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It's child's play, when you think about it. Remakes of old (and not so old) horror movies are in, and the "Child's Play" franchise definitely has a loyal fanbase waiting to eat up any further adventures of Chucky. Last we saw Chuck (voiced by Brad Douriff), the evil killer doll had gotten hitched to Jennifer Tilly and was raising a kid. (No, really.) So what's up next? How about a remake of "Child's Play"? The news comes from First Showing, who says that the producer of the franchise, David Kirschner, is talking about a sequel that is actually a reboot of the series, with Don Mancini returning to script the project (and possibly direct?).
First things first, David Kirschner is the producer behind all five of the currently released Child's Play movies. He produced the first one and even the latest one, Seed of Chucky. Secondly, he also said that the same screenwriter who came up with the original Chucky story, Don Mancini, and who wrote all five of them is working on this one as well.
There is no director attached yet, as they're still working on the story, but some interesting discussion arose around what director might be chosen for this. Kirschner went on to explain that it would be very close to the original script, with some twists that the audience won't see coming. Sound like it could possibly be good yet?
I will usually bitch and moan about unnecessary remakes, but hell, if Don Mancini wants to remake it, he can go ahead and do whatever he wants, it's his baby.
More about the remake from Sci Fi Wire:
"We're discussing it with Don Mancini, who has written all of them with us, from the very beginning," Kirschner said in an interview while promoting his latest film, Martian Child. "The next one we're going to do, we're actually going back and are remaking the first one. And we're pushing it even further and making a very terrifying version of the first one, which I think is pretty terrifying as it is."
Kirschner revealed that the original script won't be used verbatim but that much of it will be retained. "I think it'll be pretty close to it, that's for sure," he said. "But there are some other things that we're exploring, also, and some twists that we don't want the audience to expect as far as a couple of deaths and where you think you're going in one way and you're going to go in another way as a result of knowing it and it being such a popular franchise."


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A COUNCIL boss has moved to quash concerns that a change in policy will lead to housing in Kidlington's Green Belt.
Cherwell District Council's Michael Gibbard spoke after the authority changed its Local Plan on where it will allow major development to 2031.
The changed text said there would be a "small-scale local review of the Green Belt boundary around Kidlington" if 250 homes can not be provided in its built-up area.
The change follows an increase in the district-wide housing target from 16,750 to 22,800 after a report ordered by Oxfordshire's councils said more homes were needed.
Mr Gibbard, executive member for planning, said: "It is something we are obliged to put in, but it is something we have no intention at this stage of providing."
The Yarnton, Gosford and Water Eaton councillor said: "It is a little suggestive that we might be opening the door but that is not the intention.
"The 250 homes we have mentioned are capable of being provided within the village."
The previous draft Local Plan said Kidlington would take at least 50 more homes.
Kidlington Parish Council had raised concerns this was too low and said Cherwell had assured it that 50 was a minimum, not a limit.
But vice-chairman David Robey said: "We are surprised by the proposal to review the Green Belt for housing in Kidlington.
"We had previously supported their plan of keeping the Green Belt intact.
"We are trying to find out more about it before making any further comment."
Banbury and Bicester will take most of the extra housing, with 1,895 and 300 more homes respectively.
Oxford City Council has backed more housing in Kidlington's Green Belt in the hope that it will lower house prices for city residents.
But parish council members have warned against dividing the historic green buffer between the village and city.
Michael Tyce, a member of the branch executive of the Campaign to Protect Rural England, said he was concerned by the latest changes.
He said: "The reason the Green Belt is so important is the reason it was founded, which is to contrain the growth of Oxford.
"Oxford wants to be another Birmingham and is constantly chasing away at hedges."
The five Oxfordshire councils which have to produce local plans are revising housing after recommendations in the Oxfordshire Strategic Housing Market Assessment (SHMA).
This boosted Oxford's housing numbers from 8,000 to 28,000, with the whole county going from 54,700 to 100,060 by 2031.
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subset: commoncrawl


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i saw that on ebaums
Type: Posts; User: robitor
i saw that on ebaums
rp(thats the name) burning legion 34 druid
does anyone in the offspring play WoW?
14 years old
some faggot kept talkin shit to me, so i was like, "u think ure so tough why don't u fight me?" and he was like "alright then" so i went up to this hill thing and we fought on top of...
the steelers are gonna win
the offspring are playing at blizzcon.
my drood's up to 33 and i 've been playing since january, that shows how much i suck
i had a dream last night that i got autographs from dexter and noodles, i had that same dream like a couple months ago also.
wow, why dont you chill out?
o yah i did a search and i couldn't find anything about this :p
I watch Family Guy, is that anime? cause it fits in with the whole cartoon thing
the offspring's old stuff is soo much better than their new stuff, why'd they change? :confused:
so, the offspring is done with?!?! they're not gonna create another album?!?! that SUX! :eek: :(
its just my opinion, so DONT YELL AT ME, but, THE OFFSPRING IS TOURING WITH SUCKY ASS BANDS THAT IVE NEVER HEARD OF AND THE OFFSPRING SHOULDNT BE TOURING WITH THEM BECAUSE THE OFFSPRING IS THE BEST...
YEEEEEEEEEEEEEEE strait up...dawg...homie...g :D


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Customer-Centered Construction
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Not only do we perform our work to the highest standards of quality, but we take the time to understand your facilities and make recommendations that provide the most options for you to manage your business in the years to come.
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THOMPSON-OKANAGAN - Canada's birthday is cause to celebrate and like any good birthday party is not complete without food, friends and fireworks.
There was no shortage of any of this throughout the region, from Kamloops to Shuswap and through the Okanagan. There were many community celebrations and of course many lakes and beaches for those looking to celebrate not only Canada but the amazing weather found in our little part of the country.
Here's a look at Canada Day through the eyes of those enjoying all the festivities.
How did you spend Canada Day? Share your photos below.


