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The Royal Visit to the Battlefields of France, July 1917 - 1
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Running Time
09 min
Topical Film Company
Visit of King George V and Queen Mary to France 3-14 July 1917.
The King and Queen arrive in Calais to start the visit. The King inspects war trophies at Bailleul with General Sir Herbert Plumer, then goes on to watch a tank demonstration and talk with a group of French officers. The Queen watches a flame-thrower demonstration at Helfaut. The King and Prince of Wales meet the King of Belgium at La Panne then go on to inspect aircraft at Bray Dunes with General Sir Henry Rawlinson.
The film is less tedious than the simple list of Royal visits might suggest, and contains a few good and interesting moments, but these only serve to highlight a vast bulk of routine.
Pieces of History
Was The Great War Canada's War Of Independence?
Professor of History at McGill University
During 52 months, the Great War, 1914-18, hastened the death of over 20 million people, demolished all but one of Europe's six empires and created enough yearning for vengeance to bring on a world war barely twenty years later that killed three times as many people. To argue that this terrible event also helped determine the future shape of Canada seems impertinently trivial.
The fact remains that the Great War persuaded most Canadians to support their own autonomy. In 1914, the pan-Canadian nationalism of Henri Bourassa or John Skirving Ewart was easily ignored. As prime minister, Sir Robert Borden's vision of Canada was as a leader of a world-girdling British imperial federation controlled by His Majesty's white subjects. War in 1914 was a splendid excuse to show that Canada's loyalty knew no limits.
Within three years, a million Canadian men had volunteered for the war, at least one in every two men of military age. By the war's end in 1919, Canada had torn itself apart and bankrupted itself to sustain its war effort; 60,000 of its men were dead and many more would suffer mental or physical mutilation for the rest of their lives. In an Imperial War Cabinet, Canada's prime minister had helped decide imperial strategy, including an invasion of revolutionary Russia to restore Czarist authority and to restore the alliance of 1914.
In retrospect and even at the time, other decisions were far more important. At Versailles in June 1919, Canadians signed the ill-fated peace treaty under their own name, indented like the other Dominions, it was true, under the United Kingdom. In September 1916, Canada asserted its own direct authority over its soldiers overseas and created a new Ministry of Overseas Force to exercise control. The reform was needed to clean up the mess Canadians themselves had helped create when they entrusted their war effort to a partially insane Sir Sam Hughes, but the decision asserted Canada's extra-territorial sovereignty long before the Statute of Westminster in 1931.
By 1918, Sir Arthur Currie, Canadian-born commander of the Canadian Corps in France, exercised authority in keeping his four divisions together that no British commander would have dared assert. "...we must look upon them in the light in which they wish to be looked upon," confessed the Earl of Derby to a resentful Field Marshal Haig, "rather than the light in which we would wish to do so."1 Borden had made the point a month earlier when he arrived in London, furious at the waste of 13,000 Canadian soldiers in the hopeless Passchendaele offensive. After he heard the Canadian leader, British prime minister David Lloyd George summoned the generals and forced them to listen. "Let the past bury its dead," thundered the usually taciturn Borden, "but for God's sake let us get down to earnest endeavour." If there were more Passchendaeles, he warned, not a single Canadian would sail for Europe.
There had been no such questions or reservations in 1914. Colonel Sam Hughes had thrown away the official mobilization plans and commanded militia colonels to bring their men to Valcartier, a sandy plain outside Quebec City. Within a month 33,000 volunteers covered the plain with their tents. In September they were formally attested under the British Army Act as "Imperials," soldiers raised in a British colony and subject to British military law. How else could they serve abroad? Seventy per cent of them were British born.
In April 1915, the raw Canadians faced their first trial in badly built trenches in front of the Belgian city of Ypres. It was a disaster. In a few days, the Canadians lost over half their fighting strength in dead, wounded and those taken prisoner. The men fell back to their reserve trenches, leaving their useless Canadian-made rifles behind. One brigadier stayed in his dugout with Sam Hughes's son as companion. Another wandered back, looking for help. A Canadian colonel turned up drunk in Boulogne while his men headed to German salt mines as prisoners.
Was it a national humiliation? No. The Germans had cheated by using poison gas. Official figures showed only three Canadian dead from gas but that was a detail. Hughes's Canadian-born pal, Max Aitken, owner of London's Daily Express, had gained access to France as "Canadian Eyewitness." He returned the favour with a quick book, Canada in Flanders, giving a vivid, if fictional, portrayal of Canadians as rugged, sharp-shooting farmers, cowboys and frontiersmen overcoming impossible odds. Conscious of Canadian sensitivity, the British commander, Sir John French, wisely claimed that the Canadians "had saved the situation." To Canadians at home, St. Julien, Kitchener's Wood, Gravenstafel Ridge and Ypres entered their language as triumphs of courage and sacrifice for a new nation, much as Paardeberg in the Boer War had ended as a Canadian victory. Canada may have been British but Canadian soldiers had become the team to cheer for.
How Canadian was the team? Until June 1917, British generals commanded the Canadian division and, when it expanded in 1915 and 1916 to four divisions, the Canadian Corps. As historian W. B. Kerr remembered, the British accents of "Old Originals" dominated the non-commissioned ranks well into 1917. Carefully chosen British staff officers tried to keep their inexperienced Canadian generals from making fools of themselves. Lieutenant-General Sir Julian Byng -- "Bungo" to his British chums — re-shaped the Canadian Corps and transformed its tactics from the disastrous Somme offensives.3 Finally, after days of bombardment had shattered the German artillery and drove defenders insane, on Easter Sunday 1917, the four Canadian divisions rose from trenches and tunnels and walked forward under driving snow to capture Vimy Ridge. At a cost of 10,000 dead and wounded that seemed almost bearable by 1917, the Canadians delivered the first unequivocal Allied victory on the Western Front.
Nations are made by doing great things together, said the French historian Ernest Renan. Taking Vimy Ridge was a great thing a hundred thousand Canadians had done together. Colonel Thomas Tremblay's 22e bataillon canadien-francais had been there with 47 others. Of course the "Vandoos" did not include French Canadians who read Nations are made by doing great things together, said the French historian Ernest Renan. Taking Vimy Ridge was a great thing a hundred thousand Canadians had done together. Colonel Thomas Tremblay's 22e bataillon canadien-francais had been there with 47 others. Of course the "Vandoos" did not include French Canadians who read Le Devoir, cheered Henri Bourassa and denounced the war.4 Nor did it include the "enemy aliens" Canada interned in the thousands, nor many of the German-Canadian citizens of Berlin, Ontario, coerced to re-name their city for Lord Kitchener, Britain's War Secretary.5
Sir Robert Borden's response to Vimy was to recognize that the losses had to be replaced. Since volunteers had stopped coming, the initial pledge of a war fought solely by the willing could not be sustained. A complex, almost unworkable system of conscription would follow. If Canada was a country of two nations, one might slowly draw triumph from Vimy; the other would draw broken promises, betrayal and defeat.
Not even Vimy Ridge convinced Canadians to see themselves as a single nation. Nor could their prime minister, a colourless politician with little empathy for French Canada or the West. Sir Robert Borden was a deeply conscientious man, profoundly moved by the suffering he encountered when he devoted every spare minute overseas to visiting military hospitals. His imperial convictions cracked under the indolent defeatism he encountered in Whitehall in 1915, when he found most British ministers absent for the grouse-hunting season. Only the one minister he had been prepared to despise as a pacifist and radical, David Lloyd George, was utterly intent on his job as Minister of Munitions. When Lloyd George became prime minister, after a coup partly engineered by Max Aitken, he summoned the Dominion premiers to London. "We need their men," he explained, "We must consult them."
That winter, Borden had learned some grim facts. Americans had entered the war but had yet to create an army. Russia was collapsing; so might the French, with their army dissolving in mutinies. At sea, German U-boats had brought Britain close to starvation. Could Canada cut its Corps? Borden could not share his gloomy reasons, but he could only give one answer.
The struggle over conscription ended with victory for Borden's Unionists in December 1917. Confederation was a partnership more than a democracy; no partnership survives long if the larger partner coerces the smaller. In 1917, a minor political figure named William Lyon Mackenzie King learned that lesson. Defeated in 1911 as a Laurier minister and MP, King burned to resume his career. After cultivating his rebel grandfather's riding of York North, King even volunteered to run for Borden's Unionists in 1917. Borden turned him down. Instead, King ran as an anti-conscription Laurier Liberal and was badly beaten. In 1919, when Laurier was dead and the Liberals needed a new leader, Lady Laurier's testimonial to King's loyalty turned the convention and launched the most successful career in Canadian politics.
Perhaps the Great War cured Sir Robert Borden of his dream of an imperial federation. Who can say what it did to his party? Once he was Liberal leader, William Lyon Mackenzie King needed no further demonstration. As Montreal's That winter, Borden had learned some grim facts. Americans had entered the war but had yet to create an army. Russia was collapsing; so might the French, with their army dissolving in mutinies. At sea, German U-boats had brought Britain close to starvation. Could Canada cut its Corps? Borden could not share his gloomy reasons, but he could only give one answer.
The struggle over conscription ended with victory for Borden's Unionists in December 1917. Confederation was a partnership more than a democracy; no partnership survives long if the larger partner coerces the smaller. In 1917, a minor political figure named William Lyon Mackenzie King learned that lesson. Defeated in 1911 as a Laurier minister and MP, King burned to resume his career. After cultivating his rebel grandfather's riding of York North, King even volunteered to run for Borden's Unionists in 1917. Borden turned him down. Instead, King ran as an anti-conscription Laurier Liberal and was badly beaten. In 1919, when Laurier was dead and the Liberals needed a new leader, Lady Laurier's testimonial to King's loyalty turned the convention and launched the most successful career in Canadian politics.
