text:
April 2015
Frustrating former Soviet republics' ambitions of European Union and NATO accession underlies Russia's instrumental use of territorial disputes—both historic and contrived ones—in the borderlands of its near abroad. As one recent commentary observed, "as the war in Ukraine erupted last spring, observers largely unfamiliar with the former Soviet republics of Eastern Europe scrambled to understand the importance of the sub-national regions that suddenly waged great influence in the conflict between Russia and the West."[1]
The dissolution of the Soviet Union, and the loss of its eastern and central European buffer between the Russian homeland and the NATO states of Western Europe left Russia with a single European bridgehead—the Kaliningrad enclave—at a distance 1000 kilometers from Moscow. What was once a matter of Russia's internal policy overnight became one of foreign policy. Russia suddenly found itself at a distance of some 1300 kilometers from its Moldovan and western Ukrainian borderlands with the Eastern Balkans, with one-half of the intermediate territory no longer Russian. In 1992, Russia acquired a second, equally distant European bridgehead in eastern Moldova with the declaration of a Pridnestrovian Moldavian Republic in separatist Transdniestria. Since then, PMR-Transdniestria has acted as a stop on Moldova plans for EU and NATO accession, and the hopes of some Moldovans for unification with neighboring Romania.
Short of overt military intervention, Russia has limited instruments at its disposal for the protection of its geopolitical and geostrategic interests in the eastern Balkans and the northern Black Sea littoral. These limits notwithstanding, Russia exerts indisputable regional hegemony in its near abroad. Fomenting territorial disputes within former borderlands have been an effective if crude instrument of Russian policy now for three decades. It has used that instrument willingly, if discriminately, in its near abroad while holding in reserve a failsafe to unfreeze "frozen" conflicts. The Transdniestrian bridgehead (seconded by another separatist Moldovan region, the vocally pro-Russia Gagauzia) undergirds Russian hegemony in Moldova, and radiates outward into the eastern Balkans and importantly, into southwestern Ukraine's pivotal Odessa region.
There is regular speculation about Russian intentions to establish a so-called land bridge from Crimea and the Donbas westward along the Black Sea littoral to Odessa. Short of willfully disregarding the complications associated with seizing and holding a broad swath of contended territory in the face of determined resistance by (in all likelihood, Western armed) Ukrainian armed forces and paramilitaries, that scenario is unlikely under the present circumstances. Russia's demonstrated preference for disruptive proxy forces and other hybrid instruments is at odds with a suggested large-scale (and in all likelihood, long-term) military operation requiring it to deploy conventional armed forces en masse.
An alternate scenario postulates the projection of Russian hegemony southward from its Transdniestrian bridgehead to Budzhak, a southern Bessarabia borderland in Ukraine's Odessa region. This might take the form of political destabilization scaled to disrupt Ukraine's control of the region without triggering a strategic impact, blending, as Frank Hoffman offered, "the lethality of state conflict with the fanatical and protracted fervor of irregular warfare."[2]
The Republic of Moldova, Moldovan Transdniestrian
& Ukraine's Budzhak Region[3]
Thus the recent suggestion by Romanian Foreign Affairs Minister Bogdan Aurescu that Russia might seek "new separatist areas, like the so-called Bugeac People's Republic,"[4] using Budzhak's Romanian name.
Ukraine's Strategic Budzhak
Budzhak[5] is an historical region of southern Bessarabia. It is located between the lower Danube and Dniester rivers on the coast of the Black Sea. Comprising the southwestern anchor of modern-day Ukraine's Odessa Oblastʹ,[6] Budzhak is bordered on the north and the west by Moldova's autonomous Gagauzia and separatist Transdniestria regions; to the south, by Romania; and to the east by the Black Sea.
Ukraine's Budzhak Region[7]
"Budzhak" derives from the Turkic word bucak meaning "corner," in the sense of a distant frontier or borderland, which the region most certainly was for most of its history. It remains today geographically isolated from the rest of Ukraine, attached only by a single, thin land connection. A figurative Ukrainian island, Budzhak is more integral geographically to neighboring Moldova and Romania than to the rest of the Odessa region. One might perhaps be forgiven for suggesting Budzhak is less important for what it is than for what it sits amidst:
Budzhak & Northern Black Sea Littoral[8]
Building on Mackinder's concept of the pivot area, Zbigniew Brzezinski wrote that the importance of geopolitical pivots:
"[I]s derived not from their power and motivation but rather from their sensitive location and from the consequences of their potentially vulnerable condition for the behavior of geostrategic players. Most often, geopolitical pivots are determined by their geography, which in some cases gives them a special role in either defining access to important areas or in denying resources to a significant player."[9]
Brzezinski continued, "The identification of the post-Cold War key Eurasian geopolitical pivots, and protecting them, is thus also a crucial aspect of America's global geostrategy."[10] So, as the western anchor of an Odessa region that stretches from the Danube delta to the Tylihul estuary—and the geographic center of a larger littoral arc sweeping north from Bulgarian Northern Dobruja and Romanian Bugeac through Ukraine's Odessa region—Budzhak is indisputably a, perhaps the, key geopolitical pivot in the northern Black Sea.
