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What's it like to live in Mexborough?
What are the pros and cons of living here? Is it a safe area?
Asked on Nov 9 2007, General in Mexborough | Report content
Answers (1)
Hi, We would suggest that you get in touch with local estate agents in order to get some background about the area. You can search for agents using the 'find agents' tab on the top of the Zoopla Page. We hope this helps.Answered on Oct 1 2013, Report content
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Stock Graphic >> Illustration - Spanner Monkey Wrench Crossed Crest 247992 by patrimonio @ CreativeMarket
File Size: 2.2 MB; Vector: Yes.
Illustration of a plumber's monkey wrench and mechanic's spanner crossed set inside crest shield on isolated background done in cartoon style.The zipped file includes editable vector EPS, hi-res JPG and PNG image.
Keywords: monkey wrench, wrench, spanner, tool, crossed, adjustable wrench, plumber, plumbing, mechanic, handyman, illustration, artwork, graphic, cartoon, shield, crest.

subset: commoncrawl


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PHOTOS said to expose the new identity of James Bulger's killer Jon Venables
are being spread on the internet.
The recent snaps — which purportedly show the 28-year-old as an adult — have
been viewed by more than one million people in the last few days alone.
Also being passed round online are alleged personal details, including
information specifically banned to protect Venables' secret ID — granted
following his 2001 release from jail on licence.
They were published last week by an online campaigner, despite a life-long
court ban on such material appearing.
They have since spread to other internet sites and been seen worldwide.
One site, run by an organisation The Sun cannot even name due to a
gagging order protecting Venables' ID, also details his background and
The killer's apparent "outing" comes weeks before he becomes eligible for
parole after being hauled BACK into jail for sickening child porn
Relatives of James, tortured to death at two after being lured from a
Merseyside mall by Venables and sidekick Robert Thompson in 1993, last night
welcomed the apparent unmasking.
Dad Ralph, 44, said: "I've always said the public should know what Venables
and Thompson look like. The ban on identity is ungovernable and ridiculous
as millions have seen the photos and have access to the net."
The Sun has seen several clear pictures which are said to show Venables as an
adult before his re-arrest last year.
The founder of the site which first printed the photos last night said he
posted the material to protect the public from the convicted paedophile and
killer when he is released. The activist, who again The Sun cannot name,
said: "The picture has now been seen by millions.
"I don't believe Jon Venables or any convicted sex offender has the right to
anonymity or a protected identity. It is the public that needs protection."
Venables and Thompson were just ten when they attacked James. Despite
warnings they could never be rehabilitated, they were freed from jail and
given new identities and lives.
A controversial court order banned their identification for life, despite
outrage that families may be put at risk. Venables was caged for two more
years in February last year for possessing child porn, including images of
kids aged just two.


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My all time favorite message of 2013:
My favorite little stalker
He messaged me every single week, sending a total of 18 messages when I only replied to one saying I was not interested.
Full story here:
Random racism
Negging 101
Cute poems
Jealous of my legs
But.. you wanted to marry me
Virginity, healthy, and good family
The lost art of passionate kissing
After he sent the heartfelt message, he put up a shirtless photo of himself in the mirror. He's elderly.
Strange man
Full story:


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Victoria Laurie writes a fascinating Young Adult mystery about Maddie Fynn. A girl who has been able to see the death dates of everyone around her since she was a child. Haunted by the fact that she knew the date of her own father's death, yet wasn't able to keep him from being killed, she lives a haunted life. A loner, but for her best friend, she goes through high school life being an outcaste. Continue reading "This Chick Read: When by Victoria Laurie"
This Chick Read: When by Victoria Laurie


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After owning BeerMetalDude.com since February 2013, I felt it was time for a change to this site. The name BeerMetalDude is more of a nickname than a professional blog site. I will still approach each beer I drink the same way, but I will try my damnedest to be more productive on this site than I was with the previous one. I had a vision on what I wanted BeerMetalDude.com to be, and I hope I can finally accomplish what I want with BeerMetal.net.
I really wanted BeerMetal.com, but that domain is taken by a Metal band from Australia named Reign of Terror. (my good deed is done by helping them promote their site here).
BeerMetalDude.com is still active. Feel free to visit that site to read all my older reviews and such.
Thank you for being part of this Craft Beer & Metal journey that I am taking. I hope you find my posts informative, useful, or at least, entertaining. Please comment on the posts, and let me know your thoughts.
Welcome to BEERMETAL.NET,
Aaron "BeerMetalDude" Mendiola


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Home-Questions Answers Hair -Hair Facts and Figures - Quantitee of hair on the scalp
Quantitee of hair on the scalp
100 000 to 170 000 - The amount of natural hair depending of ethnic group and the type of hair.
0.04 mm to 0.1 mm - the thickness of a human hair or diameter. Therefore, there are 10 to 25 hair for a diameter of 1 mm.
200-300 - The number of hairs per cm²
600 cm ² to 800 cm ² - The mean area occupied by the scalp.
3 m² to m² 4 - The surface area occupied by hair of 10 cm. This area of hair must be washed.
Hair follicles1000 - The number of hair follicles per cm² that has a newborn.
500 - The number of hair follicles per cm² that has an adult aged 25 to 55 years
5-200 - The number of hair that can grow in a single hair follicle during the life of a human.


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time to look at the beautiful big dog beds, collars, and more featured in the Gothic Collection! these will only be available for a limited time!
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We'd love to hear from you! We value all of our 4-legged friend's feedback!


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FREE SHIPPING on orders of $85 or more
An excerpt from www.HouseOfNames.com archives copyright © 2000 - 2017
Parms Early Origins
Yorkshire where they the family are "said to be descended from Manfred Palmes, living in the reign of Stephen, [1135-1154] and seated at Naburn since the year 1226, by a match with the heiress of Watterville." [1]CITATION[CLOSE]
Shirley, Evelyn Philip, The Noble and Gentle Men of England; The Arms and Descents. Westminster: John Bower Nichols and Sons, 1866, Print. [2]CITATION[CLOSE]
Lowe, Mark Anthony, Patronymica Britannica, A Dictionary of Family Names of the United Kingdom. London: John Russel Smith, 1860. Print. The family held the estates since these early times to at least the late 19th century when " Naburn Hall was the seat of George Palmes, Esq." [3]CITATION[CLOSE]
Lewis, Samuel, A Topographical Dictionary of England. Institute of Historical Research, 1848, Print.
Parms Spelling Variations
Parms Spelling Variations
The English language only became standardized in the last few centuries; therefore, spelling variations are common among early Anglo-Saxon names. As the form of the English language changed, even the spelling of literate people's names evolved. Parms has been recorded under many different variations, including Palmes, Palms, Palm, Parmes, Parms, Parmes, Parm and others.
Parms Early History
Parms Early History
This web page shows only a small excerpt of our Parms research. Another 317 words (23 lines of text) covering the years 1140, 1510, 1600, 1394, 1415, 1420, 1487, 1499, 1455, 1487 and 1719 are included under the topic Early Parms History in all our PDF Extended History products and printed products wherever possible.
Parms Early Notables (pre 1700)
Parms Early Notables (pre 1700)
Another 20 words (1 lines of text) are included under the topic Early Parms Notables in all our PDF Extended History products and printed products wherever possible.
The Great Migration
The Great Migration
For many English families, the political and religious disarray that shrouded England made the far away New World an attractive prospect. On cramped disease-ridden ships, thousands migrated to those British colonies that would eventually become Canada and the United States. Those hardy settlers that survived the journey often went on to make important contributions to the emerging nations in which they landed. Analysis of immigration records indicates that some of the first North American immigrants bore the name Parms or a variant listed above: the name represented in many forms and recorded from the mid 17th century in the great migration from Europe. Migrants settled in the eastern seaboard from Newfoundland, to Maine, to Virginia, the Carolinas, and to the islands..
The motto was originally a war cry or slogan. Mottoes first began to be shown with arms in the 14th and 15th centuries, but were not in general use until the 17th century. Thus the oldest coats of arms generally do not include a motto. Mottoes seldom form part of the grant of arms: Under most heraldic authorities, a motto is an optional component of the coat of arms, and can be added to or changed at will; many families have chosen not to display a motto.
Motto: Ut palma justus
Motto Translation: The righteous is like the palm.
Parms Family Crest Products
Parms Family Crest Products
See Also
See Also
Other References
The Parms Family Crest was acquired from the Houseofnames.com archives. The Parms Family Crest was drawn according to heraldic standards based on published blazons. We generally include the oldest published family crest once associated with each surname.
This page was last modified on 10 February 2016 at 10:53.
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The Shinjo Elite Guard still retained their name although the Moto family now lead the Unicorn Clan. Only the finest cavalry of the Unicorn were invited to join, and they served as the Unicorn Clan Champion's honor guard as well as carry out his missions across the Empire. The Elite Guard were known for their speed and swiftness, and where a Unicorn outshined normal Rokugan in these categories the Elite Guard outshined the Unicorn. [1]
Founding Edit
The Elite Guard originated as a small unit dedicated to the protection of Lady Shinjo as she set about purging her Family of Kolat influence. The Elite Guard served the Shinjo Daimyo and the Khan. [2] Their duties also included to defend the main line of the Unicom troops. [3]
Tradition Edit
The warriors who joined this elite unit were proven bushi with experience in battle, and paragons of honor and virtue. [4]
Tactics Edit
The Shinjo Elite Guard was a Heavy Cavalry unit, and formed two legions in the Khol Army. A shock unit, they used to form a massive triangle to break the enemy line, with each soldier holding lances and shields. [4]
Known Members Edit
Known Techniques Edit
See also Edit
External Links Edit
- Shinjo House Guard (Shadowlands)
|This Unicorn Clan related article is a stub. That means that it has been started, but is incomplete. You can help by adding to the information here.