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ACParadise Network: American Cosplay Paradise American Cosplay Experience American Cosplay Snapshots
Cosplayer Kelldar > Costume of Valkyrie (Marvel Comics)
- Most Recent Photo
- 03-26-2015
- Series
- Marvel Comics
- Character
- Valkyrie
- Year Completed:
- 2011
- Construction Difficulty:
- Costume worn at:
- Dragon*Con 2013
- Dragon*Con 2011
About this Costume
- Construction Details:
Made for Dragoncon 2011.
Started out by making a plain black leotard, and a blue cape out of crinkle cotton. Added batting to the cape shoulders for some lift - the cape snaps onto the leotard.
Most of the "armor" accessories are plastic. The chestpieces velcro onto the suit. The belt I bought and made the accessories for, and modified some store-bought swords and daggers.
The boots I had, I made boot toppers for them out of black vinyl, covered in strips of various fabrics. They snap up the back.
The giant sword my husband made out of insulation foam.
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Paul Le Blanc: Revolutionary elements in London -- Marxism 2013 and its context
By Paul Le Blanc
July 20, 2013 -- Links International Journal of Socialist Renewal -- The Socialist Workers Party (SWP) is an important "far left" organisation in Britain which, among other things, organises an annual educational conference -- Marxism -- in London. The SWP is undergoing a crisis which is only one aspect of a much larger phenomenon, taking place on a global scale within the revolutionary left. This involves a recomposition of the revolutionary socialist movement as a political force, in tandem with the struggles of the multi-faceted working class struggling against the effects of the present world crisis of capitalism.
In what follows, I want to offer a report on what I was able to observe while attending Marxism 2013 (July 11-15, 2013). I will also take up various issues having to do with discussions and debates having to do with the Leninist tradition and how it relates to realities and struggles of our time.
In part, I will be basing this on what I was in a position to observe (including Marxism 2013, plus a couple of "fringe meetings" organised by the International Socialist Network), as well as intensive discussions with members of that Network, as well as members of the Anti-Capitalist Initiative, members of Counterfire (a group which crystallised a few years ago when leading SWPers John Rees and Lindsey German left the organisation), and members of the SWP, both majority supporters and oppositionists, and other non-SWPers who were in attendance at the conference. As I said in a quite useful one-on-one conversation with Alex Callinicos early in the event, I consider all these elements to be revolutionary and am inclined to engage with them all. Alex agreed that this makes sense for someone in my position -- though I imagine he will disagree with some of which I have come up with as a result.
The SWP had been, at the beginning of this century, one of the strongest elements in the revolutionary left internationally, with a membership of several thousand, graced with an impressive array of left-wing intellectuals in its ranks and periphery, and with an activist membership that proved time and again that it could make a real difference in the social movements and struggles challenging the myriad problems and oppressions generated by the capitalist status quo. This fusion of a high level of Marxist theory and a powerful activist base, drawn together and mobilised by a particular variant of Leninist organisational practice, made it a force to be reckoned with not only by the capitalist enemy, but by others on the left sharing its goals but disagreeing with one or another aspect (or many aspects) of its practice. There have been accusations of heavy-handed, manipulative, and sectarian functioning in the larger struggles, though I am not in a position to make independent judgments on such accusations.
The current crisis was sparked by a scandal, involving a central figure in the SWP leadership accused of sexually abusing, in fact raping, a female comrade, accompanied by what seems to have been an attempted cover-up. This was followed by a botched investigation exonerating the accused leader, and then a heavy-handed "centralism" forbidding further discussion of the matter. This naturally generated a profound questioning (in fact deepened questions and differences some already had) regarding what some felt was an undemocratic mode of functioning in the name of "Leninism" and "democratic centralism". Issues of the SWP's hostile attitude toward feminism (criticised as a form of "identity politics" presumably incompatible with the class politics of Marxism) have also come up.
Several hundred members, particularly students and youth, left the organisation, and some of these have set up a rather diffuse International Socialist Network (ISN) -- which makes reference to the "International Socialist" tradition (encompassing a conception of socialism from below and revolutionary internationalism incompatible with reformism and Stalinism) out of which the SWP arose (see http://internationalsocialistnetwork.org/). It is also clear, however, that not all of the ISN members are on the same page – there are divergent views on a number of questions, with what would seem to be varying trajectories. There are many more questions than answers, aside from the shared anger over how the sexual scandal in the SWP was handled. Part of this seems to me reflected in the fact that the ISN fringe meeting, "Embracing the F-Word: Feminism and the Left" (dealing especially with the scandal) was well attended and vibrant, while the fringe meeting on realignment and organisation on the left was small and rather rag-tag.
Several hundred more oppositionists have remained in the organisation, organised as a faction or tendency to fight against what they see as a divergence of the SWP from that tradition, and from a genuinely democratic centralism. (Denounced as factionalists, they respond that the SWP leadership is itself functioning as a faction.) Some of these oppositionists seem to be committed to staying in the organisation and changing it, while others seem skeptical about possibilities of change and may be unwilling to slog through what remains of their political lives in what they see as a badly flawed organisation.
Among those who remain in the SWP and are not in the opposition, and can therefore be counted among the majority, there seem to be different elements. Some do seem to be functioning with the unity of purpose and internal discipline that is consistent with what I understand to be a faction, and seem to believe that those oppositionists still in the SWP soon will and should be outside of the organisation. Some seem to have a different point of view -- absolutely wanting to maintain organisational unity, but a unity which they hope will include the oppositionists and a considerable amount of democracy.
Also, a new and quite serious charge of sexual misconduct has been brought against the leadership comrade exonerated in the previous incident, and this time there are indications that there may be more appropriate procedures and outcomes. Some of the majority comrades see this as extremely important for resolving the problems that have arisen. Some of the oppositional comrades agree, but seem insistent that this would not cause an evaporation of some of the deeper problems related to the internal crisis.
The developments inside the SWP cannot be adequately understood without reference to developments outside the organisation. Neither a general survey of British socio-economic realities nor of the British left will be possible here, but three developments are particularly relevant to matters discussed in this report -- the People's Assembly against Austerity, Left Unity, and Revolutionary Unity.
The People's Assembly took place in London on June 22, supported by a significant section of the union movement, community organisations, left groups and others. More than 50 prominent individuals with such associations -- including elected leaders of major unions, Labour Party MPs, prominent writers, key figures in several socialist groups (including the Communist Party of Britain, Socialist Resistance and Counterfire, but not the SWP) -- had issued a call published in the Guardian, "to all those millions of people in Britain who face an impoverished and uncertain year as their wages, jobs, conditions and welfare provision come under renewed attack by the government".
Citing projections that "some 80% of austerity measures [are] still to come, and with the government lengthening the time they expect cuts to last," the call projected not only a one-day splash of protest, but the creation of a network of People's Assemblies throughout Britain in order "to bring together campaigns against cuts and privatisation with trade unionists in a movement for social justice," in order to "develop a strategy for resistance to mobilise millions of people" to push back against cuts and bring down the Conservative government.
More than 4000 people participated in the event -- and videos of a number of the speeches delivered there can be found on the People's Assembly website. In general, reports on the proceedings are quite positive. In addition to a commitment to building local People's Assemblies in every city and town in the country, there was agreement that a mass protest would be organised on September 29 at the Conservative Party convention in Manchester, and a day of mass civil disobedience "everywhere" on November 5.
It should be added that of the socialist groups involved in the People's Assembly, Counterfire appears to be most prominent, although this effort seems a genuine united front, not dominated by any particular left current.
Some of the personalities involved in the People's Assembly -- particularly Ken Loach, the outstanding film-maker, and Kate Hudson, head of the prestigious Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament -- have initiated something else called Left Unity. This is related Loach's recent documentary, The Spirit of '45, which depicts in truly inspiring terms the creation of the broad social programs, tagged the welfare state, initiated by the Labour Party and its supporters after its sweeping electoral victory of 1945.
Noting that "the welfare state is being dismantled by the coalition government, bringing great suffering to the most vulnerable in society and eroding the living conditions of millions of ordinary people," Left Unity notes that "the Labour Party is not presenting a strong opposition to austerity and instead appears to have wholeheartedly adopted neo-liberal policy, advocating its own brand of austerity and privatisation". It has called for discussion of the "formation of a new political party of the Left to bring together those who wish to defend the welfare state and present an economic alternative to austerity". Within an incredibly short period of time, nine thousand people have signed up to participate in this effort. On the other hand, there are significant forces involved in the People's Assembly -- including Labour Party members, Green Party members, and trade union leaders -- who are not inclined to be involved in Left Unity.
Some who are involved in Left Unity, yet not satisfied with an entity projecting itself as a continuation of the old left-wing of the Labour Party, have begun an intensive discussion tagged Revolutionary Unity. This involves the IS Network, Socialist Resistance (a small but seasoned section of the Fourth International) and the Anti-Capitalist Initiative (a group of young activists who have been very involved in Occupy and anti-cuts insurgencies particularly among students).
Marxism 2013
When I was invited to speak at Marxism 2013, and decided – after consultation with the leadership of my organisation (the International Socialist Organization (ISO) -- to attend, I was aware that some people who had previously participated in such SWP events were publicly boycotting it. I had no disagreement with their decision, but I had not been asked to participate in any such boycott and felt it would be more fruitful for me to engage with comrades in the SWP. I was then attacked by a US blogger for giving comfort to "the Socialist Rapist Party" -- but I was not persuaded by this.