Perhaps the Great War cured Sir Robert Borden of his dream of an imperial federation. Who can say what it did to his party? Once he was Liberal leader, William Lyon Mackenzie King needed no further demonstration.As Montreal La Presse had once explained to its readers, French Canadians had only a single loyalty, to Canada. British Canadians seemed to need two loyalties. Charles Stacey discovered that Mackenzie King was more a closet anglophile than he could ever admit, but such emotions stayed in the closet. Never again, if King could help it, would Canada be drawn into a European war, to be torn apart by its own divided people. Under Borden, Canada changed from a colony to a junior but sovereign British ally.
The Great War gave King and the Liberals arguments and support enough to take Canada to full and unquestioned independence. Old loyalties proved too strong to keep Canada out of war in 1939, but, as King had pledged, "Parliament would decide." Until Adolf Hitler's triumphant summer of 1940, Canada did as little as it possibly could. As Mackenzie King insisted to shocked British delegates negotiating the Air Training Plan, "it is not our war."6
1Derby to Haig, 2 November 1917, in Robert Blake (ed.) The Private Papers of Sir Douglas Haig (London, 1952), p. 266. See Borden Papers, Sir Edward Kemp to Borden, 24 February 1918; Preston, Canada and "Imperial Defense", pp. 487-9.
2Cited in Brown, Borden, vol. II, pp. 137-8; Stacey, Age of Conflict, vol. I, pp. 219-221.
3 On Byng, Jeffrey Williams, Byng of Vimy: General and Governor-General (London, 1983), pp. 127-9 and passim. On changes in tactics, see William Rawling, On tactics see Morton, When Your Number's Up, pp. xxx. and Bill Rawling, Surviving Trench Warfare: Technology and the Canadian Corps (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1992). On trench raids, Dennis Winter, Death's Men: Soldiers of the Great War (London, 1979), p. 92; John Ellis, Eye-Deep in Hell: The Western Front, 1914-1918 (London, 1976), p. 76; Maurice Pope, Soldiers and Politicians (Toronto, 1964), p.34.
4 On French Canada and the war, see Elizabeth Armstrong, The Crisis of Quebec, 1914-1918 (New York, 1967; Toronto, 1974); Réal Bélanger, "Albert Sévigny et la participation des Canadiens français ŕ la grande guerre (1919 1918) in W.A.B.Douglas and Desmond Morton, Canada as a Military Power (Ottawa, 1982); Jean-Pierre Gagnon, Le 22e bataillon (canadien-français), 1914-1919, Une étude socio-militaire (Québec, 1986); Desmond Morton, "French Canada and War: The Military Background to the Conscription Crisis of 1917" in J.L. Granatstein and R.D. Cuff, War and Society in North America (Toronto, 1971); Mason Wade, The French Canadians, 1760-1960 (Toronto, 1968), vol. II, pp. xxx.
5 On internment: Desmond Morton, "Sir William Otter and Internment Operations during the First World War", Canadian Historical Review, LV, 1, 1974; David Smith, "Emergency Government in Canada", ibid., L, 4, 1969; Lubomyr Luciuk, A time for Atonement (Ottawa, 1988); Wilson, Ontario and the Great War, pp. xxx.
6 See Pickersgill, J.W., The Mackenzie King Record, vol. I 1939-1944 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1960, pp 43-44).
The First Air War
Hugh A. Halliday
Historian and author
During the Russo-Japanese War (1904-1905) experts noted that smokeless powder, rifled artillery, machine guns and barbed wire had turned battlefields into vast wastelands where armies hid from their opponent's shells. Cavalry—the traditional form of reconnaissance—could not manoeuvre . Ten years later, aircraft made stalemate even more certain. In August 1914 aerial reconnaissance enabled the Allies to counter-attack against German armies invading France. Thereafter, with few exceptions, aerial observers forecast an enemy's offensive and thus assured its failure (or success, at appalling cost).
The power of aerial observation went further. With armies driven into complex trench systems, artillery came to the fore as the deadliest weapon of the war. The great guns of the Western Front were the primary killing machines of what had become industrialized warfare—65 percent of all deaths and wounds were attributable to artillery fire, which delivered awesome weights of shell and shrapnel.
Days before his death by artillery fire, an American soldier wrote, "This is a cowering war—pygmy man huddles in little holes and caves, praying to escape the blows of the blind giant who pounds the ground with blind hammers." But the hammers were not blind. Their targets were mapped by men in aircraft and balloons, their fire was directed from aircraft and balloons. The aerial observer was the most important airman of the war; his role today has been assumed by others, including the aerial spy satellite.
The courage of these men defies imagination. Balloon observers ascended under gas bags filled with flammable hydrogen, vulnerable to fighter aircraft determined to shoot them down. The men in the balloons at least had parachutes, if time permitted them to escape. For most of the war, pilots and airplane crews had no such equipment; fire in the air was the most dreaded fate of all, and many men carried pistols to shoot themselves rather than suffer agonizing deaths. In June 1918 German aircrews were issued parachutes; even these failed to deploy about 25 percent of the time.
Given the importance of aerial reconnaissance and artillery direction, it is puzzling to find so much attention being devoted to fighter pilots, these "knights of the air." Fighter pilots and tactics evolved from 1915 onwards, but their task was always secondary to that of the observation crews. It was a fighter pilot's job to shoot down enemy observation aircraft and protect his own observation aircraft. Nevertheless, propagandists trying to divert attention from the awful slaughter on the ground fastened upon the fighter pilots as men engaged in single combat, man-to-man, with the high-scoring "ace" as the centrepiece of the narrative. Never mind that the fighter pilot's objective was (preferably) to surprise an opponent and shoot him in the back. Chivalry there might be—a decent burial for a fallen enemy, a toast with a captured foe—but in the heat of battle there could be only one rule: kill or be killed. At the heart of everything else, that was a fighter pilot's job description. It is a measure of the propagandist's success that, 90 years later, the public knows more about the First World War fighter pilots than the men they were actually protecting.
Airplanes were used for many other tasks—anti-submarine patrols, trench strafing, communications and bombing. Indeed, aircraft performed almost every task in the First World War that they would later execute in the Second World War. The one exception was the aerial delivery of soldiers. Even so, aircraft were used to place spies behind enemy lines and drop supplies to isolated troops. Nevertheless, in most roles the airplanes of 1914-1918 only hinted at what was to come. Only one submarine was sunk by aircraft during the First World War; at least 400 submarines on all sides were destroyed by aircraft during the Second World War. Aerial bombing between 1914 and 1918 inflicted only modest devastation (although its psychological impact was very great at the outset); the bombing campaigns of the Second World War were horrific both in physical impact and subsequent moral outrage.
Aircraft affected the conduct of the war, and war influenced the technological development of aircraft. For example, engines increased from an average of 80 horsepower (1914) to 350 horsepower (1918), while speeds of 110 km/h had risen to about 200 km/h. Yet if the war had not taken place, it is conceivable that commercial incentives might have produced similar results. The first four-engine airliner had flown in Russia in 1913. Might not development have taken place along civilian lines ? Five years later, France and Britain initiated civilian air transport services using modified bombers that carried fewer passengers than their Russian predecessors of 1913.
Whether or not it was due to war, a radical transformation occurred between 1914 and 1918 that involved the attitudes of aviators themselves. Even among the select circle of 1914 pilots, flying was considered hazardous,, and training methods reflected this. At the time, no aircraft had been designed specifically for training; throughout the war most training aircraft were machines like the RE.7 and Farman Shorthorn, which had been retired from front-line duties to rear echelon tasks. The Curtiss JN-4 broke this pattern.
The most radical change, however, involved the training syllabus itself. Early flying instruction covered the basics of flying but emphasized dangers to be avoided, particularly stalls and spins. By 1916, however, the dynamics of flight controls were more fully understood, and recovery from spins could be practised. New systems of instruction emphasized the theory of flight and explained exactly how manoeuvres could be executed, thus encouraging intelligent aerobatics. Instead of being regarded as a threatening mount, the airplane came to be seen as an even-tempered, reasonable machine. Previously, students had been taught what to avoid; the new methods instilled confidence. By the end of the war, pilots had become enthusiastic about the potential uses of aircraft and convinced of the fundamental safety of their machines. Confident prophets inspire confident converts.
Canada's role in these developments was insignificant in some ways, crucial in others. Before the war the government studiously ignored aviation, and only in 1918 did it take steps to form distinct Canadian air force units. On the other hand, it assisted the British flying services, which recruited in Canada and trained personnel in this country. Thousands of Canadians enlisted in the British flying services, either directly or by transferring from the Canadian Expeditionary Force. No one really knows just how many joined; the lowest estimate (13,160) seems too modest, but the highest guess (22,812) cannot be documented. It is generally believed that, as of 1918, about one-quarter of all members of the Royal Air Force were Canadians. The most famous were aces such as Raymond Collishaw and William Barker, but they included many other fascinating individuals. In 1915, Redford Mulock had been a trooper transferring from the cavalry to the Royal Naval Air Service. As of November 1918, he was a decorated colonel commanding heavy bombers that would have raided Berlin if the war had lasted only two weeks longer.
Selected Bibliography
Chajkowsky, William E. Royal Flying Corps; Borden to Texas to Beamsville. Cheltenham, ON: Boston Mills Press, 1979.
Costello, W. Brian. A Nursery of the Air Force. Carleton Place, ON: Forest Beauty Products, 1979.
