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Tampa, FL & Nationwide
We are seeking an experienced digital marketing leader with a passion for revenue generation. This leader will have a phenomenal track record of developing demand generation strategies and programs that will enable us to meet or exceed our sales targets. Our CMO will be responsible for building V12 Data's unique brand in the marketplace and is highly skilled at creating digital advertising, social media, email marketing, video production, CRM, website and SEO and SEM campaigns to maximize engagement with both prospects and customers. V12 Data is at a critical time at our growth and our CMO will need to be a highly visible "A Player" to help us meet our aggressive goals. We expect our CMO to navigate between hands on execution, strategy and C-level relationship building with a broad internal and external focus.
Key Responsibilities:
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- Extensive experience and track record in B2B solution marketing
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- Skilled at digital advertising, social media, email marketing, video production, CRM, website and SEO and SEM campaigns to maximize engagement with both prospects and customers.
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- Superior leadership, management and organizational skills
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- 10-15 years in marketing management roles with management of teams of 5+
- Bachelor's degree; MBA preferred
Jennifer Holtz


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Petit Love Danube - Cotton Ring Sling
A little love can make a lot possible! Which is why we love our Tula 'Petit Love' Ring Sling so much: a sweet design and the ease of being hands free! 'Petit Love' Danube has bright white, teeny hearts sprinkled across a bold shade of blue. Woven in 100% cotton, this Tula Ring Sling is exceptionally supportive while soften quickly to become easier to adjust. Tula Ring Slings are available in two sizes, S/M and L/XL, to provide an comfortable option for all caregivers.
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subset: commoncrawl


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LSL Property Services has posted a 19% fall in underlying operating profits in its annual results.
Underlying operating profit dropped from £42.9m to £34.6m for the year to the end of December, but revenues were up 2% at £307.8m. Underlying operating margin fell to 11.3% from 14.3% in 2015.
Pre-tax profits rose to £63.5m from £38.6m last time, but the annual dividend per share fell 18% form 12.6p in 2015, to 10.3p in 2016.
Simon Embley, chairman of LSL said: "Following a strong first half performance, the group delivered a resilient second half performance given the changing market conditions. I am pleased that we maintained revenue growth in both the estate agency and surveying divisions.
"The group reacted decisively to the changing market conditions in the second half by taking selective cost measures and strengthening the balance sheet. The group has relatively low levels of gearing and is very cash generative at an operational level.
"The business is well positioned to capitalise on market conditions to increase shareholder value."
Chris Millington, an analyst at Numis Securities, welcomed the results, despite the falls on the previous year's figures.
"Overall we think this is a creditable performance in the face of variable market conditions," said Millington in a BUY note issued this morning. "Whilst the outlook for 2017 is uncertain, and we forecast a 4% reduction in market volumes (predominantly due to the tough Q1 comparative), we expect LSL to remain cash generative and lettings and financial services should continue to grow."
17 July 2017
4 August 2015
12 March 2015
22 August 2013
30 July 2013
4 November 2011
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tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-64998363848707546522017-02-08T20:50:21.605-08:002015 General Election: Comment and AnalysisDuncan Hallhttp://email@example.com:blogger.com,1999:blog-6499836384870754652.post-55803550416894311512015-05-10T13:41:00.001-07:002015-05-10T13:41:48.215-07:00Okay so what just happened?I tried not to make predictions on this blog, but it's quite clear that I thought a minority Labour government was on and that a Tory majority was almost impossible. I was wrong.

The internet is now full of Blairites saying they always knew this was how things would end. With a few dishonourable exceptions (such as Dan Hodges who has been propagandising for the Tories for four and a half years) these people, in private as well as in public, have really been saying that they were pleasantly surprised by Ed Miliband in the election campaign. That he performed well on the television. That the strategy might just pay off.

And let's be honest, before we consider anything else, it might have done! The extraordinary two factors in this General Election - neither of which Ed Miliband had much control over - were the complete disintegration of the Liberal Democrats and the completely rampant success of the Scottish National Party. The scale of the former took almost every psephologist by surprise. The latter - though predicted in the polls - was still on a scale bigger than even Nicola Sturgeon imagined. Let's be honest here, it wasn't just lefties like me that thought Ed Miliband might be Prime Minister now (all be it of a precarious minority government) - even David Cameron thought he might be. These two factors were really the difference between the trailed scenario - the "mess" that might bring a minority government or a second election - and the Tory majority that prevailed. How? The Liberal Democrats vanished even where popular incumbents were expected to hold on, gifting several unexpected seats to the Conservative Party. The SNP trounced the Labour Party in Scotland, for a range of reasons that everybody is still struggling to fully understand. And the knowledge that the SNP were likely to be a powerful bloc in the new parliament and necessary to keep a minority Labour administration in power put off a whole load of English voters. The Tories knew Miliband was not quite the electoral liability they had imagined - or indeed the Blairites had imagined - which is why they constantly spoke of the threat of a "Labour-SNP" government. This talk, supported by swathes of mass media, was effective.

Other than that, Labour's vote share actually increased, more so than the Conservatives, despite the drubbing in Scotland. I don't think it was necessarily essential for Miliband to immediately resign; it's become a faintly annoying convention in modern politics that leaders resign as soon as they lose (a convention that Jim Murphy is currently choosing to challenge).

However, it would be wrong to sit back and simply conclude that an unfortunate series of events, some of them outside Labour's control, delivered a Tory majority. Because these events are not wholly outside Labour's sphere of control and interest; and there were other factors and trends at play that, while not as dramatic as the two I've mentioned, also played their part.

If anybody tells you they have an easy solution to how Labour will win in 2020 then they are an idiot, and I include former Prime Ministers in that! But one thing I am sure of is that the solutions getting the most traction in the mainstream media right now are learning exactly the wrong lessons from this election.

You see, they begin on a falsehood: that Labour fought a 35% strategy with a left-wing policy agenda, and this is what lost them the "aspirational" vote in middle England. I have no inside knowledge of the central command of the ground campaign, but most agree it was professional and extensive. In terms of the policy agenda there was absolutely no "lurch to the left" under Miliband. The truth is that they equivocated, fudged and capitulated to almost every Blairite demand, and it did them no favours whatsoever. The right-wing media said it was hard left; the left said they were "Red Tories". It was neither, of course, but there was no leftward lurch. They voted for a benefit cap - they needn't have bothered. Rachel Reeves said she didn't want the party to represent people out of work. They spend months deciding whether to oppose the Bedroom Tax. The manifesto was based entirely on "fiscal responsibility" and one of the key pledges was "control immigration". All of it pointless: the media had decided that Miliband's Labour was going to spend, spend, spend, mostly represented welfare recipients and would have an open-door immigration policy. They could have spouted the UKIP manifesto and the Mail and the Sun would have reported the identical message to the one they did. At the same time, left-wing voters, especially those who had an alternative to vote for (like the SNP in Scotland, or a high-profile Green candidate in some English constituencies) heard it all, and hated it.

And of course it wasn't all bad. There were some excellent policies. What was lacking was a coherent story. Ed had one - quite a good one - but these more right-wing policies and bits of rhetoric fudged it and made it a difficult one to tell. As such, lots of people who should have voted for Miliband's narrative actively campaigned and voted against it.

The obvious place where this happened was Scotland. The SNP preached anti-austerity. It hardly matters that their manifesto and spending commitments were remarkably similar to Labour's. Labour's story was more cuts and difficult decisions; the SNP's was anti-austerity and the SNP swept up our voters in huge numbers.

But it happened in parts of England too. I haven't done a thorough analysis of how many seats it cost (and we can't know for certain, because we don't know how many "non-voters" were apathetic and how many were calling "a plague on all your houses"). Over 1000 people voted Green in Ed Balls' Morley constituency. More than enough, had they been enthused by Labour's agenda, to keep him in the Commons.