A few days before the start of Marxism 2013, the SWP leadership suspended four oppositionists from the organisation, and fired an SWP staffer, for being involved in setting up a website for the opposition (http://revolutionarysocialism.tumblr.com/about), and I was urged by certain non-SWPers to withdraw my agreement to participate -- but this was not something I was inclined to do at that point. I wanted to learn more of what was going on, and also to connect and share ideas with as many of these revolutionaries (SWP members, oppositionists, and others) as possible. As it turned out, an open letter from a couple hundred SWP members plus additional internal pressure resulted in the suspensions being quickly reversed.
What I saw at Marxism 2013 was a very large and very well organised five-day event with many dozens of truly interesting concurrent sessions, pitched at various levels, involving politics, economics, social issues, culture, science and more. There was much energy, openness, intellectual stimulation.
There were many SWPers and some non-SWPers giving talks. I was able to hear Colin Barker speak about the nature of socialist revolution, Mike Gonzales speak about the impact of Hugo Chavez and the Venezuelan revolutionary process, Gilbert Achcar speak about the dynamics of the Arab revolutionary process, Megan Trudell speak about the uses and abuses of Antonio Gramsci, Ian Birchall speak about Jean-Paul Sartre (in a room much too small, I'm afraid, but I was willing to sit on the floor), Adrian Budd speak on the development of China as a new super-power, Jess Edwards speak about the SWP take on differences between Lenin and Luxemburg, and Amy Leather explain the capital accumulation process as part of what was an introductory "rough guide to Marxist economics".
There was also Alex Callincos's session on "Leninism in the 21st Century". I naturally also attended my own presentations -- a slideshow focused on US murals of the great Mexican revolutionary artist Diego Rivera, a panel discussion on how socialists should organise themselves, also including Esme Choonara and Gilbert Achcar, and a talk on "The History and Future of Leninism" (these last two will also be taken up later in this report). And of course, there were exciting opening and closing rallies featuring international and British speakers, including central leaders of the British SWP.
Particularly interesting at the closing rally were the rousing remarks of Eamonn McCann, veteran of the civil rights movement in Northern Ireland and a leading member of the Irish SWP. He emphasised that he and his comrades could only be effective in Irish struggles because they stood against oppression in all its forms and had proven themselves trustworthy. Without naming names, that all socialists had to take a stand against sexism -- including in their own organisations – and that this was a matter of principle. It seemed that a majority of those in attendance cheered this with enthusiasm, although there were a few who withheld applause for that aspect of his speech.
An overall attendance of what I would estimate as more than 2000 people seemed good to me, but people on both sides of the disputed issues in the SWP noted that last year's had many more -- between 4000 and 5000. There were a number of young people present, although there was a higher proportion of people 40 years and older. There were some people of colour, a very strong role was played by women, and most of us in attendance were, not surprisingly, part of one or another sector of the working class.
There was an underlying tension running through the entire conference -- I heard more than one remark by one majority supporter to another reflecting hostility to the opposition, and the same sort of thing (but more muted, and going in the opposite direction) among oppositionists. At various points, in one session or another, there were open polemics and angry explosions. This was particularly the case in sessions touching on Leninism and "the organisation question".
'Left reformism'
The Callinicos talk seemed significant to me from several standpoints. One was his emphasis on what he described as a resurgent "left-reformism" -- examples of which could be found Syriza in Greece, in Ken Loach's film The Spirit of '45, in the Left Unity project and in the People's Assembly effort. He went on to add that the SWP "welcomed" both Left Unity and the People's Assembly and would participate in them, but he made a sharp distinction between the Leninist approach and what he described as the political degeneration of John Rees, who provided left cover for the reformism of the trade union bureaucracy by asserting that it is "ridiculous" to believe that strikes are superior to demonstrations and direct action.[1]
This opportunist formulation, Callincos argued, replaced proletarian class struggle with "movementism". This seems problematical to me, particularly since a majority of today's working class finds itself outside of trade unions and participates in struggles, necessarily, through mass actions organised by social movements outside of the workplace. This relates to another aspect of controversy in and around the SWP. It seems to me that the human beings who make up the working class majority find themselves in different sectors (involving various blue-collar and white-collar occupations and skill levels, as well as those not currently employed) and are characterised by a variety of identities (involving gender, race, ethnicity, sexuality and more), beset by various forms of oppression which must be understood and engaged with by revolutionaries and others through distinctive movements and struggles -- which is inseparable from the overall struggle of the working class for a better life for all. What is dismissed as "movementism" can be essential to the actual, real-life class struggle.
Emphasising Georg Lukács's emphasis on Lenin's distinctive contributions regarding the question of the party, Callinicos insisted on the necessity of building the SWP as a unified revolutionary party along Leninist, democratic-centralist lines. Acknowledging that the SWP had developed its own version of Leninism, he insisted that this had helped it to "punch above its weight" -- with an elected leadership having considerable executive power, allowing for discussion in the party ranks leading up to decisions, after which the time for talk must give way to unity in carrying out the decision. Oppositionists who want to improve upon Leninism seem to forget that revolutionary unity is essential for political effectiveness. Maintaining permanent factions is a violation of genuine democracy, a genuine revolutionary party cannot be a talk-shop or debating society, etc.
After an explosive and polarising discussion, Callinicos -– after some conciliatory comments -- reasserted the importance of the SWP as a disciplined revolutionary party and addressed a provocative question to the oppositionists. He assured them that they would fail to win a majority of the SWP, that they would lose. "And then what will you do?" he asked. Would they choose to stay in the party, or would they find themselves unable to accept the majority decision? He expressed the hope that they would choose to stay in the party.
Given the way he had defined the SWP's Leninism, however, the pointed implication of his question seemed clear. Given the extreme polarisation of the discussion and the way Callinicos framed the discussion, it seemed to me that a new split in the organisation was likely. That seemed to be the conclusion of many others on both sides, as well as outsiders like me.
Leninism in our time
Issues from this session (as well as some of the angry and polarised discussion) spilled over into some of the other sessions I attended, and were also in evidence in the sessions in which I made presentations on socialist organisation and Leninism.
In the panel discussion on socialist organisation, there were a number of similar themes in Esme Choonara's comments -- warnings against left-reformism, emphasis on the need for a Leninist party, the need to "punch above our weight" and the consequent necessity of unity in action, the unacceptability of permanent factions, the importance of democratic centralism – once the vote is taken, discussion ends and unity in action begins. She added that Marxism 2013 proved that the SWP is by no means undemocratic, that it is in fact "a lively bunch of people".
My own comments as a panelist stressed the fact that the SWP was not, in fact, a revolutionary party in the way that Lenin defined the term in the early pages of Left-Wing Communism, an Infantile Disorder -- a revolutionary vanguard layer of a class-conscious working class did not yet exist, and the SWP did not have intimate contact with the working-class majority. The function of Leninists is not to pretend that they are a revolutionary party but to create the preconditions for such a party. A failure to understand that would lead to sectarian functioning and internal pressures that could be destructive.
Gilbert Achcar made similar points and was able to enrich the discussion by referring to the French section of the Fourth International in which he had participated for a number of years. While not favouring permanent factions, he was able to report that for over four decades the French section proved able to grow and be effective while practicing a quite different variant of Leninism that that of the SWP, allowing full freedom of discussion even after decisions on action were made and implemented, and with the existence of a permanent faction.
In my session on "The History and Future of Leninism", I shared a portion of the lengthy presentation I gave in Australia (where revolutionary comrades were in the process of coming together rather than coming apart -- see http://links.org.au/node/3394). I will offer the fragment of my Marxism 2013 talk which made points generating controversy, then indicate criticisms of some comrades, and conclude with my responses to criticisms. Here is the fragment:
[After a lengthy Lenin quote from 1915 emphasising the centrality of democracy in the struggle for socialism.] The centrality of democracy in the struggle for socialism applies not only in the social and political struggles within society, but also in the internal structure and practice of the socialist organisation itself. In my book Lenin and the Revolutionary Party and in other places, I have written a great deal on the actual meaning and practice of the concept of "democratic centralism" -- what Lenin defined as full freedom of discussion and unity in action, and others have written about that as well. It has been documented that the Bolshevik organisation had a considerable degree of internal democracy. We have already noted here how this changed dramatically under the rule of Joseph Stalin. That was a disastrous development largely rooted in the devastation and isolation of Soviet Russia in the midst of the civil war years, combined with the extreme economic backwardness and poverty of the Russian economy. This resulted in what were supposed to be emergency measures that, in fact, became permanent -- which eliminated any genuine democracy in the Soviet Union, and also eliminated genuine internal democracy in all Communist Parties controlled by the Stalin leadership.
What we have found even among all-too-many anti-Stalinist organisations committed to revolutionary socialism are -- in the name of Leninism and "democratic centralism" -- practices that cut across the possibility of the kind of internal democracy that seems to have existed, historically, in Lenin's organisation. Such internal democracy is one feature that made it possible for the Bolsheviks to be the kind of revolutionary force that triumphed in 1917. One of the reasons for the disappointing absence of that kind of democracy in many relatively small socialist groups in later years may have to do with a flaw in their self-conception. Some function more or less as sects, creating their own political universe that involves a self-conception that they constitute the "revolutionary vanguard" (or the politically correct nucleus around which a vanguard must form). The hope for the future is often seen as preserving the authority and ideological purity of one's precious organisation. This can engender ideological and organisational rigidities which distort the way that democratic centralism (particularly "full freedom of discussion") might be understood and practiced.
