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Edward P. Morgan, What Really Happened to the 1960s: How Mass Media Culture Failed Democracy (Lawrence, KS: University of Kansas Press, 2010).
Who controls the past controls the future. Who controls the present controls the past
– George Orwell, 1984
Origiinally published on ZNet, July 2, 2013 .We are approaching the 50th anniversary of Martin Luther King, Jr.'s iconic "I Have a Dream" Speech. Subsequent years will bring the half-century markings of other key 1960s moments in the United States: the Free Speech Movement (1964-1965), Selma (1965), Watts (1965), Newark and Detroit (1967), the Summer of Love (1967), the March on the Pentagon (October 21, 1967), the Tet Offensive (January 1968), CBS news broadcaster Walter Cronkite's "bloody stalemate" comment on Vietnam (February 1968), the assassination of King (April 1968), the Democratic Party Convention and Chicago police riot (August 1968), California governor Ronald Reagan's proto-fascistic assault on People's Park (May 15, 1969), Stonewall (June 1969), Woodstock (August 15-18, 1969), the November (1969) Mobilization to End the War in Vietnam, the execution of Black Panther leader Fred Hampton (December 4, 1969), the first Earth Day (April 22, 1970), the invasion of Cambodia and Kent State (1970).
Stay tuned for the official version of the Sixties, filtered through the selective memory lens of the corporate mass media. Consistent with that media's behavior during those years and since, we can expect two things to be missing from its "retrospectives" on that remarkable decade: (i) what really happened in the Sixties; (ii) the critical role that media itself played in distorting and exploiting the Sixties, with deadly and authoritarian consequences ever since.
Ted Morgan's richly researched and powerfully argued book What Really Happened to the 1960s: How Mass Media Culture Failed Democracy (Lawrence, KS: University of Kansas Press, 2010) offers indispensable correctives on both counts. Morgan shows how the "dominant media frame" (245) of the Sixties as a "generational squabble" between spoiled Baby Boomers and their elders (the dismissive real-time analysis of reactionary U.S. intellectuals Lewis Feurer and Bruno Bettelheim) is a wildly inaccurate smear. "The battles of the 1960s were not and are not," Morgan reminds us, "a generational quarrel. Notwithstanding media representations, sixties battles were about racism, poverty, war, meaningful education, the rat race, sexism and ecological destruction" (ix).
Starting with the southern black Civil Rights struggle inherited from the 1950s and expanding to include remarkable grassroots struggles against poverty, the U.S. war on Indochina, the corporate-military university, pollution, and patriarchy, the great social movements that provided the real historical underpinning of the Sixties contained two basic components by Morgan's analysis: (i) a widespread sense that American society and its key institutions could be democratically transformed; (ii) an accurate sense that the nation's problems were rooted in the underlying social, economic, and political power structures of that society.
The "democratic dialectic" in the 1960s emerged, Morgan shows, from core contradictions between the liberating and egalitarian promises of triumphant post-World War II U.S. capitalism and the unequal, unjust, segregated, soulless, alienating, isolating, and homogenized nature of life under that system. Instructively launched and escalated by "liberal" Democratic presidents in brazen defiance of the nation's declared benevolent and democratic purposes, the racist, mass-murderous, and imperial U.S war on Vietnam (and Laos and Cambodia) added no small fuel to the fire.
During the Sixties and ever since, the basic systemic and historical forces and issues that fueled the decade's uprisings and the real democratic and egalitarian nature of its popular movements have stood beyond the boundaries of legitimate discourse in dominant U.S. media. The underlying problems that drove Sixties movements – soulless corporate rule, imperial war, ubiquitous poverty, oppressive racism, stultifying cultural homogenization, pervasive sexism, environmental pollution, and more – have been thrown down Orwell's memory hole in that media. They've been exiled to the margins of collective memory, along with the democratic hopes of millions who participated in those movements. In transmitting the Sixties, the managers of mass U.S. media have offered an emotionally potent but highly superficial, heavily image- and personality-centered depiction of the decade's movements and protests as dysfunctional deviance reflecting little more than a rebellion of angry and "sick" youth against authority as such. This great generations Sixties smear relies heavily on sensational visual representations of the protestors themselves and the national degradation and mayhem they allegedly advanced.
This ugly and authoritarian portrait of the Bad Sixties has fed "conservative" (right wing) cultural and political backlash ever since, greasing the cultural wheels for a corporate-neoliberal policy turn that has brought us to a New Gilded Age of inequality and the brink of environmental apocalypse. At the same time and in complimentary ways, the media has undertaken a softer "domestication" and co-optation of the Sixties. The corporate-commercial "conquest of cool" (Thomas Frank) has channeled the decade's rebellious sensibilities sentiments into an ironic culture of consumerism. Advertisers found in the Sixties uprising a magical formula whereby, as Thomas Frank puts it, "the life of consumerism can be extended indefinitely, running forever on the discontent that it itself has produced." Sixties "hip" and cool became what Frank calls "a cultural perpetual motion machine transforming disgust with consumerism into fuel for the ever-accelerating consumer society" (quoted in Morgan, What Really Happened? 222). It's a machine that helps push livable ecology to the edge of collapse while continuing to fuel the hard right political backlash that helps advance the post-1960s plutocracy deepening war on social justice and livable ecology.
Morgan shows that this corporate-Orwellian rendering of the Sixties' many-sided "democracy surge" is evident in the so-called (corporate-crafted) popular entertainment culture as well as in the official news, public affairs and commentary. It has richly informed such popular television productions as The Cosby Show, Family Ties (declared "my favorite television show" by President Reagan), The Wonder Years (1988-1993), and Dharma and Greg (1997-2002) and cinema productions like The Big Chill (1983), 1969 (1988), Hamburger Hill (which "essentially blames antiwar youth and resisters for [U.S.] soldiers' suffering [in Vietnam]- 278), The Deer Hunter (which portrayed the Vietnamese as the real aggressors in the bloody U.S. invasion of Vietnam), Coming Home, Uncommon Valor, Rambo: First Blood, Part II, and the blockbuster Forrest Gump (1994). The official media tarnishing and flattening of the Sixties is captured nicely in Morgan's summary of some key episodes in the last movie:
"On his return [to the United States from a deployment with the U.S. military in Vietnam], Forrest finds himself at an antiwar rally, where he bumps into his childhood love, Jenny, now attired in hippie garb. ….Jenny's boyfriend, cast as an SDS leader with no redeeming qualities, shouts clichéd antiwar slogans, calls Forrest a 'baby killer,' and slugs Jenny in the face, causing Forrest to lose his cool and attack him. Threatening Black Panther lookalikes spew epithets at America's white racism. And, finally, Jenny's role embodies a variety of blame-the-sixties mythologies circulating in popular media. Growing up with an abusive father, Jenny falls in with the folk crowd, begins to smoke dope, performs naked in a folk club, is featured in Playboy, gets strung out on hard drugs, and eventually dies of an AIDS-like disease" (277).
Some will question the depth and degree of the great 1960s "democratic awakening" today. Many in the U.S. establishment did not at the time and in the Sixties' immediate aftermath. In August 1971, for example, top corporate attorney Lewis Powell penned a length and remarkable memorandum to the director of the U.S. Chamber of Commerce. Written two months before Richard Nixon appointed him to the Supreme Court, the memo detailed what Powell considered a "broadly based" assault on "the American economic system" (capitalism) emanating not just from radical margins but from "perfectly respectable elements of society: the college campus, the pulpit, the media, the intellectual and literary journals, the arts and sciences, and from politicians." By Powell's reckoning, a dangerous anti-business uprising led by such "charismatic" threats as Ralph Nader and the radical professor Herbert Marcuse meant that corporations should undertake a concerted and many-sided public relations and media counter-offensive – a veritable capitalist cultural counter-revolution. "It is time," Powell proclaimed, "for American business – which has demonstrated the greatest capacity in history to produce and influence consumer decisions – to apply their great talents vigorously to the preservation of the system itself" (emphasis added). Powell felt that the struggle to win back hearts and minds for capitalism should target the universities, the publishing world, and the mass media, including an effort to place the television networks "under constant surveillance." By Morgan's account, Powell's "urgent appeal helped set in motion forces that subsequently transformed public discourse in the United States for decades to come." (165-167).
Two years later, Chase Manhattan Bank chief David Rockefeller, chairman of the Council on Foreign Relations, convened top figures from business and government in Europe, North America, and Japan to determine how to maintain what he called "the wider international system." Organized as the Trilateral Commission, the elites gathered by Rockefeller produced a study claiming that "excessive" popular engagement and activism during the 1960s had generated "A Crisis of Democracy" – meaning, by Morgan's translation, "that capitalism, its constrained, elite version of electoral democracy, and U.S. global hegemony were all endangered" (243). Writing the report's section on the United States, Harvard political scientist Samuel P. Huntington worried that the "democratic surge" had activated "previously passive or unorganized groups in the population," including "blacks, Indians, Chicanos, white ethnic groups, students, and women," who "embarked on concerted efforts to establish their claims to opportunities, positions, rewards, and privileges" (imagine!). This was all, Huntington scolded, part of a an effort towards "reassertion of the primacy of equality as a goal in social, economic, and political life" – a goal that Huntington found dangerous and dysfunctional because it sought a "welfare shift" of government resources from "defense" (the military-industrial complex) to things like education, public health and social security (244).
What really happened to the great many-sided democratic and egalitarian awakening that was the essence of the 1960s? The decade's great popular movements were of course quite significantly snooped on, infiltrated, manipulated, smeared, bloodied, and otherwise repressed by local, state, and federal government. Just as importantly and of no small relevance for authorities' ability to repress, however, those movements were defeated in their own time and ever since by a mass media that has distorted and exploited the Sixties for reasons both political and commercial, with terrible results for democratic and human prospects.
This is not to say that progressive Sixties and post-Sixties activists bear no responsibility for "the left's" marginalization in the U.S. today. Morgan offers sage reflections on the significant extent to which excessively "expressivist" and insufficiently "strategicist" (left philosopher John Sanbonmatsu's useful terms) activists during and since the protest decade have been tragically and narcissistically complicit in the triumph of the "market dialectic" over the "democratic dialectic" in neoliberal America. A left Sixties veteran with a distinguished history of teaching students about social movements past and present, Morgan gives some wise advice on how activists and citizens can re-awaken the latter dialectic in re-waging an ultimately spiritual peoples' struggle pitting democracy and "eros, the life principle," against capitalism and "thanatos, the death force" (quoting Lewis Powell's bête noir Herbert Marcuse, 329). I can't imagine a more significant subject today. All environmental indications suggest strongly that Morgan's core Sixties struggle – that between capitalism and democracy – has become a matter of life and death for human and other sentient beings.
Paul Street (www.paulstreet.org) is the author of many books, including Empire and Inequality: America and the World Since 9/11 (2004), The Empire's New Clothes: Barack Obama in the Real World of Power (2010), and They Rule: The 1% v. Democracy (Paradigm, January 2014). Street can be reached at paul.street99@gma