Budzhak was a Ukrainian administrative region in its own right known as the Izmail Oblast before it was absorbed into the Odessa region in February 1954.[11] Its multi-ethnic population includes Ukrainians (40 percent), Bulgarians (21 percent), Russians (20 percent), Moldovans (13 percent), and Gagauz (4 percent). Unsurprisingly, Budzhak is replete with ethnic enclaves. There are Russian ones throughout, and others across its west and southwest: Bulgarians and Gagauz in Bolgrad and Tatarbunar; Russians, Moldovans, Bulgarians and Gagauz in Chilia; Bulgarians in Artsyz; Bulgarians and Moldovans in Izmail and Saratsky; and Moldovans, Gagauz and Bulgarians in Reni.[12]
Ethnic Composition of Ukraine's Budzhak Region[13]
Here as elsewhere, ethno-nationalism is, in Janusz Bugajski's phrase, a combustible substance, especially given the larger region's stuttering progress toward the European Union and NATO. It is standard Russian practice to seek out and exploit these soft spots—witness its actions in the western Balkans.[14]
Despite being a largely neglected borderland, Budzhak has disproportionate strategic value as a figurative geographic wedge between Ukraine and Bulgaria along the critical Black Sea littoral. This importance would increase greatly were the region to ally with its neighbors Gagauzia and Transdniestria to the north and west. A strategic locus and combustible ethnic patchwork make Budzhak a near perfect fit for the Russia hybrid warfare playbook:
"[P]ulling political, economic, and military levers—all of which fall short of traditional invasion—to exploit ethnic conflicts in countries that used to be in its orbit. And the goal is to leverage these tensions, which are often relics of the Soviet Union's messy consolidation and collapse, to gain influence in former Soviet states, while preventing these countries from moving closer to the West."[15]
"War Without War, Occupation Without Occupation"
Is Russia the proverbial "black knight in the Eastern neighborhood"?[16] A November 2014 report by the Ukraine-based DaVinci Analytic Group speculates how Russia might exploit the region's ethnic patchwork:
"We expect Russia to activate separatism in the Bolgrad, Izmail, Reni, Artsyz, Kiliya and Tarutinsky districts with additional attempts in the Bilhorod-Dnistrovskyi and the Sarata and Tatarbunarskiy districts. Shortly before, Russia will purposely destabilize Gagauzia and Taraclia in parallel with Transdniestria [see footnote]. The initial gambit may focus on an independent Gagauzia, which can make territorial claims in Moldova and Ukraine. [...] The spring of 2015 is a critical period for the Kremlin, which sees it as the most favorable time to initiate a new round of aggression against Ukraine."[17]
DaVinci's speculation is congruent with the observation elsewhere that Russia acts through small-scale gestures aimed at destabilization rather than full-blown military actions. These gestures, suggested the Bulgarian Defense Ministry, include "disinformation, propaganda campaigns, media manipulation, exploiting social networks for disinformation, and using sympathetic local leaders to manipulate voting blocs and cause confusion."[18]
One analysis described Russia's strategy as "a form of political synecdoche":
"[W]here a war inside a breakaway province stands for a potential war inside the de jure state, and where the occupation of the separatist region creates the constant threat that the country as a whole will be occupied. This war without war and occupation without occupation is nearly as effective, more flexible, and decidedly cheaper than a real occupation."[19] [emphasis added]
It continued, "The key element of Putin's strategy is to use...breakaway regions as perches from which to threaten the larger states that once governed them,"[20] here, meaning Ukraine and NATO member Romania. It is in a manner of speaking, a scenario for controlling the Odessa region without occupying it.
Is Gagauzia "a 'Donbass' Inside Moldova"? [21]
Many see ATU-Gagauzia as a likely "perch" from which to spread destabilization into southern Moldova and Budzhak, then north across the rest of the Odessa region and possibly south into Romania's hydrocarbon-rich Bugeac region. Some, like Ukrainian political scientist Oleg Pasternak, believe Gagauzian separatism will spill into Budzhak, especially were Gagauzia to secede from Moldova.[22]
Moldova, it can be said, faces the problem of long-term liminality and geopolitical ambiguity.[23] In an underpublicized but in many respects highly significant episode of modern European history, Moldova declared parts of its ethnically distinctive southeastern region a "national-territorial autonomous unit" in 1995.[24] The region, known as Gagauz Yeri[25] in the official language, Gagauzca,[26] incorporated all Gagauz-majority districts and others that elected to opt-in via local referenda. The result was a Bantustan-like geography of four non-contiguous districts, all but the smallest lying along Moldova's southern border with Ukrainian Budzhak.
The Gagauz descended from ethnic Turks who fled the Ottoman Empire in the 19th century for the protection of Imperial Russia and converted to Orthodox Christianity. While they account for only about 4 percent of Moldovans, Gagauz comprise more than 80 percent of the population of Gagauz Yeri.[27] There also are small Gagauz enclaves in southern Moldova's adjoining Basarabeasca and Taraclia districts. Unsurprisingly, Turkey has been actively engaged in Gagauzia for two decades, and in 2000 the Comrat government opened a representative office in Ankara.