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Jesus' Resurrection and Apparitions
(Bog, hæftet)
Did Jesus rise physically from the dead, or did he rise as a real, non-bodily apparition, like those reported in the parapsychological literature? In this book, which is the first book-length examination of the question in over fifty years, Jake O'Connell argues in favor of the physic... Læs mere al resurrection hypothesis. In order to do so, he employs Bayes' Theorem, a mathematical theorem which encapsulates the way humans think when they analyze the probability of a hypothesis. In addition, he provides a thorough overview of the evidence for the reality of apparitions of the dead. ""Jake O'Connell has done a favor for contemporary scholarship in his examination of a few key alternative approaches that question the facticity of Jesus' resurrection. His vigilant research into seldom-discussed but significant challenges to this event makes this work the sort of investigation that belongs on the shelf of careful researchers."" --Gary R. Habermas, Distinguished Research Professor and Chair, Department of Philosophy and Theology, Liberty University ""This is a very interesting book, well presented and correctly using Bayes' rule for the probability calculations therein."" --Richard A. Levine, Professor and Chair, Department of Mathematics and Statistics, San Diego State University Jake H. O'Connell is an independent scholar living in MA. He has published articles in various scholarly journals, including Heythrop Journal, Philosophy and Theology, and Tyndale Bulletin. Læs mindre
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in 1998, the american physiological society(APS) celebrates the centennial of the founding of theAmerican Journal of Physiology (AJP) and by extension the centennial of the entire APS family of journals. APS was one of the earliest national biological societies in America and also one of the first to have its own journal (4). Although for its first sixteen yearsAJP was owned by its editor, William T. Porter, Porter published the journal at the request of APS and under contract to APS. By 1914, APS had assumed full ownership and management. The hundred-year history of APS journals has been one of expansion and specialization built on this strong early foundation.
Founding of the American Journal of Physiology
When APS was formed in 1887, no immediate attention was given to a publication, since the British Journal of Physiology was, in effect, a joint publication of British and American physiologists (11). But the increasing number of articles published by American physiologists as well as a sense of national and disciplinary pride soon made an American journal desirable. The question of an American publication was first raised by Frederic S. Lee at a special meeting of APS in May 1894. He moved that a committee be appointed to report "as to the feasibility of the establishment of an American Journal of Physiology." Although this first committee, consisting of Lee, William T. Porter, and Henry Herbert Donaldson, reached an impasse probably due to financial considerations, the issue was raised anew by President Russell Chittenden at a special meeting of APS in May 1897. This time, Porter generously offered to undertake the publishing and financial responsibility for the new journal himself (9, 19). By June 1897, the new committee appointed to study the matter, consisting of Chittenden, Porter, William H. Howell, Lee, and Arthur Cushny, prepared a formal report that was mailed to the membership. It advocated the publication of a physiological journal "at once." The committee wrote
It is no less evident that the various expedients that have hitherto served us are growing irksome and disadvantageous. The sending of manuscripts across the ocean, often to be printed in foreign languages, has been a necessary and valuable resource. But the time for this is past… . There can be no question that the position of our profession and its power for usefulness both at home and abroad would be increased by a publication that should be to us what the great archives of physiology are to Germany, France, England, and Italy. We believe that physiology in this country should occupy a position not less dignified and secure.
Of sixty-two members who received the report, forty-one responded, and all approved of the project. By the annual meeting of APS in December 1897, Chittenden could report on behalf of the committee "that The American Journal of Physiology was an accomplished fact."
Like most scientific journals in this period, AJP was started and financed by an individual or individuals. There was little alternative, for societies at this time were small, and to retain their membership, dues had to be inexpensive. APS dues for the first fifty years of its existence were two dollars a year. Societies simply did not have the resources to put up the capital for a publication venture or to take on the financial responsibility if the journal should fare poorly. However, although APS accepted no financial responsibility for the journal and members were not required to subscribe, from its founding, the journal had an official connection with the Society.
By the terms of the contract with APS, Porter agreed to edit five volumes of the journal, each about 500 pages, at a subscription price of five dollars per volume. Contributors would be guaranteed immediate publication and fifty free reprints. Any profits would accrue to the Society. The Society, in turn, would appoint a Publications Committee that would have control of the editorial management of the journal and would enter into formal contract with Porter in the name of the Society for the publication of the volumes. Formal approval by the Society was given in December 1898, with the text of the agreement amended to read that the journal was "to appear in such a form and at such intervals as are satisfactory to the Committee: provided, that the Society shall be free from all financial responsibility for such publication." The first Editorial Board, also called the Publications Committee, appointed by Chittenden in 1897, consisted of Henry P. Bowditch, William Henry Howell, Frederic S. Lee, Jacques Loeb, Warren P. Lombard, and Porter, with Chittenden an ex officio member. As with many journal boards at the time, the members, other than Porter, were chosen because they represented different university cities, in this case, Boston, Baltimore, New York, Chicago, Ann Arbor, and New Haven. Although Chittenden, when he announced the formation of the journal to the Council, requested that the amount of a subscription be included in the annual dues, the proposition was voted down. Instead, in 1899 and several times afterward, circulars urged members to subscribe, but then as now, many members did not require individual subscriptions, and institutions and nonmember subscribers made up a good part of the subscription list.
The first issue of the journal appeared in January 1898. It commenced with a paper from the laboratory of the Sheffield Scientific School by Chittenden and William Gies, "The influence of borax and boric acid upon nutrition with special reference to proteid metabolism." No doubt the most memorable contribution to this inaugural volume was Walter B. Cannon's first full-length paper on the application of the newly discovered X-rays to physiology, "The movements of the stomach studied by means of roentgen rays." Among the authors represented were Howell, Lee, Porter, Charles Wilson Greene, Lafayette B. Mendel, Graham Lusk, Colin C. Stewart, A. N. Richards, and Ida Hyde. The entire first volume consisted of thirty-two papers in four issues and 522 pages and concluded with the publication of the abstracts of papers of the December 1897 APS Meeting.
In all, Porter edited thirty-three volumes of the American Journal of Physiology through March 1914. Publication at first ran at a loss. The Society made up some of the deficit by contributing sums of $50 or $100 from time to time, but Porter himself covered the remainder of the debt. The contract with Porter was renewed in 1900, and then again in 1905 and 1911. At first, issues appeared every two months, but after July 1899, they appeared monthly. As with many other journals, the period of time covered by a volume varied depending on how much material was received. Subscription was not by year but by volume, and even in 1898 there was material sufficient for more than one volume a year. There was no formal review process, although Porter was said to have gone over papers thoroughly and returned them to the authors with suggested changes (7). The main function of the Editorial Board was to help attract articles to the journal, not to critique them.
Biographical Sketch of William T. Porter (1862–1949)
William Townsend Porter, the founder of the American Journal of Physiology, has been the Society's greatest benefactor. Trained at St. Louis Medical College (later incorporated into Washington University School of Medicine) and in German laboratories, Porter began to teach physiology at St. Louis Medical College in 1887 and established the first physiological laboratory beyond the Mississippi River. He was elected to APS at its fourth annual meeting in 1891 and presented a paper before the Society in 1892 on the effects of ligating coronary arteries. His publications on ventricular filling and pressure, control of respiration, coronary circulation, origin of the heartbeat, and the physical and mental development of children brought him to the attention of eminent physiologists, among them Bowditch, who in 1893 invited Porter to join his department at Harvard and introduce laboratory experimentation as part of the regular physiology course.
Because imported laboratory instruments were far too costly to equip a teaching laboratory, Porter established a machine shop in the department to make simplified and less expensive apparatus. It was found that enough instruments could be produced to equip other physiology laboratories. With the help of Charles W. Eliot, president of Harvard, capital was raised to found the Harvard Apparatus Company in 1901. The company prospered, and in 1920 Porter used the profits to found the APS Porter Fellowship. On two occasions, Porter offered to give the company to the Society, but the Society felt unequal to the task of attempting to manage such an enterprise properly and reluctantly declined.
In 1900 Porter, who had by then the major responsibility of the teaching of physiology at Harvard, chose as his teaching assistant Walter B. Cannon, who had just received his M.D. from Harvard. Despite Porter's devotion to the reform of the teaching of physiology, he was not popular with the medical students. A strict disciplinarian, his expectations were too high; he failed roughly one-third of the students from 1902 to 1904. A student revolt was one of the reasons why, when Bowditch retired in 1906, it was Cannon rather than Porter who succeeded him. Porter was named instead professor of comparative physiology. A breach that lasted many years was created between Porter and Cannon. However, in 1937, Cannon was among those who enthusiastically proposed that Porter be honorary president for the Semi-centennial Celebration of APS. Porter served as master of ceremonies for the happy occasion. In 1948 he had the distinction of becoming the only American ever to be elected an honorary member of the Society. Former APS President A. C. Barger wrote of him, "Physiology was Porter's religion; he had no other" (7-10, 19, 20).
APS Assumes Full Responsibility for AJP
A turning point in the history of APS publications occurred in 1914, when the Society took on full ownership of and responsibility for theAmerican Journal of Physiology. Although the Society was grateful for Porter's generosity in running the journal, some degree of friction seems to have developed between Porter and the Council and its Editorial Committee. Porter, a man of high ideals and uncompromising standards, did not always work easily with others. At the December 1913 meeting, the same meeting at which Cannon was elected president, members of the Society at a business meeting adopted the following resolution after "extensive" but unreported "discussion"
Resolved that the Editorial Committee be appointed a special committee and instructed to consider the question as to the relation between the American Physiological Society and the American Journal of Physiology, and to recommend at the next annual meeting of the Society means by which more satisfactory conditions for publication by American physiologists may be obtained.The Editorial Committee, chaired by Howell, addressed to Porter a letter inviting him to discuss the matter. Although Porter may have had personal financial reasons for wanting to relinquish the journal at this time, the letter implying criticism of his editorial policies led to a quick decision (9). Porter sent to A. J. Carlson, secretary of the Society, a terse note announcing that he would cease editing the journal after the current volume (i.e., volume 33) was completed, which would probably be April 1914. He set forth conditions for continued use of the title, which he owned: "(1) that the Society shall publish a journal that shall be their own property and (2) that such a journal shall be printed by a first-class house in a form little if at all inferior to that of the present journal."
Porter's sudden action precipitated a crisis. April was only three months away, but no official Society action could be taken until the annual meeting in December. The Editorial Committee had no authorization to take financial responsibility for a journal, and there was no one at hand to do the work. A flurry of letters passed among the members of Council and the Editorial Committee. When it proved impossible to induce Porter to continue as editor until the next meeting of the Society, an emergency meeting of the Editorial Committee was held in New York in January attended by Howell, Lee, Graham Lusk, Cannon, Samuel J. Meltzer, and Lafayette B. Mendel. The committee recommended that the Society own and manage the journal and continue to use the same title if possible, but, if Porter was unwilling, to adopt a new title. Lee and Cannon met with Porter in Cambridge on 5 February and succeeded in negotiating Porter's conditions. Although Porter was willing to receive manuscripts for the first issue of volume 34, he insisted that the Society assume responsibility for sending out notices and collecting bills by the beginning of March. Joseph Erlanger, treasurer of APS, was hurriedly pressed into service.
Because there was no time for constitutional niceties, Cannon took matters in hand and, after conferring with Lee, sent to the members of the Society a printed notice requesting a vote on the question, "Shall the American Journal of Physiology be owned by the American Physiological Society, and edited under its control?" The notice claimed that the journal as edited by Porter "results in little or no financial deficit," when in fact the journal had been running at a loss. To provide for the journal, Council proposed to raise a "guarantee fund." By 16 February, of the seventy-five members of the Society who responded, seventy-three were in favor, and ten men had pledged a total of over $1,000 for the emergency fund. A formal vote was taken by Council by mail. At the annual meeting in December 1914, the membership gave final approval and amended the constitution to enable the Society to own the journal. After considerable debate over the relationship of the journal to Council, it was decided that Council itself would act as the Editorial Committee.
In March, a candidate for managing editor was found. Neither Lee nor Howell, the two most senior members of the committee, was willing to take on the work. Both had supported the idea of finding a younger man. There was some concern, however, that a young man would not have the necessary broad experience for editorial judgments. Donald Russell Hooker, first suggested by Lee, was an excellent choice, because, as a student of Howell and a member of the Department of Physiology at Johns Hopkins, he could readily avail himself of Howell's advice. Elected to APS in 1906, he was at this time thirty-seven years old. Howell, as chairman of the Editorial Committee, requested Hooker's appointment to the Committee, and, although Porter had not yet formally resigned and created a vacancy, Cannon approved. Hooker was to act as managing editor of the APS journals for the next thirty-two years.
With Hooker in place, journal procedures were regularized and some important cost-saving changes were made. Porter's payment of five dollars to authors of accepted articles was eliminated as unnecessary. It was decided that authors should pay for reprints and for part of the cost of publishing articles that were long or contained many tables. Procedures for acceptance or rejection of manuscripts were spelled out. There was at this time no formal peer review. Any member of Council had the power to accept articles for the journal, but two members of Council were required to reject a manuscript. In fact, few articles were rejected (17). Ten rejections were reported in 1917, three in 1919, eight in 1920, and ten in 1921. Immediate attention was devoted to finding another press for printing the volumes, because the Plimpton Press used by Porter was considered too expensive. Waverly Press was chosen because of its location in Baltimore, close to the managing editor, and its extensive experience in handling similar journals. Waverly Press printed and distributed the AJP for 70 years. (The journal is currently printed by Science Press, in Ephrata, Pennsylvania.) In 1914 there were about 400 subscribers to the journal, for the most part libraries and institutions. Of 205 members of APS at the beginning of 1914, only one-fourth subscribed to the journal; this figure increased to one-third as the result of a circular sent to all members.
By mutual consent of Hooker and Council, Hooker assumed handling of subscriptions and financing. Finances for the journal were thus from the beginning separated from finances of the Society. Hooker established an office for the journal in his home in Baltimore and in 1915 hired an assistant, Laura Campen, APS's first employee, who was responsible for all the day-to-day affairs of the APS journals throughout Hooker's long tenure as managing editor. APS was one of the earliest societies of its size to assume full responsibility for managing its associated journal. By way of contrast, the Journal of Biological Chemistry and the Journal of Pharmacology and Experimental Therapeutics were still privately owned, with only an informal relation to the American Society for Biological Chemistry and the American Society for Pharmacology and Experimental Therapeutics. Early in its history, however, APS began a strong publications program that has led to a long period of steady growth and prosperity.
Biographical Sketch of Donald Russell Hooker (1876–1946)