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Forget about the Super Bowl. The real action this Sunday is in the New York Athletic Club, where former world chess champion Garry Kasparov faces what could be the most fearsome chess-playing computer program yet, Deep Junior.
This is the next round in the fascinating contest of Human vs. Machine. As you may recall, the Machine, an IBM brute known as Deep Blue, stunned the chess world by defeating then-world champion Kasparov by a single game in a six-game series in 1997.

subset: commoncrawl


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The house of cards is crashing down around the evil Obama but the state run sycophant media, the Left, and the Democrat Socialist Party are giving this administration cover.
The best line I heard from the evil Obama. George Bush is to blame for all of this.
This bull crap gets old really fast.
I guess if you tell a lie enough times people will believe it.
Not in this case.
Obama is using this country as his own private thiefdom.
He is raping and pillaging this country for his own personal gain.
The evil Obama believes he is a King. Michelle "My Bell" Obama is the queen.
We are the subjects to be ruled.
Harry Reid, Nancy Pelosi, Chuck "YOU" Schumer, the Democrat Socialist Party are the feudal Lords in charge of carving up the country into their own little theifdom's.
These ideas and philosophies are diametrically opposed to what this country was founded upon.
Christian men and women founded our country.
Thomas Jefferson, George Washington, John Adams, Samuel Adams, and the rest based the Constitution on the Bible and John Locke.
Here are excerpts from John Locke's Treatise of Government.
Of the State of Nature.
Sect. 4. TO understand political power right, and derive it from its original, we must consider, what state all men are naturally in, and that is, a state of perfect freedom to order their actions, and dispose of their possessions and persons, as they think fit, within the bounds of the law of nature, without asking leave, or depending upon the will of any other man.
‑A state also of <EMEQUALITY< EM>wherin all the power and jurisdiction is reciprocal, no one having more than another; there being nothing more evident, than that the creatures of the same species and rank, promiscuously born to all the same advantages of nature, and the use of the same faculties, should also be equal one amongst another without subordination or subjection, unless the lord and master of them all should, by any manifest declaration of his will, set one above another, and confer on him, by an evident and clear appointment, an undoubted right to dominion and sovereignty.
Sect. 5. This equality of men by nature, the judicious Hooker looks upon as so evident in itself, and beyond all question, that he makes it the foundation of that obligation to mutual love amongst men, on which he builds the duties they owe one another, and from whence he derives the great maxims of justice and charity. His words are,
‑‑The like natural inducement hath brought men to know that it is no less their duty, to love others than themselves; for seeing those things which are equal, must needs all have one measure; if I cannot but wish to receive good, even as much at every man's hands, as any man can wish unto his own soul, how should I look to have any part of my desire herein satisfied, unless myself be careful to satisfy the like desire, which is undoubtedly in other men, being of one and the same nature? To have any thing offered them repugnant to this desire, must needs in all respects grieve them as much as me; so that if I do harm, I must look to suffer, there being no reason that others should shew greater measure of love to me, than they have by me shewed unto them: my desire therefore to be loved of my equals in nature as much as possible may be, imposeth upon me a natural duty of bearing to them-ward fully the like affection; from which relation of equality between ourselves and them that are as ourselves, what several rules and canons natural reason hath drawn, for direction of life, no man is ignorant .Eccl. Pol. Lib. 1.
Sect. 6. But though this be a state of liberty, yet it is not a state of licence: though man in that state have an uncontroulable liberty to dispose of his person or possessions, yet he has not liberty to destroy himself, or so much as any creature in his possession, but where some nobler use than its bare preservation calls for it. The state of nature has a law of nature to govern it, which obliges every one: and reason, which is that law, teaches all mankind, who will but consult it, that being all equal and independent, no one ought to harm another in his life, health, liberty, or possessions: for men being all the workmanship of one omnipotent, and infinitely wise maker; all the servants of one sovereign master, sent into the world by his order, and about his business; they are his property, whose workmanship they are, made to last during his, not one another's pleasure: and being furnished with like faculties, sharing all in one community of nature, there cannot be supposed any such subordination amongus, that may authorize us to destroy one another, as if we were made for one another's uses, as the inferior ranks of creatures are for our's. Every one, as he is bound to preserve himself, and not to quit his station wilfully, so by the like reason, when his own preservation comes not in competition, ought he, as much as he can, to preserve the rest of mankind, and may not, unless it be to do justice on an offender, take away, or impair the life, or what tends to the preservation of the life, the liberty, health, limb, or goods of another.
Sect. 7. And that all men may be restrained from invading others rights, and from doing hurt to one another, and the law of nature be observed, which willeth the peace and preservation of all mankind, the execution of the law of nature is, in that state, put into every man's hands, whereby every one has a right to punish the transgressors of that law to such a degree, as may hinder its violation: for the law of nature would, as all other laws that concern men in this world 'be in vain, if there were no body that in the state of nature had a power to execute that law, and thereby preserve the innocent and restrain offenders. And if any one in the state of nature may punish another for any evil he has done, every one may do so: for in that state of perfect equality, where naturally there is no superiority or jurisdiction of one over another, what any may do in prosecution of that law, every one must needs have a right to do.
Sect. 8. And thus, in the state of nature, one man comes by a power over another; but yet no absolute or arbitrary power, to use a criminal, when he has got him in his hands, according to the passionate heats, or boundless extravagancy of his own will; but only to retribute to him, so far as calm reason and conscience dictate, what is proportionate to his transgression, which is so much as may serve for reparation and restraint: for these two are the only reasons, why one man may lawfully do harm to another, which is that we call punishment. In transgressing the law of nature, the offender declares himself to live by another rule than that of reason and common equity, which is that measure God has set to the actions of men, for their mutual security; and so he becomes dangerous to mankind, the tye, which is to secure them from injury and violence, being slighted and broken by him. Which being a trespass against the whole species, and the peace and safety of it, provided for by the law of nature, every man upon this score, by the right he hath to preserve mankind in general, may restrain, or where it is necessary, destroy things noxious to them, and so may bring such evil on any one, who hath transgressed that law, as may make him repent the doing of it, and thereby deter him, and by his example others, from doing the like mischief. And in the case, and upon this ground, every man hath a right to punish the offender, and be executioner of the law of nature.
Sect. 9. 1 doubt not but this will seem a very strange doctrine to some men: but before they condemn it, I desire them to resolve me, by what right any prince or state can put to death, or punish an alien, for any crime he commits in their country. It is certain their laws, by virtue of any sanction they receive from the promulgated will of the legislative, reach not a stranger: they speak not to him, nor, if they did, is he bound to hearken to them. The legislative authority, by which they are in force over the subjects of that commonwealth, hath no power over him. Those who have the supreme power of making laws in England, France or Holland, are to an Indian, but like the rest of the world, men without authority: and therefore, if by the law of nature every man hath not a power to punish offences against it, as he soberly judges the case to require, I see not how the magistrates of any community can punish an alien of another country; since, in reference to him, they can have no more power than what every man naturally may have over another.
Sect, 10. Besides the crime which consists in violating the law, and varying from the right rule of reason, whereby a man so far becomes degenerate, and declares himself to quit the principles of human nature, and to be a noxious creature, there is commonly injury done to some person or other, and some other man receives damage by his transgression: in which case he who hath received any damage, has, besides the right of punishment common to him with other men, a particular right to seek reparation from him that has done it: and any other person, who finds it just, may also join with him that is injured, and assist him in recovering from the offender so much as may make satisfaction for the harm he has suffered.
Sect. 11. From these two distinct rights, the one of punishing the crime for restraint, and preventing the like offence, which right of punishing is in every body; the other of taking reparation, which belongs only to the injured party, comes it to pass that the magistrate, who by being magistrate hath the common right of punishing put into his hands, can often, where the public good demands not the execution of the law, remit the punishment of criminal offences by his own authority, but yet cannot remit the satisfaction due to any private man for the damage he has received. That, he who has suffered the damage has a right to demand in his own name, and he alone can remit: the damnified person has this power of appropriating to himself the goods or service of the offender, by right of self-preservation, as every man has a power to punish the crime, to prevent its being committed again, by the right he has of preserving all mankind, and doing all reasonable things he can in order to that end: and thus it is, that every man, in the state of nature, has a power to kill a murderer, both to deter others from doing the like injury, which no reparation can compensate, by the example of the punishment that attends it from every body, and also to secure men from the attempts of a criminal, who having renounced reason, the common rule and measure God hath given to mankind, hath, by the unjust violence and slaughter he hath committed upon one, declared war against all mankind, and therefore may be destroyed as a lion or a tyger, one of those wild savage beasts, with whom men can have no society nor security: and upon this is grounded that great law of nature, Whoso sheddeth man's blood, by man shall his blood be shed. And Cain was so fully convinced, that every one had a right to destroy such a criminal, that after the murder of his brother, he cries out, Every one that findeth me, shall slay me; so plain was it writ in the hearts of all mankind.
Sect. 12. By the same reason may a man in the state of nature punish the lesser breaches of that law. It will perhaps be demanded, with death? I answer, each transgression may be punished to that degree, and with so much severity, as will suffice to make it an ill bargain to the offender, give him cause to repent, and terrify others from doing the like. Every offence, that can be committed in the state of nature, may in the state of nature be also punished equally, and as far forth as it may, in a commonwealth: for though it would be besides my present purpose, to enter here into the particulars of the law of nature, or its measures of punishment; yet, it is certain there is such a law, and that too, as intelligible and plain to a rational creature, and a studier of that law, as the positive laws of commonwealths; nay, possibly plainer; as much as reason is easier to be understood, than the fancies and intricate contrivances of men, following contrary and hidden interests put into words; for so truly are a great part of the municipal laws of countries, which are only so far right, as they are founded on the law of nature, by which they are to be regulated and interpreted.
Sect. 13. To this strange doctrine, viz. That in the state of nature every one has the executive power of the law of nature, I doubt not but it will be objected, that it is unreasonable for men to be judges in their own cases, that self-love will make men partial to themselves and their friends: and on the other side, that ill nature, passion and revenge will carry them too far in punishing others; and hence nothing but confusion and disorder will follow, and that therefore God hath certainly appointed government to restrain the partiality and violence of men. I easily grant, that civil government is the proper remedy for the inconveniencies of the state of nature, which must certainly be great, where men may be judges in their own case, since it is easy to be imagined, that he who was so unjust as to do his brother an injury, will scarce be so just as to condemn himself for it: but I shall desire those who make this objection, to remember, that absolute monarchs are but men; and if government is to be the remedy of those evils, which necessarily follow from men's being judges in their own cases, and the state of nature is therefore not to how much better it is than the state of nature, where one man, commanding a multitude, has the liberty to be judge in his own case, and may do to all his subjects whatever he pleases, without the least liberty to any one to question or controul those who execute his pleasure? and in whatsoever he doth, whether led by reason, mistake or passion, must be submitted to? much better it is in the state of nature, wherein men are not bound to submit to the unjust will of another: and if he that judges, judges amiss in his own, or any other case, he is answerable for it to the rest of mankind.
Sect. 14. It is often asked as a mighty objection, where are, or ever were there any men in such a state of nature? To which it may suffice as an answer at present, that since all princes and rulers of independent governments all through the world, are in a state of nature, it is plain the world never was, nor ever will be, without numbers of men in that state. I have named all governors of independent communities, whether they are, or are not, in league with others: for it is not every compact that puts an end to the state of nature between men, but only this one of agreeing together mutually to enter into one community, and make one body politic; other promises, and compacts, men may make one with another, and yet still be in the state of nature. The promises and bargains for truck, &c.; between the two men in the desert island, mentioned by Garcilasso de la Vega, in his history of Peru; or between a Swiss and an Indian, in the woods of America, are binding to them, though they are perfectly in a state of nature, in reference to one another: for truth and keeping of faith belongs to men, as men, and not as members of society.
Sect. 15. To those that say, there were never any men in the state of nature, I will not only oppose the authority of the judicious Hooker, Eccl. Pol. lib. i. sect. 10, where he says, The laws which have been hitherto mentioned, i.e. the laws of nature, do bind men absolutely, even as they are men, although they have never any settled fellowship, never any solemn agreement amongst themselves what to do, or not to do: but forasmuch as we are not by ourselves sufficient to furnish ourselves with competent store of things, needful for such a life as our nature doth desire, a life fit for the dignity of man; therefore to supply those defects and imperfections which are in us, as living single and solely by ourselves, we are naturally induced to seek communion and fellowship with others: this was the cause of men's uniting themselves at first in politic societies. But I moreover affirm, that all men are naturally in that state, and remain so, till by their own consents they make themselves members of some politic society; and I doubt not in the sequel of this discourse, to make it very clear.