If our self-conception is that we do not yet have a revolutionary party (not even in embryo), and that our purpose is to help create the preconditions that might make the emergence of such a party possible, this could encourage a different kind of internal practice, in some ways matching the way we would be dealing with those outside of our group. A primary goal would be to generate more and more thought, experience, and creativity among one's comrades and others, as activists working together in order to bring into being a force that can successfully challenge capitalism. There are indications, in fact, that such an extended pre-party process -- even in underground conditions -- existed through the 1890s and early 1900s among Marxist-oriented revolutionaries, creating a subculture which nurtured a genuine internal democracy as the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party (and its Bolshevik faction) finally took shape.
One of the revolutionaries in-the-making from that time, Eugenia Levitskaya, later reminisced:
Turning over in my mind the mass of comrades with whom I had occasion to meet, I cannot recall a single reprehensible, contemptible act, a single deception or lie. There was friction. There were factional differences of opinion. But no more than that. Somehow everyone looked after himself morally, became better and more gentle in that friendly family".
(This sense of things can be found in a different context many years later, when the veteran revolutionary James P. Cannon commented: "The true art of being a socialist consists in anticipating the socialist future; in not waiting for its actual realisation, but in striving here and now, insofar as the circumstances of class society permit, to live like a socialist; to live under capitalism according to the higher standards of a socialist future".) A vibrant elaboration of this comradely subculture among Russian revolutionaries comes through in Maxim Gorky's novel of 1906, entitled Mother. A central figure in this subculture, Lenin wrote in What Is To Be Done? about the organisational ideal of 1902 as "a close and compact body of comrades in which complete, mutual confidence prevails". Even amid the fierce polemical controversies among the Russian Communists in 1920, Lenin quoted Trotsky -- with whom he was then in sharp disagreement -- that "ideological struggle within the Party does not mean mutual ostracism but mutual influence".
One of the most important elements in this subculture, I think, should be an inclusiveness that persistently and insistently works to overcome, in the revolutionary organisation, the divisive oppressions of racism, sexism, heterosexism, and other destructive dynamics blighting human relationships in the larger society. At times this may generate painful tensions and conflicts. Scrupulously democratic process, combined with considerable thoughtfulness and sensitivity, will be needed to help maintain balance and cohesion as the organisation works frankly and seriously toward fruitful results.
Such a general subculture contributes to the realisation of a primary task for any revolutionary organisation worth its salt -- the development of durable cadres. By this term cadre I am referring to experienced activists, educated in political theory, analytically oriented, with practical organisational skills, who are able to attract and train new members of the revolutionary organisation, and also to contribute to expanding efforts in broader movements for social change. This means knowing something of the history of the class struggle and of broad liberation struggles, knowing the economic and political realities of society, knowing how to size up a situation, knowing how to interact with others to help communicate that knowledge to them, knowing how to organise meetings and political actions. Such qualities need to be developed among increasing numbers of people. The proliferation of such durable cadres is essential for all the life-giving struggles leading up to the possibility of socialist revolution.
One comrade insisted that our model should not be the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party of the early 1900s but instead the Bolshevik party of 1917. We need a combat party, not a talk-shop. My response: Yes, we need the equivalent of the revolutionary party that made the 1917 revolution, but the question is how do we achieve that? We can't simply make a choice -- "oh we want to be this instead of that". We must go through the process that gets us to where we want to be – we must work hard to create the preconditions for the crystallisation of such a party, we can't jump over the process without generating sectarian and internally problematical dynamics. To recognise this is not to say we should just be a "talk shop" -- the Russian party of the early 1900s was not just a talk shop.
One comrade stressed the necessity of democratic centralism -- freedom of discussion of course, but then unity in action. Once a vote is taken, it must be binding. My response: Yes, we need unity in action. When a vote is taken regarding a specific action in the class struggle it must be carried out. But that is qualitatively different from a vote to close down and forbid a discussion against the wishes of several hundred comrades. That is not unity in action in the class struggle. There are better ways to understand and make use of democratic centralism. There should be full freedom of discussion as well as unity in action.
One comrade argued that there were important differences between Marx and Lenin, and that Leninists understand that sometimes there is a need to suspend democracy -- as Lenin and his comrades did when they closed down the Constituent Assembly after taking power in 1917. My response: I don't understand the meaning of the assertion of differences between Marx and Lenin -- but for both of them democracy was central. Lenin defended the closing down of the Constituent Assembly not because he thought democracy had to be suspended but because he saw the soviets, the democratic councils, as more democratic. From the beginning up through the Russian Revolution of 1917, Lenin was deeply and consistently in favour of democracy. This only changed with the horrific developments of 1918 and 1919, when a tsunami of shit hit a cosmic fan: military invasions, an international economic blockade, a brutalising civil war funded by foreign powers, economic collapse -- at which point the possibility of democracy collapsed and the revolutionaries were desperately focused on simply trying to survive. But for most of Lenin's life, democracy was central to the functioning of his organisation. For me the question is not whether we should be Leninists. We are Leninists. The question is: how do we best advance the process of creating the preconditions for a revolutionary party, and how do we build that party?
One comrade challenged the idealised description of internal party life, arguing that a revolutionary party cannot be the future socialist society in embryo. My response: Yes, that's true. But my point is not that we should try to create the equivalent of socialism in our organisation -- that's not possible. My point is that there are certain democratic and humanistic values related to our socialist goals, certain ways of functioning and treating comrades and other people as well, that should be part of the internal life of our revolutionary organisations.
One of the points made in my concluding remarks was that the loss of members, the loss of cadres, which seems likely unless things shift, would be devastating because for a revolutionary organisation they are gold. If it turns out, however, that a division in the organisation takes place, then it will be important for comrades on different sides of the split to do all they can to learn from their experience, evaluate their experience, and continue in the actual struggle against oppression and exploitation, and for socialism. The history of the Russian revolutionaries shows us that, based in part on the experience gained from following different pathways, separated revolutionaries can come together in the struggle, and at some point in a common organisation, as we move forward to socialist revolution.
I became keenly aware that it is far easier for me to look calmly at the disputes in and around the SWP because I am not and never have been either a member of the SWP or an adherent of the "International Socialist" tradition. I find something of value in each, but my life and hopes have never been invested in them in a way that is true for comrades that I spent time with. The passion, anger and rage (whether subdued or explosive), so evident in much of what I saw, are not part of my own feelings. But while this relative absence of intimacy may give me a greater sense of perspective in some ways, it may also make it difficult for me to understand personalities and relationships, perceive ego dynamics and political behavior patterns that can explain some of what is happening.
Serious revolutionaries have a responsibility, however, to develop a sense of perspective about difficult or devastating or disappointing developments among those one has considered comrades. It is important to puzzle out the larger political meanings, placing such experiences within what veteran Marxists have called "the long view of history". Three concluding points occur to me.
First, what is happening in the British SWP cannot be attributed to essential qualities of Leninism. If we look closely at other ideological and political traditions (religions of all varieties, scientific movements and institutions, purportedly democratic entities, social-democratic and labour parties, anarchist circles, not to mention monarchies, capitalist enterprises, etc.) we can find negative dynamics aplenty. On the other hand, there are variants of "Leninism" and forms of democratic centralism that have helped revolutionary activists to transcend much that is negative and limiting, facilitating comrades to work together effectively, and drawing in more and more people into the struggle, unleashing creative energies of the workers and the oppressed in struggles that win victories in the here-and-now while advancing the struggle for socialism. This can be found in the functioning of Lenin and his comrades up to the early 1920s, and other examples can be found as well.
Second, the actual historical developments out of which the so-called "Leninist party" emerged have been documented and described in various sources that are available to us. As Lenin demonstrates in Left Wing Communism, an Infantile Disorder, this was a process which unfolded over a period of years, involving the crystallisation of a class-conscious vanguard layer of the working class (some of which became Bolshevism's social base), the development of an intimate connection of the Bolshevik organisation with masses of the workers and oppressed, and the development of a revolutionary program that made sense in the specific Russian context. The effort to impose "discipline" outside of such a reality, pretending that one has already created the revolutionary party, ends up, as Lenin emphasised, in posturing and clowning, and falls flat. The party we need does not yet exist, and our primary task as revolutionaries is to help create the preconditions to help bring it into being. One aspect of this involves the development of more and more educated, experienced, skilled, critical-minded, creative, energetic cadres -- in one's own revolutionary group, and in the larger movements and organisations and struggles that help to advance the cause of the workers and the oppressed. Democratic-collective modes of functioning need to be developed that will help nurture such qualities among more and more people both within and beyond one's own group.
Third, and related to this task of broad and outward-reaching cadre development, is the necessity of immersion in the real-world class struggle. While carrying on serious socialist educational efforts, we must be involved in mass social struggles in the here-and-now, most definitely for reforms. This should not be dismissed as "movementism" or as "left-reformism". Rosa Luxemburg explained the point well: "The daily struggle for reforms, for the amelioration of the condition of the workers within the framework of the existing social order, and for democratic institutions, offers to the socialist movement an indissoluble tie. The struggle for reforms is its means; the social revolution, its aim". Such initiatives as, for example, the People's Assembly should be embraced and whole-heartedly advanced. Efforts such as these are what can help to create the preconditions for a revolutionary party. Whatever British comrades decide to do in regard to the SWP, it will be vitally important for all to engage in the actual struggle.