Gagauz Yeri—the territory is more commonly called the Autonomous Territorial Unit of Gagauzia ("ATU-Gagauzia")—has a 35-member parliament, the Gagauziya Halk Topluşu or "Gagauzian People's Assembly," and a territorial governor known as the Başkan. While the Moldovan law granting internal self-governance to ATU-Gagauzia left intact Moldova's national territorial integrity, it did open the door to secession in the event Moldova's status as an independent nation changed.
The Republic of Moldova[28]
In late March, voters in ATU-Gagauzia elected a pro-Russian Başkan, Irina Vlah, to lead the regional government in Comrat. She defeated nine candidates to win an outright majority (51.01 percent) in the first round and avoid a runoff, far outpacing her nearest rival (at 19.05 percent). While Vlah ran as an independent, she served in the Moldovan parliament for the Party of Communists until January, when she resigned citing the Communists' collaboration with Moldova's pro-European parties to form a governing coalition in Chişinau, the national capital. Her victory in March had much to do with the support she received from another ex-Communist, Igor Dodon, who in November led Moldova's Party of Socialists to a 26-seat plurality in the 101-seat national parliament. Dodon managed to draw a large share of Moldova's traditionally Communist Russophile electorate to the Socialists, who in all previous elections had failed to win a single seat.[29] For Russia, Vlah's election may be important to stem Gagauzia's perceived slow drift toward Turkey.
What is the significance of a former Communist parliamentarian's election as governor of a small autonomous region in southeastern Moldova? By one assessment, the election was won not by Ms. Vlah but by Russia, with the support of which "a Barbie doll would have won in the first round."[30] In a more serious vein, Dmitri Trenin tweeted[31] that it shows the competition for Moldova between Russia and the European Union, far from being over, is getting more intense. "The fact that Gagauzia is pro-Russian is no secret," Vlah told Deutsche Welle in a post-election interview.[32] While that truism is unremarkable in and of itself, what may turn out to be remarkable, however, is that Vlah's election may mark the start of something remarkable.
Pro-Romanian Moldova Heads West, Everyone Else Goes East
"[T]he rather small territory of the Republic of Moldova hosts at least three geopolitical conflicts: Transdnistria, the South Bessarabian conflict, and the problem of the Moldovan-Ukrainian border. [...] The respective conflicts intersect and influence each other. [T]he South Bessarabian conflict is in close connection with the Transdnistria one, as well as with the conflict related to the Moldovan-Ukrainian border. [...] Geographically, [the South Bessarabian] conflict results from the borderline drawn in the summer of 1940 and politically, in the movement of Bessarabian Romanians and the proclamation of the Republic of Moldova's independence."[33]
Autonomist Gagauzia and separatist Transdniestria—to which, it can fairly be added, the Bulgarian ethnic enclaves in southern Moldova centered on Taraclia—share an abhorrence of Moldova's ambitions of unifying with neighboring Romania,[34] and oppose Moldova's hoped-for accession to the European Union.
In November 2013 the Moldovan government signed a European Union Association Agreement establishing the framework for bilateral negotiations over Moldova's hoped-for membership. That agreement was swiftly and forcefully rejected by ATU-Gauguazia. A February 2014 consultative referendum—condemned as illegal by the Chişinau government,[35] which froze financial accounts in an attempt to deny it the use of government funds—asked whether Moldova should seek closer ties with the European Union, or alternately, the Russia-led Eurasian Customs Union; and a separate question whether ATU-Gaugauzia had the right to secede if Moldovan sovereignty was lost. Voters were given three separate ballots printed on different colored paper.
As one Russian commentary colorfully put it, Chişinau's efforts to block the referendum "pulled the chair out from under the skinny legs of 'Moldovan statehood' by aggravating the country's political situation."[36] With 70 percent of eligible voters participating, 97.2 percent rejected closer ties with the European Union and 98.4 percent supported closer ties with the Eurasian Customs Union.[37] An even higher 98.9 percent endorsed Gagauzia's right to secede under the sovereignty question, which was understood to mean Moldova's unification with Romania.