my preservation, where it cannot interpose to secure my life from present force,
Sect. 23. This freedom from absolute, arbitrary power, is so necessary to, and closely joined with a man's preservation, that he cannot part with it, but by what forfeits his preservation and life together: for a man, not having the power of his own life, cannot, by compact, or his own consent, enslave himself to any one, nor put himself under the absolute, arbitrary power of another, to take away his life, when he pleases. No body can give more power than he has himself; and he that cannot take away his own life, cannot give another power over it. Indeed, having by his fault forfeited his own life, by some act that deserves death; he, to whom he has forfeited it, may (when he has him in his power) delay to take it, and make use of him to his own service, and he does him no injury by it: for, whenever he finds the hardship of his slavery outweigh the value of his life, it is in his power, by resisting the will of his master, to draw on himself the death he desires.
Sect. 24. This is the perfect condition of slavery, which is nothing else, but the state of war continued, between a lawful conqueror and a captive: for, if once compact enter between them, and make an agreement for a limited power on the one side, and obedience on the other, the state of war and slavery ceases, as long as the compact endures: for, as has been said, no man can, by agreement, pass over to another that which he hath not in himself, a power over his own life.
I confess, we find among the Jews, as well as other nations, that men did sell themselves; but, it is plain, this was only to drudgery, not to slavery: for, it is evident, the person sold was not under an absolute, arbitrary, despotical power: for the master could not have power to kill him, at any time, whom, at a certain time, he was obliged to let go free out of his service; and the master of such a servant was so far from having an arbitrary power over his life, that he could not, at pleasure, so much as maim him, but the loss of an eye, or tooth, set him free, Exod. xxi.
Of PROPERTY.
Sect. 25. Whether we consider natural reason, which tells us, that men, being once born, have a right to their preservation, and consequently to meat and drink, and such other things as nature affords for their subsistence: or revelation, which gives us an account of those grants God made of the world to Adam, and to Noah, and his sons, it is very clear, that God, as king David says, Psal. cxv. 16. has given the earth to the children of men; given it to mankind in common. But this being supposed, it seems to some a very great difficulty, how any one should ever come to have a property in any thing: I will not content myself to answer, that if it be difficult to make out property, upon a supposition that God gave the world to Adam, and his posterity in common, it is impossible that any man, but one universal monarch, should have any property upon a supposition, that God gave the world to Adam, and his heirs in succession, exclusive of all the rest of his posterity. But I shall endeavour to shew, how men might come to have a property in several parts of that which God gave to mankind in common, and that without any express compact of all the commoners.
Sect. 26. God, who hath given the world to men in common, hath also given them reason to make use of it to the best advantage of life, and convenience. The earth, and all that is therein, is given to men for the support and comfort of their being. And tho' all the fruits it naturally produces, and beasts it feeds, belong to mankind in common, as they are produced by the spontaneous hand of nature; and no body has originally a private dominion, exclusive of the rest of mankind, in any of them, as they are thus in their natural state: yet being given for the use of men, there must of necessity be a means to appropriate them some way or other, before they can be of any use, or at all beneficial to any particular man. The fruit, or venison, which nourishes the wild Indian, who knows no enclosure, and is still a tenant in common, must be his, and so his, i.e. a part of him, that another can no longer have any right to it, before it can do him any good for the support of his life.
Sect. 27. Though the earth, and all inferior creatures, be common to all men, yet every man has a property in his own person: this no body has any right to but himself. The labour of his body, and the work of his hands, we may say, are properly his. Whatsoever then he removes out of the state that nature hath provided, and left it in, he hath mixed his labour with, and joined to it something that is his own, and thereby makes it his property. It being by him removed from the common state nature hath placed it in, it hath by this labour something annexed to it, that excludes the common right of other men: for this labour being the unquestionable property of the labourer, no man but he can have a right to what that is once joined to, at least where there is enough, and as good, left in common for others.
Sect. 28. He that is nourished by the acorns he picked up under an oak, or the apples he gathered from the trees in the wood, has certainly appropriated them to himself. No body can deny but the nourishment is his. I ask then, when did they begin to be his? when he digested? or when he eat? or when he boiled? or when he brought them home? or when he picked them up? and it is plain, if the first gathering made them not his, nothing else could. That labour put a distinction between them and common: that added something to them more than nature, the common mother of all, had done; and so they became his private right. And will any one say, he had no right to those acorns or apples, he thus appropriated, because he had not the consent of all mankind to make them his? Was it a robbery thus to assume to himself what belonged to all in common? If such a consent as that was necessary, man had starved, notwithstanding the plenty God had given him. We see in commons, which remain so by compact, that it is the taking any part of what is common, and removing it out of the state nature leaves it in, which begins the property; without which the common is of no use. And the taking of this or that part, does not depend on the express consent of all the commoners. Thus the grass my horse has bit; the turfs my servant has cut; and the ore I have digged in any place, where I have a right to them in common with others, become my property, without the assignation or consent of any body. The labour that was mine, removing them out of that common state they were in, hath fixed my property in them.
Sect. 29. By making an explicit consent of every commoner, necessary to any one's appropriating to himself any part of what is given in common, children or servants could not cut the meat, which their father or master had provided for them in common, without assigning to every one his peculiar part. Though the water running in the fountain be every one's, yet who can doubt, but that in the pitcher is his only who drew it out? His labour hath taken it out of the hands of nature, where it was common, and belonged equally to all her children, and hath thereby appropriated it to himself.
Sect. 30. Thus this law of reason makes the deer that Indian's who hath killed it; it is allowed to be his goods, who hath bestowed his labour upon it, though before it was the common right of every one. And amongst those who are counted the civilized part of mankind, who have made and multiplied positive laws to determine property, this original law of nature, for the beginning of property, in what was before common, still takes place; and by virtue thereof, what fish any one catches in the ocean, that great and still remaining common of mankind; or what ambergrise any one takes up here, is by the labour that removes it out of that common state nature left it in, made his property, who takes that pains about it. And even amongst us, the hare that any one is hunting, is thought his who pursues her during the chase: for being a beast that is still looked upon as common, and no man's private possession; whoever has employed so much labour about any of that kind, as to find and pursue her, has thereby removed her from the state of nature, wherein she was common, and hath begun a property.
Sect. 31. It will perhaps be objected to this, that if gathering the acorns, or other fruits of the earth, &c.; makes a right to them, then any one may ingross as much as he will. To which I answer, Not so. The same law of nature, that does by this means give us property, does also bound that property too. God has given us all things richly, 1 Tim. vi. 12. is the voice of reason confirmed by inspiration. But how far has he given it us? To enjoy. As much as any one can make use of to any advantage of life before it spoils, so much he may by his labour fix a property in: whatever is beyond this, is more than his share, and belongs to others. Nothing was made by God for man to spoil or destroy. And thus, considering the plenty of natural provisions there was a long time in the world, and the few spenders; and to how small a part of that provision the industry of one man could extend itself, and ingross it to the prejudice of others; especially keeping within the bounds, set by reason, of what might serve for his use; there could be then little room for quarrels or contentions about property so established.
Sect. 32. But the chief matter of property being now not the fruits of the earth, and the beasts that subsist on it, but the earth itself; as that which takes in and carries with it all the rest; I think it is plain, that property in that too is acquired as the former. As much land as a man tills, plants, improves, cultivates, and can use the product of, so much is his property. He by his labour does, as it were, inclose it from the common. Nor will it invalidate his right, to say every body else has an equal title to it; and therefore he cannot appropriate, he cannot inclose, without the consent of all his fellow-commoners, all mankind. God, when he gave the world in common to all mankind, commanded man also to labour, and the penury of his condition required it of him. God and his reason commanded him to subdue the earth, i.e. improve it for the benefit of life, and therein lay out something upon it that was his own, his labour. He that in obedience to this command of God, subdued, tilled and sowed any part of it, thereby annexed to it something that was his property, which another had no title to, nor could without injury take from him.
Sect. 33. Nor was this appropriation of any parcel of land, by improving it, any prejudice to any other man, since there was still enough, and as good left; and more than the yet unprovided could use. So that, in effect, there was never the less left for others because of his enclosure for himself: for he that leaves as much as another can make use of, does as good as take nothing at all. No body could think himself injured by the drinking of another man, though he took a good draught, who had a whole river of the same water left him to quench his thirst: and the case of land and water, where there is enough of both, is perfectly the same.
Sect. 34. God gave the world to men in common; but since he gave it them for their benefit, and the greatest conveniencies of life they were capable to draw from it, it cannot be supposed he meant it should always remain common and uncultivated. He gave it to the use of the industrious and rational, (and labour was to be his title to it;) not to the fancy or covetousness of the quarrelsome and contentious. He that had as good left for his improvement, as was already taken up, needed not complain, ought not to meddle with what was already improved by another's labour: if he did, it is plain he desired the benefit of another's pains, which he had no right to, and not the ground which God had given him in common with others to labour on, and whereof there was as good left, as that already possessed, and more than he knew what to do with, or his industry could reach to.
Sect. 35. It is true, in land that is common in England, or any other country, where there is plenty of people under government, who have money and commerce, no one can inclose or appropriate any part, without the consent of all his fellow-commoners; because this is left common by compact, i.e. by the law of the land, which is not to be violated. And though it be common, in respect of some men, it is not so to all mankind; but is the joint property of this country, or this parish. Besides, the remainder, after such enclosure, would not be as good to the rest of the commoners, as the whole was when they could all make use of the whole; whereas in the beginning and first peopling of the great common of the world, it was quite otherwise. The law man was under, was rather for appropriating. God commanded, and his wants forced him to labour. That was his property which could not be taken from him where-ever he had fixed it. And hence subduing or cultivating the earth, and having dominion, we see are joined together. The one gave title to the other. So that God, by commanding to subdue, gave authority so far to appropriate: and the condition of human life, which requires labour and materials to work on, necessarily introduces private possessions.
Sect. 36. The measure of property nature has well set by the extent of men's labour and the conveniencies of life: no man's labour could subdue, or appropriate all; nor could his enjoyment consume more than a small part; so that it was impossible for any man, this way, to intrench upon the right of another, or acquire to himself a property, to the prejudice of his neighbour, who would still have room for as good, and as large a possession (after the other had taken out his) as before it was appropriated. This measure did confine every man's possession to a very moderate proportion, and such as he might appropriate to himself, without injury to any body, in the first ages of the world, when men were more in danger to be lost, by wandering from their company, in the then vast wilderness of the earth, than to be straitened for want of room to plant in. And the same measure may be allowed still without prejudice to any body, as full as the world seems: for supposing a man, or family, in the state they were at first peopling of the world by the children of Adam, or Noah; let him plant in some inland, vacant places of America, we shall find that the possessions he could make himself, upon the measures we have given, would not be very large, nor, even to this day, prejudice the rest of mankind, or give them reason to complain, or think themselves injured by this man's incroachment, though the race of men have now spread themselves to all the corners of the world, and do infinitely exceed the small number was at the beginning. Nay, the extent of ground is of so little value, without labour, that I have heard it affirmed, that in Spain itself a man may be permitted to plough, sow and reap, without being disturbed, upon land he has no other title to, but only his making use of it. But, on the contrary, the inhabitants think themselves beholden to him, who, by his industry on neglected, and consequently waste land, has increased the stock of corn, which they wanted. But be this as it will, which I lay no stress on; this I dare boldly affirm, that the same rule of propriety, (viz.) that every man should have as much as he could make use of, would hold still in the world, without straitening any body; since there is land enough in the world to suffice double the inhabitants, had not the invention of money, and the tacit agreement of men to put a value on it, introduced (by consent) larger possessions, and a right to them; which, how it has done, I shall by and by shew more at large.