[1] Checking what Rees had actually said on the People's Assembly website, we find the following: "Some people want to say that there is one form of protest superior to all others, that direct action is superior to marching, that strikes are better than marching, that direct action is superior to strikes. Don't be ridiculous! We need them all, we need every single one of them. We are going to need to break this government. And if we are going to break this government, we are going to need to demonstrate, to strike, to take direct action ..."
Reshared from facebook, by John G.a thought: I'd tend to agree with Paul Le Blanc that the network is internally diverse: and also agree that sometimes this reflects confusion as much as more positive forms of diversity (which in my view it also has). But one of the worse things about the last crisis has been attitude associated with, at least the British version of Leninism. This was the attitude that until a fully formed alternative leadership existed it was irresponsible to say or do anything. This has been reflected in YEARS of passivity from experienced cadre who knew something was wrong but wouldn't say anything publicly (as early as the Respect crisis), right through to the shameful and appalling sexist disgrace of not just the last few months but the last few years. The self censorship, the distortion and bending of the best militants own consciences, the, corruption of the best instincts of generations of revolutionaries has been a truly terrible thing to behold. The big lesson is that the attitude that you have to wait for full political clarity to act is a non-starter. You only begin on the road to full clarity by acting. Only then can you begin to work out what to do. And that's a long and not a short road. Those who advocate waiting for a fully formed alternative revolutionary leadership to emerge (from where?) are really advocating the extreme and destructive passivity that led us to the present situation. Importantly this isn't directed against Paul Le Blanc's article. Its a thought that occurred as I read through his fair minded assessment.
On the LCR in France
Paul makes an excellent contribution to the very necessary discussion of what being a Leninist means in this period. I do, however, have one quibble--
Paul writes:
"Gilbert Achcar made similar points and was able to enrich the discussion by referring to the French section of the Fourth International in which he had participated for a number of years. While not favouring permanent factions, he was able to report that for over four decades the French section proved able to grow and be effective while practicing a quite different variant of Leninism that that of the SWP, allowing full freedom of discussion even after decisions on action were made and implemented, and with the existence of a permanent faction."
I have a slight bone to pick with this. Achcar is referencing the French LCR (Ligue Communiste Revolutionaire) which dissolved itself into the ill-fated New Anti-capitalist Party, or NPA. The LCR liquidated itself and effectively cut its ties to the Fourth International. In the process, they watered down the revolutionary program in favor of a more centrist program in order to occupy space vacated by reformism. . This is very different, for instance, from the unity process between the RSP and Socialist Alternative in Australia. The result of this "innovation" in France was the loss of the organization that "for over four decades...proved able to grow and be effective while practicing a quite different variant of Leninism..."
This fine example of a party that Achcar points to wasn't just "lost"- it was killed by a leadership looking for a short cut to mass acceptance. The result was disastrous.
Gilbert's point was not a
Gilbert's point was not a general vindication of all that the LCR did (including dissolving into the Anti-Capitalist Party), but simply that permanent factions in the course of its 40-year existence before that is not something that de-railed the LCR.
on the NPA and LCR
Specifically on the formation of the NPA, which as Le Blanc says goes beyond the scope of Achcar's remarks:
For some 20 years the LCR had been looking to break out of the mould of a far-Left formation of "Leninist" inspiration, albeit a far more open and democratic variant of "Leninism" than the one practiced by most groups of similar origin.
Many factors contributed to this approach, shared by all the currents of the LCR in the 90s and most of the 2000s:the myriad political and socio-economic changes wrought by neoliberalism; the collapse of the USSR and transformation of Social Democracy; the defeat of the post-68 wave of struggles; to name a few. Add to this the generational turnover and the emergence of a new and different wave of struggles from the mid-late 90s onwards, and it was clear that the LCR could not continue as before except as a marginal nostalgia group.
In fact, by the time the NPA project was launched in 2008 the nature and composition of the LCR were already quite different from what they had been even a decade earlier -- for "better" or for "worse" is for others to say, but the fact of the matter is that it was a living organization very much involved in the battles of the day and exposed to the main debates of the day. The NPA project was a logical extension of this and a bold projection of the organization's successes in elections and the trade-union and social movements.
I don't know where the definition of the NPA as "centrist" comes from, or why the LCR (or British SWP or Australian RSP-SA for that matter) was (or is) "revolutionary" in comparison in any practical and not rhetorical sense of the term. The difficulties or failures of the NPA are clearly part of a general crisis of radical-Left/revolutionary/anti-capitalist organizing.
The debate on the way forward remains open, and I happen to think the original NPA project of a broad anti-capitalist party retains all its relevance within this debate, despite the present difficulties of the "actually existing" NPA (which still exists by the way, with some 2000-2500 members and a popular public figure). With reference to the old LCR. It's also worth mentioning the several hundred former NPA/LCR members organized within the left-wing of the Left Front. It's not fair or accurate to speak of the NPA (and historic LCR tradition) in the past tense.
Crisis on the left Deepens
Crisis on the Left Deepens
The link below contain accounts of the development of a further crisis in the SWP (UK). It also contains a discussion on my document below. It is claimed that the exoneration of the individual concerned on a first charge of sexual misconduct has led to the exodus of the majority of student members and many others from the organisation and the formation of a large internal opposition faction. The individual has now resigned from SWP(UK) following the bringing of a second charge and there is a further deepening of the crisis of the organisation.
Earlier discussion documents I have issued on the crisis on the left, both in Ireland and on the International plane, are also accessible at links below.
As the crisis of the Trotskyist left continues and deepens all over Europe, I wish to raise a further point for discussion.
The fracture of the Trotskyist movement into multiple factions took place during the second world war, almost 70 years ago. Recently, social democrats including left social democrats have been discredited due to the imposition of austerity policies. Following the fall of the Russian bureaucracy and its satellite bureaucracies, the communist parties barely exist in western countries. It might be expected that the Trotskyists would now grow rapidly as workers grow angrier by the day. Instead crisis and divisions on the left have deepened all over Europe including in Ireland and the UK.
My earlier discussion documents concentrated on systemic political errors and deep-seated misconceptions which underlie these developments. I highlighted the prioritisation of recruitment to the individual sect above all revolutionary tasks in all circumstances. I still hold those views.
However when a phenomenon persists for many years, the question arises as to whether there is a material basis for it.
Almost all Trotskyist groups have adopted democratic centralism as an organisational form in accordance with its particular version of the form of organisation which existed in the Bolshevik Party. There is much discussion internationally of which version is the correct one as evidenced in the links below.
I find it increasingly difficult to believe that the continued series of disasters on the left arise mainly from organisational misconceptions and bad practice.
Let us examine the material position of these groups. From time to time, particularly since the sixties, several groups in the UK and France have had a dues paying membership numerically between 5000 and 10,000—SWP, Militant(now SP) and Workers Revolutionary Party in the UK and OCI/PCI and others in France. For a membership of 5000 paying on average 50Euro per month, this amounts to 3million euro per year in income and unlike a trade union there is no need to maintain a strike fund! It is necessary to invest the annual surplus leading to situations where longstanding organisations own considerable property and investment portfolios.
It is generally accepted among such groups that many loyal party activists should be appointed as full time officials. Leaders are commonly in position for decades.
I am not suggesting that the leaders are "on the take". Indeed many full time officials are very committed and self-sacrificing people.
Instead let us contrast the position of full time organiser for the Bolshevik Party in revolutionary Russia and a similar person in the post-war western world. The Bolshevik organiser was in danger of being shot, hanged or imprisoned. In the western world the leaders are in great danger of being sent to international conferences abroad!
It would not be surprising if such leaders began to develop a proprietorial attitude to the organisation if there are not much stronger organisational counter balances than existed internally in the Bolshevik Party. In that case, the counterbalances were external. The lifestyle in the west can become pleasant and even exciting. As in trade unions, full time officials have little difficulty in manipulating the rank and file. The exercise of unaccountable power can lead to arrogance and can undermine revolutionary fervour. The replacement of(typically many) departing members with new dues paying recruits becomes a priority over revolutionary tasks. The leaders can become completely divorced from the problems and realities facing actual workers. It is not necessary for such circumstances to lead to the level of abuse prevalent in the WRP for damage and bureaucratic deformation to occur. The leaders, unlike trade union bureaucrats, do not typically become verbally conservative. Indeed, virulent ultra-leftism may be exactly what is required to replenish the supply of young dues paying members in competition with other sects.
It would be madness to send an experienced leader back to work in a factory or office in a revolutionary situation. But when a quiet period continues for 70 years it may be necessary to do so together with the institution of other counterbalancing measures. (The nuns always found it necessary to rotate the position of reverend mother despite assistance from on high in the maintenance of humility!)
Many union officials believe they are acting in the interest of workers when clearly they are not. Similarly, left wing leaders can convince themselves that they are acting in a revolutionary way when they are doing the opposite if their personal life style is pleasant, interesting and comfortable.
The general membership of the sects is typically well meaning, committed and self sacrificing in its majority. Because of the large turn-over in membership many are inexperienced and manipulable.The damage now being done by the sects to anti-austerity campaigns and to the emergence of a principled political regroupment requires that the rank and file stand up to the leaders and insist on having new radical reform and control measures installed in their organisations. Rejection of the principle that recruitment to the sect comes before all other tasks in a rapidly developing political situation would strike at the heart of the bureaucratic deformation affecting the sects.
Paddy Healy on failure of the Campaign Against Household and Water Taxes(CAHWT) in Ireland