After declaring Russia would start showing a "special interest" in ATU-Gagauzia (and Taraclia), Ambassador Farit Muhametshin publicly supported the referendum. When denied funding by the Chişinau government, a Russian businessman, Yuri Yakubov—who, claiming roots in Gagauzia, said he "could not help a rush of patriotism and a desire to help his fellow citizens"[38]—gave the Comrat government an estimated €55,000-€75,000 to fund the plebiscite.[39]
There also have been rumblings in southern Moldova's Bulgarian enclaves. Russia advocates a "United Gagauzia" to unify Moldova's Gagauz and Bulgarian enclaves into a single autonomous unit that would cover most of southern Moldova. The addition of the Bulgarian enclave, Taraclia, would, as one Russian commentary put it, "allow Gagauzia to 'open a window' to Ukraine," especially to Ukrainian Gagauz.[40]
In April 2013, the Taraclia district council—the political center of Moldova's 65,000 Russian-speaking Bulgarians (two-thirds of all Taraclians)—unanimously demanded ATU Gagauzia-like status for Taraclia as a national-territorial autonomous unit. Taraclia's demands—"justice for the Bulgarian community" and "preservation of Bulgarian ethnic identity"[41]—were modeled on similar ones by the Bălţi municipal council in 2012 (which later dropped the one for an autonomy referendum).[42]
Rumors surfaced in Budzhak, during late 2014 of a separatist plot centered in Bolhrad, a two-thirds ethnic Bulgarian city in region's northwest (and the birthplace of Ukraine's president, Petro Poroshenko).[43] There were unconfirmed allegations of involvement by former Soviet officers, including a former brigade commander, Oleg Babich; and other allegations regarding purported separatist sympathies held by public figures like Anton KIsse, a Ukrainian parliamentarian and chairman of the Association of Bulgarians in Ukraine. What has greater potential to crystalize pro-separatist sentiment among Budzhak ethnic Bulgarians is Ukraine's controversial series of military mobilizations (four so far) to conscript manpower for the conflict in eastern Ukraine. Some news accounts go so far as to describe a "rebellion" among Budzhak Bulgarians.[44] For its part, the Bulgarian government has remained (publicly, at least) circumspect about Ukraine's mobilization of ethnic Bulgarians, to not inconsiderable domestic criticism.[45]
The Uses & Limits of Hybrid Warfare in Transdniestria & Gagauzia
Anatol Tsaranu[46] wrote that Ukraine's government believes "the situation in eastern Ukraine developed according to 'the Transdniestria scenario',"[47] and that the unresolved situation in Transdniestria poses a continuing threat to Ukraine's Odessa region. The risk here is separatism spilling over from Transdniestria and/or Gagauzia into the Ukraine's Odessa region—or more likely, that it would be actively exported into Budzhak, where favorable conditions for ethnic unrest might already exist—bolstered by the menacing presence of Russian armed forces in the region.
Ethnically diverse and largely ignored by Kyev, Budzhak is fertile ground for political disruption. Among the several tools in its hybrid warfare toolbox, Russia has long operated in the region through front groups and cutout organizations. One technique used to great effect in Moldova was to organize Transdniestrian branches of established Russian media portals and place them under control of the internal security service. In early 2006, the Russian media outlet Lenta established Lenta-PMR [Лента ПМР), which in reality was controlled by Dmitry Soin, a senior intelligence officer in the PMR-Transdneistria State Security Ministry known by the acronym MGB.[48] In July 2009 a known Soin associate, Roman Konoplev, formed what purported to be a new Transdniestria-focused Russian media portal, Dnestr (Днестр), that in fact used a Russian domain name as a subterfuge. Soin himself occasionally wrote anti-Moldovan, anti-Romanian commentaries under his own name, usually ending with a call for Transdniestria's unification with Russia.[49]
In 2005 Soin organized a front group known as Proryv or "Breakthrough,"[50] a self-described "Eurasianist International youth organization" that registered as political party in Transdniestria.[51] At the time, he directed the Che Guevara High School of Political Leadership, and chaired the Transdniestrian branch of the Russian National Strategy Council (a putative think tank, it was in fact a Russian front organization). Soin eventually fell out with the PMR-Transdniestria political leadership, and decamped from Tiraspol in March 2013 for Odessa while remaining a member of the Transdniestrian parliament.[52] He reemerged in public in April 2014 when he announced formation of the "Union of Transdniestrians in Ukraine," a group purporting to represent Ukrainians in Transdniestria. According to Soin, "The situation on the [Transdniestria-Ukraine] border was on the verge of exploding" because of illegal restrictions on border crossings imposed unilaterally by Chișinău. He pledged the UTU would work to overturn prohibitions on dual Moldovan-Ukrainian citizenship, and support for opening a Ukrainian consulate in Transdniestria.[53] Soin's usefulness ended abruptly in August 2014 when Ukrainian authorities arrested him in Kyev on an Interpol warrant charging him with two murders while he was an MGB officer.
Classic hybrid warfare techniques executed through front groups and cutout organizations are inconsistent with an aggressor's objective to take and hold physical territory, even if they raise the specter of activating separatist forces. This alone substantially dilutes arguments that "Moldova is the next Ukraine," notes Dan Dungaciu of the Romanian Academy Institute of Political Science and International Relations.[54] Russia sees Transdniestria and Gagauzia instrumentally, i.e., as means to an end, meaning a federal Moldova. Re-integrating Transdniestria and Gagauzia into a newly federalized political structure would likely foreclose Moldova's pathways to unification with Romania and to European Union and NATO accession, at least for the foreseeable future. It would also give Russia the option to escalate Budzhak separatism as a means of pressuring Ukraine, for which the presence of a non-EU, non-NATO Moldova "wedge" on its western flank would necessarily complicate its own accession ambitions as well as its defensive posture.