Dodds, Ronald. The Brave Young Wings. Stittsville, ON: Canada's Wings, 1980.
Drew, George. Canada's Fighting Airmen. Toronto: Maclean Publishing, 1931.
Ellis, Frank H. Canada's Flying Heritage. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1954.
Fuller, G.A., J.A. Griffin and K.A. Molson. 125 Years of Canadian Aeronautics: A Chronology,1840-1965. Toronto: Canadian Aviation Historical Society, 1983.
Goodspeed, D. J. The Armed Forces of Canada,1867-1967. Ottawa: Canadian Forces Headquarters, 1967.
Greenhous, Brereton. The Making of Billy Bishop. Toronto: Dundern Group, 2002.
Greenhous, Brereton and Hugh A. Halliday. Canada's Air Forces,1914-1999. Montreal: Art Global, 1999.
Halliday , Hugh A. Not in the Face of the Enemy: Canadians Awarded the Air Force Cross and Air Force Medal,1918-1966. Toronto: Robin Brass Studio, 2000.
Jones, Neville. The Origins of Strategic Bombing. London: William Kimber, 1973.
Milberry, Larry. Aviation in Canada. Toronto: Canav Books, 1979.
---. Canada's Air Force at War and Peace. 3 vol. Toronto: Canav Books, 1999 to 2001.
Rimell, Raymond Laurence. Zeppelin! A Battle for Air Supremacy in World War I. Stittsville, ON: Canada's Wings, 1984.
Shores, Christopher, Norman Franks and Russell Guest. Above the Trenches: A Complete Record of the Fighter Aces and Units of the British Empire Air Forces, 1915-1920. Stoney Creek, ON: Fortress Publications, 1990.
Sullivan, Alan. Aviation in Canada,1917-1918. Toronto: Rous and Rous, 1919.
Wise, S.F. Canadian Airmen and the First World War. Ottawa: Department of National Defence, 1982.
The following Web site has a section "Honours and Awards" and a subsection dealing with Canadians in the British Flying Services during the First World War: http://www.airforce.ca/.
Gas Warfare
Tim Cook
Historian, Canadian War Museum
Desperate to find a solution to the deadlock of the trenches on the Western Front, the Germans turned to poison gas despite its banning at the 1899 and 1907 Hague Conventions. Tear gas had proven useless in several battlefield experiments in 1914 and early 1915. But when lethal chlorine gas was unleashed on April 22, 1915, its first victims, French and Algerian troops, were sent reeling in panic. A second gas cloud attack on April 24 against the Canadian Division was not so successful. Gagging and choking, the Canadians continued to fire into the cloud, effectively stopping the German advancing troops behind it. Nonetheless, the first two chlorine attacks had been stunning, and they forced Entente scientists to frantically prepare their own chemical retaliation. They did so while their propagandists proclaimed loudly the barbarity of the Hun, who had sunk to new levels in using chemicals to poison men.
While the Germans had initial success with gas cloud attacks on the Western Front in 1915 and continued success against the poorly equipped Russian troops in the east throughout the war, these gas clouds were never dependable. The chlorine was transported in metal canisters, opened and sent across no man's land with the aid of a strong breeze. Too often, however, operations had to be postponed due to poor weather, leaving commanders and soldiers mistrusting chemical warfare.
The first British gas cloud attack occurred at Loos on September 25, 1915, and although it was effective in incapacitating German defenders, it was remembered primarily for having turned on British troops when the wind reversed, resulting in 2,000 casualties. Thus, while poison gas had initially been offered as a solution to the deadlock of the trenches, the rapid introduction of respirators and the unstable nature of the delivery system ensured that poison gas would not be a war-winning weapon.
Yet scientists continued to experiment with new and deadlier gases. With their advanced prewar chemical and dye industry, the Germans, under the leadership of future Noble Prize winner Fritz Haber, proved to be the leaders throughout the war. In December 1915, the Germans introduced phosgene gas, which was eight times more lethal than chlorine. Although the British had been forewarned and were thus able to equip their soldiers with proper respirators – a chemically treated bag that fit over the head and tucked into the battle jerkin – phosgene was another lethal addition to the battlefield. Invisible and nearly impossible to smell, phosgene (and later diphosgene) inhibited the transfer of water in the lungs. Victims could be gassed without even knowing it; within hours, a seemingly healthy man would begin to choke and vomit up fluid. It was a painful and grisly way to die.
During the 1916 Battle of Verdun, the French introduced chemical artillery shells filled with lethal gas and the Germans perfected their use. This increased reliability also meant that fireplans could include a combination of high explosive, shrapnel and gas bombardments. Poison gas supported a number of tactical missions: to harass soldiers, to strangle the supply of logistics and to blanket opposing artillery-men beneath a gas cloud, thereby forcing the wearing of respirators that inhibited the rate of fire.
To respond to these chemical advancements, respirators were continually improved, and by mid 1916, most armies had developed an effective gas mask for their troops. However, equipping terrified soldiers with a flimsy respirator did not end casualties or suppress the fear. Soldiers had to be taught how to get their respirators on quickly, how to identify gases, how to establish efficient warning systems, and how to fight while wearing them.
With respirators and better anti-gas discipline saving most soldiers from chemical attacks, the Germans again changed the nature of the gas war by introducing mustard gas in July 1917. Mustard gas burned the lungs like conventional chemical agents, but also the skin. Even low doses of the vapour were enough to cause suppurating blisters and temporary blindness. Here was a terror weapon that seemed to negate all that soldiers had been told up to this point in the war: with a respirator you would be safe.
Unlike chlorine and phosgene that dissipated within minutes or hours depending on the weather conditions, mustard gas remained active, lying dormant in the mud and water of the battlefield. Days or weeks later, a soldier passing through the area, especially after the sun had warmed the ground and released the still-potent vapour, could fall victim, going blind, suffering burns or developing hacking coughs and subsequent bronchial infections. This chemical plague was particularly insidious against soldiers as they huddled together for warmth in their dugouts.
By 1918, all armies were employing gas with greater frequency. The German March Offensive was unleashed behind a thunderous barrage of high explosives and chemicals. Employing their refined infiltration tactics of moving around areas of resistance, the German infantry pushed deep into Entente territory. In the process, gas bombardments, with heavy concentrations of mustard gas, were employed to protect vulnerable flanks. When the Entente armies responded with their own multi-army offensive in the last half of 1918, all of the operations relied heavily on poison gas to lower the frontsoldatens' morale, sow confusion in the enemy's rear areas and disrupt gunners with chemical counter-battery fire. The Germans, in turn, employed gas bombardments to slow the Entente advance and reduce the fighting efficiency of the attacking troops. If the war had extended into 1919, as many expected, poison gas would have been employed even more frequently, further rendering the Western Front a chemical wasteland.
Soldiers had to be trained to survive in the chemical environment of the Great War. For the poor Russian infantry, who received desultory instruction at best, they were gassed to death in the tens of thousands; for the brash, inexperienced Americans, a full one-fourth of all their battlefield casualties came from poison gas. Although it is notoriously difficult to gauge gas casualties, as they were often lumped in with other wounds, the German, French and British armies suffered approximately 200,000 gas casualties each, while Canada's forces had 11,572 recorded cases. However, the death-rate was very low: about 3% in comparison to the 25% from more conventional weapons.
The steady trickle of gas-induced casualties aside, the wearing of a respirator – even under ideal conditions – was always debilitating. Respirators did not allow enough oxygen into the lungs so that men became exhausted from even minor exercise. Poison gas became an essential weapon against soldiers in a war that was based on a policy of attrition. Furthermore, poison gas was terrifying: men could at least understand the effects of bullets and shells, no matter how terrible they were, but a chemical agent that poisoned the very air that soldiers breathed, that blinded eyes or burned genitalia, and that damaged the lungs, was seen collectively as beyond the pale of civilized warfare.
Most soldiers did survive the scars and inhalations of poison gas. But the Great War soldier, wearing his respirator while going in for the attack or while huddled in his trench under a chemical deluge, well understood the terror of gas warfare.
Selected Bibliography
Cook, Tim. No Place to Run: The Canadian Corps and Gas Warfare in the First World War. Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press, 1999.
Dancocks, Daniel G. Welcome to Flanders Fields. Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1988.
Haber, Ludwig Fritz. The Poisonous Cloud. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1986.
Richter, Donald. Chemical Soldiers: British Gas Warfare in World War I. Kansas: University Press of Kansas, 1992.
Palazzo, Albert. Seeking Victory on the Western Front: The British Army and Chemical Warfare in World War. Lincoln, Nebraska: University of Nebraska Press, 2000).
Canada's Mounted Troops
Major Michael R. McNorgan
Instructor, Royal Military College, Kingston
At the beginning of the First World War, horsed cavalry was still an army's principal mobile arm. However, after the onset of static trench warfare on the Western Front in late 1914 – with thick barbed wire barriers and large numbers of machine guns protecting defensive works – the battlefield utility of cavalry was greatly diminished. Cavalry was nonetheless retained in large numbers because of the perennial hope of breaking through the enemy's line and rolling up his defences from the rear. Thus, for virtually every major offensive operation during the war, cavalry divisions were kept in reserve.
Canada contributed two distinct groups of cavalry during the War – the Canadian Cavalry Brigade and an independent cavalry regiment known as the Canadian Light Horse.