3000 voted Green in Leeds North West - more than enough to see Alex Sobel in the House of Commons and have one less Liberal Democrat there! The same picture can be seen in Derby North. The Greens got over 1 million votes in this General Election. I'm not suggesting that even if Labour had fought a more positive, emphatically anti-austerity campaign that all those voters would have voted Labour, but it is unquestionably the case that many of them would have and that there are seats that Labour could have won under those circumstances in England, not just in Scotland. And indeed in Wales. In Gower, Labour lost by a few hundred votes. Anti-austerity voters choosing Plaid Cymru or the Welsh Greens could have given Labour a comfortable win there.

Although lots of Labour MPs had increased majorities on Thursday, chief among them with the high-profile Labour rebels whose local constituents were fully aware of their anti-austerity, unfudged messages: the likes of Dennis Skinner, John McDonnell and Jeremy Corbyn racked up ever more Labour votes. It's worth remembering that John McDonnell first started fighting Hayes and Harlington when the Tory incumbent had a reasonably comfortable lead. It's now a Labour fortress with McDonnell having nearly 60% of the vote.

Then what of UKIP? Of course UKIP are a party of the right. Where they have performed well in the north of England tends to be in constituencies where the Conservatives used to have a strong presence and no longer do, having been replaced with a new type of "working-class Tory" who prefers a purple rosette. But that is far from being the whole story. I can't be the only person who spoke to voters who were long-term Labour voters who had decided to vote UKIP. Of course there are a range of reasons for this switch and some of them are uncomfortable for liberal lefties who hope everybody could be as chilled out about immigration as we are! But there is more to this switch than immigration. It is a dislike of a political class. So even though the politics of the Labour-UKIP switcher is a polity of the right, their dislike of their former party is not that it is too far from that mythical centre ground, but that it's too close. That the parties are too similar. They disliked Labour's leadership team because they were "too posh" and couldn't really speak to them or for them. Many were nostalgic for an Old Labour, some of whose policies you would expect them to dislike more than Miliband's. However, it is likely that these voters have been alienated from the Labour movement over a much longer period than Green, Plaid and SNP switchers and a change in policy emphasis would have perhaps been unlikely to shift them in 2015.

I am sick of reading comments from people claiming that the election results prove what they've said all along anyway, and therefore the lesson to be learnt from the results is for everybody to realise how right they've always been. This is not my point here. It is undoubtedly a more complex picture than that. There are seats in the South of England - outside London - that were winnable under Blair and seem out of reach of even a modestly more socially-democratic Labour Party. We all encountered voters who were put off by Ed Miliband - whether we think that was fair, or media-fomented or not. I don't claim to have the answers, but the quick way in which the Blairite/Progressite right have pulled out all their old answers and claimed that the facts on the ground prove their analysis correct simply does not stand up to a look at what happened. If Labour moves "back to the centre" (which can only be code for "even further right") then those seats I mentioned above cannot be won back. That is essentially accepting that the Labour Party surrenders Scotland. How many more seats were there that we just held on to because enough potential switchers were persuaded that - imperfect though we are - a Labour government is preferable to a Tory one. Would they still be persuaded of that next time if we've moved further right; if we give them more evidence we're the "Red Tories" they think we are, and no further evidence that we will deliver the change they want to see?

Duncan Hallhttp://firstname.lastname@example.com:blogger.com,1999:blog-6499836384870754652.post-41582240962769598272015-04-27T14:20:00.002-07:002015-04-27T14:20:34.486-07:00Scots, like everyone else, really have a choice between Dave and Ed - the only way to be sure of the latter is to vote LabourNobody ever votes for a coalition in the UK. Politicians sometimes pretend that people do. Listen to Nick Clegg on the subject of 2010: you'd think the Conservatives and Liberals put their coalition agreement to the public and it won a majority. But of course really people voted for their preferred parties and programmes and nobody managed to win. The coalition was an "accident" for the voters; a "deal" for the political class. That's the only way they can work in a First Past the Post system. To pretend otherwise is to deceive the voters.

And there's a degree of deception going on in Scotland, where some voters are being persuaded to believe that they are indeed voting for a coalition (or at least for a "progressive alliance"). The story goes like this: if people vote for the SNP they are not helping David Cameron or the Conservatives, they are voting for a bloc of left-of-centre MPs; for MPs who will back Miliband (while pushing him to the left on some issues): a win-win situation. Scottish voters can have it all: get rid of the Tories, push Labour leftwards and put Scotland first. What could be better than that?

Except, of course, it is an illusion. Our political system does not work like that. Labour seats going to the SNP does not mean they stay in a "progressive alliance"; it means that the Tories could be more likely to form the next government, and certainly are closer to being able to claim a superior mandate.

If Labour had a good year in Scotland, a slim majority would still be very much on the cards. That's the only sure way to get a Labour government. It doesn't look like it's going to be a good year in Scotland for them and every seat they lose in Scotland will erode Miliband's chances of forming a government. Why?

There are a few reasons:

1) One big question on election night is: which party came first? The fewer seats Labour win in Scotland, the more likely the Tories can claim that first "victory".

Of course, Clegg is extremely disingenuous when he declares that the party that comes second in an election should not be able to form a government. Liberal Democrat policy now appears to be that they should always be in government even if they come fourth in the election (in terms of seats) and fifth or sixth in terms of share of the vote. Also, the Liberal Democrats have always favoured electoral reform to a system where there is no logic to the biggest party having the first attempt to form a government: it's all about blocs of support. But that isn't the system we have in the UK. There is no constitutional necessity for the biggest party to lead the next government, but that does not mean that there won't be enormous pressure for that to be the case. There are no rules about what happens on May 8th if no party has a clear majority, but what precedent we have is that David Cameron should remain Prime Minister until a government can be formed. That puts the ball firmly in his court.

2) Scottish voters voting SNP have no control over how other people vote.

The logic behind the idea that Scottish voters voting SNP can only help a "progressive alliance" and not help the Tories can only even begin to stand up to scrutiny if we assume all the polls are correct and there is no chance of the Tories getting a majority or being able to muster a majority with Lib Dem and/or DUP and/or UKIP support. But of course that's not guaranteed! Okay, if the Tories manage to find a majority, then Labour holding onto more of their Scottish seats wouldn't prevent that (though it could hand them a bigger lead) but the chances of the Conservatives putting something together? Absolutely every Labour seat lost in Scotland helps make that a reality, because a big Labour lead could put it beyond question.

Imagine if Labour and the Conservatives both had 295 seats. They would each require the support (formal or otherwise) of another 30 MPs to win a confidence vote. Labour might be able to reply on 40 or so SNP MPs, 1 Green and a few Plaid Cymru in that scenario and feel pretty confident of leading a minority government. But it would only need the tiniest of adjustments - possibly many miles from Scotland - to foresee a situation where the Conservatives were able to form a formal coalition with 25 Lib Dems, 5 DUP and a UKIP: then they would have a majority and be able to form a government, even if Labour could have got bigger numbers, if they could have got the Lib Dems on side. Now the SNP could have reason to criticise other UK parties here. Why have Labour and the Lib Dems both ruled out any sort of deal with the SNP? That isn't their fault! And I have some sympathy with that view. Labour has effectively been pushed into that position (and the SNP have seemed to relish making it awkward for Labour, talking up their position of strength in any post-election negotiations). But there was really no pressure on Nick Clegg to rule out working with the SNP in all circumstances. Indeed his declaration on the SNP and on a party coming second forming the government is really further evidence that Clegg's Lib Dems are now part of a bloc with the Conservatives, however unlikely that seemed to some in 2010. It is astonishing that the Lib Dems have ruled out working with the SNP, but not the DUP. However, if Clegg loses his seat, the Lib Dem position may yet become more fluid.

3) There's an assumption that either SNP or Labour will always win the seats

Of course most of the seats in question will either be won by Labour or the SNP, but let us not imagine that it's impossible for some seats to see a split in the centre-left vote allowing other parties to succeed. I can't see a Tory or UKIP seat in Scotland (but there are areas that routinely voted Tory in the past and may well dislike the SNP's apparent left turn) but even a Lib Dem could slip through. The point is that ours is a system where votes cast can have unintended consequences. While an SNP vote in Scotland might be different from a Green vote in a key English marginal in terms of the laws of unintended consequences, it is still undoubtedly a gamble.