Concluding Thoughts
A Russian commentary—substituting the intentionally provocative Bessarabian for "Moldovan"—asked rhetorically:
"Are Bessarabian authorities seeking civil war [in Gagauzia] given the likelihood of escalating the conflict beyond the region—primarily in Transdniestria and the Ukrainian part of Budzhak, home to the second largest Gaugauzia community outside Gagauz Yeri as well as twice the number of Bulgarians living in Moldova—and the inevitable involvement of external forces? The long-deferred formation of a Gagauz-Bulgarian Budzhak republic could gain quite tangible contours in the event of Bessarabia's absorption into Romania. [...] Unfreezing all of the 'frozen' conflicts inside the old borders of Soviet Moldova may sweep away not only Gagauzia and Transdniestria, but also Moldovan statehood along with Northern Bukovina and Ukrainian South Bessarabia."[55]
A 1913 map of an imagined Novorossiya[56] shows a unified Bessarabia—the demarcated region on the far left labeled Бессарабская (Bessarabskaya)—that incorporates both the modern-day Moldova and Odessa's Budzhak region.
Novorossiya Imagined c. 1913[57]
A century later, visions of Novorossiya redivivus might, in Taavi Minnik's memorable phrase, might well be "a grotesque world reflected in a contorted mirror."[58] However, its emotive strength lies in the term's historical roots.[59] So writes Ieva Bērziņa in an insightful paper published by the Latvian National Defense Academy. The symbol—Novorossiya—and its historical referent combine c.2014 as a claim for territorial change, especially among the sootechestvenniki[60]—literally, "compatriots"—persons who are linguistically and culturally Russian but who live within the boundaries of another state.
Historical Novorossiya[61]
As the historical map makes clear, Budzhak was never part of Novorossiya. While this makes the notion of a "People's Republic of Bessarabia" seem absurd from an historical perspective, it is an instrumental claim for territorial change, not an historical one.[62] In a much-cited January 2015 commentary, Marcin Kosienkowski asked whether Budzhak is "next in line" for Russia. Next in line for what, is perhaps a fair reply. Russia will no doubt continue to interfere in the internal affairs of Moldova and Ukraine for the purpose of derailing their respective ambitions of European Union and NATO accession. It unlikely either will be targeted for full-blown military action, however. The lone foreseeable exception is if the Moldovan government moved formally to unify with Romania, in which event Russian armed forces in Transdniestria would likely support PMR-Transdniestria's and/or ATU-Gagauzia's secession.
That being said, nothing precludes the possibility of a small conflict morphing unintentionally into a larger and hotter one. In May 2014, the Romanian government barred Russian deputy Prime Minister Dmitry Rogozon from using Romanian airspace on a return flight from Transdniestria to Moscow. Rogozin tweeted in response,
"Upon a U.S. request, Romania has closed its air space for my plane. Ukraine doesn't allow me to pass through again. Next time I'll fly on board TU-160."[63]
Rogozin's reference of course is to Russia's largest strategic bomber. It must be added in fairness that Russia has no monopoly on the use of symbols incongruent with their historical referent. Consider the language used by the post-Trianon Romanian government to bind new provinces to the Old Kingdom:
"Bessarabia [...] torn by Russia more than hundreds of years ago from the body of the ancient Moldova [...] from now on and forever joins its mother, Romania."[64]
The position of Ukraine's ethnic Romanians today is an interesting one. A June 2014 forum held by a regional Romanian cultural association known as "Bessarabia" called for Ukraine to disintegrate Izmail from Odessa and reestablish its pre-1954 status as a standalone region.[65] The attendees balanced this demand by protesting "Kremlin plans to create a 'Budzhak Republic' behind the leadership of pro-Russia politicians in Gagauzia."[66] The forum was conducted entirely in Romanian with no Ukrainian translation, and was attended by Romania's consul general in Odessa and the Romanian parliamentary deputy.[67] It is all the more interesting since Odessa's ethnic Romanian population is reliably estimated at around 700 persons, far fewer than the number of ethnic Romanians in Ukraine's Chernivtsi and Transcarpathian regions. The Romanian government, however, betrays its regional ambitions by counting all Budzhak Moldovans as "Romanians" which raises the count to 130,000 people. Russia for its part plays the Romanian question both ways, criticizing the Romanian government's alleged territorial ambitions in Moldova and Budzhak while at the same time analogizing the aggrieved state of Ukraine's ethnic Romanians and Transcarpathian Hungarians for the purpose of fomenting ethnic dissent inside the Odessa region.[68]
In an insightful March 2014 commentary published on Polit.ru, Aleksey Murav'yev wrote that Transdniestria and Gagauzia today dwell within a "mono-ethnic state"—a Romanized Moldova—and Budzhak within "a pseudo empire"—Ukraine. As a result, "these orphan lands...these no man's lands," he wrote, cling "to a pseudo-Soviet identity which freezes them in the last century." He concludes with this observation:
"[These lands] can only be preserved and their instability can only be quelled by a large empire in which the idea of 'the nation' is strongly grounded in the state and in the culture. Of course, an imperial structure is no panacea, but it can allow these 'no man's lands' to exist without having to define themselves by a single ethnic or a religious identity. The problem of modern Russia is that it has moved in the opposite direction—from a Soviet empire to a nation-state. The rise of nationalism, Orthodoxy, and other phenomena testify to just such a direction. Making these no man's lands part of Russia will not solve their problems, and pulls Russia backward instead of allowing it to move forward.