Sect. 37. This is certain, that in the beginning, before the desire of having more than man needed had altered the intrinsic value of things, which depends only on their usefulness to the life of man; or had agreed, that a little piece of yellow metal, which would keep without wasting or decay, should be worth a great piece of flesh, or a whole heap of corn; though men had a right to appropriate, by their labour, each one of himself, as much of the things of nature, as he could use: yet this could not be much, nor to the prejudice of others, where the same plenty was still left to those who would use the same industry. To which let me add, that he who appropriates land to himself by his labour, does not lessen, but increase the common stock of mankind: for the provisions serving to the support of human life, produced by one acre of inclosed and cultivated land, are (to speak much within compass) ten times more than those which are yielded by an acre of land of an equal richness lying waste in common. And therefore he that incloses land, and has a greater plenty of the conveniencies of life from ten acres, than he could have from an hundred left to nature, may truly be said to give ninety acres to mankind: for his labour now supplies him with provisions out of ten acres, which were but the product of an hundred lying in common. I have here rated the improved land very low, in making its product but as ten to one, when it is much nearer an hundred to one: for I ask, whether in the wild woods and uncultivated waste of America, left to nature, without any improvement, tillage or husbandry, a thousand acres yield the needy and wretched inhabitants as many conveniencies of life, as ten acres of equally fertile land do in Devonshire, where they are well cultivated?
‑‑Before the appropriation of land, he who gathered as much of the wild fruit, killed, caught, or tamed, as many of the beasts, as he could; he that so imployed his pains about any of the spontaneous products of nature, as any way to alter them from the state which nature put them in, by placing any of his labour on them, did thereby acquire a propriety in them: but if they perished, in his possession, without their due use; if the fruits rotted, or the venison putrified, before he could spend it, he offended against the common law of nature, and was liable to be punished; he invaded his neighbour's share, for he had no right, farther than his use called for any of them, and they might serve to afford him conveniencies of life.
Sect. 38. The same measures governed the possession of land too: whatsoever he tilled and reaped, laid up and made use of, before it spoiled, that was his peculiar right; whatsoever he enclosed, and could feed, and make use of, the cattle and product was also his. But if either the grass of his enclosure rotted on the ground, or the fruit of his planting perished without gathering, and laying up, this part of the earth, notwithstanding his enclosure, was still to be looked on as waste, and might be the possession of any other. Thus, at the beginning, Cain might take as much ground as he could till, and make it his own land, and yet leave enough to Abel's sheep to feed on; a few acres would serve for both their possessions. But as families increased, and industry inlarged their stocks, their possessions inlarged with the need of them; but yet it was commonly without any fixed property in the ground they made use of, till they incorporated, settled themselves together, and built cities; and then, by consent, they came in time, to set out the bounds of their distinct territories, and agree on limits between them and their neighbours; and by laws within themselves, settled the properties of those of the same society: for we see, that in that part of the world which was first inhabited, and therefore like to be best peopled, even as low down as Abraham's time, they wandered with their flocks, and their herds, which was their substance, freely up and down; and this Abraham did, in a country where he was a stranger. Whence it is plain, that at least a great part of the land lay in common; that the inhabitants valued it not, nor claimed property in any more than they made use of. But when there was not room enough in the same place, for their herds to feed together, they by consent, as Abraham and Lot did, Gen. xiii. 5. separated
Sect. 39. And thus, without supposing any private dominion, and property in Adam, over all the world, exclusive of all other men, which can no way be proved, nor any one's property be made out from it; but supposing the world given, as it was, to the children of men in common, we see how labour could make men distinct titles to several parcels of it, for their private uses; wherein there could be no doubt of right, no room for quarrel.
Sect. 40. Nor is it so strange, as perhaps before consideration it may appear, that the property of labour should be able to over-balance the community of land: for it is labour indeed that puts the difference of value on every thing; and let any one consider what the difference is between an acre of land planted with tobacco or sugar, sown with wheat or barley, and an acre of the same land lying in common, without any husbandry upon it, and he will find, that the improvement of labour makes the far greater part of the value. I think it will be but a very modest computation to say, that of the products of the earth useful to the life of man nine tenths are the effects of labour: nay, if we will rightly estimate things as they come to our use, and cast up the several expences about them, what in them is purely owing to nature, and what to labour, we shall find, that in most of them ninety-nine hundredths are wholly to be put on the account of labour.
Sect. 41. There cannot be a clearer demonstration of any thing, than several nations of the Americans are of this, who are rich in land, and poor in all the comforts of life; whom nature having furnished as liberally as any other people, with the materials of plenty, i.e. a fruitful soil, apt to produce in abundance, what might serve for food, raiment, and delight; yet for want of improving it by labour, have not one hundredth part of the conveniencies we enjoy: and a king of a large and fruitful territory there, feeds, lodges, and is clad worse than a day-labourer in England.
Sect. 42. To make this a little clearer, let us but trace some of the ordinary provisions of life, through their several progresses, before they come to our use, and see how much they receive of their value from human industry. Bread, wine and cloth, are things of daily use, and great plenty; yet notwithstanding, acorns, water and leaves, or skins, must be our bread, drink and cloathing, did not labour furnish us with these more useful commodities: for whatever bread is more worth than acorns, wine than water, and cloth or silk, than leaves, skins or moss, that is wholly owing to labour and industry; the one of these being the food and raiment which unassisted nature furnishes us with; the other, provisions which our industry and pains prepare for us, which how much they exceed the other in value, when any one hath computed, he will then see how much labour makes the far greatest part of the value of things we enjoy in this world: and the ground which produces the materials, is scarce to be reckoned in, as any, or at most, but a very small part of it; so little, that even amongst us, land that is left wholly to nature, that hath no improvement of pasturage, tillage, or planting, is called, as indeed it is, waste; and we shall find the benefit of it amount to little more than nothing.
‑‑This shews how much numbers of men are to be preferred to largeness of dominions; and that the increase of lands, and the right employing of them, is the great art of government: and that prince, who shall be so wise and godlike, as by established laws of liberty to secure protection and encouragement to the honest industry of mankind, against the oppression of power and narrowness of party, will quickly be too hard for his neighbours: but this by the by. To return to the argument in hand,
Sect. 43. An acre of land, that bears here twenty bushels of wheat, and another in America, which, with the same husbandry, would do the like, are, without doubt, of the same natural intrinsic value: but yet the benefit mankind receives from the one in a year, is worth 5l. and from the other possibly not worth a penny, if all the profit an Indian received from it were to be valued, and sold here; at least, I may truly say, not one thousandth. It is labour then which puts the greatest part of value upon land, without which it would scarcely be worth any thing: it is to that we owe the greatest part of all its useful products; for all that the straw, bran, bread, of that acre of wheat, is more worth than the product of an acre of as good land, which lies waste, is all the effect of labour: for it is not barely the plough-man's pains, the reaper's and thresher's toil, and the baker's sweat, is to be counted into the bread we eat; the labour of those who broke the oxen, who digged and wrought the iron and stones, who felled and framed the timber employed about the plough, mill, oven, or any other utensils, which are a vast number, requisite to this corn, from its being feed to be sown to its being made bread, must all be charged on the account of labour, and received as an effect of that: nature and the earth furnished only the almost worthless materials, as in themselves. It would be a strange catalogue of things, that industry provided and made use of, about every loaf of bread, before it came to our use, if we could trace them; iron, wood, leather, bark, timber, stone, bricks, coals, lime, cloth, dying drugs, pitch, tar, masts, ropes, and all the materials made use of in the ship, that brought any of the commodities made use of by any of the workmen, to any part of the work; all which it would be almost impossible, at least too long, to reckon up.
Sect. 44. From all which it is evident, that though the things of nature are given in common, yet man, by being master of himself, and proprietor of his own person, and the actions or labour of it, had still in himself the great foundation of property; and that, which made up the great part of what he applied to the support or comfort of his being, when invention and arts had improved the conveniencies of life, was perfectly his own, and did not belong in common to others.
Sect. 45. Thus labour, in the beginning, gave a right of property, wherever any one was pleased to employ it upon what was common, which remained a long while the far greater part, and is yet more than mankind makes use of. Men, at first, for the most part, contented themselves with what unassisted nature offered to their necessities: and though afterwards, in some parts of the world, (where the increase of people and stock, with the use of money, had made land scarce, and so of some value) the several communities settled the bounds of their distinct territories, and by laws within themselves regulated the properties of the private men of their society, and so, by compact and agreement, settled the property which labour and industry began; and the leagues that have been made between several states and kingdoms, either expresly or tacitly disowning all claim and right to the land in the others possession, have, by common consent, given up their pretences to their natural common right, which originally they had to those countries, and so have, by positive agreement, settled a property amongst themselves, in distinct parts and parcels of the earth; yet there are still great tracts of ground to be found, which (the inhabitants thereof not having joined with the rest of mankind, in the consent of the use of their common money) lie waste, and are more than the people who dwell on it do, or can make use of, and so still lie in common; tho' this can scarce happen amongst that part of mankind that have consented to the use of money.
Sect. 46. The greatest part of things really useful to the life of man, and such as the necessity of subsisting made the first commoners of the world look after, as it cloth the Americans now, are generally things of short duration; such as, if they are not consumed by use, will decay and perish of themselves: gold, silver and diamonds, are things that fancy or agreement hath put the value on, more than real use, and the necessary support of life. Now of those good things which nature hath provided in common, every one had a right (as hath been said) to as much as he could use, and property in all that he could effect with his labour; all that his industry could extend to, to alter from the state nature had put it in, was his. He that gathered a hundred bushels of acorns or apples, had thereby a property in them, they were his goods as soon as gathered. He was only to look, that he used them before they spoiled, else he took more than his share, and robbed others. And indeed it was a foolish thing, as well as dishonest, to hoard up more than he could make use of. If he gave away a part to any body else, so that it perished not uselesly in his possession, these he also made use of. And if he also bartered away plums, that would have rotted in a week, for nuts that would last good for his eating a whole year, he did no injury; he wasted not the common stock; destroyed no part of the portion of goods that belonged to others, so long as nothing perished uselesly in his hands. Again, if he would give his nuts for a piece of metal, pleased with its colour; or exchange his sheep for shells, or wool for a sparkling pebble or a diamond, and keep those by him all his life he invaded not the right of others, he might heap up as much of these durable things as he pleased; the exceeding of the bounds of his just property not lying in the largeness of his possession, but the perishing of any thing uselesly in it.
Sect. 47. And thus came in the use of money, some lasting thing that men might keep without spoiling, and that by mutual consent men would take in exchange for the truly useful, but perishable supports of life.
Sect. 48. And as different degrees of industry were apt to give men possessions in different proportions, so this invention of money gave them the opportunity to continue and enlarge them: for supposing an island, separate from all possible commerce with the rest of the world, wherein there were but an hundred families, but there were sheep, horses and cows, with other useful animals, wholsome fruits, and land enough for corn for a hundred thousand times as many, but nothing in the island, either because of its commonness, or perishableness, fit to supply the place of money; what reason could any one have there to enlarge his possessions beyond the use of his family, and a plentiful supply to its consumption, either in what their own industry produced, or they could barter for like perishable, useful commodities, with others? Where there is not some thing, both lasting and scarce, and so valuable to be hoarded up, there men will not be apt to enlarge their possessions of land, were it never so rich, never so free for them to take: for I ask, what would a man value ten thousand, or an hundred thousand acres of excellent land, ready cultivated, and well stocked too with cattle, in the middle of the inland parts of America, where he had no hopes of commerce with other parts of the world, to draw money to him by the sale of the product? It would not be worth the enclosing, and we should see him give up again to the wild common of nature, whatever was more than would supply the conveniencies of life to be had there for him and his family.
Sect. 49. Thus in thebeginning all the world was America, and more so than that is now; for no such thing asmoney was any where known. Find out something that hath the use and value of money amongst his neighbours, you shall see the same man will begin presently to enlarge his possessions.
Sect. 50. But since gold and silver, being little useful to the life of man in proportion to food, raiment, and carriage, has its value only from the consent of men, whereof labour yet makes, in great part, the measure, it is plain, that men have agreed to a disproportionate and unequal possession of the earth, they having, by a tacit and voluntary consent, found out, a way how a man may fairly possess more land than he himself can use the product of, by receiving in exchange for the overplus gold and silver, which may be hoarded up without injury to any one; these metals not spoiling or decaying in the hands of the possessor. This partage of things in an inequality of private possessions, men have made practicable out of the bounds of society, and without compact, only by putting a value on gold and silver, and tacitly agreeing in the use of money: for in governments, the laws regulate the right of property, and the possession of land is determined by positive constitutions.
Sect. 51. And thus, I think, it is very easy to conceive, without any difficulty, how labour could at first begin a title of property in the common things of nature, and how the spending it upon our uses bounded it. So that there could then be no reason of quarrelling about title, nor any doubt about the largeness of possession it gave. Right and conveniency went together; for as a man had a right to all he could employ his labour upon, so he had no temptation to labour for more than he could make use of. This left no room for controversy about the title, nor for encroachment on the right of others; what portion a man carved to himself, was easily seen; and it was useless, as well as dishonest, to carve himself too much, or take more than he needed.