Canadian Cavalry Brigade
This Canadian Cavalry Brigade was formed in England in the autumn of 1915, consisting of permanent force units, the Royal Canadian Dragoons and Lord Strathcona's Horse, along with the Royal Canadian Horse Artillery. In early 1916, The Fort Garry Horse, a militia regiment from Winnipeg, was added, along with a Cavalry Brigade Machine Gun Squadron equipped with Vickers machine guns. The Canadian Cavalry Brigade served as part of a British cavalry division for the remainder of the war. Its first mounted action was at the Somme in the summer of 1916. When cavalry units were not needed as reserves for an offensive operation, they were often employed dismounted to occupy quiet sectors of the front.
The Brigade again saw mounted action in March 1917 when tasked to pursue an unexpected German withdrawal to a new defensive position called the Hindenburg Line. During this pursuit, Lieutenant Harvey of Lord Strathcona's Horse earned the brigade's first Victoria Cross for valour during the liberation of a French village. By the time of the Battle of Cambrai in November 1917 – best known as the first major tank offensive of the war – the Canadian cavalry was judged to be among the best brigades in the British Cavalry Corps, and it was tasked to serve in the lead of a large cavalry exploitation force. During this operation, a single Canadian squadron was the only cavalry to penetrate German lines, and Lieutenant Strachan of The Fort Garry Horse was awarded the Victoria Cross for gallantry.
The Brigade served with great distinction during the German's March 1918 offensive toward Amiens, riding from place to place assisting in slowing the relentless enemy advance. Its final action in this operation took place at Moreuil Wood, where Lieutenant Flowerdew of Lord Strathcona's Horse won a posthumous Victoria Cross for leading a gallant cavalry charge against German machine guns. After the war, Marshal Foch, the Allied supreme commander, credited the Canadians with halting the German offensive at Moreuil and preventing the separation of the French and British armies. Later in that final year of the war, the Canadian Cavalry Brigade was in action during the great Canadian Corps victory over the Germans at Amiens in August, and it played an important part in following up the German retreat in the last two months of the war.
Canadian Light Horse
Until May 1916, three of the four infantry divisions of the Canadian Corps maintained their own independent cavalry squadron of some 150 all ranks . These squadrons – from the 19th Alberta Dragoons, the 1st Hussars and the 16th Light Horse – were then amalgamated into an ad hoc regiment that reported directly to Canadian Corps Headquarters. In early 1917, this unit was named the Canadian Light Horse.
The Canadian Light Horse first saw action as a mounted unit in the consolidation of the ground captured in the attack on Vimy Ridge in April 1917. The CLH played a major role in the fighting at Iwuy on October 10, 1918, where the last ever swords-drawn charge by Canadian cavalry took place. During the pursuit of the Germans in the final month of the war, CLH squadrons were always well out in front as a scouting force, ensuring that the Canadian divisions would not be surprised by German lay-back patrols. When the war ended for the Canadians in Mons Belgium on November 11, 1918, the Canadian Light Horse was already well beyond the city.
Modern armoured fighting vehicles – tanks and armoured cars – owe their development in part to the stalemate created on the Western Front by the deadly combination of machine guns and thick belts of barbed wire protecting trench lines, along with massive artillery bombardments that could be brought down with great accuracy on an attacking force. The problem of how an attacking force could be strengthened to overcome well-defended trenches had been studied by British scientists since late 1914. They came up with the idea of a 'land ship' – a tracked vehicle protected by armour plate, large enough that it could carry guns or machine guns, drive over belts of barbed wire, and crossover trenches. This highly secret vehicle was given the code name 'tank'.
Tanks were first introduced in limited numbers during the battle of the Somme in mid-September 1916, and the Canadian Corps was given seven (these models were called the Mark I) for its attack on the village of Courcellette. But these early versions were mechanical nightmares; almost all broke down before they got anywhere close to the German lines. Still, scientists kept improving their tank designs. Finally, in November 1917, tanks were used in large numbers in a successful offensive at Cambrai: the era of mechanized warfare had been born. Tanks then played major roles in the Battle of Amiens in August 1918, in the breaking of the Hindenburg Line in September, and in the pursuit of the retreating Germans in October and November 1918.
Early in 1918 many thought the war might well last into 1919, and the Canadian Army agreed to raise tank units. The 1st Canadian Tank Battalion was recruited from university students, and in June 1918 it was sent to England to begin training at the British Tank School. Despite the general aversion to volunteering at this stage in the war, a 2nd Battalion was also quickly raised. The 1st Tank Battalion had just completed its training and was preparing to leave for the front when the Armistice was declared on November 11, 1918. Thus, while no Canadian tank unit saw action in the war, many Canadians did serve in British tank battalions, and in a number of instances displayed their nationalism by painting maple leafs prominently on their vehicles.
In 1914, Canada created the world's first armoured unit. The driving force behind this achievement was Raymond Brutinel, a wealthy engineer originally from France, who had the idea that lightly armoured vehicles designed to carry machine guns would be especially useful. He offered to raise the funds for the vehicles, a suggestion which was readily accepted by the government. Brutinel designed the vehicles, had them built, purchased the machine guns, and recruited the soldiers, all within two months. His new unit was given the name 'Automobile Machine Gun Brigade No. 1'. In the next few months three other mobile machine gun units were raised, all paid for by private subscription – the Eaton Battery, the Borden Battery and the Yukon Battery. All four units found their way to France where, in 1915, they were amalgamated under Brutinel's command as the Canadian Motor Machine Gun Brigade.
Brutinel's Motors came into their own in the last year of the war, when the stalemate of trench warfare had been broken. This highly mobile force played an especially important role in stemming the onslaught of the Germans' March 1918 offensive, and a second similar brigade was formed. The Motors were a valuable part of a composite formation of cavalry, armoured cars and cyclists, termed 'The Independent Force', during the Battle of Amiens in August 1918. Between September and November this force led the Canadian Corps from one victory to another during the pursuit to Valenciennes and finally to Mons on November 11, when the war ended.
At the beginning of the war, each Canadian division had its own company of cyclists – troops equipped with sturdy bicycles whose tasks included field security and aspects of military intelligence. In the static conditions on the Western Front, they were not very useful, so they tended to be used as guards or labourers. In May 1916 the four companies were amalgamated as The Canadian Corps Cyclist Battalion. In 1918, the battalion was included in Brigadier-General Brutinel's 'Independent Force', and there they served valiantly at Amiens and in the Pursuit to Mons as a form of mounted infantry – riding to the scene of action, dismounting and then fighting as infantry.
Selected Bibliography
Ellis, W.D., ed. Saga of the Cyclists in the Great War 1914-1918. Toronto: Canadian Corps Cyclist Battalion Association, 1965.
Lynch, Alex. Dad, the Motors and the Fifth Army Show: The German Offensive, March 1918. Kingston, ON: Lawrence Publications, 1978.
---. The Glory of Their Times : 1st Canadian Motor Machine Gun Brigade, March 1918. Kingston, ON: Lawrence Publications, 2001.
Marteinson, John and Michael R. McNorgan. The Royal Canadian Armoured Corps: An Illustrated History. Toronto: Robin Brass Studio, 2000.
Mitchell, G.D., Brian Reid and W. Simcock. RCHA - Right of the Line : An Anecdotal History of the Royal Canadian Horse Artillery from 1871. Ottawa: RCHA History Committee, 1986.
Wallace, J.F. Dragons of Steel: Canadian Armour in Two World Wars. Burnstown, ON: General Store Publishing, 1995.
Williams, S.H. Stand to Your Horses : Through the First World War, 1914-1918 with the Lord Strathcona's Horse (Royal Canadians). Winnipeg: Lord Strathcona's Horse (Royal Canadians) Regimental Society, 1999 (1961).
Other Materials
"Aces" in WWI
Captain Arthur Roy Brown was born at Carlton Place, Ontario, in 1893, the son of J. M. Brown, a leading grain merchant. He attended school in Carlton Place and in Edmonton, where he starred as a basketball and hockey player. Later he took a business course at Ottawa.
When the Great War broke out, Brown tried to enlist in the Royal Flying Corps, but was turned down. In those early days one first had to have private pilot's licence, so he went to Dayton, Ohio, where he entered the Wright Brothers' Aviation School. He became one of the first persons trained there, flying rickety Wright Model B's, two-seater pusher biplanes with twin chain-driven propellers, hopelessly obsolete even in 1915.
Having completed his course, he enlisted in the Royal Naval Air Service as a probationary flight sub-lieutenant and sailed for England on November 22, 1915.
While training at Chingford, Brown was repeatedly ill and in May 1916 he was hospitalized following an air accident. Nevertheless, he survived and was posted to No. 9 Squadron, Royal Naval Air Service, attached to the Royal Flying Corps. On July 17, 1917, he scored the first of his kills. Three German Albatrosses attacked him. Twisting to and fro, he selected one of them and bored in. The enemy aircraft went out of control and crashed. More victories followed.
His Distinguished Service Cross (DSC) was gazetted on November 2, 1917, five days after he and a fellow flier, Lt. Banbury, had sent a German plane flaming from a formation of seven, and three days before he was made a flight commander. By the close of March 1918,while his squadron was engaged in a fierce fight, he made his thirteenth kill. It was not until some time after he had submitted his claim that he learned the identity of his victim: it was no other than the celebrated Baron Manfred von Richthofen, the Red Knight of Germany, who had 80 kills to his credit.
Ill health again caught up with Brown and he had to leave the squadron for hospital. He then went to England to receive a bar to his DSC. For a time he was attached to the Second School of Fighting in a staff position. He wanted, however, to return to the front. Unhappily, battle fatigue clung to him and in July he fainted while flying and crashed. He was so badly injured that for a time the doctors despaired of saving him. He pulled through, but the Armistice found him still recovering from his injuries.