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- Manufacturer: EBC
EBC 5-Button Front Brake Rotor - Contour Wide - Black - Front
- Floating rotors have polished stainless steel or black chrome center hubs
- Fit standard five-bolt flanges
- All measure approximately 11.5in.in diameter
- Available in wide band or narrow band
- Wide band style is for use with OEM-style calipers
- Narrow band is for use with smaller aftermarket calipers
- Narrow-band brake pad swept area is 1.5in. wide
- Front rotors are 0.2in. thick; rear rotors are 0.24in. thick
- Sold each
- 2.25in./63mm bore
- Will accept pads FA94, FA299 & FA400
Manufacturer Part Number: FSD012CBLK


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Here at Review Centre we work hard to make sure we are the best place on the internet for honest, unbiased consumer reviews - we are grateful for your help in keeping us that way!
Written on: 02/12/2009
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Quaker oats cookies... my all time favorite! yum yum. gotta get up and start baking. it is so easy to make, add chopped nuts, raisins, chocolate chips or coconut for varieties.


text: Hi Paul, When I press Control& m to send a mail I get the following "e page". When I first went on Broadband I did not get this message, so am wondering is this anything to be concerned about? Question 2. How does one delete unwanted folders in Outlook Express or rename existing folders? Thanks, Noreen


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The general is surprisingly good at meditation. It's not just the impeccable posture — that might be expected of a man long used to standing at attention. It's his hands, which rest idly on his knees, and his combat boots, which remain planted firmly on the floor. Over the next several minutes, Lt. Gen. Eric Schoomaker, the Surgeon General of the Army, will keep his eyes closed and his face perfectly relaxed.
Few in this hotel conference room, where three dozen have assembled to mark the 10th anniversary of the Samueli Institute, a research organization specializing in alternative therapies, are able to match Schoomaker's stillness.
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The southernmost national park in the world
SUMMIT COUNTY — I've taken many more snow photos in the past few days, as Old Man Winter rolls on in Summit County, but I thought I'd give it a break, so I'm featuring Tierra del Fuego National Park, the southernmost park in the world. Leigh and I visited here after a 10-day sea voyage around Antarctica, and the verdant scene was a welcome change from all the ice and snow — sort of like when spring finally arrives here in the high country.
The 240-square-mile park was created in 1960 and extends north from the Beagle Channel to the Chilean border. Wildlife includes the Andean condor and the Andean Fox.
Rabbits, beavers, muskrats and other species introduced by European settlers have had a huge impact on the park's ecosystems, but big parts of the backcountry are closed altogether and managed as scientific research areas. At the lower elevation, the forest is dominated by mossy, branching beech trees.


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The former prime minister will act as a consultant to the new Socialist administration under premier Edi Rama.
Mr Rama was sworn in as prime minister last month and has promised to create 300,000 jobs and reduce poverty.
He said on Thursday that Mr Blair would be "personally, totally and voluntarily" advising the Albanian government.
Heaping praise on the former leader, he added that he would bring his "extraordinary experience and political geniality" to the post.
Speaking at a briefing in Tirana, Mr Blair said "the big challenge with the government today is getting things done".
A spokesman for the ex-politician has previously said that any work for the new government would not be for profit.
He is also Middle East envoy and an adviser to governments in Kazakhstan, Kuwait, Brazil and Colombia, and has made millions since leaving office in 2007.
Albania is one of Europe's poorest countries with an average salary of 36,482 leks (£223) per month.
A recent survey shows one in seven Albanians live on less than $2 (£1.23) per day.
Mr Blair is regarded as a hero in the country because of his role in the Nato campaign in Kosovo in the 1990s which ended Serbian attacks on ethnic Albanians.
Children in the region were called "Tonibler" in recognition of his involvement.
His consultancy comes after his former spin doctor Alastair Campbell helped the Albanian socialists during their electoral campaign.
During the election this summer, Mr Campbell wrote on Twitter: "Looking like a landslide for Edi Rama and the Socialist Party coalition in Albania, I love landslides. Been good working with you guys."


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Former New York Gov. George Pataki will attend a Republican event in Iowa on Saturday as he considers a Republican run for president.
The moderate Republican who won three terms in a heavily Democratic state is scheduled to attend a Republican picnic in Des Moines.
It will be at least his third trip to the important primary state this summer.
The 66-year-old Pataki is pushing a fiscally conservative agenda. He says he is considering a run for president because Democratic President Obama has no serious plan to reduce the national debt.
Pataki also is advocating specific plans such as creating more transmission lines to greatly expand wind power.
Alternative energy was a key element of Pataki's mix of tax cuts and environmental advocacy in New York.


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Report: John Stamos Tried To Get Olsen Twins Fired From Full HouseThere were rumors about this in the past but John Stamos recently confirmed his attempt to have the Olsen Twins fired from the hit series, Full House.
Bob Saget Will Be Part of the 'Fuller House' ReunionLori Loughlin's back, too, but still no Olsen twins.
John Stamos Calls Out Olsen Twins for Saying They Weren't Told About 'Fuller House' RebootWhile the Olsen twins say they were clueless about the 'Full House' reunion, John Stamos is not buying any of it.
'Full House' Reboot is Coming to Netflix in 2016The show, 'Fuller House' is definitely happening. Uncle Jesse and Netflix swear by it,
Rob Thomas Co-Hosts 'Live! With Kelly,' Talks Love, Marriage and TattoosRob Thomas might just have found himself a day job as co-host of 'Live With Kelly.' This morning the Matchbox Twenty frontman showed off his charm chatting about his wife, his dogs and his tattoos with Kelly Ripa
The Beach Boys Bring California Dreamin' To NYC On Reunion Tour
Ashton Kutcher Is the New Charlie Sheen
Two and a Half Men Fallout: John Stamos to Be the New Charlie Sheen?
"Glee" Star John Stamos Defeats Extortionists


text: Is it time to start getting concerned about the future of this series? We are now getting announcements for April releases from CBS/Paramount and we've not heard about the next installment of Perry Mason. Last year we did see an April release for this series, but in previous years the release schedule has been all over the map with this show. So, is it time to start worrying or not? Normally I'd say no because I've always been told that these releases were doing great for the studio. And from what little I could personally glean from places like Amazon.com that seemed to be the case. However, I have to say I'm getting worried. As I looked into my crystal ball a few weeks back I saw a man holding a coin, while his children were hurridly devouring their Easter candy. On one side of this coin I saw the face of Raymond Burr. On the other side I saw the face of the Grim Reaper. The man tossed the coin into the air like an NFL official would. As I watched the coin flipping over and over in the air I realized what the crystal ball was saying - Perry Mason Season 6 was literally a 50-50 proposition. It might get a release in April (clearly that's what the Easter candy was all about) or it might be stalled out. Not hearing any release news yet has me a bit spooked now. Surely this series hasn't fallen out of the CBS rotation, has it? I guess only time will tell, but with each passing day I fear it may have. Gary "I've viewed similar scenes in the crystal ball for other series too - might be a lean year for vintage TV fans when it comes to CBS/Paramount" O.