Of course, Labour have got some things wrong which has produced this situation. They fought the referendum battle in the wrong way and should not have worked so closely with Tories and other unionists and instead forged a separate, Labour, progressive case for a "No" vote. They have used poor rhetoric on the economy: actually the SNP's tax and spend policies are no more "anti-austerity" than Labour's, but the insistence on a rhetoric of "fiscal responsibility" to spike a few guns in the Tory press has backfired in Scotland. And let's face it the guns refuse to be spiked. It doesn't matter how much Miliband says his pledges require no more borrowing and he isn't going to do a deal with the SNP, the front page of the Tory press is still "Miliband and Salmond" and "more borrowing, more debt". I prefer the SNP policy on Trident to the Labour policy, as do most Labour parliamentary candidates. With a few days to go to the election, there's not a lot Labour can do about any of that. We can't rewrite the past.

But the Scottish voters have to look at the big picture. On May 8th we could have a government that will scrap the bedroom tax, abolish zero hours contracts, repeal the NHS Reform Act, cap rents and cut many billions less than a government that would make savage, eye-watering cuts to our public spending, with many billions more from welfare. It is not a choice between blue and red Tories; they are not "all the same"; it is a hugely important election for the whole of the UK and people in Scotland have the power to ensure a Miliband government and not a Cameron one. Other governments are not available.

Duncan Hallhttp://email@example.com:blogger.com,1999:blog-6499836384870754652.post-75109707748861103752015-04-17T15:17:00.001-07:002015-04-17T15:27:26.764-07:00The Tories are focusing on post-election scenarios, but betray a shocking lack of confidenceIf the Conservatives really think that "Vote Ed get Nicola" (or even "get Alex") will win them the election then they are strategically naïve. Of course this is possibly true - after all with the same strategist they imagined "Vote Blair get Brown" would be a vote-winner in 2005 and we all know how that went.

But actually, the Tory line on the SNP is not so much about getting votes now as about controlling the post-election scenario. As such, with this now being the only focus of Tory campaigning, they appear to have accepted that they are not going to win a majority. Not only that, they are acutely aware that there is unlikely to be available arithmetic for them to find a majority. People talk about Liberal Democrats, DUP and UKIP but even if the numbers are there (and the models don't suggest they would be) even the Liberal Democrats might balk at a deal with UKIP and, more importantly, their prices are likely to be entirely contradictory. The Lib Dems would want to lose the EU referendum; UKIP and the DUP would demand it as soon as possible. Only a few weeks ago, the Tories appeared confident (I felt surprisingly so) that they would win quite comfortably in the end; it is now increasingly difficult to see a scenario where Cameron could lead a functional government.

So what's the strategy? The Tories have accepted that they aren't going to win a majority, but they want to be certain that Labour won't win one either. As such, it is (secretly-ish) in Tory interests for the SNP to conquer all in Scottish seats. Their "spinners" have talked up Nicola Sturgeon after both debates, and they are pushing Labour into making anti-SNP comments which is doing Labour no favours in Scotland. They have also successfully got Ed Miliband to rule out a coalition with the SNP and are doing everything they can to get him to rule out any other sort of arrangement too. That way, even if Labour are the biggest party, if the arithmetic is not there to get a majority with the Liberal Democrats and the SDLP, Miliband will be left with very few options. It almost seems like the Conservatives, who 5 years ago created fixed-term parliaments, might be putting their hopes on a second general election!

It's a clever strategy in some ways and one which Labour needs to counter. But actually Labour should feel empowered by this: the Conservatives are on the back foot and, as the odds suggest, people who bet on Ed Miliband to be the next Prime Minister a few weeks ago should be feeling quite confident now.

Duncan Hallhttp://email@example.com:blogger.com,1999:blog-6499836384870754652.post-36523549343299416722015-04-12T08:06:00.001-07:002015-04-12T08:06:30.628-07:00In an era of coalitions, is a manifesto just a dull work of fiction?It might be the case that, on the morning of May 8th we wake up to a majority government with either Ed Miliband or David Cameron accepting a straightforward invitation to form a government, the other having conceded in the early hours.

But most people are not anticipating that. In what still looks like a very close election fight, most are predicting another coalition, or a minority government having to make deals with other parties.

One of the interesting facts about the 2010-2015 coalition is the extent to which the final programme is unlike the manifestos of either of the partners. The Liberal Democrats' "broken promises" are better known, but of course they were the junior partner and could not expect their full manifesto to be implemented. The Conservatives too had policies that they lost in the process, such as changes to inheritance tax that are again on offer for 2015.

But the radical extent of the proposed (even the amended!) health reforms, the bedroom tax (or "removal of the spare room subsidy") or increasing VAT or trebling tuition fees: they weren't in any party's manifesto.

That's okay, because no party won the election.

Where does that leave manifestos today?

I listened to Andrew Neil making Danny Alexander defend the details of the Liberal Democrat manifesto on television this morning with increasing incredulity. Who cares? The sums may or may not add up, but there is no realistic scenario where they would be implemented so who cares? The Green manifesto, or the Westminster manifestos of the nationalist parties are even more odd fantasies. They might be wonderful, they might be robust, they will never be tested.

Is there perhaps a case for not bothering with small-party manifestos at all? Would it not be of more use to understand their broad aims and aspirations, their key criticisms of the main parties and their main "red lines" in the eventuality of any coalition negotiations?

But of course, the pointlessness of small-party manifestos has always been a feature of UK elections, perhaps more so in an era of strong majority governments.

But is it now the case that the main parties are engaging in a weird sort of fantasy politics too? They are worried that their figures add up and their policies are credible but not because they want to be sure they can implement them. No, the reason for any concern is about whether they can defend them. A theme I have explored before is that the message is driving the policy. That's been true for some years and is a worry; but increasingly the message and the policy do not have to resemble to any great extent the actual reality of what happens.

It leads to the rather odd situation where the Conservatives, after preaching austerity and economic "competence", can start promising to throw money around like water. The issue is, to what extent can a government be held accountable for their promises at election time? If the answer is "not at all" (please comment either way!) then there is a danger that we are engaging in a bizarre fiction at present and, indeed, a deception of the public.

Of course, majority governments broke manifesto promises too, but as manifestos become starting points in future negotiations rather than real proposed programmes, so people are less able to vote for the ultimate programme and are less able to hold parties to account. And that has to be bad for democracy. I am aware of course that turnout levels are higher in many countries where coalitions are the norm and the parties still publish manifestos, so perhaps my concerns are misplaced. I'd be interested to hear your thoughts!

Duncan Hallhttp://email@example.com:blogger.com,1999:blog-6499836384870754652.post-40213864679796189962015-04-12T06:08:00.002-07:002015-04-12T13:27:39.461-07:00Is Austerity the Real Issue?Everybody's talking about austerity, but is it the real issue at this election?

After all, the Conservative Party is offering a whole raft of tax cuts for the well off: hardly austerity!
The Labour Party is proposing tax rises for the wealthier, and cracking down on tax evasion: much more "austere".
The Greens and the SNP (among others) want to save billions by scrapping Trident: a good austerity measure if ever there was one! The Greens also want to put up the top rate of tax: again, pro-austerity.

Surely the issue of this election is not actually about cuts vs. spending; competence vs. chaos; austerity vs. real change. Actually, it's a much more traditional kind of an election: it's about who you're for.

The Conservatives have backed their horse: the rich. Perhaps more explicitly than at any election I can recall, the Tories are running a pro-rich election. The pitch to others is "aspiration". It's been effective enough in the past and could be again: a whole raft of people who will never earn £150,000 a year or need to worry about inheritance tax end up backing a Tory view on these issues because they aspire to "succeed" and they believe that "successful" people are well-off because they've worked hard, not because they've been lucky. They therefore defer to the interests of the rich. My sense is that the foundations of such a view are shaking. I'll return to that theme in a future blog...

The Labour Party find it much harder to firmly back a horse because of two extraordinarily successful pieces of hegemony on the right: the "pro" and "anti" business discourse, and the demonization of people who claim social security. To come out as being on the side of the poor, a party will be charged as being pro-welfare and ridiculed accordingly. To come out as being on the side of workers on low and middle incomes is rapidly re-presented as being "anti business".