"Modern Russia, being neither the Soviet Union nor Imperial Russia, tries nevertheless to think of itself as both. In reality, however, Russia has nearly returned to its early borders—Central Russia, coupled to the Urals, Siberia, and the Far East. The continued existence of the old federal infrastructure only complicates the situation, along with persons who refuse to accept there no longer is—and never again will be—a Soviet Union."[69]
Will Budzhak join what is piquantly described as PMR-Transdniestria and ATU-Gagauzia's "theatrical and performative form of sovereignty"?[70] That remains to be seen. It is unfair to blame Russia alone for the territories' problems, for Bucharest and the pro-Romanian government in Chișinău undeniably contribute each in its own way to the general discordance. That being said, there is no moral equivalence between the status of a Russian legacy bridgehead located 1300 kilometers from Moscow (Russia's constant references to NATO actions in Kosovo notwithstanding) and Romania's interest in countering the threat to regional peace and stability posed by its contentious borderlands—and neither has moral equivalence to Ukrainian territorial sovereignty. Russian-fomented discord in Budzhak and neighboring PMR-Transdniestria and ATU-Gagauzia has one goal and only one goal:
"For those in the breakaway regions, occupation without formally occupying and annexation through carefully orchestrated, mass participatory endeavors like referenda open new domains where values, fears, and norms are reconstituted into a daily experience of threat and there is only one entity capable of restoring "order": the Russian Federation..."[71]
The first line of the title is from Neville Chamberlain's statement during the 1938 Czechoslovakia crisis, which reads in full: "How horrible, fantastic, incredible it is that we should be digging trenches and trying on gas-masks here because of a quarrel in a far-away country between people of whom we know nothing."
[1] Eric Jones (2015). "Gagauzia: Strategic Pressure Point." http://foreign-intrigue.com/2015/03/gagauzia-strategic-point-of-pressure/. Last accessed 4 April 2015.
[2] Frank G. Hoffman (2007). Conflict in the 21st Century: The Rise of Hybrid Wars. (Arlington, VA: The Potomac Institute for Policy Studies), p. 28. LTC Frank Hoffman, USMC (ret.) is a Senior Research Fellow at the National Defense University.
[3] http://www.condei.ro/eliminarea-ucrainei-de-la-marea-neagra-poate-deveni-realitate/. Last accessed 1 April 2015.
[4] Embassy of Romania (2015). "ForMin Aurescu: the security interests of Bucharest it is "crucial" that Ukraine is stable." Romanian Headlines. http://londra.mae.ro/sites/londra.mae.ro/files/romanian_headlines_-_15-28_februarie_2015.pdf. Last accessed 1 April 2015.
[5] Budzhak [Russian: Буджак] is called Bugeac in Romanian, the region's other principle language. The region's Ukrainian and Bulgarian speakers use Budzhak.
[6] An oblastʹ [Russian & Ukrainian: область] is an administrative unit that is equivalent to a region and comprised of multiple districts, known by the Russian transliteration rayon or the Ukrainian transliteration raion [Russian & Ukrainian: район].
[7] Source: http://russia-insider.com/ru/politics_ukraine_opinion/2014/12/08/03-06-18pm/budjak.
[8] Source: http://www.economist.com/news/europe/21637415-little-known-place-interests-both-ukraine-and-russia-towards-unknown-region. Last accessed 29 March 2015.
[9] Zbigniew Brzezinski (1997). The Grand Chessboard: American Primacy and Its Geostrategic Imperatives. (New York: Basic Books), p. 41.
[10] Ibid.
[11] Ukrainian: Ізмаїльська область. Ukrainian transl.: 's'ka oblast'. Prior to December 1940 the province was known as the Akkerman Oblast [Ukrainian: Акерманська область. Ukrainian transl.: Akermans'ka oblast'] for the city on the Dniester estuary formerly known as Akkerman, now Bilhorod-Dnistrovskyi [Ukrainian: Білгород-Дністровський. Ukrainian transl.: Bilhorod-Dnistrovsʹkyy]. The area was occupied by Romania after World War I, and then reoccupied by the Soviet Union in 1939-1940 pursuant to the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact.
[12] DaVinci Analytic Group (2014). "Об угрозе создания Бессарабской народной республики" ("The Threat of a People's Republic of Bessarabia"). DaVinci AG Breaking Report [published online in Russian 24 November 2014]. http://ru.davinci.org.ua/docs/Bessarabia241114.pdf. Last accessed 29 March 2015.
[13] Source: http://russia-insider.com/ru/politics_ukraine_opinion/2014/12/08/03-06-18pm/budjak.
[14] Janusz Bugajski (2014). "Moscow Exploits Balkan Soft Spots. Central European Digest [published online in English 10 July 2014]. http://cepa.org/content/moscow-exploits-balkan-soft-spots. Last accessed 31 March 2015.
[15] Uri Friedman (2014). "Putin's Playbook: The Strategy Behind Russia's Takeover of Crimea. The Atlantic [published online in English 2 March 2014]. http://www.theatlantic.com/international/archive/2014/03/putins-playbook-the-strategy-behind-russias-takeover-of-crimea/284154/. Last accessed 31 March 2015.