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Royally Lost -- Signed Copy
**A Room of One's Own is pleased to offer signed and personalized copies of Royally Lost for fans of Angie Stanton! Please know that requesting a signed copy will add a bit of a delay to shipment of the book based on the author's availability to sign copies at the time of the request. We think it's worth the wait! If you would like the book personalized to someone in particular, please make sure to give that name in the comments of the order.**
Perfect for fans of Sarah Dessen, Susane Colasanti, and Jenny Han, Angie Stanton's brand-new romance asks the question, What would it be like to fall in love with a prince?
Dragged on a family trip to Europe, Becca wants nothing more than to go home. Trapped with her emotionally distant father, overeager stepmother, and a brother who only wants to hook up with European hotties, Becca is miserable. Until she meets Nikolai.
Nikolai has everything--he's a crown prince, heir to the throne, and girls adore him. But the one thing he doesn't have is freedom . . . so he flees his kingdom and goes on his own European trip.
And when Nikolai and Becca meet, sparks fly. But Becca's family vacation ends in a matter of days. Will Nikolai and Becca be forced to say good-bye, or will they change history forever?


text: If I could earn a living doing what I love the most it would be caring. I think caring for others and helping is something anyone could do from the kindness of their own heart. If we as people cared a lot the world would be a better place and filled with love. It might seem like a dream but one day it will be a reality that all will do. I feel that I would take this goal and incorporate it until my career for the future which is working in the health care industry with all different individuals. I would care for all different people and treat them in a equal and fair way. No matter color, size, or background overall. If there were more people who cared our world would be a different place. Just giving people compliments and telling them how important they are can make ones day. To make this dream into a reality I would start with myself and have an heart to give to people, also one day start a organization for all people in need of help, clothes, money, a person to talk to, or a place to stay at all times. Until they can get back on their feet also to have different places everywhere that runs the same place as me. It would basically be worldwide not just in one area or state in the world but to make it equal and fair for all.


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Happy Birthday, Ella Ruth!
Look who's ready to party! It's Ella Ruth and today she turns two! It looks like she's a Sesame Street fan and is even decked out to color coordinate with Elmo. Happiest birthday wishes!
You can wish your child a happy birthday via AT: The Nursery by sending us a photo with your child's name and birth date. Put "HAPPY BIRTHDAY" in the subject line in your email to nursery (at) apartmenttherapy (dot) com.


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School pictures to be taken
School pictures will be taken at the Washington High School on Monday, Sept. 23 starting at 8 a.m. in the cafeteria hallway for freshmen, sophomores and juniors. In addition, any seniors who are not having their picture taken professionally should plan to have theirs taken at this time so the yearbook will be complete.
Picture payment information envelopes have been distributed and/or made available to all underclassmen. All students must have their picture taken even if they do not intend to purchase them. They are necessary for the yearbook and ID cards, which also serve as a lunch ticket. If pictures are being purchased, the envelopes with payment must be presented to the photographer at the time the picture is taken. Students who have been absent can pick up the information envelopes in the office anytime.


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Flash Draw Created Mar 07, 2008 470 x 338px Unless noted Copyright 2008 River.
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Such a beautiful angel x333 5/5 love it!!
What can I say ? It's Beautiful and I dont have words 4 the rest
that's sick
Great draw!
Awesome draw!~ love the wings!~
beautiful! 5h fav
Wow that is incredible thanks for doing it in flash 5/5
excellent!! 5/5
You used one of my fav color schemes... love how you made it glow :)


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The booming business on Metro Vancouver's North Shore ski hills is leaving business operators desperate for staff, with at least one ski hill hiring staff on the spot.
Cypress Mountain says last season's poor season, coupled with this year's boom, has led to a shortage of employees, many of whom come from countries like Australia.
"Last year we had a number of foreign workers that were coming over here that definitely didn't come back because they didn't have enough work — they moved on," said Joffrey Koeman, marketing director at Cypress.
To overcome the dearth of staffing, on the spot interviews are being held at Cypress daily and if the interviewee gets the job, they can start immediately, said Keoman.
- B.C. ski resorts on track for record season
- Cypress, Grouse, and Seymour ski hills on track for record holiday season
Paul Zirk, owner of Destination Ski in North Vancouver, is also looking for workers for his gear shop. He doesn't have enough employees to keep up with the steady influx of customers, and says his stock is also running out.
"It's been really busy, yes. In a sales sense, it's been probably 25 per cent better than a normal good year," he said.
Zirk said he plans to work extra hours himself to keep up with the pace.
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Here at Review Centre we work hard to make sure we are the best place on the internet for honest, unbiased consumer reviews - we are grateful for your help in keeping us that way!
Written on: 22/05/2012
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Found this website great, nice fast delievery and to top it of i got a free gift with my first order! would defo recomend to a friend!!


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New Jersey Association of USA Boxing
Official Site
Home of New Jersey Amateur Boxing Safety & Discipline
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September 25, 2017
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10 Pearl Street, Long Branch, NJ 07740 Phone 732-768-4086
Building Future Champions With Your Donations
Why is your donation important to the New Jersey Association of Amateur Boxing important? And why does every single dollar make a difference?
This question can be easily answered if you walk into any local boxing gym in New Jersey and see the amazing levels of talent and drive that these young adults have in the ring. But if you don't have time to see the action yourself, then we can update you on how the New Jersey Association of Amateur Boxing has grown over the past few years as a result of your donations and our youth's hard work and determination.
In the past there has sadly been a lack of opportunities for athletes to compete at the Junior Olympic level, but over the years as the youth programs have grown, the number of regional and national champions in New Jersey is now at an all-time high. Proof in point, during the 2015 Junior Olympics New Jersey's team came back with five Region One champions! As a result of such great success in the ring, the New Jersey leadership team saw the need to offer additional opportunities for our youth outside the ring as well, with a program called "Champions of Life" created by Rob Griffin and Jacklyn Atkins. The program features a series of seminars that combine Olympic style boxing training with sessions on how to live healthy lifestyles.
One of the athletes who has benefited from the opportunities offered to the youth of New Jersey, is standout star of the year Shakur Stevenson. Just recently his lifelong dream came true when he qualified for the 2016 Olympics in Rio de Janeiro at just eighteen years old. Stevenson, a Newark native who started mimicking the boxers he saw on TV when he was just two years old. Shakur has been with the New Jersey Amateur Boxing Program for eleven years.
To put things into perspective, the LBC spent over $40,000. in 2015 to support junior athletes competing in regional and national tournaments. Now with the growing amount of opportunities for our junior boxers arising including participating in the New Jersey Silver Gloves, Junior Olympic Independent Gloves, Ringside World Tournament and other tournaments where athletes are required to travel across the United States., every dollar that is donated helps.
If you are interested in donating towards the New Jersey Amateur Boxing Program and helping kids like Shakur become champions of life, please click below!
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The 2012 Summer Olympic Games in London will feature synchronized swimming, badminton and race walking . . . but not baseball.
The International Baseball Federation hopes that will change by the time the 2016 Games roll around. So the IBAF sent six representatives to make a presentation to the International Olympic Committee last week in Lausanne, Switzerland, about getting baseball back in the Olympics.
"I think it went really well," IBAF president Harvey Schiller said from Switzerland after the presentation.
"We were really prepared. We tried to focus on our commitment to
anti-doping, the fact that baseball has been a welcoming sport with no
economic barriers and that baseball was really the first integrated
sport with Jackie Robinson."
Along with baseball, several other sports are hoping to be part of the
Olympic program in 2016. Softball, golf, karate, rugby, squash and roller
sports are all competing for two available spots in the 2016 schedule. The sports other than baseball and softball have never been on an Olympic program before.
Six representatives made the 30-minute pitch for baseball: Schiller, a former head of the U.S. Olympic Committee and former Braves and Yankees executive; IBAF secretary general John Ostermeyer, as well as executive committee members Martin Miller and Sandra Monteiro; MLB senior vice president of international business operations Paul Archey; and Detroit Tigers center fielder Curtis Granderson, serving as an international baseball ambassador.
Granderson said he would like to see baseball back in the Olympics because of the global appeal of the game.
"The big thing that I got a chance to experience from going to Europe and South Africa and China is that the one mistake is that everyone thinks baseball is such an Americanized sport," Granderson said. "But when you travel throughout the world, you see that baseball is being played by all ages, both male and female, and that there are different professional leagues in places like Italy and China. Aside from that, there's over 70 countries with 2 million boys and girls playing Little League Baseball throughout the world. I think it exemplifies what the Olympics are all about."
The groups made their pitch to a 20-person panel from the IOC. The panel will make a recommendation next summer on which sports to add, but the final decision is left to the full IOC membership, which meets next October in Copenhagen. The IOC Congress will decide at the same meeting where the 2016 Olympics will be, with Chicago, Madrid, Rio de Janeiro and Tokyo as the finalists.
Baseball made its pitch first, in a 30-minute presentation that was followed by a 30-minute question-and-answer session. Schiller said the presentation touched on baseball's commitment to youth activities around the world, such as Little League Baseball, and the game's relevance to new media. He also pointed out that the finalists for the 2016 Games are all set up to accommodate baseball.
Schiller said IOC members naturally asked about getting major league players involved if baseball is reinstated. It has been a continual question regarding baseball's place in the Olympics, because the Olympics usually come in the middle of the major league season.
"The question is always going to come up," Schiller said. "The league could allow players to participate, but it's really still up to the club. We believe the tournament in 2016 will have the best players available, but baseball will not shut down to participate. They understand that—they understand that baseball is a big business."
To further address those concerns, the IBAF delegation read a statement from commissioner Bud Selig during the presentation, which said in part: "The 2016 Olympics will have the best representation of
professional players in Olympic history."
Granderson said that he would love the opportunity to play in the
Olympics. While having major league players participate would help draw
interest to the games, it might not affect the competition.
"It's not like a majority of sports where a dominant physical ability
prevails," Granderson said. "Any team can beat any other team on any
given day based on luck of the draw. The Japanese team this year was
considered the Japanese dream team and they didn't even qualify for a
"The idea of the best players could be thrown around so many
different ways—there's really no way to define that. For example, the
(U.S.) team that was put together this year had a lot of guys with
40-man experience and a lot of guys that are or will be the future's
best. You can see what kind of impact younger players can have when you
look at what Evan Longoria did for the Rays this year or Lincecum in
San Francisco, or the Cubs' catcher, (Geovany) Soto."
Baseball got knocked out of the Olympics in 2005, when the IOC conducted secret balloting on all 28 sports in its program. Baseball and softball were the only two that did not receive enough votes to stay in, meaning the 2008 Games in Beijing marked their final hurrah, at least for the time being. They are the first sports to be eliminated from the Olympics since polo was nixed in 1936.
South Korea went undefeated in Beijing to win the gold, defeating Cuba for the title. Team USA, which consisted of minor league players not on teams' 40-man rosters, won the bronze medal.