However, more so than in any recent election, the Labour Party has come out in favour of the latter group: workers on low and middle incomes and their families, and is currently riding the "anti business" storm.

This does leave two groups without much representation in this election at all: the very poor and the provincial pretty well-off.

The provincial pretty well-off are not so very different from "middle income" workers - the difference is probably more ideological than material - while most of the "very poor" are on low incomes. As such, if the Labour Party could tap these areas they are probably saying the most for both groups in this election. However, despite fighting hard on the Bedroom Tax (for example) they have used some rhetoric that has switched off poorer voters. Those voters are still most likely to not vote or perhaps to cast a protest vote. The "pretty well-off" are likely to vote Conservative as they aspire to being very well off, or perhaps to vote UKIP who, with a bit more discipline and professionalism, could actually have taken over from the Conservative Party outside its traditional heartlands. The influx of disillusioned BNPers has probably ended that possibility for them.

It is clear why the discourse is currently about austerity: it helps those who wish to suggest the main parties are "all the same" (they're all "pro-austerity") while it helps the Conservatives to suggest that the election is all about economic competence rather than about values and choices. It also ties into a clearer European and Eurozone argument which is much more clearly about austerity and anti-austerity.

However, it is probably doing the election campaign a disservice. It is keeping the discussion very much about technical economics, huge sums of money and tricky concepts like the "structural deficit" rather than what it is really all about: who is the government there to serve and how will it serve them? The latter discussion is much more likely to engage people and bring this election campaign to life.

Duncan Hallhttp://email@example.com:blogger.com,1999:blog-6499836384870754652.post-17934513129886444962015-04-06T09:35:00.003-07:002015-04-06T09:35:59.138-07:00Some Advice for Ed Miliband before the Challengers' TV DebateI don't imagine Ed Miliband reads my humble election-analysis blog, but just in case: here's some advice ahead of a debate that holds a number of potential pitfalls for him. There are opportunities in this debate if he handles it correctly. After all, his personal ratings have improved considerably after each TV appearance so far during the campaign and the same might happen again, if he plays it right. But here is some free advice for you, Ed!

1) Prioritise the "enemies". The media are going to try and bill this as Miliband vs. Sturgeon but ignore this. The chief enemy is the only other possible PM: the absent candidate! The absence of Cameron and Clegg on the panel is huge open goal. Take every opportunity to attack the government's record: nobody's going to defend it. Don't overplay it, but make sure you remind the audience that Cameron and Clegg could have been there but chose not to be. After Cameron, the next "enemy" is Farage. I know the SNP are a bigger electoral threat to Labour, but Farage is the ideological enemy, and Labour voters, members and supporters will want to see you challenge him vigorously. The Scottish leaders' debate will be the "opportunity" to tackle the SNP - keep your focus on the national picture in this debate.

2) Lead the progressive bloc. You've done well showing the public that you can be tougher than they thought, but don't imagine that people want to see you beating up on the minor parties. It's one thing standing up to Paxman and laying into Cameron, it is quite another to attack Bennet, Wood and Sturgeon. There was some positive public response to the fact that these three cooperated on areas where they agreed. Why not try a bit of the same? A bit of "I agree with Nic(ola)" could be worth a thousand attack lines that strike the wrong note. If you lead the other three in the charge against both Farage and the absent coalition, you should be able to harvest "I agree with Ed" lines too.

3) Don't EVER attack any of the others from the RIGHT. Just don't do it! We've seen your notes from the last debate, and I'm worried you're getting some questionable advice in this area. If you attack Sturgeon on the issue of Trident, you must remember that most of your PPCs and many of your voters agree with her, not you, on this issue (including me, as it happens!) It's too late in the day to change your policy on this issue before the election (sadly) but it would be hugely counter-productive to use this as a line in the debate. It would alienate potential Labour voters who are wavering about voting Green or SNP (or elsewhere) and it won't win a single vote from a Tory! Similarly, don't get into a situation where you're defending spending cuts against anti-austerity arguments. If you can find an angle where you can show the SNP to have been pro-austerity / pro-"1%" then use it, but otherwise focus on points of agreement.

4) Stay positive. In the interview with Paxman you put forward some positive, progressive arguments relating to immigration and these are the ones to go with in the challengers' debate - don't try and sound "tough". Make sure you make the point about the positive consequences of immigration and your own family's migrant story. Make sure you make the point about ending zero hours contracts and cracking down on exploitative employers, rather than attacking migrant workers. This is a strong line of argument and is a good attack line against Farage. When he says he wants to stop migrant workers undercutting "native" workers, ask whether he supports you on zero hours and the living wage. If not, he has zero credibility on the issue of low pay.

5) Don't over-react if you're not "the winner". There is a reasonable chance that either Farage or Sturgeon will come out as "the winner" of this debate in the snap polls. These polls are more-or-less irrelevant so don't panic about them. You and the three women are essentially fishing in the same pond whereas in this debate Farage will have a pond all to himself. If he doesn't "win" then we can conclude that the wheels have come off the UKIP bus and I wouldn't be at all surprised if he doesn't even get his Thanet seat. You might well be seen as the "Westminster" "establishment" candidate and therefore left-leaning people who are polled might well opt for one of the nationalists. This doesn't really matter - most of them can't vote for them and they know that the choice is between a Cameron government and a Miliband government (as you should remind them during the debate).

So - there you have it! Take this advice and you can get something out of this debate. Ignore it, and you'd have been better off joining Dave and Nick and watching it from the sofa!Duncan Hallhttp://email@example.com:blogger.com,1999:blog-6499836384870754652.post-75041732192251891972015-04-01T15:20:00.001-07:002015-04-01T15:20:23.321-07:00"Hard Left" or "Red Tories"? Let's get real, Miliband's Labour Party is neither!If people really believe what they write, and some of what they read, there must be some very confused people out there.

The Sun on the 1st April (and I don't think it was an April Fool) reminded people that they had backed "moderate" Labour parties in the past, but was opposed to the "hard left" agenda of Ed Miliband. Many of the Conservative papers continue to label Miliband "Red Ed" and condemn his "old" "socialist" - sometimes even "Marxist" - anti-business agenda. Both the Mail and the Express have claimed that Miliband is a "Bennite" wanting to bring back the "dark days" of the 1983 General Election manifesto.

People who believe all or some of this must be terribly confused when they read comments from Scottish Nationalists and Greens and people who've lately decided to abandon Labour for the Greens or TUSC or Left Unity. For these people, Labour are "Red Tories", committed to austerity, on the side of the 1% and there is really no difference between Miliband, Clegg or Cameron.

People who believe all or some of this must be terribly confused when they read the Sun or the Mail. Okay, they probably don't read them, but they would find it hard to escape the narrative. Even the BBC today were talking of this being an "old-fashioned" 1970s-style election with Labour fighting for the low-paid and the Tories fighting for the rich in a pitch to their core votes.

Is there any truth to either story?
Is Labour hard left? I wish, to be honest! A "hard left" agenda would undoubtedly include nationalising at least the railways and the energy companies. Miliband's policies are significantly less radical on both. A "hard left" agenda would argue against austerity on principle. Miliband is committed to further cuts and "balancing the books". A "hard left" agenda would argue for free tuition fees, not a small reduction. A "hard left" agenda would take the fight to UKIP and the Tories on immigration, not make controlling it one of their five pledges and plastering it over a mug.

No, we can conclude the Tory/Tory-press narrative is a million miles from the truth.

What about Red Tories then? Again - nonsense. Anybody who claims to be on the left who is genuinely ambivalent about who might form the next government (out of the two possibilities) has argued themselves into a very odd place. The differences between the parties are quite well defined - perhaps more so than for nearly 30 years. The only bit of the Sun/Mail/Express, etc. narrative that has any truth in it is that Labour has moved some distance from the New Labour perspective of Tony Blair. People who voted Labour in 1997, 2001, 2005 and 2010 but wish to vote for a left-wing alternative this year again seem to be rather confused, politically. There are literally tens of millions of pounds between the proposed cuts agenda of both parties. Labour is going to scrap most zero hours contracts, scrap the bedroom tax, reintroduce the 50p tax rate, levy a "mansion tax" on high-value properties to invest in the NHS; repeal the coalition's NHS Act; clamp down on low pay and tax evasion. They are also happy to interfere with energy, transport and property markets to control prices.

