not be sending any troops.
What is this force going to do? Certainly not take on the armed hostile elements that have created the mayhem in this vast area of Africa. Undoubtedly, therefore, most of its effort will go into protecting and sustaining itself in a very difficult logistical situation. We really must stop playing around and using human tragedy as a political opportunity.
Manuel Lobo Antunes
President-in-Office of the Council. - (PT) I must very briefly highlight that this proposal to send a force under the ESDP (European Security and Defence Policy) to Chad and the Central African Republic is supported by a vast majority of the Members who have spoken on this issue. As you will know, and as already mentioned here today, in the meantime - I believe just yesterday - the Security Council authorised the European Union to deploy this operation. As mentioned, this authorisation was essential for the European Union so that the operation could go ahead. All the military preparations and planning, in fact the whole exercise, can now go ahead and at a later date the Council will of course give an opinion on this issue through a joint action.
I consider that, by committing to this process, the European Union can now, as should be the case, move on from mere statements of intent and mere promises to practical steps and action. This corresponds to what the European Union always says is, and what must be, its commitment to Africa and the African people. We must help Africa and the African people in a close and complete partnership so that they can achieve peace where there is conflict, progress where there is poverty, health and education where there is disease, and something where there is nothing or very little. In this way we will ensure respect for our values and our principles in our foreign policy as well. The Portuguese Presidency therefore welcomes these latest developments and naturally also takes due note of the great support of many Members for this operation which has become clear in this debate.
President
To conclude the debate, I have received five motions for resolutions pursuant to Rule 103(2) of the Rules of Procedure().
The debate is closed.
The vote will take place on Thursday, 27 September 2007.