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Vladimir Putin has put on a pair of skates for a hockey training session with teenage players at an ice rink in the Russian capital.
The 58-year old Russian prime minister told reporters Friday that he only started learning how to skate two months ago.
Putin has burnished his image with televised appearances that paint him as a strong and energetic leader eager to take on tough challenges. He has flown a fighter jet, rode a horse shirtless and shot a tiger with tranquilizer gun.
Putin and his protege and successor as president, Dmitry Medvedev, both have said they would decide later who of them should run for president in the March 2012 elections, but most observers expect Putin to reclaim the job.


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"Sign Sign everywhere a sign,
Blocking out the scenery breaking my mind..."
When Five Man Electric Band sang these lyrics in the 1970s, they were talking about signage that banned long-haired hippies. Now Chatham County officials and local police are singing the same song about a different sort of sign: the plastic variety often spotted in public rights-of-way.
"Everyone has a promotion these days and we are seeing signs for cigarettes and beer all over," said Gregori Anderson, the director of Building Safety and Regulatory Services Dept. for Chatham County. "Obviously, the problem is that there are businesses out there just canvassing the area with signs."
One such sign - advertising that the Savannah-Chatham Metropolitan Police Department was taking applications for new officers - was posted Wednesday in a right-of-way outside the Savannah Morning News building on Chatham Parkway.
But Chatham County, with the help of Savannah-Chatham police, says it will step up its enforcement of the county ordinance that bans signs from any public land - specifically, the right-of-way off public roads.
Although zoning inspectors pick up the mostly plastic and wire signs nearly every day, catching the culprits often takes too much time.
"If we are able to identify the violators, we track them down and cite them," said Anderson. "But sometimes we can't identify who the business operator is, so that becomes more frustrating.
"Some don't even have a presence here. It makes it difficult to nip it in the bud."
Signs advertising yard sales, rental property and other household uses can be a violation as well, said Anderson. However, police and zoning inspectors rarely cite violators unless they are repeat offenders.
"Most of those yard sale signs are around on the weekend. We pick them up on Monday. It's not the big problem... Signs that advertise for a business are the real eye sores."
Police say they are glad to help the county enforce the ordinance.
"There are some things we call quality-of-life issues," said Bucky Burnsed, a Savannah-Chatham police spokesman. "These signs seriously impact the appearance of a neighborhood. "
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The Data Report Episode 15: Setting the Narrative
Much has been written on the growing risks of data breaches and other cyberattacks, especially after the massive security breach at Equifax in September 2017. Recent cases holding franchisors liable for franchisees' data...more
Module Four: When It All Goes Wrong (Part IV)
In this episode of The Data Report, Litigation attorney Jay Ward highlights the importance of setting a strong narrative in the wake of a data breach. Demonstrating internally...more
FTC Fights Back in LabMD Suit -
The Federal Trade Commission demonstrated its intention to fight for the power to regulate data security by filing a 111-page brief with the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Eleventh Circuit...more
Editor's note: This is the sixth and last in our end-of-year series. See our previous posts on trade secrets, state regulation and law enforcement, HIPAA compliance, emerging threats, and energy. See you in...more
Businesses today have their work cut out for them. Small or large, no organization is immune from cybersecurity threats. Added pressures arise from stepped up government regulatory oversight and enforcement that targets an...more
On July 29, 2016, the three Federal Trade Commission ("FTC") commissioners vacated their chief administrative law judge's bold decision to dismiss the agency's action against a medical testing lab, LabMD, In the Matter of...more
According to the FBI, "there are only two types of companies: those that have been hacked and those that will be." It does not take an actual data breach, however, for a company to be liable for its data security practices. ...more
In December 2015, the Federal Trade Commission (FTC) settled a drawn-out civil action it brought against Wyndham Worldwide Corporation (Wyndham) for multiple data breaches involving cardholder data (i.e., information on...more
How much does the question of harm matter in cybersecurity law? The answer is: It depends on who is bringing the claim.
Businesses confronting data breaches can face litigation from private consumers as well as from...more
Last month, Wyndham Worldwide Corp. settled its lengthy civil case with the Federal Trade Commission. The suit began in 2012, when the FTC sued Wyndham and three of its subsidiaries, alleging three data breaches between 2008...more
On December 9, 2015, the Federal Trade Commission (the "FTC") and Wyndham Worldwide Corporation (and three additional Wyndham entities, collectively, "Wyndham") filed a stipulated order ("Stipulated Order") settling their...more
The end of 2015 represented a mixed bag for the Federal Trade Commission on privacy enforcement. In November, the FTC's Chief Administrative Law Judge dismissed the FTC's complaint against LabMD for a possible data breach of...more
Ending Challenge to FTC's Data Security Authority, Wyndham Settles -
In a significant development, Wyndham Hotels and Resorts reached a deal with the Federal Trade Commission in the high-profile litigation that began...more
On the shifting sands of cyber security regulation, it is important to understand the outcome of two recent enforcement cases brought by the Federal Trade Commission (FTC) – one against clinical lab services company LabMD,...more
Senior Counsel Peter Swire to Debate European Privacy Activist Max Schrems. The debate, set to take place on January 26 in Brussels, will highlight key differences between certain European and U.S. attitudes towards U.S....more
February's Business Litigation Report advised clients that they could prepare for potential data breaches by conducting readiness audits and preparing cyber incident response plans. (See Traversing the Breach, February 2015.)...more
Both the administrative law judge's decision in LabMD and the Third Circuit's recent decision in Wyndham, which we previously blogged about, put the FTC on notice that it cannot assume that in the wake of a security breach,...more
In this edition of our Privacy & Cybersecurity Update, we provide a detailed summary of the sweeping changes to be imposed by the European Union's new data protection regulation, which will require many companies to begin...more
On Friday, December 11, 2015, the U.S. District Court for the District of New Jersey entered a consent order between the Federal Trade Commission ("FTC") and hospitality company Wyndham Hotels and Resorts, LLC ("Wyndham")...more
Companies are threatened daily by attacks that expose customer credit card and other information stored on company servers, personal computers and other devices. It is, therefore, critical that companies do these three...more
The recent settlement entered into between the Federal Trade Commission (FTC) Wyndham Hotels and Resorts and related companies (Wyndham) provides an important roadmap for companies seeking to avoid running afoul of the FTC's...more
Following the Third Circuit's ruling upholding the FTC's authority to regulate unfair and deceptive cybersecurity practices under Section 5 of the FTC Act, Wyndham Worldwide Corporation and the FTC have agreed to settle. ...more
On December 9, Wyndham Hotels and Resorts ("Wyndham") agreed to a landmark settlement with the Federal Trade Commission ("FTC") stemming from the FTC's lawsuit against it after three data breaches that occurred between 2008...more
After four years of litigation, this past Wednesday, Wyndham Worldwide Corporation and three of its subsidiaries (collectively, "Wyndham") settled the Federal Trade Commission's ("FTC") allegations that the global...more
In a surprising development, Wyndham Worldwide Corporation settled a long running dispute last week with the Federal Trade Commission that arose from three data breaches Wyndham suffered between 2008-2010. After an...more
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Becoming a Renewable Light Unto the Nation| Read more...
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