No, we can further conclude that the "Red Tory" line is a nonsense, at least as far from the truth as the "hard left" story.

Labour is a very long way from "hard left" but it has found a political position significantly to the left of New Labour and is proposing a large number of distinctive policies. It is important that we deal with the reality rather than the myths.

However, I suspect the "hard left" criticisms will continue from the right-wing press and, coupled with a focusing of voters' minds as the campaign progresses, I suspect some of the SNP/PC/Green/TUSC, etc vote will move back to Labour in order to get the government that is closer to their perspective out of the two possibilities.

It will be interesting to see whether a stepping-up of the anti-Miliband language helps the Tories or whether it unwittingly aids Miliband by turning him more emphatically into the "change" candidate. Watch this space!Duncan Hallhttp://email@example.com:blogger.com,1999:blog-6499836384870754652.post-1078461273936500572015-03-30T15:32:00.001-07:002015-03-30T15:32:10.062-07:00Whatever the result, Labour probably chose the RIGHT brotherThis blog is primarily focused on psephology, not partisan comment. However, I must make a declaration of personal interest. I am a Labour Party member and I did vote in the leadership election. My preferred candidate (John McDonnell) pulled out and I gave my first preference to Diane Abbott; Ed Miliband got my second preference. This post is not about that.

This post is about that comment we've all heard from to time: "if David Miliband had won, Labour would be further ahead." Is it true? We can't possibly know, of course, but let's take the idea for a walk.

Labour had been in power for thirteen years and were deeply unpopular when they left. Normally when Labour leave office they struggle to get back in. After 1951 (an election when Labour won the popular vote, so no comparison with 2010 in that regard) Labour didn't get back in for 13 years. There are lots of possible reasons for this, but many point to disunity. Whether you blame the Gaitskellites or the Bevanites will depend on your political perspective, but we cannot escape the fact that Gaitskell failed to unite the party. When Callaghan lost in 1979, Labour remained out of power for 18 years. This election was more easily comparable with 2010, with Labour having changed leaders, become very unpopular and then kicked out. Callaghan was not as unpopular as Brown, of course! Again, there are many different versions of why Labour failed to win in 83 or the next two elections, but we cannot escape the fact that the party split! Michael Foot (and indeed, in a different way, Neil Kinnock) like Gaitskell before them failed to unite the party.

No Labour leaders unite the party. The Labour Party is a very broad church and is pretty-much impossible to unite. There are two approaches that have worked in Labour's post-war history. Blair's way has been pretty-much unique to Blair and to the very specific political circumstances of 1994. He imposed a "There Is No Alternative" vision onto a sceptical but desperate party and embraced and provoked disunity as a method of news management. He promised the party electoral success (and delivered) and the party went along with his changes to achieve this outcome. The other approach is the Attlee and Wilson (and Smith?) way. You might not be any wing's darling, but neither do you pick a fight with any wing. Neither wing sees your victory as their loss.

David Miliband was seen (rightly or wrongly, fairly or unfairly) as a Blairite. He had been the Blairite's challenger of choice against Brown (though he never actually challenged). The Blairite/Brownite split was always an odd one, not based on major ideological difference like the Gaitskellite/Bevanite split, but it was still real and bruising. If Balls had won, it would have been seen as the victory of the Brownites. Had David Miliband won it would have been the victory of the Blairites. Ed Miliband was the Wilson candidate. Associated with Brown (just as Wilson had been seen as close to Bevan) but independent enough from both camps to avoid the continuation of the old fights.

So, we can't possible know where we would be now had David Miliband won the leadership, but it is safe to assume that the old Blair/Brown rows would have rumbled on. Furthermore, the party would have found it harder to put the Iraq War behind them. Would the Cameron government have decided to let the Chilcot Report come out before the election, if Labour's leader was still arguing the Iraq War was the right thing to do? Possibly. Undoubtedly there would have been a lot of discussion and interest in whether David Miliband has really told Parliament and country everything he knew about extraordinary rendition.

Furthermore, David Miliband would have pursued a much clearer pro-austerity policy throughout this period. While some on Labour's right think this would have been successful, there is little psephological evidence for this. It certainly wouldn't have helped prevent Labour's problems in Scotland, and I think we would be seeing a much more potent threat from surging Greens if Labour had an economic policy less differentiated from that of the coalition.

We do not know what the result of the election will be but, given the historical precedents, the fact that Labour are in the fight, five years after a pretty serious drubbing, would suggest that Ed Miliband's leadership has been quite extraordinary in British political history and very likely more successful than his brother's could have been.Duncan Hallhttp://email@example.com:blogger.com,1999:blog-6499836384870754652.post-49115113472548324362015-03-27T16:35:00.000-07:002015-03-27T16:35:00.783-07:00What did we learn from the first (non) debate?1) That holding this programme before the manifestos are published made for quite a bad programme. This wasn't the broadcasters' fault; David Cameron ruled out any sort of debate during the campaign "proper" as well as any sort of head-to-head debate with Ed Miliband, so this was what they were left with. But it made for an uneven programme. Neither leader had a final manifesto to promote or defend so instead, Cameron was primarily asked to defend his record, while Miliband was asked to defend his personality and image. Both were challenged - perhaps a bit too much during the Paxman interviews if we really wanted to learn anything about policies - but about rather different things. It also meant that Miliband - who I don't think I'm being too partisan if I describe him as the deeper thinker of the two - had to spend most of the time batting away tabloid gossip (some of it pretty nasty and personal), while Cameron (other than the occasional inexplicable breakfast cereal question) had to talk about food banks and zero hours contracts.

2) That commentary about "who won" is completely pointless. Of course we all called it for one or another leader (I'll put my hand up, I called it for Ed) but there is nothing more irritating than watching politician after politician queuing up to say why their guy won it. It's slightly more interesting to hear how members of other parties saw things, I suppose (although their motives might be questionable). Twitter was full of each leader's "fans" retweeting every supportive or critical tweet, and each poll result as if it presented some unquestionable proof that their guy had "won". It wasn't a football match. It wasn't even a debate. Nobody won, though I suspect Miliband was probably the happier of the two at the end. Cameron struggled with Paxman but seemed pretty assured with the audience. Miliband probably exceeded many people's expectations but needs to be able to give clearer (quicker) answers on austerity and spending. It was notable that Kay Burley didn't really understand his answer about an EU referendum so he has to think whether he's pitching all his political explanations at the right level for the casual viewer.

3) That the Paxman-style interview (whether delivered by him or not) is inappropriate for this sort of programme. We didn't have very long and we wanted to know what these two men proposed to do should they lead the next government. Paxman's trademark of asking the same question repeatedly (even when he knows it's a question that no political leader could reasonably or responsibly answer, such as the first one he asked to Miliband) ate up the time and produced little of consequence. Of course, once a debate had been ruled out there had to be some challenge for the leaders and not just a platform for them to outline policies and slag off their opponents, but we probably heard more from Paxman than from his interviewees. The media needs to challenge powerful people, but they need to do so on substance, not just for the sake of being challenging. Perhaps this particular style of interview has had its day?

4) That none of the planned programmes are likely to have a "game changing" moment. In many ways this is a bit of a relief, because if a television programme were able to make or break the result of the election then that is too great a power for it to have. David Cameron will probably feel he could have performed better, but I doubt he lost any voters from this programme. Ed Miliband probably felt quite pleased with his performance and might have turned a handful of waverers and is certainly unlikely to have lost anybody. But nothing that is planned is likely to be too different. We saw enough from Miliband to be pretty confident that, while (in the absence of Cameron) he will be ganged up on in the "challengers" debate, he is unlikely to seriously mess it up. There is no reason to think the Question Time Special will be especially different to the first event. So after election debates arrived with a bang and a fanfare in 2010, 2015's version are unlikely to live long in the memory. (Famous last words!)