Born in 1876 in New Haven, Connecticut, Donald Russell Hooker received his B.A. and M.S. degrees from Yale and his M.D. degree in 1905 from Johns Hopkins. After spending a year in research at the University of Berlin, he joined the Department of Physiology under Howell at Johns Hopkins as an assistant in physiology. In 1910 he became an associate professor but gave up the appointment in 1920 because of the pressures of editing the APS journals, accepting in 1926 an appointment as lecturer in the School of Hygiene and Public Health. His research was of a high order. Between 1907 and 1935 he published over forty journal articles on the physiology of the circulatory system, and he is recognized as a pioneer in the study of venous pressure. Some of his most important work was done at Hopkins in the early 1930s as part of an historic team project, funded by Consolidated Edison, to investigate the effects of electricity on the human body. The collaborators were Hooker, O. R. Langworthy, a neurologist, and William Kouwenhoven, an electrical engineer. Their research, published in the American Journal of Physiology in 1933, demonstrated that electrical defibrillation was possible in animals and led to the eventual development of means to defibrillate the human heart (14, 16, 19).
In addition to his duties as managing editor of the American Journal of Physiology and Physiological Reviews (begun in 1921), in 1935 Hooker became secretary of the Federation; he was the founder and the first editor of Federation Proceedings. For most of his years as editor of APS journals, he worked without remuneration. A. J. Carlson (12) said of him that he "was one of the ablest most devoted servants of our science," and "the last man to claim the stature of a superman." As an editor he was known for his wide experience; good judgment; high standards of accuracy, clarity, and brevity; and conservative management, resulting in the accumulation of a substantial reserve fund for the protection of the journals. He was a man of strong social conscience, active in civic affairs and social reforms. In the volume of the American Journal of Physiology dedicated to him was written, "No one of his generation has had a greater influence on American physiology" (1).
Founding of Physiological Reviews
Under the management of APS Council and Hooker, AJP began to accumulate a modest revenue. As early as 1915 Hooker reported a surplus of $2,565.76, an amount that grew steadily every year thereafter. Within a few years it was generally understood that the funds were to be used for publication purposes only. Among the uses for the money suggested in Hooker's annual report for 1915 was "to guarantee for one year the publication of a journal devoted to articles reviewing the various fields of biological science." At this time this was quite a novel suggestion, for there were few journals of this kind in existence.
The initial idea of Physiological Reviews, as well as its subsequent development and rapid success, was largely due to Hooker's mentor and colleague, William Henry Howell. In April 1919, Howell and Hooker brought the matter of the review journal before Council and the Society. Howell felt there would be good demand for such a journal and that it would soon be self-supporting. Council appointed Howell and Hooker to a committee charged with presenting a detailed plan at the next meeting. The proposition was discussed informally by the Society. Its response was described in the minutes as "enthusiastic," although Howell recalled years later that the initial reaction was at best lukewarm.
In June Hooker and Howell sent Council a report proposing that a journal, called either Physiological Reviews or Quarterly Reviews of the Physiological Sciences, be published quarterly in a single volume per year. The journal would "cover the subject of physiology, physiological chemistry, pharmacology, experimental pathology and such other subjects as may from time to time appeal to those interested in the biological sciences." Editorial responsibility would rest with a Board of Editors, representing various branches of physiology, which would select the subjects to be reviewed and assign them to authors. "The ultimate subscription list is estimated as over a thousand," they wrote. It was hoped that the journal would appeal to teachers and clinicians, as well as to physiological researchers. In the plan presented to and approved by Council in December 1919, Council was to appoint the managing editor and to deal with policy matters other than selection of authors and articles. Hooker became managing editor, and Council appointed a first Editorial Board consisting of four members from APS (Howell, Macleod, Lee, and Hooker) and one each from the other three Federation societies (Lafayette B. Mendel, Reid Hunt, and H. Gideon Wells). The Board elected Howell to be chairman, a position he held until 1932.
In 1920 a prospectus was drawn up and widely distributed. It described the journal in the following terms:
The main purpose of the PHYSIOLOGICAL REVIEWS is to furnish a means whereby those interested in the physiological sciences may keep in touch with contemporary research. The literature, as every worker knows, is so extensive and scattered that even the specialist may fail to maintain contact with the advance along different lines of his subject. The obvious method of meeting such a situation is to provide articles from time to time in which the more recent literature is compared and summarized. The abstract journals render valuable assistance by condensing and classifying the literature of individual papers, but their function does not extend to a comparative analysis of results and methods. Publications such as the Ergebnisse der Physiologie, the Harvey Lectures, etc., that attempt this latter task, have been so helpful as to encourage the belief that a further enlargement of such agencies would be welcomed by all workers. It is proposed, therefore, to establish a journal in which there will be published a series of short but comprehensive articles dealing with the recent literature in Physiology, using this term in a broad sense to include Bio-chemistry, Bio-physics, Experimental Pharmacology and Experimental Pathology.
The first volume, which appeared in 1921, contained nineteen contributions, including articles on the conduction of the heartbeat by J. E. A. Eyster and Walter Meek, functions of the capillaries and venules by Hooker, blood volume and its regulation by Joseph Erlanger, the sugar of the blood by J. H. R. Macleod, the regulation of pulmonary circulation by Carl J. Wiggers, afferent paths for visceral reflexes by S. W. Ranson, the physiology of undernutrition by Lusk, and the physiological effects of altitude by E. C. Schneider. Physiological Reviews proved an immediate and overwhelming success. Cash subscriptions in advance at $6 per year had been adequate to meet initial expenses, and the reserve fund of $3,000 did not have to be used. By the end of the first year of operations the journal had 838 subscribers "and new subscriptions constantly coming in." It was not long before the "ultimate subscription list" of 1,000 was reached and surpassed.
The Board of Publication Trustees and Peer Review
The major concerns of the APS journals in the 1920s were the products of their success: first, too many manuscripts, and second, how to handle a rapidly growing reserve. Although the most prolific authors of articles in AJP came from a small number of centers of medical research, papers in the early AJP represented a very broad definition of physiology and a wide spectrum of researchers and of institutions (17). Hooker and the APS Council took pride in the rapid publication of research results in AJP; they had been able to publish articles two months after they were submitted. The mounting accumulation of manuscripts was at first handled by expedients such as increasing the number of pages in the volumes and printing in smaller type or printing an extra "free" volume to eliminate the backlog. In the 1920s the rejection rate for manuscripts was low; only the obviously unfit were refused publication. Hooker and Council were reluctant to select articles on the basis of merit. Instead they decided to restrict the field covered by the journal, by eliminating almost all articles that would be more appropriately submitted to some other journal. Thus the journal became far less hospitable to articles in such areas as general physiology, comparative physiology, nutrition, clinical physiology, and industrial physiology, because these fields were covered by professional journals. Articles describing apparatus, those containing no new research (i.e., theoretical articles), and those coming from a foreign laboratory were also routinely rejected. In addition, Hooker urged authors to avoid historical reviews of the literature, to state their results with clarity and brevity, and to include only the most important tables and group them together whenever possible. An increasing number of articles were returned for condensation. These measures only staved off for a time the need for closer scrutiny of the manuscripts.
Nearly everyone agreed that Hooker was the ideal managing editor, but there was concern over placing too much editorial and financial responsibility on a single individual. Manuscripts were sent directly to Hooker in Baltimore, who approved them on his sole authority, returned them to the author for condensation, or rejected them if they fell into various categories of unsuitable manuscripts as previously defined by Council. The relatively small number of manuscripts on which there was some question was sent by Hooker with his recommendation to members of Council. No one man, it was felt, could possibly have the expertise to render judgment on papers in all branches of physiology. Occasionally, members of the Society would bring to Hooker's attention examples of seriously flawed papers that had been published. By the 1930s the problem of too many manuscripts had reached a critical point. In some years, five volumes of the journal had appeared at a high total cost to subscribers of $37.50 for nonmembers and institutions and $18.75 for members. (Member rates had been introduced in 1922.) As billing for journals was still done by volume, rather than by year, there was pressure from subscribers, especially in a time of depression, not to publish more than four volumes a year. Although the journal was recognized as excellent, there was a growing feeling that manuscripts should be more carefully selected.
In his 1929 annual report, Hooker, concerned with the high cost of subscriptions and with the accumulation of manuscripts, suggested that the Society should "create a continuously functioning editorial board with specified jurisdiction for each member, to which all manuscripts will be referred." In 1930 he requested and received permission to consult nonmembers of Council on articles with the understanding that appeals could still be made to Council. That year another unsuccessful attempt was made to reduce the cost of subscription by including the cost of the journal in the Society dues. Council voted to set dues at fifteen dollars to include a subscription to the journal, but the membership rejected the plan.
The issue of financial vulnerability was brought to a head in 1932 by the loss of some of the Society's funds, then held in a Boston bank, through bank closures. It was imperative to protect the publications reserves, which by then amounted to nearly $100,000. Council felt that Hooker should not bear this responsibility alone. Thus in 1932 a committee, consisting of Walter Meek (chairman), Cecil K. Drinker, and A. C. Ivy, was appointed to examine editorial and financial policies of the Society's publications and to report back at the next meeting. By putting Drinker on the committee, the Council knew what to expect, as Drinker had already proposed a trustee arrangement to APS Council in the 1920s.
The committee's report, presented to Council in 1933 recommended:
1. To establish a Board of Publications Trustees of the Council which shall devote special attention to the fiscal and editorial policies of the Journal.
2. To appoint a Board of Editors for the American Journal of Physiology.
3. To pay a salary to the Managing Editor.The Board of Publication Trustees (BPT) was to consist of three members appointed by the president for three-year rotating terms and subject to the approval of the Society. It was to advise Council on journal finances and editorial policy and recommend members to serve terms on the Editorial Boards of the American Journal of Physiology andPhysiological Reviews. After consultation with Council, President Arno B. Luckhardt selected the first three BPT members: Walter Meek (chairman), Andrew C. Ivy, and Wallace O. Fenn.
Beginning in 1933, the BPT voted for Hooker each year an honorarium in lieu of a salary, which increased from $1,500 in 1933 to $4,500 in 1946. It was realized that when Hooker retired, his successor would have to be salaried. A 10% reduction in journal prices was enacted for prompt cash payment of subscriptions. Despite the additional costs of meetings of the board, the honorarium, and the reduction in subscription prices, the journals under the careful and conservative management of the BPT continued to prosper and the reserves to rise.
The first Board of Editors of the American Journal of Physiology took up its duties of reviewing all submitted manuscripts in the summer of 1933. Its members were Cecil K. Drinker, Carl J. Wiggers, Herbert S. Gasser, Andrew C. Ivy, Walter M. Boothby, Roy G. Hopkins, J. G. Dusser De Barenne, and Alfred Newton Richards. Hooker continued to read all manuscripts as they came in and sent them to the appropriate member of the board with his own opinion attached. The number of manuscripts rejected or returned for revision increased dramatically after 1933. In 1935, for example, less than half the manuscripts were accepted as submitted. The new editorial review procedures proved to be not as cumbersome as some had feared and were effective in limiting the size and improving the quality of the journal.
Although the BPT was to act in an advisory capacity, it soon assumed, with the tacit approval of Council, much stronger powers. It appointed the managing editor and the boards and made financial and policy decisions. It submitted these decisions in the form of an annual report, which Council always approved. Although the members of the BPT were to rotate, in fact the same members tended to be reappointed for long periods, because they were known to have the dedication and experience required for the job. Meek served as chairman of the BPT until 1946. Ivy served for a total of nine years, H. C. Bazett for eight, and Fenn for fourteen. Except for Homer W. Smith, who served 1944–1948, all fifteen members of the BPT from 1933 until its dissolution in 1961 were past or future presidents of APS.
BPT's power and autonomy were consolidated in 1946 when the Constitution of APS underwent major revisions. BPT members had pressed for a clear statement of their authority in response to a heated disagreement that had arisen in 1941 when John F. Fulton and others had induced the members at the business meeting to vote to send war relief funds to the Royal Society of Great Britain. Because the Society had no reserves to speak of, several thousand dollars had to be taken from publications reserves. BPT members were horrified by what they perceived as an unauthorized "raid" on their funds (5, 15). The Constitutional revision granted BPT "full power of the Society to control and manage, both editorially and financially, all of the publications owned in whole or in part by the society," and "to control all publication funds, none of which, however, may be diverted from support of publications of the Society except by consent of the Council."
The creation of the BPT led to a more efficient and regularized operation of the journals, an increase in quality, and a more secure control over reserve funds. It also meant that journal affairs were increasingly separated from those of Council and the Society. The separation posed no difficulty in this period, even though the disparity between journal funds and Society funds was far greater than when a crisis erupted in 1961. It was not until the Society became involved in a broader range of activities that resentment and conflicts began to arise.
APS Journals Acquire a Permanent Home
The death of Hooker in 1946 precipitated a new era in the history of APS publications. Hooker's assistant Laura Campen carried on the publications alone under the supervision of Philip Bard while BPT searched for a new managing editor. A. C. Ivy, chairman of the BPT, proposed at the 1947 spring meeting the appointment of Milton O. Lee (1901–1978). Lee had received a Ph.D. in physiology in 1926 from Ohio State University and was elected a member of APS in 1927. He had acquired unusual administrative and editorial experience as Secretary of the Neuro-Endocrine Research Foundation at Harvard Medical School from 1927 to 1942, in various war positions, and as managing editor since 1936 of Endocrinology and the Journal of Clinical Endocrinology. APS Council appropriated $1,000 so that Lee might also act as executive secretary of the Society. Through the generosity of Detlev Bronk, a member of APS and president of the National Academy of Sciences, space in the National Academy of Sciences Building at 2101 Constitution Avenue in Washington, DC, was made available at no cost for the work of the Society, as well as of the Federation. The Federation appointed Lee executive secretary as well; thus Lee, who assumed his duties in June 1947, had three hats and three sometimes conflicting masters to serve. It was largely Lee's vision and enterprise as executive secretary of the Federation that brought about the Federation's rapid growth and rise to eminence (3).
Soon after taking up his duties, Lee hired Sara F. Leslie, a recent employee of the US State Department, to be senior assistant; she became secretary of publications in 1948 and eventually succeeded Lee as publications manager of APS. Lee modernized the accounting for the journals by contracting with Remington-Rand to set up an automated system that enabled calculation of balances at any time.1 In 1947 for the first time the journal was issued on a calendar-year basis with four volumes a year (changed to two much larger volumes in 1959).