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Gulfstream Natural Gas System, L.L.C.
Original Volume No. 1
Contents / Previous / Next / Main Tariff Index
Effective Date: 05/21/2002, Docket: CP00- 6-004, Status: Effective
Original Sheet No. 107 Original Sheet No. 107 : Effective
1.35 The term "Monthly System Imbalance" shall mean the total
imbalances for Transporter's system for the Month,
calculated as the difference between (i) allocated
quantities received for the Month, as determined in
accordance with Section 7 of the General Terms and
Conditions, adjusted for Transporter's Use, and (ii)
allocated quantities delivered for the Month, as
determined in accordance with Section 7.
1.36 The term "Negotiated Rate" shall mean a rate or rate
formula for computing a rate for service under a single
1.37 The term "Net Present Value" ("NPV") shall mean the
discounted cash flow of expected revenues per Dekatherm
of the applicable service for a term of up to twenty
(20) years, using the interest rate set forth in Section
154.501 of the Commission's Regulations.
1.38 The term "Netting" shall be used to describe the process
of resolving imbalances for a Shipper within an
Operational Impact Area. There are two types of
a. Summing is the accumulation of all imbalances above any
applicable tolerances for a Shipper or agent.
b. Offsetting is the combination of positive and negative
imbalances above any applicable tolerances for a Shipper
or agent.
1.39 The term "North American Energy Standards Board" or
"NAESB" shall mean the accredited organization
established to set standards for certain natural gas
industry business practices and procedures.