Brown left the service a captain with two DSCs and 13 confirmed kills. Friends who knew of his behind-the-lines patrols put the score at closer to 20.
Back in civilian life, he married and became the father of two daughters and one son. For several years he worked for the Imperial Varnish and Colour Co. Ltd., which specialized in aircraft finishes.
In 1934, he organized General Airways, which operated out of Noranda, Que., and Haileybury, Ontario. But ill health dogged him and a few years later he retired. In January 1943 he accepted the post of advisory editor of Canadian Aviation magazine. He found the work fascinating and he remained with the magazine until a few weeks before his death at fifty years of age, at Stouffville, Ontario.
Wing Commander William G. Barker, VC, DSO and Bar, MC and two Bars
Wing Commander Barker was born in Dauphin, Manitoba, on November 3, 1894. He attended elementary and high schools there and shortly before the outbreak of war moved to Winnipeg.
On December 1, 1914, he enlisted as a trooper in the 1st Canadian Mounted Rifles (CMR) at Brandon, Manitoba, and went with his unit to Britain in June 1915 to serve with the Canadian Expeditionary Force (CEF). He took a machine-gun course at Shorncliffe Camp and sailed for France with his regiment in September 1915. His unit, along with a group of infantry and other dismounted cavalry units, formed part of Corps Troops [sic]. These units later became two brigades of the 3rd Canadian Division; the 1st CMR was part of the 8th Brigade.
Barker soon applied for service in the Royal Flying Corps and early in 1916 was sent to No. 9 Squadron, which was equipped with BE2c's; he carried out reconnaissance duties as an observer under training on the Somme Front, but was still a member of his CEF unit.
No. 9 Squadron's record book shows that Trooper W. Barker made a 20-minute test flight in a BE2c on March 6, 1916, and then flew nine other patrols, the last of which was photo reconnaissance on April 1, 1916.
Barker was struck off the strength of the CEF on April 1, 1916, and commissioned in the RFC on either April 1 or 2. Five days later he was sent to No. 4 Squadron RFC, also equipped with BE2c's and based at Baizieux, France. He flew for three months with this squadron as an observer.
On July 7, 1916, still as an observer, Barker joined No. 15 Squadron, RFC, at Marieux, France. It also was equipped with BE2c's although it later acquired BE2d's, BE2e's, and RE8's. On July 20, 1916, Barker's machine was attacked by a Roland Scout over Miraumont but it was driven off by Barker's fire. On August 15 of the same year he drove off another Roland when it attacked him near Achiet le Grand. During November he was recommended for his first decoration, the Military Cross (MC), and the award was announced in the London Gazette in January 1917.
Sometime in late November, Barker was selected for pilot training and sent to the UK. He rejoined No. 15 Squadron as a pilot in February 1917 and much, if not most, of his flying was done on RE8's. He and his observer were mentioned in RFC communiqués for actions of April 25 and May 25, 1917. He was made a flight commander on May 9, 1917, and two days later received a Bar to his MC.
Early in August 1917, Barker was wounded in the head, a shell splinter narrowly missing his right eye. In the middle of the month he was sent to the UK for a tour of instructional duty. He applied for service with a fighter squadron and was posted as a flight commander to No. 28 Squadron, then in England and preparing to fly its Camels to France. By now he had been promoted to captain. His new squadron arrived in St. Omar on October 8, 1917.
On October 20, Barker's squadron took part in an attack on a German airfield. The plan called for aircraft of No. 70 Squadron to bomb and shoot up the German airfield at Rumbeke, at low level. Biplane fighters of No. 23 Squadron were to fly a high patrol during the attack while 19 Camels of No. 28 Squadron were to come in from the rear to attack any German aircraft which might be able to take off from the Rumbeke field. Heavy damage was done by the bombing and strafing and seven enemy scouts were shot down. One of these was an Albatross, described in RFC reports as being "painted green with small black crosses," and which Barker sent down "with both wings off."
Barker was hospitalized following his Victoria Cross (VC) fight of October 27, 1918, and on leaving hospital was commissioned a lieutenant-colonel in the Manitoba Regiment and seconded to the Canadian Air Force overseas. After returning to Canada he became a partner with Billy Bishop in a post-war commercial aviation venture in Toronto. In June 1922, he accepted a commission as a wing commander in the non-permanent Canadian Air Force formed in Canada and he was a member of the permanent RCAF, which came into being in 1924, serving as its first director from April 1, 1924 to May 18, 1924. He resigned his commission in 1926. On March 12, 1930, he took up a commercial Fairchild from Rockcliffe air station, Ottawa, and was killed when the machine crashed on landing.
Air Vice-Marshall Raymond Collishaw, CB, DSO and Bar, OBE (Order of the British Empire), DSC, DFC
Air Vice-Marshall Raymond Collishaw was born at Nanaimo, British Columbia, on November 22, 1893 and received most of his schooling there. At age 15 he joined the Fishery Protection Service, being rated as a cabin boy. He served in several ships engaged in patrol work along the British Columbia coast, rising to first officer. In 1915 he applied for service in the Royal Naval Air Service (RNAS) and briefly attended—at his own expense—the Curtiss flying school in Toronto. In January 1916 he was appointed a probationary flight sub-lieutenant and embarked for England.
He was selected to serve on fighters and after completing his training in England was posted to No. 3 (Naval) Wing, formed to fly long-range bombing attacks on German industrial targets from bases on the Vosges region of north-eastern France. He went out to the Wing's aerodrome at Luxeuil-les-Bains in September 1916 and for the next five months flew escort to the RNAS bombers. Collishaw flew a Sopwith 1 ˝ Strutter while with Three Wing and it was on this machine that he had his first aerial combat with enemy fighters. He was awarded the French Croix de Guerre for his escort work.
In late January 1917, Collishaw was posted to No. 3 (Naval) Squadron, then attached to the Royal Flying Corps (RFC) on the Somme and equipped with the little Sopwith Pup fighter. He scored his first confirmed aerial victories with this squadron but during the latter part of March suffered severe frostbite and was sent to England to recover.
He returned to France a month later and was posted to No. 10 (Naval) Squadron, also a fighter unit, which had just been equipped with the Sopwith Triplane. With Naval Ten, Collishaw led the famous "B" or "Black" Flight throughout the spring and summer of 1917 and was able to demonstrate his full capabilities as a courageous and skilful fighter pilot. Naval Ten was attached to the RFC on the Ypres front and a grim aerial war of attrition developed with heavy casualties. While with Naval Ten he was credited with sending down 27 German aircraft and was awarded the Distinguished Service Cross (DSC) and the Distinguished Service Order (DSO). Collishaw left the squadron during the first several days of August 1917 for Canadian leave.
He returned to duty in late November and was posted to lead a flight in the Seaplane Defence Squadron, a Sopwith Camel unit situated near Dunkirk. It later became No. 13 (Naval) Squadron. At this time its main duties were providing aerial protection for Royal Navy vessels off the French and Belgian coasts, carrying out fighter sweeps and flying escort for RNAS bombers. In late December he took over command of the unit when its commanding officer was injured in a crash. Promotion to rank of squadron commander followed.
He was then posted back to one of his old squadrons, No. 3 (Naval) – this time as its commanding officer. It was also equipped with Sopwith Camels and was heavily engaged with the enemy, particularly during the great German offensives of March and April 1918 and the Allied victory push that began early in August. It became No. 203 Squadron on creation of the Royal Air Force (RAF) and Collishaw was given the rank of major. While leading No. 203, he was awarded the Distinguished Flying Cross (DFC) and a Bar to his DSO.
Collishaw left No. 203 Squadron on October 21, having been selected to fill a senior staff position in the big pilot training scheme that the RAF was operating in Canada but the war ended before he could take up his new appointment. He is generally credited with having shot down 60 enemy machines during his flying in France. Under Collishaw's command, No. 203 Squadron is credited with shooting down some 125 enemy aircraft; fewer than 30 of its own pilots were killed or became prisoners of war.
From 1919 to 1943, Collishaw was responsible for commands in South Russia, Iraq, England, Sudan and Egypt. In the summer of 1943, he retired from the RAF but remained in uniform in Britain until after the war's end, serving as a regional air liaison officer with the civil defence organization. He returned to Canada after the war and made his home in West Vancouver, British Columbia. He died in September 1976 in Vancouver, at age 82.
Adapted with permission from texts provided by the Directorate of History and Heritage, Canadian Department of National Defence.


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- Overview
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Giro DJ LF GlovesAre you the kind of off-road rider who requires a daily dose of dirt? Then you'll appreciate the supple feel and durability of the DJ LF bike gloves. 3-piece palm mimics the hand's features and articulation to enhance grip and bar feel for all-day sessions. SuperFit engineered palm with Clarino reduces bulk and discomfort while remaining breathable, soft and flexible. EVA crash pad absorbs impacts, silicone fingertips improve shifting control and reinforced finger rails add strength. Ventilated upper displays a burst of color for a stylish touch. Updated for 2013 with an Airprene knuckle guard for breathable protection over rough terrain.
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subset: commoncrawl


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There was an impressive bounce after a very weak open and the market even managed to close strongly, though not quite at the highs. Late news from Apple (AAPL) about its plan to distribute some of its massive cash holdings helped hold the market up late in the day.
Despite the bounce, breadth was weak and plenty of stocks struggled. What was most impressive about the action, though, was the large number of stocks that hit new 12-month highs. About 350 stocks hit highs and only about 25 were at the lows. Many of the stocks hitting new highs are doing so with vigor, and the hot money is still eager to chase. It isn't all small-caps, either: American Express (AXP), Google (GOOG), Citigroup (C), FedEx (FDX) and Schwab (SCHW) are on the new highs list as well.