Free rent did not last long. When the Academy requested a rent of $12,000 a year for the combined offices, BPT, concerned with the expense, began to investigate purchasing property for a headquarters. At the same time Lee saw the opportunity to provide a home for the Federation with sufficient space for executive offices for all the member societies. When Lee and the members of the APS Committee on Society Headquarters saw the 38-acre Hawley estate with a mansion house and outlying buildings just north of the National Institutes of Health in Bethesda, they realized that the property was an excellent bargain. The estate was purchased in 1954 for $212,500 paid in full, mostly from the APS publications reserves. Portions of the property were then sold for about $100,000 to the State Highway Commission to widen Rockville Pike, then only two lanes (this was before the Washington Beltway was built), and to a developer to build single-family homes. At the request of the Federation, strongly supported by Lee, BPT agreed to transfer title to the remaining 11 acres to the Federation for $100,000 and to loan the Federation part of the funds needed to pay for it. Thus the Federation obtained in 1954, through APS and in particular through APS publications, the valuable property it now owns for what was even then considered an exceedingly good price. APS publications from then on had a permanent home (15, 18).
Journal of Applied Physiology
The Journal of Applied Physiology (JAP) was inaugurated in 1948 and thus celebrates its fiftieth birthday this year. It originated in a proposal to Council made at the 1947 annual meeting from a group of physiologists consisting of Norman R. Alpert, William B. Bean, Henry Borsook, Ernest William Brown, J. Brozek, Robert S. Goodhart, Robert M. Kark, Geoffrey L. Keighley, Ancel Keys, Ernst Simonson, and Maurice Visscher. The group had met at the University of Minnesota in January 1947 to discuss "the need for a journal of high standard for the broad field of human physiology, with emphasis on the relationship between man and environment. Specifically, the journal should be concerned with experimental investigations in the fields of industrial physiology, physiology of exercise and athletics, climate physiology and military physiology." Under the leadership of Simonson, the group conducted a poll of workers in these areas and collected statistics from recent review articles on the number and location of articles being produced in the field. They concluded that sponsorship by the Society would be the most desirable means of publication.
The BPT agreed to take up the project in a modified form and chose as a first editorial board R. A. Cleghorn, David B. Dill, Chalmers L. Gemmil, A. H. Steinhaus, E. F. Adolph, Frances A. Hellebrandt (the first woman to serve on an APS editorial board), Simonson, E. M. Landis, Wallace O. Fenn, Robert E. Johnson, Hudson Hoagland, and E. J. Van Liere. Six issues of JAP were published between 1 July 1948 and 1 January 1949. Unlike other APS publications, JAP was somewhat slow in getting off the ground financially. The journal had an initial problem of identity, and it took some time before it acquired enough subscribers to be self-supporting. According to the annual report of the BPT for 1948, JAP had 604 subscribers, compared with 1,408 subscribers for AJP and 2,423 for Physiological Reviews. By 1961, however, JAP had 2,152 subscribers and had become the journal of choice for papers in respiratory physiology.
Through the 1950s the publications of APS continued to expand. The Physiologist, a house organ for APS members, was inaugurated in late 1957; a monograph series was begun; and the first volume of the monumental Handbook of Physiology appeared in 1959.
Journal of Neurophysiology
The Journal of Neurophysiology (JN), which celebrates its 60th birthday in 1998, was founded as an independent journal by John F. Fulton, professor of physiology at Yale, J. G. Dusser de Barenne, and the publisher Charles C Thomas. The first issue appeared in January 1938, published by Thomas and edited by Fulton, Dusser de Barenne, and Ralph W. Gerard with the assistance of an international advisory board. The "primary aim" of the new journal was said to be "to provide a channel for prompt publication of original work bearing on the functions of the nervous system, peripheral and central. It has been planned to embrace all aspects of the subjects amenable to experimental analysis" (cover of 1st issue ofJN). Among the authors represented in the first issue were Fenn, Hallowell Davis, E. N. Harvey, H. W. Magoun, and S. W. Ranson. A volume consisting of six issues was published each year. After Dusser de Barenne's death in 1940, Fulton continued as editor-in-chief until his death in May 1960 (24).
APS's interest in purchasing the journal at this juncture was motivated in part by the desire to prevent the formation of a splinter group of neurophysiologists and in part by the expectation thatAJP would eventually be sectionalized. Fulton had left his share of the journal to Yale University. APS acquired full ownership ofJN in November 1961 by payment of $35,000 to Thomas and $25,000 to Yale. Negotiations with the latter were delicate, because Yale was willing to sell only on approval of the journal's editorial board. Vernon B. Mountcastle, who had edited the journal in 1961, continued as chief editor under APS with an Editorial Board separate from that ofAJP and JAP (whose editorial boards had been combined in 1952). At the same time as APS began publication of JN in January 1962, a system of section editors for AJP andJAP was initiated and the articles in AJP began to be organized according to section (6) (see below).
The 1961 Reorganization
One of the more difficult turning points in the history of the APS publications program was the so-called "Comroe Revolution" of 1961, which brought about the downfall of BPT and returned full control of APS publications to the elected officers of the Society.
In 1938 the Society's activities were limited almost entirely to holding annual meetings and publishing journals. Dues were the same two dollars as in 1887. After World War II, in a relatively short time, the Society was transformed from an organization with a strictly research orientation to one with a wide range of professional activities. In the 1950s a Fall meeting was begun, and a system of standing committees was established including an Education Committee that undertook several major projects funded by outside grants. The Society began to involve itself in social issues beyond simple monetary contributions or signing of resolutions. It sought to help physiologists in war-stricken countries, worked to defend physiologists against loyalty tests, and for the first time took an active role in the defense of animal research. These expanded activities led to a steady rise in dues and a separation of the work of executive secretary-treasurer of the Society from that of managing editor of the journals. In 1956 Ray G. Daggs was appointed executive secretary-treasurer of APS while Lee remained managing editor of APS publications and executive secretary of the Federation.
Daggs's active involvement in the work of Council and the committees encouraged new projects and activities but also led to frustration on the part of Council over the limited financial resources of the Society. Society operations, including Daggs's salary, depended almost entirely on dues, a good chunk of which went to the Federation, and grant support (22). When certain grants came to an end in 1960, the Society reached a point of financial crisis.
Over the decade of the 1950s the frustrations of the Council mounted while the BPT grew increasingly defensive. The matter was passionately debated at several Council meetings before it came to a head in 1960–61. By 1961, there was a great disparity between the Society's reserves (about $30,000) and the publications reserves (about $600,000) built up through the conservative management of BPT (13). The estimated budget for 1961, as published in The Physiologist, showed a Society income of $20,500, mostly from dues, and expenses of $28,000, leaving a deficit of $7,500, whereas the net income from publications operations was $25,000 and the income from the sale of securities was $32,000 (2). Under the bylaws, BPT had full control over the income of publications funds, which could only be used for publications purposes.
A number of factors seem to have contributed to the Comroe Revolution that took place at the annual meeting in Atlantic City in April 1961. Besides the lack of money available for Society functions, there was a desire for publications such as Physiology for Physicians(begun in 1963 and evolved into a series in the journal Hospital Practice) that the BPT did not want to support, distrust on the part of some members of Milton Lee's management of publications, and the general belief that Council should be in full control of all the activities of the Society. On the other side, those who supported BPT, including Lee, maintained that the publications reserves had come from subscribers, only a small portion of whom were Society members, and therefore should be used for publications purposes and not to benefit members of the Society; that the BPT had supported the Society in many ways; that BPT members, who held office for a long period, were better able to manage publications and enter into long-term agreements than a constantly changing Council; and that the plan to separate finances from editorial policy was schizophrenic and unworkable (18, 21, 23).
Changing the situation meant changing the bylaws of the Society (a revision of the APS Constitution in the early 1950s transferred organizational matters to the bylaws), which required a three-fourths vote at the annual business meeting. In the 1960s, two sessions of the business meeting were held during the annual meetings, since major Society business, including election of officers, was transacted there. At the first session Julius H. Comroe, Jr., president of APS in 1960–61, offered for a vote a controversial amendment that he and Robert F. Pitts had drawn up and circulated to the membership. It created, in place of the BPT, a Publications Committee to oversee editorial policies of the publications and a separate Finance Committee to be responsible for all financial affairs of the Society. Both committees were to be under direct control of Council. The capital fund of the BPT was to remain as a reserve fund for publications, but annual income from investment of the fund "may be used for any of the activities of the Society including publications" (13). When the vote was taken by written ballot, the 74% voting in favor was just short of what was required. However, one member (A. P. Fishman) who had voted against the motion was prevailed to bring it up again at the second business session two days later. This time the motion passed by a small margin (78%). At a stroke, BPT, in existence since 1933, was abolished and a new regime instituted (15). Wallace Fenn (15) observed in his 75th anniversary history of APS in 1963, "As society disputes go, this was a rather heated controversy."
After the reorganization, editorial policy for publications was overseen by a three-member Publications Committee appointed by Council. (The number of members was increased to five in 1985. At that time, Jean McE. Marshall became the first woman to be appointed a member.) In charge of the difficult transition period were Philip Bard as the first chairman of the Publications Committee (the one holdover from BPT), Eugene M. Landis, first chairman of the Finance Committee, and Horace W. Davenport, president of APS in 1961–62. A five-year contract was arranged with Milton Lee and Sara Leslie to continue managing the journals.
The new Publications Committee faced the perennial problems of increasing numbers of manuscripts and increasing specialization of physiology. With the purchase of the Journal of Neurophysiology, the Committee took the first major step toward eventual sectionalization of the journals.
In January 1962, section editors took over from Lee the handling of manuscripts for AJP and JAP. The sections established were Circulation (Maurice B. Visscher), Respiration (Hermann Rahn), Renal and Electrolyte Physiology (W. D. Lotspeich), Gastrointestinal Physiology (Horace W. Davenport), Endocrinology and Metabolism (Jane A. Russell), Environmental Physiology (Loren D. Carlson), Comparative and General Physiology (Knut Schmidt-Nielsen), and Neurophysiology (E. Henneman). To these sections were later added Hematology, Muscle Physiology, and Biomedical Engineering. During the period of section editors, from 1962 to June 1976, the Publications Committee and staff experimented with different ways of organizing articles by sections. A. P. Fishman and Stephen Geiger recalled, "It was clear, however, that neither the increase in the number of sections nor the attempts at sorting were coping with the increasing numbers of papers and the evident trend to greater and greater specialization."
Because section editors now took care of professional matters, the post of managing editor no longer had to be limited to physiologists such as Porter, Hooker, and Lee. APS publications have benefited by an extraordinary continuity in management. When Lee retired in 1965, Sara F. Leslie, who had joined the staff in 1947, replaced him as managing editor. She was in turn succeeded by Stephen R. Geiger, who joined the APS publications staff in 1969. Geiger became acting publications manager in 1974 and publications manager and executive editor in 1975. Brenda B. Rauner, a member of the publications staff since 1975 and production manager since 1978, became publications manager and executive editor in 1987.
Beginning in 1974, under the chairmanships of Peter F. Curran and Alfred Fishman, the Publications Committee began wrestling with how to initiate true sectionalization of the journals, that is, breaking upAJP and JAP into several specialty journals. The APS membership was generally in favor of specialty journals but, as in the past, averse to any plan that would have required mandatory subscription. How to satisfy the specialists and generalists at the same time was a difficult problem. As Fishman and Geiger wrote, "Clearly some form of sectionalization according to specialization was in the offing, but the exact form that would be acceptable to the membership, financially sound, and in keeping with the scholarly aspirations of the Society remained to be settled."
The plan that was eventually adopted was worked out in the summer of 1975. AJP would be split into six specialty journals, each with a separate editor, associate editors, and editorial board, and theJAP would restrict itself to papers on respiration, exercise, and environmental physiology. However, libraries and generalists still had the option of purchasing a consolidated AJP, a composite of the specialty journals. Editors were selected by the end of the year, papers began to be accepted in April 1976, and the first issues appeared in January 1977.
The six journals and their first editors were Paul Horowicz forAJP: Cell Physiology, Rachmiel Levine for AJP: Endocrinology, Metabolism and Gastrointestinal Physiology, Matthew N. Levy for AJP: Heart and Circulatory Physiology, F. Eugene Yates for AJP: Regulatory, Integrative and Comparative Physiology, Thomas Andreoli for AJP: Renal, Fluid and Electrolyte Physiology (renamed AJP: Renal Physiology in 1997), and Leon Farhi for JAP: Respiratory, Environmental and Exercise Physiology (the subtitle was dropped and the journal returned to its original scope in 1985). Physiological Reviews,edited by Charles F. Code, and Journal of Neurophysiology,edited by Vernon Mountcastle, were unchanged in the reorganization. The specialty journals in cellular physiology and integrative physiology were an innovative departure from dividing physiology solely by organ systems.
The reorganization was described as follows in the first issue of each journal of 1977:
1. The American Journal of Physiology and theJournal of Applied Physiology will continue to exist and to be available as separate publications of the American Physiological Society. This continuing arrangement will satisfy both the generalist in physiology and the librarian who will be able to preserve unbroken series of these two distinguished journals.
2. TheJournal of Applied Physiology, under its own editorial board, will restrict itself to papers on respiration, exercise, and environmental physiology.
3. The American Journal of Physiology will henceforth be an umbrella for separate journals, each with its own editorial board and each devoted to specialized subject matter. Each component will be issued separately as well as part of the American Journal of Physiology. This arrangement will satisfy the specialist who is interested in having on hand outstanding papers in his own particular field of interest.
The process of dividing the journals paved the way for sectionalization of the Society in 1976. Sectionalization led to an unanticipated huge increase in the number of manuscripts and a steady increase in the number of manuscripts and pages published each year. It also made possible a broader variety of articles, including theoretical articles, reviews, opinion papers, and rapid communications. In 1980,AJP: Endocrinology, Metabolism and Gastrointestinal Physiologysplit into AJP: Endocrinology and Metabolism under the editorship of Ernst Knobil, and AJP: Gastrointestinal and Liver Physiology, under the editorship of Leonard R. Johnson. AJP expanded again in 1989 with the addition of AJP: Lung Cellular and Molecular Physiology, with D. J. Massaro as editor, andAdvances in Physiology Education under Harold Modell. In recent years the Publications Committee and staff have had to grapple with the many uncertainties of rapid technological change in scholarly communication. In 1997 there appeared the first of the online versions of APS journals that may eventually succeed the hundred years of paper journals (see Editorial by Leonard Johnson and Brenda B. Rauner in this issue).
In 1898, one man, William T. Porter, managed practically every aspect of publication of AJP, from reviewing and copyediting articles to collecting subscription fees. A century later APS journal publishing has become a large, complex, and flourishing enterprise involving thousands of individuals serving as committee members, editors, associate editors, editorial board members, reviewers, and staff. APS is now publishing eight specialty journals making up theAmerican Journal of Physiology as well as Physiological Reviews, Journal of Applied Physiology, Journal of Neurophysiology, The Physiologist, and, since 1986, News in Physiological Sciences, a cooperative effort of APS and the International Union of Physiological Sciences. In 1994 the Society launchedAPStracts, a free online journal that publishes abstracts of manuscripts accepted for publication in the APS journals. The goal of the publishing program, that of serving physiology, has remained constant.
This paper is an adaptation of sections that Dr. Appel wrote on publications in History of the American Physiological Society: The First Century, 1887–1987, edited by J. R. Brobeck, O. E. Reynolds, and T. A. Appel (Bethesda, MD: Am. Physiol. Soc., 1987), p. 40–42, 70–78, 100–103, 114–118, and Alfred Fishman and Stephen R. Geiger, Publications. Ibid., p. 333–358. The research for these sections was based on minutes of the APS Council and business meetings and annual reports of the managing editor of APS publications in the APS Archives.
↵1 S. F. Leslie. "On the way to Beaumont." Bethesda, MD: APS Archives, July 1986.
- Copyright © 1998 the American Physiological Society