5) That a head-to-head debate would have been interesting. Finally, while I was ambivalent about the debates in 2010 (not keen on turning the General Election into a presidential race or too much Americanisation of the process) a proper debate would have been preferable to what we got and might well have been rather interesting. However, we shall never know.Duncan Hallhttp://firstname.lastname@example.com


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Happy to Ask, Happy to Tell: Diversity Data Can Make a Difference
NHS Meeting Your Support needs through the collection of equality data
In collaboration with NHS Boards and service users in Scotland, this leaflet 'Meeting Your Support Needs' has been produced to assist NHS Boards and primary care practitioners explain to service users why your are seeking to collect their Support and Access Needs leaflet [110kb].
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Just wondering. I was watching CP24 the other day, and there was a news bit where the reporter said they did a investigation and found that cats don't enjoy being touched and whenever they were touched, their blood pressure went up and the more they were petted, the more likely they were to get hypertension.
Does your cat enjoy being petted?
|by Anonymous
|reply 81
My cat pets me, I don't pet her.
|by Anonymous
|reply 1
Please. My cat purrs so loudly and she closes her eyes in ecstasy when I pet her. She LOVES being touched.
|by Anonymous
|reply 2
It depends on the cat. Most cats I've known liked to be petted. My neighbor's pussy won't stand still and walks away when I touch her.
|by Anonymous
|reply 3
I often announce at my office when I leave for the day that I am headed home to pet my pussy.
|by Anonymous
|reply 4
My snowshoe cat loves being petted and my orange tabby only enjoys it for about a minute. I'm careful not to pet the orange tabby too long because she'll try to bite me once she's over it and wants me to put her down.
|by Anonymous
|reply 5
Some cats get (not in a sexual way) overstimulated, R5. They'll enjoy the attention for a bit, but then the sensations overwhelm them and they lash out.
|by Anonymous
|reply 6
Yes. They love being brushed too.
|by Anonymous
|reply 7
R5 My snowshoe loves being petted too. Maybe it's a characteristic of the breed? She cannot get enough.
|by Anonymous
|reply 8
r8 - is your snowshoe obsessed with water? Mine loves watching me pour water in the water bowl.
|by Anonymous
|reply 9
THis is why dudes hate cats. They are bitchy.
|by Anonymous
|reply 10
Pet peeve:
Cat food commercials that show people petting the cat WHILE HE'S EATING.
Do not do that!
|by Anonymous
|reply 11
Cats that were petted by humans as kittens enjoy it as adults. Those who were not never like it.
|by Anonymous
|reply 12
My pussy detests human contact. Whenever my late husband endeavored to stroke her, she bristled and made the most revolting noise.
|by Anonymous
|reply 13
R5 -- My snowshoe isn't obsessed with water but she's more interested in it than my other cat. However, one weird thing is that when I take a piss, she likes to come in and watch.
|by Anonymous
|reply 14
That's odd, OP. I've read (can't remember where) that when people pet cats, both get the benefit of reduced blood pressure.
|by Anonymous
|reply 15
Growing up, my cat didn't like being touched by anyone but my mother. When I had cats of my own, each liked being petted by me. My second cat loved it in particular when I would pick her up like a baby and swing her in my arms, but only for a minute or so.
|by Anonymous
|reply 16
"Dudes" are such pussies, R10. You just proved it.
|by Anonymous
|reply 17
Thanks for the bellylaff, Mrs. Slocombe!
|by Anonymous
|reply 18
My boy cat loves being petted and is really insistent about it. He purrs heartily whenever I pet him.
The girl cat's a bit different--and weird. She immediately starts purring very loudly when I pet her, but after a short time, maybe a minute, she'll get up and walk away. But she likes to be near me: She'll sleep right next to me.
It all works out because if both cats were as needy as the boy I'd lose my mind.
|by Anonymous
|reply 19
The female cats I've known well seemed all to have various reservations about being petted: they liked it only in certain situations, or a very particular kind of petting (most actually preferred brisk scratching or a fairly firm "beating" on the back a few inches forward from the base of the tail.) Some seemed not to much like it at all, but only tolerate it in certain situations.
The male cats I've known were the real whores for petting. With very rare exception they liked it, and liked it a lot, without being at all discriminating about the how or where.
|by Anonymous
|reply 20
Petting is just randomly petting. My cat prefers a cat massage.
|by Anonymous
|reply 21
I have a male cat that's 5 years old now and he loves being petted. We have a routine down pat. Every morning when I get up he jumps up on the couch and gets his loving from me. He purrs the loudest when I stroke the sides of his face and also his throat. Sometimes I think he'd stay there all day if he could.
|by Anonymous
|reply 22
I have a droolie. They are somewhat rare.
She's 13 with smoky short-hair, and a real cutie.
Drools a little when I pet and massage her because she loves it so.
|by Anonymous
|reply 23
I've heard about cats that drool, r23. Someone asked a vet in a magazine if the drooling was normal. The vet said it's rare but it's normal and nothing to worry about. It just means your cat is overly excited to see you/be loved by you. Mine doesn't do it but he does purr very loudly.
|by Anonymous
|reply 24
One of my cats drools a little too, when he's reached ecstasy level 11.
My other cat sits on the footrest in front of me when I'm watching TV and touches me with one soft paw until I pet or brush her. Touch - touch - touch. It's so cute and annoying.
|by Anonymous
|reply 25
Esto gato no es mio
|by Anonymous
|reply 26
They don't like having their stomachs rubbed or touched. They will latch onto an arm and kick and scratch if you do so. And if you scratch their backs close to the tail they go spastic. Other than that, most cats love to be rubbed on their heads, scratched under the chin and have their backs stroked and will make it known that they want some affection. Of course, abused animals will shy away from most physical contact.
|by Anonymous
|reply 27
It's not rare for cats to drool when you pet them. I've known several that did. Endearing, but messy.
|by Anonymous
|reply 28
That "investigation" is bullshit....and why even HAVE an investigation into that subject?
Every cat I've had has DEMANDED petting and attentionn, in fact the first thing my cat does when she comes in is jump on my lap and roll over on her back to get her tummy rubbed while purring in ecstasy.
However, I think cats CAN be overstimulated and when subjected to unwanted attention or contact they can feel threatened so one should always let the cat come to them!
I know...high maintenance but I love their independent nature.
This study probably doesn't understand or appreciate that the understanding between humans and cats is that almost EVERYTHING is on the cat's terms.
|by Anonymous
|reply 29
I've had two cats that liked having their bellies rubbed, R27. They would even roll onto their backs to give me easier access.
|by Anonymous
|reply 30
R29 has fur babies.
|by Anonymous
|reply 31
My kittycat say "purr."
|by Anonymous
|reply 32
My cat's breath smells like cat food.
|by Anonymous
|reply 33
Two of my cats will actually take their paws and grab my hand and place it on top of their heads to be petted.
|by Anonymous
|reply 34
I had a cat who liked to have his butt smacked. He would get a hard-on even though he was neutered. I have two cats now who "force" me to pet them with head-butts. Cats are very affectionate but as the previous poster stated, it has to be on their terms.
|by Anonymous
|reply 35
|by Anonymous
|reply 36
|by Anonymous
|reply 37
I love my pussy.
|by Anonymous
|reply 38
bullshit. my 10yo female siamese mix demands full on, luxurious embraces, full body massage style petting, sleeping arm in arm etc
|by Anonymous
|reply 39
my cat wants her belly stroked too. she wants it all. of course to be sensitive of her titties
|by Anonymous
|reply 40
My two love top of the head and under the chin action, including deep scratching in the chest area. They stretch their heads and twist and turn to get the full treatment with eyes closed and purring like crazy.
One loves to roll on his back and get a deep massaging of his stomach. The other one lets me know, with blood, that I should not confuse her with him.
|by Anonymous
|reply 41
At night when I'm in the bed on my back, my cat comes up between my chest and bicept in the space there, puts her two front paws on my bicepts and then puts her head down on her paws. My hand reaches around and cups her ass and keeps it warm. We are both asleep in minutes.
Isn't that cute? Don't you wish you had my cat?
|by Anonymous
|reply 42
That's like saying man don't enjoy blow jobs. Most do, but they usually have certain preferences about technique and circumstances, e.g. when they're in a hurry to get to an important job interview they generally don't want to stop and get a blow job from a dirty smelly obese homeless woman with visible lice.
|by Anonymous
|reply 43
R42. "Don't you wish you had my cat?"
From your description I wish I WERE your cat.
|by Anonymous
|reply 44
Cats have several different kinds of hair that are incredibly sensitive. It's how they are able to negotiate spaces and walk around things like wine glasses in a cabinet without breaking them. It functions as a space sensing barrier or radar. The sensation of being touched when they don't want to would, I imagine, be highly uncomfortable. The whiskers are incredibly sensitive. It's why they'll move them away when you pet their face. They also have "whiskers" throughout their fur. Tens of thousands of them.
I have one cat who likes being petted, but another who will sit on my lap and shiver any time I touch her. I let her come to me now. It's amazing to me how ignorant and stupid people are about their pets. They make it very clear what they can and can't tolerate.
|by Anonymous
|reply 45
The belly is the one part of a cat's body that they will not mutually groom - because it's too vulnerable to attack. So the no-belly rub thing is partly true, but not for all cats.
Mine all love it, but I've had them since kittens. Mother cats can groom there, so maybe I'm their mommy as far as they're concerned.
|by Anonymous
|reply 46
Oh, y'all're making me want to get a cat again.
|by Anonymous
|reply 47
My cat doesn't always want to be petted but when he sits on my lap, if he wants petted, he rubs his head against my hand. Also when he comes inside he insist I pet and rub him while he rolls around on the carpet. When I try to ignore him he bites and scratches my feet. He sure as hell is insisting on attention.