When you have that sort of momentum in individual stocks, the market has a greater tendency to stay sticky to the upside. As I've mentioned many times, markets and stocks at their highs don't suddenly reverse and go straight down. It takes time for a top to form and I am still hesitant to say a topping process has started.
When a market has this sort of underlying support, we can't be too bearish. If the number of new highs declines sharply accompanied by weak closes, I'll be very happy to take a bearish stance -- but it isn't happening yet. The bears are being teased with some negatives, but if they act too fast, they will get hurt. While there hasn't been much upside progress lately, there's even less downside progress. The bulls still have the edge, although the bears are trying harder lately.
Have a good evening. I'll see you tomorrow.


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I'm curious to know what methods people use to progress through the jhanas. I have my own interpretation based on the Anapanasati Sutta posted , but that interpretation may well be flawed.
I'm curious. Do you concentrate on the breath (or any other object) and wait for the jhana factors to arise? Do you actively generate the jhana factors as in the instruction of Ajahn Thanissaro for the first jhana _ which basicaly consists of folowing the first steps of the anapanasati sutta sequentialy until one reaches 1st jhana? What do you do after that to progress through the rest of the jhanas? Any other way?
When I'm talking about jhana I'm talking about it in the sense of how it was teached by the Buddha in the suttas, hence this forum being chosen.


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Hampden Township approves plans for a Sikh Society temple
The Hampden Township commissioners approved plans last week for the Sikh Society of Harrisburg to build a worship center at 1800 Good Hope Road.
The organization is in the midst of fundraising towards a $300,000 goal, which will pay for the property and construction, the Sikh Society said on its website. The group reports it has $158,000 in donations as of June 25.
The commissioners granted preliminary and final land development approval for the plans on 2 acres, pending receipt of a highway occupancy permit from PennDOT. The tract is in the township office-park zoning district.
Plans by Dawood Engineering call for a 5,000-square-foot building.
According to its Facebook page, the Sikh Society of Harrisburg was incorporated as a non-profit 501(c)(3) organization in early 2008 by the Sikh/Punjabi community with the sole goal of building a worship center.


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'Here's the irony: Barnaby came off like a kook when he played but actually had everything in order. When everything appeared to be fine, his life was a mess. The domestic dispute May 13 involving his estranged wife, the former Christine Cardarella, and her male friend appears to fall in line with other erratic behavior after he left the game.'
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Penn professor animates silkscreens with glowing, changing light
What if Andy Warhol's iconic silkscreen prints could glow and change color? That's the effect that Orkan Telhan is going for with his electroluminescent art.
Telhan, an artist and assistant professor of fine arts at the University of Pennsylvania, works at the intersection of design and engineering. For his latest project, he used electroluminescent inks to create silkscreen prints that glow when exposed to electrical current.
The secret is bright pink, paintable phosphor. "We start with a single sheet of transparent film that is coated with a special conductive ink," Telhan says.
On top of that, he paints on the phosphor, then a layer of dielectric paint to insulate the phosphor, and then a layer of silver.
"Think of a sandwich," Telhan says. The silver and the transparent film are the electrically conductive bread — they create an electric field that causes the phosphor in between to light up.
"Phosphor is the only thing that can do that," Telhan says.
He has also made electrochromic prints, which change opacity when exposed to electricity. For those prints, he used liquid crystals.
Telhan's electrochromic silkscreens are usually a shade of opaque, milky white. But when exposed to an electrical field, the crystals realign to let light shine through. The print becomes transparent.
Telhan says that the technology isn't new. What is new is Telhan's approach. Smart materials such as paintable phosphor and liquid crystals "are usually designed by designers or engineers who really have no aesthetic concerns," Telhan says.
And although you could get a similar effect on your iPhone, Telhan says that's beside the point. "Yes, you can use your tablet, laptop and all sorts of devices for this."
But, Telhan says, "I'm interested in really how we can extend this whole medium of communication and exchange using electrical devices but increase the vocabulary with new kinds of materials and new kinds of interfaces."
Imagine you're at a nice café, and "you see these amazing posters on the wall coming from the 19th century, and all of these amazing graphics," Telhan says. "No one really puts a giant TV screen there."
Telhan envisions his silkscreen prints going beyond art that people can admire. If you attach a microcontroller to these prints, you can program them to do just about anything. Telhan is working on with turning his prints into hands-on, interactive games.
At this stage, he's still experimenting with the possibilities. And the prints are only a small part of what he does.
His other projects include incorporating synthetic biology, glowing and shape shifting liquids and "all kinds of mad scientist stuff."
With all his work, Telhan aims to meld the artistic with the technical and the scientific.
It's fitting, then, that in order to make the silkscreens, Telhan collaborated with Penn's Common Press--a leterpress and print-making studio dedicated to preserving old-school printing techniques.
"I really want a new breed of designers or artists who can go back and forth between different technologies, different materials, different media," he says. "And really be very brave and curious about what is possible."


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Super Easy Grilled Mushrooms
(Makes 2-4 servings, depending on what else you serve it with and how much you like mushrooms. This easy way of cooking mushrooms was just an idea I came up with back on 2006 and I've been cooking mushrooms this way ever since.)
1 pound medium-sized mushrooms
1/4 cup Italian salad dressing, not low fat or fat free (I always use Newman's Own Original Recipe Olive Oil and Vinegar Dressing which has only 1 gram of sugar per serving).
Put the mushrooms into a large Ziploc bag or plastic container with snap-on lid and pour the dressing in. If you have time, marinate for an hour or two, although it's not essential.
Cook mushrooms for 10-15 minutes, turning occasionally, or until they're well browned but still a little bit firm. Serve hot.
These mushrooms are a great low-carb side dish for any of my favorite Low-Carb Grilling Recipes. Super Easy Grilled Mushrooms would be approved for any phase of the South Beach Diet or other low-carb eating plans, and with approved dressing they'd also be Paleo.
Find More Recipes Like This One:
Nutritional Information?
More Delicious Ideas with Mushrooms:
Baked Eggs with Mushrooms and Parmesan ~ Kalyn's Kitchen
Mushrooms Stuffed with Brie ~ The Pioneer Woman Cooks
Roasted Chicken Thighs with Mushrooms, Onions, and Rosemary ~ Kalyn's Kitchen
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BEN PAULING was the runaway winner of the Gloucestershire Trainers' Championship 2013/14 in his first season year with a licence.
Each of the 21 trainers within the county is allocated a 'handicap' rating for this competition based on their number of horses in training and their number of winners and runners in recent seasons.
Thirty-year-old Pauling's nine winners from just 13 horses to race from his yard in Bourton-on-the-Water gave him the title by some way over runner-up Jonjo O'Neill and third-placed Fergal O'Brien.
Pauling, who spent five years as assistant to Nicky Henderson in Lambourn, has already registered his first winner of the new season when Malibu Sun won last week at Fontwell, his third consecutive victory.


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Set sail from Paris on your 10 night Gems of the Seine cruise on the majestic Scenic Gem.
Set sail from Paris on your 10 night Gems of the Seine cruise on the majestic Scenic Gem.
Day 1: Bienvenue
Enjoy a welcome dinner before cruising out with the beautiful city of Paris as a backdrop.
Day 2: Les Andelys
Enjoy the opulent amenities of your floating hotel as she glides her way peacefully through the Île-de-France region to Les Andelys.
Freechoice: Hike to King Richard the Lionheart's Château Gaillard, or journey to Lyons la Forêt, one of the most beautiful villages of France, and visit Fleury-la-Forêt Castle. Sample cider, the region's specialty, after touring this exquisite example of 17th century architecture. For nature lovers, walk the forested paths of the beautiful L'Arboretum de Lyons nature reserve, celebrating the diversity of flora.
Day 3: Les Andelys > Rouen
This morning we wake in Rouen.
Freechoice: Enjoy a walking tour of Rouen that takes in the famous sites of Joan of Arc and the historic Rouen Cathedral. Or, if you'd prefer, enjoy a cooking demonstration and tasting and learn exactly why French baking and patisseries are so world renowned.
This region is also the gateway to the historic Western Front, and you're able to gain fascinating insights into the Somme battlefields with an on board lecture from a local expert. It's a great opportunity as you'll be visiting the sites tomorrow.
Day 4: Rouen
Freechoice: Experience what the Somme battlefields might have been like for those caught up in this terrible World War I battle, which claimed the lives of more than 150,000 British and Commonwealth soldiers. This full-day excursion commemorates the 101 years since, and includes a visit to the Australian National Memorial and Victoria School in Villers-Bretonneux. Alternatively, explore the collection of Impressionistic paintings, including masterpieces by Renoir and Monet, at the Museum of Fine Arts, which was founded by Napoleon Bonaparte.
Day 5: Rouen > Honfleur
You'll love cruising toward the open waters of the English Channel, so simply sit back and enjoy the trip.
Freechoice: Later, take the opportunity to explore Honfleur, with its quaint architecture, its relaxed coastal atmosphere and the many colourful fishing boats bobbing up and down on its waters. Alternatively, immerse yourself in the beautiful la Cote Fleurie region on France's northern beaches, and discover dashing Deauville, playground of the rich and famous.
The estate of Manoir d'Appreval exclusively welcomes Scenic guests for a unique cocktail event showcasing their prestigious apple spirits in a setting you'll remember fondly for many years to come. Celebrate your visit to the picturesque Calvados region with a beverage of the same name, and let your eyes drink in the surrounding beauty, from the many flowering apple trees to the blue waters of the English Channel in the distance.