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Discussion in 'General Baptist Discussions' started by pinoybaptist, Jun 27, 2010.


text: hello. just thought i would make a little progress thread as it will inspire me when i look back at it in the months to come. ok back in December i finally thought, i need to really take action and make money online instead of always dreaming. so i started searching what to do. i thought what is the easiest way to make money... EBAY next was to find a product. and i did! i found a seller of iTunes Gift Cards. a very hot item on ebay. so my success was instant. within the first week i had made a profit £1000! the following week i made £500. then my paypal got limited due to me reaching the limits. so it took about two weeks to sort that out. then i found it hard to get back into the market as competitors had lowered their prices etc. i am still making a small profit but due to ebay's gift card policy finally catching up on me its not enough. so this got me thinking... what can i do!! until yesterday i had the perfect idea! ask yourself... how much could i make if i could buy basically any product (apple ipods, phones, ipads, blackberry's etc etc) 20 X cheaper?? these products are totally legit before someone shouts REPLICA! so where i am i now? well today i have been talking to my magic supplier. Tomorrow i will buy 5 Apple Ipod Touch and when the arrive at my door i will list them on ebay. each making... about £130 profit each. then with this profit, i will buy iPads im also considering free next day delivery (within the UK) to tempt buyers away from the powersellers. the plan is to scale this up and up. also to start selling on Amazon. i will update this thread with my progress and let you guys know how i am doing i never thought 4months ago that i would be in this situation. i now have the oportunity to set myself up for life and im just 22! i just have to do it right. Again before anyone says... these products have to be fake or stolen, theres no way you can buy a ipod touch for $10... think outside the box. its not always black and white. one question before i go, is there any rules against selling Branded goods on ebay for example Apple? Jonathan