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Yext Coupon Codes November 2017
Yext was launched in 2006. Howard Lerman founded in 2006. It provides Location CMS, Social media, Pages, Listing and analytic services. Their location CMS service includes locations, Social, Pages, Listing and analytics. For social marketing they offer multipage posting, Multi platform posting, dynamic localized content, posting approval, posting approval history and posting approval notification. For facebook the provide likes roll up features. In the listing section the offer power listing,duplicate suppression, Yelp, Yahoo, Mapquest, Bing, network features.


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This product was discontinued February, 2015 and is no longer available. Please consider one of the Customer-Recommended Replacements above, or try a new search.
This pretty brief panty features leaf embroidery on the center front panel, with satin sides and crotch. Back is sheer.
Try these keyword searches with similar features:


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Kristoffer Touborg, who was the lead designer at CCP Games for EVE Online, has announced on Facebook that he is now working with Dublin-based Riot Games, to work with the studio on League of Legends.
According to Tourborg, "You can't do the same thing forever though and I feel like after more than five years, it's time to try something new."
He went on to note that League of Legends is one of his favorite games, and told his former employer, "To everyone at CCP, it's been wonderful and I would happily do it all over again. To everyone at Riot, I'll see you soon."
News Story
EVE Online lead designer joining Riot Games
08 September 2013 | By JAFalcon
- Related Games:
- League of Legends: Clash of Fates, EVE Online
- Source:
- Game Informer


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The Billabong Girls Designer's Closet series is a special capsule collection that is crafted seasonally to showcase a different side of the brand. Created with a wholly different – yet relevant – theme in mind each time, Billabong Girls' Summer'13 offering is an infusion of bold, raw threads, that provides not just dollops of trend-setting style, but also a fist full of attitude for the not-so-girly girls.
For this season, a strong rock 'n' roll influence has been introduced into the design mix. Giving you an all-access backstage pass is a collection of slouchy cotton dresses and hip-hugging skirts paired with metal trims, engineered stripes or trippy geometric patterns; Tri-blend muscle tanks in vintage washes and gnarly rock-inspired graphics (Iron Maiden!) reaffirms the edgy theme behind this season's collection; adding a modern twist to your rock 'n' roll look, a choice of both bold and subdue colour palette is also available to help add variation to your favourite threads.
Let your hair down and let's rock. Peace.
Dress: Let's Get Away
Dress: Showin' Ropes
Bottom: Anina
Tank: Head Trip
Jun 27, 2013
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The Bovie® ICON GP is an electrosurgical generator with fully-digital implementation for use in today's modern operating rooms. It was designed in conjunction with OR clinicians to provide a safe, user-friendly unit that can meet all operating room procedure demands. Features include:
- A touch-Screen interface with high resolution TFT color display and no buttons or knobs.
- A swivel bezel that allows the screen to be viewed from almost any angle.
- Intuitive graphical user interface for quick setup and settings adjustments.
- A Physician Preference database allowing for a quick changeover between cases.
- Required use of only split pads.
- Common Sense error messaging to help prevent misinterpretation.
- Laparoscopic Modes to help prevent capacitive coupling induced burns.
- Digitally controlled outputs and user interfaces allowing new modes to be added.
- Multiple communication ports (i.e. USB, RS 232 and Ethernet) to link up with other equipment in the operating room (OR).
- A New Accessory connector for future devices.
For more information, visit www.boviemed.com
Related Reads


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Just a few hours from the Albuquerque metro area and Santa Fe lies one of the world's largest volcanic calderas and a nature preserve of unparalleled beauty.
The Valles Caldera National Preserve was created when the U.S. government purchased the former Baca Ranch for $100 million in 2000. Its sweeping valleys, streams and mountain peaks make it a paradise for horseback riding, hiking, fishing and hunting with bow, rifle or camera.
The preserve is managed by a special presidential-appointed trust charged with operating it as a working ranch, protecting its natural and cultural resources, providing recreational opportunities and becoming financially self-sustaining by 2015.
New Mexico Sens. Tom Udall and Martin Heinrich have reintroduced a bill to bring its management under the National Park Service. Udall and former Sen. Jeff Bingaman championed the cause last year, but that bill did not make it through Congress. The new bill cites inconsistent funding, a need for infrastructure improvements and concerns the 2015 goal would not be met.
The senators and others want the Park Service to make the preserve more accessible for recreation. As a publicly owned treasure, its owners — U.S. citizens — should get to enjoy it responsibly. There should be clear boundaries for protecting its unique resources and sacred sites.
The Valles Caldera meets criteria for inclusion in the national park system, and the National Park Service is the right agency to manage it. Congress should not allow this sensible solution to languish in a bureaucratic wilderness.
This editorial first appeared in the Albuquerque Journal. It was written by members of the editorial board and is unsigned as it represents the opinion of the newspaper rather than the writers.


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I need to organize my products in a specific way. Right now they are sort by default which is alphabetical order, but I need them to be organized in the same way I added them. All my products have variations, each variation has an SKU, but I saw that in the General Tab of each product there is also an SKU field, is there any way to organize them by that general SKU? or do you know any other way of doing this?
Thank you. I'd appreciate your help.
Hey yordana!
You can use the "Sort Products" feature. Go to Products > Products and click on the " Sort Products" tab underneath the "Add Product" button at the very top. WordPress will then load a new page where you can change the order of the products with drag'n'drop.
Best regards,
oh wow… so easy, sorry! didn't see that option. Once again, thank you very much for your help. :)
Now I found another issue, how do I move them from one page to another? I have 3 pages of products but what is on page 3 is what I need on page 1. I tried organizing by Published Date which would be the right order, but it does not work that way, and I cannot drag and drop from on page to another. Help!!!
Nevermind, I solved the issue by changing the position in the field "Order". Thanks!
The topic 'Sorting products' is closed to new replies.


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Cops In Canada Put a Mother and Baby's Life in Danger to Issue A Speeding Ticket
I totally get that it is illegal to speed, however, there are exceptions to every rule especially when a pregnant mother in labor is involved. David Weber and his wife Genevieve were rushing to the hospital, speeding to the hospital I should say, when they were pulled over by Royal Canadian Mounted Police (this happened in Canada).
Genevieve was a high risk pregnancy and was told that the baby would have to be delivered by cesarean section, and that is why David was traveling 170 kilometers (105 mph) down the road to the hospital.
According to the Winnepeg Free Press:
When the couple saw an RCMP cruiser's lights flash just outside Portage la Prairie, they were "really relieved," Genevieve said. "We were thinking, 'Now we'll get escorted!' "
Instead of an escort, they came away from the 15-minute traffic stop with a $1,000 speeding ticket — and a warning. "He said, 'If you go to Brandon, I don't want to see you guys speeding,'" David said. "I was half-crying… I said, 'We don't have time for a lecture.' (I was) trying to save my wife and baby's life."
Back on the road, with Genevieve in increasing pain, Weber hit the gas again. Thirty minutes later, he was stopped by a Carberry RCMP officer who had been alerted that the Webers may be speeding towards Brandon. The Carberry officer issued David another speeding ticket, warned him again of the dangers of speeding and called an ambulance.
The Webers estimate they waited about 15 minutes for the ambulance to arrive.
How insane is this story, the police be it US or Canadian are there to protect and serve, the only thing they served on this day was traffic fines and put a baby's life in danger. Yes, the man was speeding and that was dangerous, but he was trying to save the life of his pregnant wife and their baby. The least they could have done was escort them to the hospital.
Do you think the police were right or wrong in this situation?
Click here to answer trivia about this post for extra VIP rewards.