Later, back on board, kick up your heels on the dance-floor as a fabulous local swing band performs the best of the 1920s in the Panorama Lounge. What a wonderful day.
Day 6: Honfleur
Freechoice: Walk the historic Normandy beaches, the site of the D-Day landings, before visiting the Landing Museum at Arromanches. You'll be struck by the sombre ambience surrounding the 9,387 graves of the Normandy Cemetery and whilst there, take a moment to reflect on the momentous impact of that day, as you look out from your hilltop position above Omaha Beach. Alternatively, explore Normandy's famous Calvados Route, and delight in the many charming villages that dot the landscape. It's also a great opportunity to sample the region's famous varietals.
Day 7: Honfleur > Caudebec-en-Caux
Freechoice: With steep limestone cliffs that plunge dramatically towards the emerald waters of the English Channel below, the beauty of the Alabaster Coast will leave you breathless. Sitting proudly atop this dramatic seascape is the town of Etretat, where you'll have the opportunity to enjoy a guided tour and time at leisure. Alternatively, travel to the hilltop village of Bolbec and view fabrics at the fascinating Textile Museum before visiting the Normand Traditions Museum nearby. Or visit the new Seine Museum for an insight into this fascinating river system. For the more adventurous, join a guided cycling tour to the charming village of Villequier and visit the Victor Hugo Museum.
Be treated to a truly unforgettable experience in Fécamp this evening. Situated in spectacular surrounds, the city's natural setting contrasts perfectly with its architectural centrepiece, the Benedictine Palace. Experience the opulence and grandeur of yesteryear when you dine exclusively within Abbots Hall whilst enjoying a live classical concert performed by the region's most reputable musicians. This romantic Renaissance palace is so special that you'll be sure to have fond memories of the experience for a very long time.
Day 8: Caudebec-en-Caux > Vernon
In a region rich in visual treasures, enjoy a full morning of relaxation and take in the incredible scenery as you cruise into Vernon. It's easy to understand why this region of France inspired beautiful paintings by many of history's most famous artists.
Freechoice: Visit Giverny and Monet's former residence and gardens. If you're feeling more adventurous you can explore by bike, with a self-guided cycling tour that starts at Vernon. You can also discover Vernon with Scenic Tailormade at your own pace.
Day 9: Vernon > Conflans > Paris
This morning we cruise to the charming medieval town of Conflans, with its distinctive barge houses docked within easy reach of the quaint main square.
Freechoice: Discover the charms of Auvers-sur-Oise and get to see Vincent van Gogh's room, or step inside the magnificent Chantilly Castle for a guided tour of this remarkable château, set amidst beautiful parklands.
After a leisurely afternoon of cruising, the evening will see us returning to Paris, the 'city of light', and you'll have the chance to view the beautiful illuminated skyline, and the soaring Eiffel Tower. Make sure you have your cameras ready.
Day 10: Paris
Today you have the thrilling choice of either spending time exploring France's most celebrated city, or a discovery beyond the city limits.
Freechoice: Shop with a Chef when you visit one of Paris's local food markets, and enjoy exquisite tastings, or walk the city with a resident expert and hear tales that only the locals know. Alternatively, you may wish to explore beyond Paris and tour the 17th century estate of Vicomte Palace, Louis XIV's inspiration for Versailles Palace. Featured in the James Bond movie Moonraker, the Palace of Vicomte has been leaving visitors in awe of its magnificence for centuries.
With remarkable attractions at every turn, you'll have a chance to explore Paris at leisure this afternoon and create your own unique memories.
Day 11: Paris
Your trip concludes this morning after breakfast. You'll disembark and transfer to Paris Airport. Make sure you remember to pack up all those wonderful memories before you leave.
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Leonardo Burti's Evora led the early stages of first qualifying on Saturday, before experiencing problems with the fly-by-wire throttle. Dragao Lotus Motorsport was relegated to third in class by the end of the session, and were unable to fix the issue in time for the second session. They would therefore start Race 2 at the back of the grid.
Burti, starting third on Saturday for the first race, seized the lead at the start. He and Alan Hellmeister's Aston Martin fought hard, the Vantage edging ahead but the Evora GT4 staying firmly on its tale. However, just before Burti was due to handover to co-driver Valter Pinheiro, the Lotus suffered a broken driveshaft and that was the end of their race.
So, starting last for Sunday's Race 2, the weekend looked like it might be points-free. However, Pinheiro soldiered on and moved up the field, finishing his stint in an impressive third place in the GT4 class. Burti picked up the baton and pushed on, passing the Ferrari of William Freire and then hunted down the lead car, the BMW M3 GT4 of Leonardo Cordeiro. The Evora was catching fast before the M3 pulled over with a punctured tyre. The Lotus had moved from the back of the grid to P1, and Burti maintained the lead he had over the Ferrari Challenge until the chequered flag.
Leonardo Burti: "We knew we had good pace and could win, so in Race 2 I was just desperate we wouldn't have any further mechanical issues. The car handles very well, it has more power than the Ginettas and it's really easy to work. We're now fifth in the championship, but I think we've got our rivals worried now. I'd like to congratulate the whole team on our first win of the season, and also the guys at Lotus in England who worked around the clock to prepare the car for us pre-season."


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Q. We have been barrel plating flat parts, but the parts do not meet the customer's corrosion requirements, and we now have to resort to rack plating. Our customer is having a difficult time understanding why there is a significant difference in cost. Can you provide a brief explanation? M.H.
A. To give you a specific explanation as to why it costs more to rack plate a part versus barrel plating it, I would need to know what metal you are plating and what the required thickness should be. Some information on the shape and size of the part also would be helpful.
In general, labor costs are an important part of the cost of plating. Rack plating is more intensive labor-wise then barrel plating. Another factor is that the barrel process usually requires more time to deposit an equivalent amount of material on the surface of the part compared with rack plating.


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1970s Disco Singers
Last Dance: 8 Disco Queens We Love to Love
Last Dance: 8 Disco Queens We Love to Love
Today we said goodbye to the incomparable Donna Summer, the true queen of the disco era. Donna made a name for herself throughout the 1970s and 1980s with dance club anthems that always managed to get the party started — and still do today! In order to celebrate her career and the amazing woman she was, we're highlighting some of our favorite ladies of disco. Click through to check it all out.
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Detection of Celiac Disease in Patients With Hypothyroidism
This study has been completed.
University of Vermont
Information provided by (Responsible Party):
Richard Zubarik, University of Vermont
ClinicalTrials.gov Identifier:
First received: May 20, 2013
Last updated: December 5, 2014
Last verified: December 2014
- Full Text View
- Tabular View
- No Study Results Posted
- Disclaimer
- How to Read a Study Record
Detailed Description:
The study evaluates whether hypothyroid patients requiring elevated doses of levothyroxine to maintain a euthyroid state are at increased risk of having celiac disease. It also attempts to determine if there is a threshold level of levothyroxine needed to maintain a euthyroid state in patients with hypothyroidism that should prompt serologic testing for celiac disease.
|Celiac Disease Hypothyroidism Celiac Sprue Malabsorption
|Study Type:
|Study Design:
|Observational Model: Cohort
Time Perspective: Prospective
|Official Title:
|Detection of Celiac Disease in Patients With Hypothyroidism
Resource links provided by NLM:
Genetics Home Reference related topics: celiac disease
MedlinePlus related topics: Celiac Disease HypothyroidismU.S. FDA Resources
Further study details as provided by Richard Zubarik, University of Vermont:
Primary Outcome Measures:
- presence of celiac disease [ Time Frame: 1 month ]
Secondary Outcome Measures:
- Symptoms associated with celiac disease [ Time Frame: 6 months ]a short questionnaire will be filled out at the time of serologic testing. If a patient hads celiac disease the form will be filled out again at 6 months after diagnosis.
- medication adjustment [ Time Frame: 6 months ]Patients diagnosed with celiac disease who initiate a gluten free diet will be assessed to determine whether adjustment of levothyroxine dosing is necessary
|Study Start Date:
|March 2012
|Study Completion Date:
|December 2014
|Primary Completion Date:
|December 2014 (Final data collection date for primary outcome measure)
This study is looking at whether hypothyroid patients who require above 125 mcg/day (or >1.5mcg/kg/day) of levothyroxine are more likely to have celiac disease than those who require smaller doses. It also looks to see if the prevalence of celiac disease in hypothyroid patients who require elevated doses of levothyroxine is high enough to warrant screening in that population.
|Ages Eligible for Study:
|18 Years and older (Adult, Senior)
|Sexes Eligible for Study:
|Accepts Healthy Volunteers:
|Sampling Method:
|Probability Sample
Study Population
Patients with hypothyroidism who take thyroid replacement therapy
Inclusion Criteria:
- Patients with the diagnosis of hypothyroidism that require thyroid replacement therapy.
Exclusion Criteria:
- Surgical resection of thyroid tissue, neck irradiation, radioactive iodine therapy, prior medical treatment with lithium, methimazole, propylthiouracil, ethionamide, amiodarone, or sunitinib, prior serologic testing for celiac disease.
Contacts and Locations
Choosing to participate in a study is an important personal decision. Talk with your doctor and family members or friends about deciding to join a study. To learn more about this study, you or your doctor may contact the study research staff using the Contacts provided below. For general information, see Learn About Clinical Studies.