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Why are they so hard to peel? Any tricks? I have been cooking for a long time but this always makes me crazy! Like I learned in school a long time ago eggs in pot, cold water, bring to a boil, turn off let stand 10 minutes covered and shock then peel!
easy right????NOT!!! shells always stick!
ok help me out!


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Spring should be stirring - although as I write we're still suffering bone-chilling northerly winds.
I have been inspecting the more tender plants for hopeful signs that they have pulled through. Cold damage on uncovered dahlia tubers stored in the cellar was unexpected.
But outdoors, a little nick with a knife has revealed living green beneath the bark of my best new shrub of 2009, Philadelphus maculatus 'Mexican Jewel' - tiny leaves, small purple-blotched white stars, and a perfume sophisticated enough to bottle.
Prodding under the bracken duvets that are protecting the tops of my tree ferns, I didn't immediately feel the hard knuckles of embryo fronds.
Patience not being one of my virtues, I went to fetch a stepladder, and like a vet with the rear end of a cow, plunged my arm in. Firm, phew! That could have been a painfully expensive loss.
The gardens of the Cheshire villages near here are peppered with battle-scarred phormiums and cordylines.
Some will be toast, but many will regenerate, so, as with other winter casualties, the best approach will be to tidy them in April when the danger of frost has passed, and keep fingers and toes crossed.
Often plants belie their reputations for tenderness. Needing a large shrub to plug a gap on the boundary, I drove to Dingle Nurseries and its associated Derwen Garden Centre, near Welshpool in mid-Wales, to look over the field and containerised stock.
Having endured temperatures well below 14F/-10C, the bay trees looked as if their outer leaves had been caramelised with a flame gun (but they will recover), while mature olives and pencil-slim Italian cypresses had emerged unscathed.
Tony Lord, formerly a gardens adviser for the National Trust, told me once that he thought Italian cypress's tender reputation dated to the extreme winter of 1739-40, when the Thames froze and London had more than 30 days of snow.
Their deaths were noted and the unfair information that they are dodgy has been carried through the literature since.
I wouldn't plant one in a very cold spot, but I have had the varieties 'Stricta' and 'Totem Pole' in my sheltered garden for more than 15 years, and they have never suffered from cold.
'Totem Pole' is the best form for smaller gardens, being compact and fairly short, though it is greener than the typical blackish Italian cypress.
Predicting whether a plant will be hardy in your garden can never be an exact science. Different soils and microclimates, prolonged cold and sudden temperature changes, and how mature and well established a plant is, are all factors.
I was puzzled on my first trip to the United States to find exotic shrubs like crepe myrtle (lagerstroemia), which are not hardy here, growing in regions with colder winters than ours.
The explanation was the amount of summer heat, which ripens the wood sufficiently to carry it through the cold.
It is the absence of heat in Wales (often the absence of summer, too) that has persuaded me to keep my Edgeworthia chrysantha in a pot in the cool greenhouse, in spite of having seen this shrub luxuriating in chilly parts of Oregon and the Carolinas. It is blooming now, its curious silky lemon balls opening on bare stems.
However, some time in the middle of January, while I was away for several days and the night temperatures were about 21F/-6Cthe heater broke down, and everything in the greenhouse from tender rhododendrons and abutilons to African agapanthus and nerines had roots frozen solid.
The discovery of this caused me momentary apoplexy, but I don't think I have had a single casualty.
This is probably due to the dryish conditions in there, but with the cost of fuel due to rise, for me the outcome of this winter has been to show I can be more frugal with heating.