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Start with two guys who grew up together trying to one-up each other.
Add in a star known mostly for his scoring and constant winning.
Sounds like the plot to the TV comedy Two and A Half Men before Charlie Sheen torpedoed it, right?
Well, it's actually London's contribution to the Stanley Cup chase in sunny California, which has all three of its NHL teams -- the Sharks, Kings and Ducks -- in the playoffs for the first time.
San Jose's Logan Couture, Los Angeles's Drew Doughty and Anaheim's Corey Perry own leading roles in some of the more compelling late-night TV to originate from the West Coast in a while.
Couture and Doughty are former London Junior Knights teammates and boyhood buddies. They're on centre stage in this Sharks-Kings clash.
In Game 1, Couture, the Calder Trophy candidate, dashed past defenceman Doughty's hip check and scored in San Jose's win.
"Yeah, he got me," the 2010 Norris Trophy finalist told the San Jose Mercury News. "I wish I had that one back."
The young stud King's Game 2 response? Four points to even things up heading home to Los Angeles.
The back-and-forth continues on the ice, through texts and, undoubtedly, on the golf course this summer, where one of the friends will get an early start next week.
Couture loves to tease teammate Devin Setoguchi on his well-followed Twitter account. But it likely won't be much of a vehicle to trash talk Doughty. That could be dangerous fuel right now.
"He loves to jump up in the rush," Couture said of Doughty to the L.A. Times.
He's their best D-man . . . to have two players like that who played growing up together and making it to the NHL and face other in the playoffs, it's a small world."
And made even smaller by the fact the old chums play summer pickup hockey with Ducks leader Perry, the former Knights star who has adopted London as his offseason home.
Perry led the NHL with 50 goals this year. His late-season surge increased his Hart Trophy chatter and helped the Ducks squeeze out a fourth-place finish in the Western Conference no one expected. But the 25-year-old, who has already won nearly everything hockey offers, knows the Nashville Predators are a tough out this time.
The Preds are up 2-1 in the series with Game 4 on Tennessee ice Wednesday night.
In Anaheim's lone victory, Perry was sensational. He was quiet in the two losses, though he logged a ton of ice time at the end of Game 3 trying for a late equalizer.
Goals are at a premium. Perry is shooting against one of the NHL's best goalies -- mountainous Pekka Rinne -- and though he's still skating with Ryan Getzlaf, one of the top lines in hockey isn't operating at full strength.
John Erskine, Capitals Half of Washington's D-men are former London Knights.
Brandon Prust, Rangers Perfect fit for the style New York is trying to play.
Dan Girardi, Rangers Former Knight played 32:50 in first game (OT) against Caps.
Danny Syvret, Flyers Experiencing his first NHL playoff action in Buffalo series.
Cody McCormick, Sabres Checker chipped in with a goal in Game 2.
Sergei Kostitsyn, Predators Important piece for this Nashville team.
Chris Kelly, Bruins Just one shot in first two games.
Bobby Ryan -- the third member of the big and talented Duck trio -- is serving the second of a two-game suspension for a skate stomp on Preds' Jonathan Blum.
So Perry has a couple of large problems to solve while friends Couture and Doughty try to figure out what's next in each other's bag of tricks.
It's a juicy reality TV script from California -- and, best of all, no Kardashians necessary.
E-mail email@example.com, or follow Ryan on Twitter.
SAN JOSE SHARKS (vs. Kings)
- 2 GP, 1 goal, 1 point, plus-1, 0 penalty minutes, 10 shots
- Calder Trophy candidate even though he scored 4 goals in 15 playoff games last year
- Averaged 18 minutes a game
- - -
LOS ANGELES KINGS (vs. Sharks)
- 2 GP, 2 goals, 4 points, plus-2, 4 penalty minutes, 4 shots
- 2010 Norris Trophy finalist played over 30 minutes in the opening game of the series but down to 24:31 in Game 2 win
- Had 3 goals and 7 points in six playoff games last year
- - -
ANAHEIM DUCKS (vs. Predators)
- 3 games, 1 goal, 5 points, minus-2, 2 penalty minutes, 9 shots
- Rocket Richard Trophy winner played over 25 minutes the second two games after 19:49 in the opener
- Won Stanley Cup in 2007
- - -
Patrick Kane, Blackhawks The reeling Hawks need last year's Cup hero to lead them back from this Ca-knuckle sandwich.
David Bolland, Blackhawks How badly do the Hawks miss their standout two-way centre? The Sedin twins sure don't.
Brian Campbell, Blackhawks One assist and minus-4 against Vancouver.
Joe Thornton, Sharks No points yet and minus-2.
John Carlson, Capitals Hard to believe he doesn't have a point yet. Four in last year's playoffs.
Dennis Wideman, Capitals Trade deadline pickup trying to get back in after right leg hematoma and compartment syndrome injury.


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I'm very interested in Silverstripe, i like its simplicity / flexibility.
But there is something that make me feel uncomfortable, i hope i will get an answer about all that :
Silverstripe 2.4.4 has a critical bug concerning PageComments, wich is completely broken (comments are tied to the wrong article.)
There is the corresponding issue :
It has been fixed for 2.4.5 BUT :
- i saw no announcements concerning this critical bug on the site. Well, all people that have upgraded their site to the latest silverstripe version have broke their comments system, this is actually a huge issue :-/
- i saw no announcements to prevent people from this bug or tell theme to add a specific patch to solve the issue etc... So i guess newcomers download silverstripe 2.4 et, like i did, lose their temper triyng hard to understand what they've done wrong or triyng to fix themselves the issue (it took me 3 hours to understand that i did nothing wrong and to try to fix myself this issue)
- nobody answers my question on the ticket, about why this bug has been so long to detect and fix ?
- silverstripe 2.4.4 is still in download and not silverstripe 2.4.5, so people continue to download a buggy release :-(
Maybe there si something to do to prevent this to happen again ?
Silverstripe is a huge framework, my intent is only to discuss about that, to understand better how silverstripe manages all those things.


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The Makings of History / Disappointed Generations
It's easy to embrace the protesters, but they also must be told the truth: They bear some of the responsibility for what happened. Not because they like sushi, but because they permitted themselves to flee from politics and to become addicted to the illusion that there is life without it.
In June 1937, a few weeks before the publication of the Peel Commission's partition plan for Mandatory Palestine, one of the heads of Mapai (a forerunner of the Labor Party ) demanded "to call up the nation to war" against dividing the country. He was probably referring to mass demonstrations, perhaps a civic revolt, maybe even acts of violence against the British government.
David Ben-Gurion, who supported partition in principle, replied that even that issue wouldn't bring the nation out to war. "A nation does not enlist based on a decision," he wrote. "For that, there need to be profound emotional motives that have not been artificially shaken up, but are strongly aroused by means of an inevitable push that contains shocking and explosive material. Logical proof alone that this war is necessary and effective is not sufficient, and I still don't see the explosive material that will shake up the nation."
About 15 years earlier, Ben-Gurion had visited the Soviet Union, and after seeing an October parade on Red Square, he returned full of amazement at the achievements of the communist revolution; he considered himself a socialist. Many of those who came to Palestine after him, including Yitzhak Tabenkin, Meir Yaari and Yaakov Hazan, were more radical leftists than he, but there was never a revolution here. Indeed, Tel Aviv was built in the image of bourgeois Lodz and Munich.
Nor was there a civil war. Because most Israelis saw themselves as part of the Zionist revolution, the shared national vision was stronger than any actual dispute. Most citizens thereby adopted the basic values of their parents; their fundamental experience was conservative for the most part. That also explains the absence of genuine protest against the oppression of the Palestinians.
And yet there has emerged nostalgia for what seems like an expression of genuine rebellion: It is no coincidence, for example, that the protest tents on Tel Aviv's Rothschild Boulevard adopted Charlie Biton, who in the 1970s was among the leaders of the Black Panthers. The Panthers seemed at the time like a real threat to the establishment and were harshly repressed, as was the handful of seamen who closed down the Haifa port in the 1950s. Biton did not endanger the establishment; today, a former member of Knesset, he receives a pension from the legislature, and comes to Rothschild Boulevard from his private home in Mevaseret Zion. Representation of the Mizrahim (Jews of North African and Middle Eastern origin ) became the realm of Shas, which also discovered that establishment politics can achieve more than a revolution.
That is also one of the lessons from the upheaval of 1977, which brought Menachem Begin to power. Begin was frequently described as a fascist. The fact is that he was a dyed-in-the-wool democrat; he operated with parliamentary patience until he won in the elections.
Not everyone saw it that way in real time. The clashes between the right and the left in this country sometimes looked like battles in a civil war: That was the case in the wake of the murder of Chaim Arlosoroff, the attack on the ship Altalena and the dismantling of the Palmach (pre-state elite commando force ), the battle over reparations from Germany and more. But usually most of the political energy was expended over the years on curses and slander: Ben-Gurion called Ze'ev Jabotinsky "Vladimir Hitler," but that didn't prevent the two from drinking tea together in London, a Zionist with a Zionist. Ben-Gurion also compared Begin to Hitler. But on the eve of the Six-Day War, he received him for a heart-to-heart talk in his home.
Real violence was limited almost exclusively to the battles of Haredim, Arabs and settlers. Their struggles often conveyed "profound emotional motives," and they even sometimes contained "shocking and explosive material." But those were sectoral battles; they did not succeed in shattering Israeli Zionist togetherness.
Nor is the voice arising from Rothschild Boulevard the voice of a national revolution; the tent dwellers are not descendants of the Panthers. They are the children with candles who mourned for Yitzhak Rabin after his murder, a clear symbol of Israeli conservatism. They have grown up since then: Many have completed their studies, were in the army and backpacked to Machu Picchu - and now, on the threshold of real life, they are discovering that contrary to what they expected, their lives will not be better than those of their parents. They are conveying generational disappointment.
It's easy to embrace them, but they also must be told the truth: They bear some of the responsibility for what happened to them. Not because they like sushi, but because they permitted themselves to flee from politics and to become addicted to the illusion that there is life without it. There will never be "social justice" without politics. The protest on Rothschild is having difficulty finding "explosive material that will shock the nation," but perhaps it will teach its children a history lesson: "Social justice" requires constant political care and maintenance.
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Cristiano Ronaldo posts another Nike Mercurial ad snippet, featuring kindle of Internet cats watching his stepovers
Cristiano Ronaldo's posted another snippet from his decidedly zany Nike Mercurial ad campaign.
The first featured a chimp hanging out of a sailing mast, and in keeping with the animalistic theme, these latest one features a kindle of Internet cats frantically trying to keep up with his supersonic stepovers.
Bizarre, but good fun. And the Internet needs more cats.