[16] Nicola Del Medico (2014). A Black Knight in the Eastern Neighborhood? Russia and EU Democracy Promotion in Armenia and Moldova. EU Diplomacy Papers 7/2014. (Bruges: College of Europe Department of EU International Relations and Diplomacy Studies]. The term "black knight" means a countervailing power that provides an alternate source of economic, military, and/or diplomatic support, thereby mitigating the impact of pressure by, in this case, the United States and/or the European Union. See: Gary C. Hufbauer, Jeffrey J. Schott & Kimberly A. Elliott (1998). Economic Sanctions Reconsidered: History and current policy. (Washington, DC: Peterson Institute), p. 12. As DeMedico point out [p. 29], just because Russia is a "black knight' does not necessarily mean either the United States and/or the European Union is a "white knight" from the region's perspective, especially when these powers are perceived to put their security interests ahead of local ones.
[17] DaVinci Analytic Group (2014), op cit. In a separate report published in Romanian on 26 March 2015, DaVinci speculated that Russia would pursue one of two strategies in Transdniestria. The first is a "Trojan horse" strategy to re-integrate Transdniestria politically into Moldova in order to derail Moldova's EU integration strategy. It estimates that post re-integration, pro-Russia Transdniestrian voters would comprise a definitive 13 percent voting bloc in Moldova. The result would be what Lucan Way called "pluralism by default," or the virtual impossibility of concentrating power in a single pole. [Lucan A. Way (2003). "Weak States and Pluralism: the Case of Moldova." East European Politics and Societies. 17:3, p. 455. http://homes.ieu.edu.tr/~ibagdadi/INT435/Readings/Western%20NIS/Way%20-%20Weak%20States%20and%20Pluralism%20The%20Case%20of%20Moldova.pdf. Last accessed 29 March 2015.]
The second hypothesized strategy is to destabilize the situation in Transdniestria and to cause the currently frozen conflict to revert an active one. Were this to occur, DaVinci speculates, Ukraine would quickly become embroiled in the conflict, creating a pretense for a large-scale Russian intervention in the region. See: DaVinci AG (2015). Scenariile Rusiei pentru Transnistria" ("Russian scenarios for Transdniestria"). DaVinci AG Report [published online in Romanian 26 March 2015].
http://www.davinci.org.ua/news.php?new=792&num. Last accessed 29 March 2015.
Russia's military force stationed in Transdniestria consists of an estimated 1500 troops of the Operational Group of Russian Forces [Russian: Оперативная группа российских войск (ОГРВ). Russian transl.: Operativnaya gruppa rossiyskikh voysk (OGRV)], a specially designated unit directly subordinated to the Russian Defense Ministry; and 400 "peacekeepers". See: "Главы МИД России и Молдавии обсудили ситуацию на Украине и блокаду Приднестровья" ("Russian & Moldovan foreign ministers discuss the situation in Ukraine and the blockade of Transdniestria"). Regnum [published online in Russian 7 April 2014]. http://www.regnum.ru/news/polit/1787931.html. Last accessed 30 March 2015. According to published reports, these forces flew surveillance drones into Ukrainian airspace in the vicinity of a former military airfield near Bolgrad, Budzhak. See: "Россия продолжает шпионить и стягивать войска на границу" ("Russia continues to spy and deploy troops on the border"). Pravda-Ukraine [published online in Russian 5 August 2014]. http://www.pravda.com.ua/rus/news/2014/08/5/7033967/. Last accessed 30 March 2015.
[18] Republic of Bulgaria Defense Ministry (2015). "Доклад за състоянието на отбраната и въоръжените сили за 2014" ("Report on the state of the armed forces in 2014"), p. 6. [published in Bulgarian 26 March 2015]. http://www.md.government.bg/bg/doc/drugi/20150325_Doklad_MO_2014.pdf. Last accessed 30 March 2015. The Defense Ministry's commentary added, "Dynamics in the development of 'hybrid warfare' are challenging the national security system. [...] The crisis in Ukraine is an example of the growing vulnerability of countries to the instruments of 'hybrid warfare' when they are used effectively to achieve political goals.
[19] Elizabeth Cullen Dunn & Michael S. Bobick (2014). American Ethnologist. 41:3, p. 409.
[20] Ibid., p. 406.
[21] From a section header in "Что стоит за слухами о юго-западном фронте Украины?" (2014) ["What is behind the rumors in the southwest corner of Ukraine?"]. Vesti [published online in Russian 5 August 2014]. http://vesti-ukr.com/odessa/64096-chto-stoit-za-sluhami-o-jugo-zapadnom-fronte-ukrainy. Last accessed 30 March 2015. See also the author's July 2014 essay.
[22] "Политолог объяснил, как гагаузские села Украины могут стать сепаратистскими" ("Political scientist explains how Ukraine's Gagauz villages can become separatist."). Point.md [published online in Russian 3 December 2014]. http://point.md/ru/novosti/politika/politolog-objyasnil-kak-gagauzskie-sela-ukraini-mogut-statj-separatistskimi. Last accessed 29 March 2015.