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Women cannot open bank accounts for their children in the UAE
Abu Dhabi: Women cannot open or manage bank accounts for their children under 18 years of age, according to Central Bank regulations even if they are the children's sponsors or custodians.
Women who were met with a strong no from the bank urged the government to take swift action and equate men with women in this regard.
A high-profile expatriate working woman and the custodian of two children told Gulf News that the bank she has been dealing with for more than 15 years has refused to open an account for her two children — aged eight and six —aand asked her instead to bring her divorced husband to the bank do so.
"I can't understand the logic behind it. It is an impossible demand. I am the one who will deposit the money in a bid to secure the education and the future of my children," the mother and famous news anchor at a pan Arab TV station in Dubai said.
She said when the government has allowed her to sponsor her two children it means that the government considers her capable of sponsoring her children. It contradicts the bank's rule when they ask her to bring her ex-husband or one of his brothers to manage the account of her children. The bank hinted that the rule is in compliance with Islamic Sharia.
"I can't believe that we are in the 21st century and treat women as illegitimate custodians of their own children. This is nothing to do with Sharia. It is a backward understanding of the Sharia which had never dealt with such a case. It is we who implement Sharia, " she said.
A spokesperson for the Central Bank told Gulf News: "We apply the provisions of Islamic Sharia in this regard. Mothers are legal guardians and trustees and they are not custodians or natural guardians,"
"The UAE is a Muslim country. Only fathers can open bank accounts for their children as they are their natural guardians or custodians," added the spokesperson.
"If the father is dead, the custodians are either the uncle, the grandfather or the brother from their father's side. However, the guardian is the one who is designated by the custodian and should replace the custodian if he is absent through a power of attorney issued for this purpose," Riyad Kirdasy, a consultant at the Ban Globe Advocates and Legal Consultancy, told Gulf News.
"As per Central Bank regulations, we open accounts only for individuals who have completed 21 years of age," said W. Ahmad, of NBAD customer service.
"All individuals who are 18 years of age are permitted to open a savings account while those who are 18 years of age and employed with government or semi-government entities may also open a current account," added Ahmad.
"Accounts for saving accounts for minors below 18 years of age may be opened provided that they are opened and operated by the minor's natural guardian [father] or by the legal guardian [designated by the court]," he explained.
"The husband has to sign the papers in the bank and this is the Central Bank's policy. Also, if the mother wants to have access to these savings accounts of her children, her husband has to sign a power of attorney for the account per se," said Ahmad.
Commercial Bank of Abu Dhabi said: " The father has to sign all documents pertaining to the account and he has also to sign all documents with regard to withdrawals in the future. The husband can give his wife who is a third party a power of attorney to operate the account."
MelodyJul 9, 2012 5:59
truly a bad news....I am recently divorced & i was just planning to open 2 new savings acct 1 for my baby girl and 1 for my son age 11yrs for their future, be it for education or for anything else. It is always better to save something for your children's future and I don't understand why this rule is being implemented with Central Bank. I highly respect Sharia Law, but sometimes u can't avoid questioning it why they just choose which Sharia Law to apply specially with banks..if they are really applying the Sharia Law in UAE being an Islamic country, why big interests in Bank Loans are approved where everyone knows Interest in Islam is not acceptable. Why only choose the part in Sharia Law where a Woman or a Mother cannot open for her own child & would need the ex/husband or any male relatives from the husband's side. Isn't it quite unfair? If Sharia Law will be implemented, then let it be for all not just pick which rule to follow.
GBJul 9, 2012 12:19
Siraj this is just making it sound like women are uneducated, which they are not. Many women manage corporations, let alone a simple bank account. Women are equal to men in their rights and there are many cases where a woman would have no wish to allow an ex husband near her in any circumstance. To force her to have to contact them may result in an even bigger problem. By law, a woman is made the legal guardian when she divorces if she is given custody, so therefore legally she is their guardian and that means under Sharia she would be able to open the account in that position.
RoseJul 9, 2012 11:45
The mother should be given the right to operate the account as no mother will ever want to spend the amount saved in the interest of the child. It is her income that she is saving for the child so why should the father or uncle or any one else operate and handle? What happens is the father might remove all the cash and use it for his personal use. The mother has to keep on depositing for him to use. The purpose of saving for the child's future stands defeated. I find this quite unacceptable and hence would rather invest in other institutions - like bonds, securities, Insurance, etc. so that my hard earned money is not wasted and used by any one else other than my child, especially in cases where there are divorces.
HarisJul 9, 2012 10:53
Very convinient to say that this is because of Sharia compliancy. What happens if the uncle decides to take that money and run away? Is there any protection scheme for that?If the mother is taking care of the kids and managing their education, living, clothing - why not manage their accounts as well?
VidurJul 9, 2012 10:23
I love almost everything about UAE and please kindly do not apply this kind of regulations that sound so medivial. Dear concerned authorities, i believe that nobody can be a true well wisher of a child other than his/her own parents. Uncles and aunties, they can exploit the situation. Let a mother, widowed, divorced, separated, have the right to open an account for her child. If a father/mother is so keen to do it, it means they have the best wishes for their child in their mind.