text: On Fri, Aug 11, 2006 at 10:09:48AM +0200, Harm Behrens wrote: > there is no kernel 2.6.15 in the amd64-sarge repositery! And as this is an > production-server I don't like to compile myself! backports.org has one for amd64 sarge. It is based on the kernel from testing. -- Len Sorensen


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Friday, December 8th at 10 AM
Gather to work on your current project and have a fun time with fellow crochet fanatics. Beginners welcome…just bring your own yarn & hook (size G hook is recommended for newbies). This club is for ages 18 and up, completely free and open to the public. Come get your crochet on at the library!


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30 November - 2 December, 2017
Department of Mathematics,
Dr. B. R. Ambedkar National Instituite of Technology, Jalandhar.
Rajendra Bhatia has made remarkable contributions to Mathematics research and teaching, and to growth of Mathematics in India. He has been honored with various awards including the Medal for Young Scientists of the Indian National Science Academy (INSA) in 1982, the Shanti Swarup Bhatnagar Prize of the Council of Scientific and Industrial Research (CSIR) in 1995 and the Hans Schneider Prize of the International Linear Algebra Society (ILAS) in 2016. We are privileged to hold a conference on Matrix and Functional Analysis on the occasion of his turning sixty five in 2017.The focus of the Conference will be on various facets of Matrix Analysis, Functional Analysis and Harmonic Analysis to which Rajendra Bhatia has made widely influential contributions. Some special lectures will be devoted to a survey of his work and the developments arising out of it.
Dr B. R. Ambedkar National Institute of Technology, Jalandhar was established in the year 1987 as Regional Engineering College and was given the status of National Institute of Technology (Deemed University) by the Government of India on October 17, 2002. Now the Ministry of Human Resource Development, Government of India has declared the Institute as "Institute of National Importance". The Institute campus is wide spread over an area of 154 acres, situated in the surrounding of lush green outskirts of Jalandhar. It has many topographical features, various buildings of different nature with clean and wide roads surrounded by a green belt. The institute is one of the prestigious institutions of India. It offers B.Tech. / M.Tech. in nine engineering disciplines, M.Sc. in Chemistry, Mathematics and Physics along with the research programme leading to Ph.D. Degree.
The Department of Mathematics offers M.Sc. and Ph.D. programs in Mathematics. The department also teaches Mathematics to B.Tech, M.Tech and Ph.D. students belonging to various engineering streams. The department keeps in pace with the advances in technology, by providing its students state-of-the art computer facilities. The student gain knowledge of various new areas of research using the internet facilities made available in their labs and hostels. The students get the opportunity of attending seminars and invited lectures delivered by eminent mathematicians and computer scientists. They also get the opportunity of campus placement in various national and multinational companies. All students and faculty members are members of "Society for promotion of Mathematics" which organizes different events throughout the year.
Dr. B R Ambedkar NIT, Jalandhar
Department of Science & Technology
National Board of Higher Mathematics
Council of Scientific & Industrial Research
Indian National Science Academy
From New Delhi to Jalandhar(Shatabdi Trains)
Departure from New Delhi Arrival at Jalandhar 07:20 AM 12:25 PM 04:30 PM 09:12 PM From Jalandhar to New Delhi (Shatabdi Trains) Departure from Jalandhar Arrival at New Delhi 06:06 AM 11:00 AM 05:57 PM 11:05 PM
The institute is located on Amritsar bye pass at a distance of 12 Km from Jalandhar Bus stand, 10 Km from Jalandhar City Railway station, 170 Km from Chandigarh, 80 Km from Sri Guru Ram Das Jee International Airport, Amritsar and 375 Km from Indira Gandhi International Airport, New Delhi. It is connected to New Delhi by road through A.C. Bus service and Rail through Shtabdi/Superfast trains. Frequent bus service (day and night) is available from Chandigarh, Amritsar and Ludhiana. Auto rickshaws are available round the clock from Jalandhar Bus stand and Railway station. The city is surrounded by famous rivers Sutlej, Beas and is internationally famous for sports goods industry.


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It was a wet and wild weekend in West Norfolk, as this photograph taken by Paul Tibbs of a Castle Rising Castle visitor shows. But in every sense, the picture offers a bit of perspective and it's true we got away with it lightly.
Gusts of up to 45mph were recorded at Marham on Saturday and police were called to six incidents of trees or branches falling down in Narborough, Hilgay, St Germans, Northwold, Burnham Thorpe and Welney.
In the last fortnight six weeks' worth of rain has fallen in the area and the storms look set to continue with the Met Office issuing warnings of gale force winds from Wednesday.


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Nov. 2, 1998
Looking West
Today's Reading: "Looking West" by Billy Collins, from PICNIC, LIGHTNING, published by the University of Pittsburgh Press (1998).
It was on this day in 1960 that a British jury acquitted Penguin Books of obscenity for publishing D.H. Lawrence's novel LADY CHATTERLEY'S LOVER. It was published in a limited edition in 1928, but it wasn't until 1959 that Penguin brought out the first full edition.
Today marks the anniversary of the one and only flight of the SPRUCE GOOSE, owned and piloted by HOWARD HUGHES, in 1947. It was actually made more out of birch than spruce, and had a wingspan of 319 feeta little larger than the length of a football field. Hughes flew the plane for only about a mile before he had to bring it down.
It's the birthday of 2 Nobel prize-winning physicists, MELVIN SCHWARZ in New York in 1932, and RICHARD TAYLOR, born in Medicine Hat, Alberta, in 1929. Schwarz was noted for his research in the 1960s into neutrinossubatomic particles that are difficult to detect because they have no electrical charge and almost no mass. Richard Taylor proved the existence of quarks, subatomic particles which are unobservable, but generally thought to be the most basic building-blocks of life. The term "quarks" comes from a line in James Joyce's 1939 novel Finnegan's Wake: "Three quarks for Muster Mark."
Today marks the first broadcast of radio station KDKA in Pittsburgh in 1920, the world's FIRST REGULAR BROADCAST STATION. The programming began at 8 p.m. with a series of bulletins on the Harding presidential election. A banjo player stood by in case the wire reports went dead, but all went off without a hitch, and the next day dozens of listeners phoned the station to ask where they could buy radios.
It's the birthday of DANIEL BOONE, born in 1734 in southeastern Pennsylvania, not far from Reading. Boone was the first person to blaze a trail through the Cumberland Gap, a notch in the Appalachians where Kentucky, Virginia, and Tennessee all meet.
Be well, do good work, and keep in touch.®


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Sophia Ryan Diamond Huggies
White Gold
This item is on backorder and will ship within 3-4 weeks
- 14K White Gold
- 0.04 Diamond Carat Weight
- Hinged with Snap-Back Closure
- Earring is 11mm in length and 2mm in width
A sure-fire hit, you won't want to take them off. Designed to sit up against the ear hugging the lobe, the delicate pebbled design on these white gold huggies with give your looks a cool and playful vibe. Sparkling round white diamonds lay at the center of each pebble, taking casual looks to the next level.


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Slow Cooker Oatmeal
1 1/2 cups steel-cut oats
3 1/2 cups water
1/2 cup milk
1 teaspoon brown sugar
1/2 teaspoon vanilla
Coat the slow cooker with cooking spray. Combine ingredients in slow cooker. Add an extra 1/4 cup water if you like your oatmeal with a thinner texture, or more brown sugar if you like it a bit sweeter. Cook for 6 to 8 hours on lowest setting.
— Becky Wittmer