I can imagine if you aren't gentle, they might not like it...or maybe they would prefer it to be more playful? After all if they are completely wild, they like to catch their food, lick it, throw it up in the air and play with it (it isn't pretty). So maybe they need a little rough play every now and then?
|by Anonymous
|reply 48
I have one who only likes being petted because he sees the others. I have another who loves brooms, brushes, and my nails. She has enslaved all the others.
|by Anonymous
|reply 49
Ridiculous. I'm having trouble typing this because my big black cat is rolling on the desk and rubbing himself all over my hands, trying to get me to pet him.
|by Anonymous
|reply 50
Your cat avoids your wine glasses, r45? If mine sees a wine glass he believes it's his sworn duty to turn it over. In fact, anything he's strong enough to turn over, he turns over. Thankfully he's not as bad as he used to be and I've learned to put most things out of his reach.
|by Anonymous
|reply 51
My cat pets me too. Sometimes she will wake me up rubbing her head against my hand when I'm sleeping. She jumps on my lap when I"m working (to be petted).
|by Anonymous
|reply 52
It depends on the cat. My brothers family have several cats. One in particular craves being petted. She picks out who she wants to pet her and pesters them until they comply. She then selects the next person to pet her and moves to them.
The other cat is never seen if there are strangers there.
|by Anonymous
|reply 53
Do you know, I found my pussy trapped in my drawers?
|by Anonymous
|reply 54
No. But my cat loves to be finger fucked
|by Anonymous
|reply 55
My cat does not like to be petted. You pet her one too many times and she'll bite you. I tell this to people and they never believe me. I can sense when she's been petted enough, but people who don't know her well will always get bitten because they don't know when to stop.
She's always been a grouch just like her daddy.
She does llke to be scratched under the chin or behind the ear.
Everything has to be on her terms. She will rub you, jump up and sit on your lap, but if you touch her she gets pissed.
I'm the only one who can pick her up.
She has other odd quirks. She'll only drink water out of a bucket or a running faucet. She won't drink it out of a bowl. She's 18 years old now and can't hop as high as she used to. WHen she was younger, she's jump into the bathroom sink, sit on the edge, put her two front paws in the bowl and start meowing until I tuned the water on. I now leave a bucket full of water in the tub and she'll drink out of that.
Right now she's sleeping on top of my printer that is under my office window. I can't imagine it's very comfortable, but its her favorite spot.
|by Anonymous
|reply 56
I have two. Both love to be petted only when they want to be petted. Cats love routine so it's usually the same time every day. As soon as I settle down in bed with my Kindle, my little orange tabby jumps up bumping against my hand, then settles down next to me for the night. The other one is a morning girl, right after breakfast. Orange girl is a lap cat or a back or hip cat if you're laying down. Grey girl sprawls on the floor and shows her belly to be rubbed (for about 4 seconds). Anyone who says that cats don't crave petting and affection has never owned one or didn't raise the cat from a kitten. And R55. I hope you're kidding, you sicko.
|by Anonymous
|reply 57
One of mine likes to splash the water in her bowl before drinking it R56, I guess it makes it look alive or something.
She also likes to drink my bathwater.
|by Anonymous
|reply 58
Just a possible note a caution, R58. I had a cat who started slapping his water bowl to make the water move as well. That habit coincided with deterioration of his kidneys before they failed last year.
The two things might not be related, but just in case, keep an eye out for other signs of kidney issues, such as harder stools, endless meowing, strong breath, etc.
|by Anonymous
|reply 59
Both my cats insist on lots of petting, ear scratching and belly rubs. They also like to rub their heads against my cheek.
|by Anonymous
|reply 60
I see replies to R55, R56, and R58, but so far the thread only has 36 replies in it.
|by Anonymous
|reply 61
You just posted at R61, R61.
|by Anonymous
|reply 62
They are posting from the future.
|by Anonymous
|reply 63
The toxoplasmosis in this thread is staggering.
NO cats like to be petted. At best, they are scent marking you. If you own a cat and you think they like you or your physical affection, congratulations, your brain is playing host to a parasite that has completely modified your perspective and behavior. Toxoplasma gondii has not only been proven to encourage rodents to seek out areas that have been scent marked by cats (the opposite of their natural behavior, as they innately view cats as predators), it is also now believed to be a causative or contributing factor for human neurologic disorders, including schizophrenia, ADHD, autism, clinical depression, addictive and obsessive compulsive disorders, and has a suspiciously high correlative presence in suicidal and HIV-positive populations, which is particularly worrying since T. gondii can kill immunosuppressed individuals. T. gondii does all this by infecting normal immune cells and causing them to start secreting chemical compounds normally only manufactured by brain cells (GABA and L-Dopa)--it basically short-circuits your central nervous system.
The way it works is this: once infected, T. gondii--which can only sexually reproduce in the intestines of felines--causes the host to be genuinely attracted to and seek the company of cats. This gives evolutionary benefits to the cat because it either provides the cat with prey (if the host is a rodent), or by disabling the predatory drive (for larger mammals, i.e., dogs), or by earning feedings (if the host is human). Your desire to pet your cat is your parasite's desire to have you scent marked as a thrall.
Most of modern human history has been tainted by T. gondii. Egyptian and Norse tradition viewed cats as deities, for Christ's sake. That crazy cat lady stereotype? That's somebody suffering from an acute case of toxoplasmosis. Humans may have domesticated dogs, but cats domesticated us.
Even with all we know about this parasite, studying it remains exceptionally controversial because of the hue and cry from sensitive types who perceive these findings as bullying "teh kittehs". Still, evidence continues to mount, and soon we won't be able to deny it any longer.
In the near future, house cats will be about as common as asbestos and lead paint.
|by Anonymous
|reply 64
Thank you R59, she's been doing this for years, but I'll keep an eye out for that.
|by Anonymous
|reply 65
You has done gone off the deep end there, r64!
|by Anonymous
|reply 66
R64, is this for real? Anyone?
|by Anonymous
|reply 67
A CDC study linked in the Wiki entry for T. gondii states that having three or more kittens (specifically) is a high risk factor for T. gondii infection. See link below.
Anyhow, R64 bums me out. I suffer from pretty serious depression and I always credit my cats with helping me through it. A chance that they contribute to it instead is really saddening. It would be devastating to give them up.
|by Anonymous
|reply 68
No schizophrenia in this multi-cat household, R64.
Yes, there is.
No, there isn't.
Wait, who said that?
|by Anonymous
|reply 69
It's totally for real, and it's kind of scary that this parasite exists, that we know that it manipulates the central nervous system of its host (less scrupulous scientific reporting has called it "zombification"), that we know that it causes or contributes to so many horrible neurologic conditions (the link to schizoid behavior is basically concretely proven at this point, and the rest is just about a few peer reviews away from being accepted as fact), and that such a huge amount of the world's population is infected (upwards of 40% was the last estimate I saw), and the only public health warning we've given is "maybe pregnant women shouldn't change the litterbox." I's almost criminally negligent.
|by Anonymous
|reply 70
Basically, R64 is saying is that a cat can make any human its bitch. This is not news to anyone who has a cat.
|by Anonymous
|reply 71
|by Anonymous
|reply 72
I have an Irish guy who loves his pussy petted.
|by Anonymous
|reply 73
R51, in one of Edmund Crispin's wonderful mysteries (maybe "The Long Divorce"?), there's a clumsy cat who lives with the Chief Constable & strolls across the mantle, knocking knick knacks off as he goes.
I've only seen that once in real life -- a big puffy orange cat (maybe part Maine Coon), who also liked to roll around on the TV remote control & change the channel until he found "Columbo".
|by Anonymous
|reply 74
R64, do you know Roger Octopus? He believes a lot of far-fetched things too -- this sounds right up his alley!
|by Anonymous
|reply 75
Some cats enjoy it, others don't. Some love the base of their told scratched but hate having their heads touched. Some want belly rubs; most do not.
I work with a T/N/R group, and several of the formerly feral cats at my sites literally drool as I rub and scratch and massage their ears/cheeks/chins. It's as if they can't get enough love to compensate for all those years when nobody cared.
Whatever their blood pressure readings are then, they are happy beyond measure.
|by Anonymous
|reply 76
Oh please, each cat is different. I have one who comes up and begs to be stroked. The other one doesn't.
|by Anonymous
|reply 77
[quote] It's as if they can't get enough love to compensate for all those years when nobody cared.
YES! The most loving and cuddly cats I've ever known were ex-ferals.
And I'd have them back any day, toxoplasmosis be damned.
|by Anonymous
|reply 78
I've had a few feral cats, initially crazy wild things, who showed no signs of ever having human contact, who stumbled by on their rounds.
In about a year of setting out food for them, they became --almost suddenly-- more relaxed to the point where I could brush fleeting against them or touch them without a freak out reaction. That stage might continue for a month or a few months and then, almost overnight, they (the males especially) would go from being startled by the pleasant feeling of being petted to full on whores for it. They would throw themselves down for it and present their undersides and everything. Some were as interested in being petted as they were in food, and would eat only after I had tired of the petting game and gone back inside the house.
|by Anonymous
|reply 79
My boy, gone for 8 years now, was very independent and did not like being touched at all. He was friendly, but just stayed across the room. And absolutely loved watching me work in the yard from the deck. He'd stretch out in the sunshine, hang his head over the edge between the slats, and watch me for as long as I worked out there.
My mother's cat, inversely, loves me and sits in my lap whenever I visit, pretty much for as long as I sit.
|by Anonymous
|reply 80
And now for some humor, Mrs. Slocombe's pussy
|by Anonymous
|reply 81