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Haiti: flood deaths a direct result of deforestation and poverty
The impact of tropical storm Jeanne, which has claimed over 1,000 lives in Haiti, according to latest estimates, has been greatly exacerbated by the underlying problems of deforestation and poverty. The storm created enormous mudslides, which swept away homes and isolated communities. Christian Aid warns that unless these underlying problems are tackled in Haiti, tropical storms and hurricanes will continue to have a devastating effect. "Because the economic situation for many Haitians is so precarious, they rely on chopping down trees for fuel," said Judith Turbyne, Christian Aid's regional manager for Central America. "It is still commonplace to use charcoal, which requires an enormous amount of wood. So in the poorest areas there has been widespread deforestation. "Haiti has suffered a catalogue of disasters in recent years," she added. "As well as being one of the poorest countries in the Western hemisphere, the north west of the country has suffered widespread crop failures for the past three years. "There was a political crisis in January, when former President Aristide was forced to flee following a violent uprising. And in May there were severe floods which left 2,000 dead or missing." Speaking from the capital, Port-au-Prince, Helen Spraos, Christian Aid's field officer in Haiti, explained: "Extreme poverty forces people to migrate in search of work and many are living in makeshift shelters. Parts of Haiti are very mountainous and the most vulnerable tend to live on steep hillsides or in ravines." Over the next few weeks the need for emergency aid will be acute. There is already a shortage of clean water because precarious drainage systems have been damaged. Christian Aid's work is focussed on long-term development. It works with partner organisations to shore up the rural economy and discourage migration. One project sells chickens and goats at low cost so that farmers can use them for breeding, consumption and selling. This improves both nutrition and cash flow in the household. Another key aim of the programme is to build up rural livelihoods so that people aren't driven from their land in search of work. Several hurricanes have hit the Caribbean in recent weeks, most notably Ivan and Frances. Jeanne was downgraded from a hurricane to a tropical storm before it hit Haiti, but the devastation it wrought was much greater than in Jamaica, for example. Source: Christian Aid


text: well,i managed to find a pack with bios and after some trouble with undesired starting settings of the pack it works nicely. unless you want to give me info as to how can i delete my own topic,i guess there's nothing to be done here anymore for you. thanks for passing through,if you intended to help.


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I am, and perhaps you've noticed, slightly skeptical about an enormous amount of what passes for this life and times on the big, blue marble. I didn't so much walk away from the faith of my fathers as I ran headlong into the desert in search of, if not so much the burning bush, a smoldering shrub or something to which I could hold fast in these acceleratingly aggravating times.
I was raised by nuns, the somewhat less than aptly-named Sisters of Charity, to believe that the only mortal sin (the one that will cost you your everlasting soul and your place at the Right Hand of God in Heaven) is the sin of despair. And so I've been a me of little faith for many years, wanting to believe but fearing I lacked the unquestioning faith such belief seems to require.
Years ago I chanced across Michael Morecock's Behold the Man whose premise stunned me and left me empty and aching upon completion. I've found it online any number of times over the course of the last decade or so and yet, hoping to share a link with you today has proven to be a dry dream. And I wonder if I should read anything into that.
Still, I understood the author's perspective and appreciated the power of his prose never once wondering if I were reading history or non-fiction. All of that brings me to this, accompanied as it is by a vague disquiet and dread when I wonder about the reception such a story may receive in some quarters of our globe.
The editors of Charlie Hebdo learned, too late, the limits and protections of freedom of speech and religion while those fleeing for their lives from the murdering maniacs of ISIL all across the Middle East can bear witness to how fragile a virtue tolerance too often can be.
I don't have to be Karl Glogauer to wonder what other encounters on the road to Damascus and with whom (and when exactly) can result in a reinvention of how we define heaven and hell and which one our earth is more likely to resemble and when. For extremists of all stripes, I am mindful of Churchill's observation, 'a fanatic is one who cannot change his mind and who will not change the subject.'
Fanaticism drives so many who possess so little because when you have that little you can only be happy when you've sacrificed your life for your beliefs and you become even happier when you force others to sacrifice their lives as well.
Truth, like beauty, is in the eye of the beholder unless or until the beholder is stricken blind.
-bill kenny


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Discussion in 'Black Rifle Forum' started by Rich22, Feb 16, 2013.
Though pricey, the VLTOR EMod stock is great.
I have them on both my 20" Hbars, and my Armalite AR10A2 Carbine. I have the M4 style stock on a little Bushmaster carbine but it really leaves a lot to be desired. I have two have to lowers that are as yet un-stocked.
One it getting the Magpul CRT stock, the other I have been thinking about sticking an A2 stock on and making a 5.56 version of my Armalite.
As for buffers.
I had been keeping an eye out for them since the shooting.
Last week Midway got some on in both the standard carbine, heavy carbine, and regular rifle length buffers.
I picked up some heavy buffers. They may have some standard rifle ones left.
I will check that out, thanks.
I just picked up a full A2 stock kit from Midway last week for my 18" AR and put it on already. Much better than the adjustable stock
I own Moe and CtR and UBR
Buy a CTR and add the thicker rubber butt pad .07 I think
Can't go wrong with a CTR. Have quite a few ARs with them. I really like the ACS and ACS-L as well depending on the rifle and the balance. I wound up with the ACS on my main hunting AR(.308). If it's going to be a standard rifle a CTR may fit the bill fine, unless you desire a bigger cheek weld and compartments for storage. Only you can answer that.
I just got a od magpul ctr and i really like it. Its sooo much better than the regular ar15 stocks
This. Except I'd swap out the ACS for the ACS-L. The standard ACS is a heavy sonuvabatch even when empty. Fill all of the compartments and it makes the gun pretty ***-heavy.
Depends on how nose-heavy your gun is. My SBR balances out beautifully with an ACS installed, and it gives me space for extra copies of my NFA peperwork, 2 spare Surefire batteries, and extra foam earplugs.
I like the weight of the UBR, it balances my suppressed BCM Middy perfectly
If you've ever run a 14.5" M4 with an M203, quadrant and leaf sights, PEQ2 (DBAL these days) and an Aimpoint with Surefire all mounted...... you know why the UBR and ACS exist.
Some guns are seriously noseheavy with mission critical gear. They help.


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I've been streaming Hell and High Water a lot lately. It's from Nick Cave and Warren Ellis.
A classic
Always loved this and everything Carpenter wrote for his movies.
just saw rogue one and (w/o spoiling it) like the way sound was handled for the most part
as for favorites?off the top of my head
two mules for sister sara by morricone+takemitsu's suna no onna
Hard to say, but my favorite within the last couple years is the Ex Machina soundtrack: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=BgKhOv1xTmA
Don't care if people turn their noses up at this, but they're masters of production across so many genres, classical included. It's my favorite soundtrack among many others.
Tekkonkinkreet, soundtrack by Plaid
Not so long ago I bought "Flimscores two" from Orla Wren... it's kinda a soundtrack, worth checking out.
Tv OK?
The soundtrack to Luke Cage is amazing.
That's a good one.
I really like the soundtrack to the original Solaris too.
one of my favorites:
I've been listening to the soundtrack for Arrival a lot in the last few weeks
Also, earlier this year -
re: arrival
Re: arrival
TV is more than OK. That is a great score.
Some great music here!
One of my favourite synth soundtracks is from Andromeda Strain (1971) - music by Gil Melle
Also there is an absolutely fantastic BBC documentary series about film music, presented by composer Niel Brand. The 3rd (and last) episode is about synths in film music, going all the way back to the use of trautonium on The Birds soundtrack. The other 2 episodes are great too.
Don't know how I forgot this one earlier!


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Contact Joe Galloway
: 607-723-9765
: $ 2,295.00
Bilenky Tandem: Beautifully built with chrom-moly tandem tubing; custom Imron color with gold trim. Fully equipped. Very low mileage (900 miles).
The bike looks new. Original owner. Stoker activated Arai drum brake. Fenders painted to match.
Well equipped to climb and descend hills in the Finger Lakes region.
Size: M/S
Stand-over heights: approximately 31 3/8" and 28 1/4"
Contact me for pictures or component details.
Tandem is located in Binghamton, NY
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