Please refer to this study by its ClinicalTrials.gov identifier: NCT01862510
Please refer to this study by its ClinicalTrials.gov identifier: NCT01862510
|United States, Vermont
|Fletcher Allen Health Care
|Burlington, Vermont, United States, 05405
Sponsors and Collaborators
University of Vermont
|Principal Investigator:
|Richard Zubarik, MD
|University of Vermont
More Information
Publications automatically indexed to this study by ClinicalTrials.gov Identifier (NCT Number):
Keywords provided by Richard Zubarik, University of Vermont:
Additional relevant MeSH terms:
ClinicalTrials.gov processed this record on September 25, 2017
Publications automatically indexed to this study by ClinicalTrials.gov Identifier (NCT Number):
|Responsible Party:
|Richard Zubarik, MD, University of Vermont
|ClinicalTrials.gov Identifier:
|NCT01862510 History of Changes
|Other Study ID Numbers:
|Study First Received:
|May 20, 2013
|Last Updated:
|December 5, 2014
Keywords provided by Richard Zubarik, University of Vermont:
Celiac Disease
Celiac Sprue
Additional relevant MeSH terms:
Celiac Disease
Malabsorption Syndromes
Intestinal Diseases
Gastrointestinal Diseases
Digestive System Diseases
Metabolic Diseases
Thyroid Diseases
Endocrine System Diseases
ClinicalTrials.gov processed this record on September 25, 2017


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The Twin Cities Police Authority is adding the San Anselmo Police Department to its operations in a move to form a new Central Marin Police Authority on Jan. 1.
Larkspur and Corte Madera combined to form the Twin Cities Police Authority more than 30 years ago, and are now asking city and town officials to approve San Anselmo's addition to the consolidated operation.
Twin Cities police Chief Todd Cusimano said merger discussions began about three years ago when his dispatch operations were temporarily moved into San Anselmo's police station while a new Twin Cities station was being built.
"Right away our employees in dispatch just bonded," Cusimano said. "It was like they were a single unit."
As both agencies dealt with the fallout from the 2008 financial crisis, Cusimano said they began to explore ways to share resources. Instead of filling vacant positions and spending money, they started to combine everything from dispatch personnel to reserve officers.
San Anselmo police Chief Charles Maynard said both agencies are saving money as a result of the effort.
"We've reduced overtime costs, improved the level of service on the street," Maynard said.
Cusimano agreed, noting that since 2008 the agencies have saved about $500,000.
In January, San Anselmo and Twin Cities merged their patrol staffs. They started to restructure how officers are deployed to each community. Cusimano said there were mistakes along the way, but they soon saw huge benefits.
"In the last six months, our response times have improved from what we enjoyed over the past few years," Cusimano said.
More than 18 public meetings later, and with operations running smoothly, the three communities are poised to make the consolidation official.
On Wednesday, Larkspur's City Council unanimously approved the revised agreement regulating the new joint powers authority — an agency governed by state law that is made up of smaller agencies that have joined together to address similar issues.
The new JPA agreement establishes a six-member police council that includes two council members from each community. The council will be responsible for voting on matters pertinent to the new Central Marin Police Authority, which will provide public safety service for a total population of 33,875 in the three communities.
Larkspur City Manager Daniel Schwarz said the city budgeted about $3.3 million for police services in fiscal year 2012-13. The integration of San Anselmo is expected to reduce that cost to about $3 million.
"We're getting better service at a lower cost," Schwarz said.
San Anselmo Mayor Tom McInerney, who served on a police sharing services subcommittee, agreed.
"There's no question it will be significant savings," McInerney said. "I'm confident it'll result in increased safety protection for the residents."
San Anselmo budgeted nearly $4.7 million for police services in fiscal 2012-13 and anticipates spending about $3.8 million after its incorporation, according to San Anselmo Town Manager Debra Stutsman.
Corte Madera Town Manager David Bracken said the town budgeted about $3 million for this fiscal year's police services. He said the town anticipates saving about $300,000 with the addition of San Anselmo.
Corte Madera Town Councilwoman Carla Condon, who also served on the police sharing services subcommittee, said the town will not only save money, it will see an increase in police presence.
"With this proposed consolidation, we've gained a new substation ... on the bay side," Condon said, noting police will work out of Fire Station 13 at 5600 Paradise Drive in Corte Madera. "It enables the citizens of Corte Madera to come to this substation to make a report, rather than traveling to Larkspur."
The authority will have an annual budget of about $9.6 million, which will include 58 full-time workers, including 45 sworn officers. That's a reduction of 12 full-time employees from the staff employeed by the combined agencies in 2008. Cusimano said those positions were eliminated through attrition. He said they've eliminated duplicative and expensive positions as people retired, allowing more police officers to be on the street.
"We've actually added two officers to every jurisdiction," Cusimano said. "Now we can do foot patrols, bicycle patrols."
Cusimano is expected to take over as chief of the Central Marin Police Authority once it's cemented. Maynard is retiring from the San Anselmo Police Department next week. He's been chief for 13 years.
Corte Madera and San Anselmo still have to approve the new sharing agreement before the change is official, but the consolidation is anticipated to be effective Jan. 1.
McInerney said the JPA also needs to be sanctioned by the state's Peace Officer Standards and Training commission, but that it's not expected to impede the effort.
"It requires some additional bureaucratic review prior to finalization," McInerney said.
Cusimano said police officers soon will be wearing a new black and dark blue Central Marin police patch, with the names of each community huddling around a logo of Mount Tamalpais and three redwood trees.
"Each tree represents one of the cities," Cusimano said.
Contact Megan Hansen via email at firstname.lastname@example.com or via Twitter at http://twitter.com/hansenmegan


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Super noob-question, but see the green 'confirmation' dialog box in the image below? Is there a technical name for that element? (Or is it just called a 'dialog box', or the like?)
My site's having problems with lightbox confirmation screens for things like "Your message has been sent", or "Your changes have been saved"...and I've seen this type of element on other sites, where instead of spawning a lightbox, submitting a form will spawn this sort of 'dialog box' (pushing all of the page's content down)...and sometimes the dialog box will stay on screen (until the page is refreshed), whereas other times it will slide closed dynamically after a few seconds. I just want to know the technical term for it so I can learn more about it.
I'm not aware of it having a specific name. It isn't a dialog box (which is something that comes from the OS and usually requires user action to close) or a lightbox (which is a way for the browser/page to 'fake' a dialog box). It's just a block called up (and potentially removed) by Ajax, maybe a 'confirmation line'?
If you want to read more about it, you could try searching for something like "using ajax to insert text".
If you want to read more about it, you could try searching for something like "using ajax to insert text".


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Cherry Pinwheel Cookies Recipe
A crisp, light textured cookie with a mild cherry flavor will add great color to your holiday cookie tray.—Jenn Reagan, Maple Valley, Washington
Featured In: 30 Recipes for Valentine's Day Cookies
VERIFIED BY Taste of Home Test Kitchen
- 3/4 cup butter, softened
- 1 cup sugar
- 1 white egg
- 1 teaspoon vanilla extract
- 2 cups all-purpose flour
- 1/2 teaspoon baking powder
- 1/4 teaspoon salt
- 2 teaspoons cherry extract or cherry brandy
- Red paste food coloring
- 1/4 cup ground almonds
- Coarse sugar
- In a large bowl, cream butter and sugar until light and fluffy. Beat in egg and vanilla. In another bowl, whisk flour, baking powder and salt; gradually beat into creamed mixture. Refrigerate, covered, 1 hour.
- Divide dough in half. Add cherry extract to one half and tint red. Knead almonds into remaining half. Wrap each in plastic wrap; refrigerate at least 3 hours or until firm enough to roll.
- On a baking sheet, roll each portion between two sheets of waxed paper into a 15x8-in. rectangle. Refrigerate 30 minutes.
- Remove waxed paper. Place almond rectangle on top of cherry rectangle. Roll up tightly jelly-roll style, starting with a long side. Roll in coarse sugar; wrap in plastic wrap. Refrigerate 2 hours or until firm.
- Preheat oven to 375°. Unwrap and cut dough crosswise into 1/4-in. slices. Place 2 in. apart on greased baking sheets. Bake 10-12 minutes or until set. Remove from pans to wire racks to cool completely. Store in airtight containers. Yield: about 5 dozen.
Originally published as Cherry Pinwheel Cookies in Country Woman 2013
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Zobrist expects to be ready to go Friday
Infielder hits for first time Saturday, has already taken fielding practice
ST. PETERSBURG -- Tampa Bay second baseman Ben Zobrist is feeling good when he hits and good when he fields, and he said as soon as he's eligible to return from the 15-day disabled list, he thinks he'll be good to go.
"I would assume by next Friday, when I'm available to come off the DL, I think I'm gonna be available to play -- do everything," Zobrist said on Saturday afternoon.
He had just finished taking his first session of batting practice since dislocating his left thumb.
"It went great -- everything was great," Zobrist said. "I felt like I could swing at 100 percent for sure while I was out there. I think I'm really not far at all from being ready to play every day."
Zobrist has been taking fielding practice the last couple of days, although he didn't hit until Saturday. He says he still has some soreness when he starts taking ground balls, but it quickly dissipates.
"Still a little bit tender in the field, the first few ground balls, and after I take about 10, it's completely normal," Zobrist said. "There's no soreness at all. That's a really good sign, too."
Zobrist said that if he were eligible to come off the DL sooner, he might start by pinch-hitting because of the lingering fielding soreness, but since he still has almost a week to get ready, he should be at full strength by Friday.
"As of right now, I'd be close to doing that, you know," Zobrist said. "But I figure in another five to six days, it should be a pretty much a for-sure thing that I'm gonna be out there every day."
David Adler is an associate reporter for MLB.com. This story was not subject to the approval of Major League Baseball or its clubs.