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Prickly Lettuce: Lactuca serriola
|Identifying Characteristics: An annual or biennial weed with prickly leaves that emit a milky sap when cut. Prickly lettuce is most commonly a weed of nurseries, orchards, roadsides, and agronomic crops and is found throughout the United States.
|Seedlings: Cotyledons are oval. Young leaves are also oval with spiny leaf margins and spines along the midvein of the lower leaf surface.
|Leaves: Arranged alternately along the stem, ranging from 2 to 14 inches long. Most leaves are distinctly lobed and have leaf bases that clasp the stem. All leaves have prickles that occur along the leaf margins and along the midvein on the lower leaf surfaces. Leaves emit a milky sap when cut and become progressively smaller up the flowering stem.
Stems: Erect, hollow, light green to white, reaching 5 feet in height. One stem emerges from the central rosette and this stem then branches in the upper portions of the plant. Stems emit a milky sap when cut.
Roots: A taproot.
Fruit: An achene containing a single seed.
|Flowers: Many flowers are produced in the upper portions of the plant that branches outwards and resembles a cone. Individual flowers are approximately 10 mm wide and are composed of 5 to 12 yellow toothed petals.
|Identifying Characteristics: This weed has leaves with prickles along the margins and on the midveins of the lower leaf surfaces. Additionally, all parts of the plants emit a milky sap when cut. All of these characteristics help to distinguish prickly lettuce from similar species, such as Annual Sowthistle (Sonchus oleraceus) and other sowthistles.


text:
Investment and Pensions Europe | Apr 1
ESG: From niche to norm?
The Fifth Estate | Mar 29
Sustainable investing going gangbusters and Australia's a growth leader
Pensions & Investments | Mar 27
Global sustainable investment strategy assets up 25% in 2-year period
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Why Investors have fiduciary duty for the environment
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Kingdom Hearts HD 2.8 Final Chapter Prologue is almost out, but before you rush into stores to pre-order the game find out if it's worth the $79.99 price tag? Camille gives you a quick reaction and her thoughts of the latest installment in the Kingdom Hearts franchise. Find out if it's the perfect way to prep for Kingdom Hearts 3 or not?
Quick Play Reaction: Kingdom Hearts HD 2.8 Final Chapter Prologue
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Lapchick Lauded
Published: March 8, 1987
To the Sports Editor:
Three cheers for Richard E. Lapchick for his article (''Released From Father's Expectations, A Son Can Follow His Own Path,'' The New York Times, Feb. 15) about growing up not in the shadow of his father's fame, but in his own right. The wisdom of Joe Lapchick as expressed through his son's story provides yet another reason to admire him as a champion and an example of what we all, as teachers, coaches and parents, should embrace - the balance of guidance and freedoms expressed to those in our charge.
To insure a youngster's self-realization, one must know when to step back from the situation just as one must be there for the push and challenge - often not an easy thing to do. I applaud Richard Lapchick for providing us with his own personal story of success and a wonderful story of inspiration for coaches and players alike.
TED DEL GROSSO Belleville, N.J.
Photo of James Long (NYT/Larry C. Morris)


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Kim Hyun Joong Enlists in the Army with Bae Yong Jun Seeing Him Off
Kim Hyun Joong has entered the army.
On May 12, Kim Hyun Joong entered the Recruit Training Center of Army Division 30 in Goyang-si. Although many reporteres and hundreds of fans waited to see him off, Kim Hyun Joong chose to quietly enlist with no press conference.
Ahead of his enlistment, Kim Hyun Joong′s agency stated that he will not be having a special event due to the current situation. His agency rep told Newsen following the enlistment, "Like the other soldiers, Kim Hyun Joong entered the base in his car. He′s waiting for the admnission ceremony that will take place at 2PM (KST). We′re sorry that he couldn′t say good bye to the fans that came to see him."
Before the admission ceremony, Kim Hyun Joong exchanged conversation with Bae Yong Jun and his agency staff. Like the other recruits, Kim Hyun Joong wore a hat and comfortable clothing when he participated in the admission ceremony. He had a dark expression on his face, but calmly carried out the ceremony. The agency staff attended the ceremony and stayed to see him off until the very end.
Kim Hyun Joong enlisted in the army amidst legal battes with his ex-girlfriend. Kim Hyun Joong′s ex-girlfriend, Choi, sued Kim Hyun Joong in August of 2014 for assault, but later dropped the case in September. However, Choi filed a new suit in April to receive a 1.6 billion won compensation for psychological and mental damage that resulted from the pregnancy. Kim Hyun Joong′s side is currently preparing to take legal action.
Kim Hyun Joong will receive five weeks of basic training before he gets stationed. He will be discharged on February 11, 2017.
Photo Credit: Newsen/Lim Se Young
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- Kim Hyun Joong 20150512 Military 20150512


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