[23] Dunn & Bobick (2014), op cit., p. 410.
[24] The Moldovan parliament adopted an act "Providing for the Special Status of Gagauzia/Gagauz-Yeri" (No. 344-XIII) on 23 December 1994.
[25] Gagauz Yeri's more common name, Gaugazia, is derived from the Romanian [Găgăuzia] and Russian [Гагаузия. Russian transl.: Gagauziya] transliterations.
[26] The official language, Gagauzca is a Turkic language with two dialects, Bulgar, Maritime Gagauzi, respectively. Gagauzca is the principle language of nearly 90 percent of Gagauz living in ATU-Gaugazia, and also is spoken in Bulgaria and Romania as well as Budzhak's Izmail district [Ukrainian: Ізмаїльський район. Ukrainian transl.: Izmayil's'kyi rayon. Russian: Измаильский район. Russian transl.: Izmail'skii raion) on the north bank of lower Danube facing Romania. Part of the Oghuz branch of Turkic languages, Gagauzca is similar to Balkan Turkish dialects spoken in Greece, Bulgaria, and parts of Macedonia.
[27] While Gagauz hold notably pro-Russia sentiments as a whole, political analogies between then and Transdniestria's ethnic Russians are flawed: Gagauz account for fully 80 percent of ATU-Gagauzia's population whereas ethnic Russians (and Ukrainians) comprise less than a third of Transdniestrians.
[28] Source: http://reconsideringrussia.org/tag/transnistria-2/.
[29] This is even more remarkable considering Moldova precludes residents of pro-Russia Transdniestria from participating in national elections.
[30] "Депутат: При такой поддержке Кремля в Гагаузии победила бы и кукла Барби" ("With the Kremlin's support, a Barbie doll would have won in Gagauzia."). Regnum [published online in Russian 27 March 2015]. http://www.regnum.ru/news/polit/1909380.html. Last accessed 29 March 2015. The person quoted is Ivan Burgudji, an ATU-Gaugazia parliamentarian.
[31] https://twitter.com/DmitriTrenin/status/580397593890582529. Last accessed 28 March 2015.
[32] "Irina Vlah: "Cel mai mult îmi doresc să fie pace și relații bune cu Chișinăul"." ("Irina Vlah: 'Most of all I want peace and good relations with Chisinau'."). Deutsche Welle [published online in Romanian 23 March 2015]. http://www.dw.de/irina-vlah-cel-mai-mult-îmi-doresc-să-fie-pace-și-relații-bune-cu-chișinăul/a-18333780. Last accessed 28 March 2015.
[33] The Institute for Public Policy (2002). National Security and Defense of the Republic of Moldova. (Chișinău: Editura Arc), pp. 17-18.
[34] Depending upon one's historical viewpoint, this is seen variably as Moldova's re-unification with neighboring Romania—the Romanian government's expressed view and the one held by pro-Romania Moldovans—or its re-annexation by Romania—the Russian government's expressed view, and the one held by anti-Romania and/or pro-Russia Moldovans (including Transdniestrians & Gagauzians). Irrespective of which term is applied, Romanian intentions are indisputable: In November 2013, President Traian Băsescu said that after joining the EU and NATO, Romania's third priority must be reunification with Moldova. See: "Traian Băsescu la TVR: Următorul proiect pentru România trebuie să fie 'Vrem să ne întregim ţara!'." ("Traian Băsescu: Romania's next priority should be 'To unify the nation!'."). Ştirilor TVR [published online in Romanian 27 November 2013]. http://stiri.tvr.ro/traian-basescu-la-tvr--urmatorul-proiect-pentru-romania-trebuie-sa-fie-vrem-sa-ne-intregim-tara-_37653.html. Last accessed 28 March 2015. Elsewhere, he called unification "the project of my soul." [https://euobserver.com/beyond-brussels/127824. Last accessed 28 March 2015]
[35] While a Moldovan court declared the plebiscite illegal since neither Moldova nor ATU-Gagauzia laws explicitly authorize holding such a referendum, this position was rejected by the Gagauzia People's Assembly, which went ahead with the plebiscite. See: Dumitru Minzarari (2014). "The Gagauz Referendum in Moldova: A Russian Political Weapon?" Eurasia Daily Monitor 11:23 [published online in English 5 February 2014]. http://www.jamestown.org/programs/edm/single/?tx_ttnews%5Btt_news%5D=41922&tx_ttnews%5BbackPid%5D=756&no_cache=1#.VRcFbrpN38s. Last accessed 28 March 2015.
[36] "Чем закончится новый «поход на Гагаузию»?" ("How will the new 'march on Gagauzia' end?"). ИА REX [published online in Russian 11 January 2014]. http://www.iarex.ru/articles/44432.html. Last accessed 29 March 2015.
[37] It is worth taking note of the needle-threading position of Moldova's former president and the leader of its Party of Communists, Vladimir Voronin, who said that for Moldova, "the only possible path to the EU goes through the Customs Union." Voronin added that he favored Moldova's "modernization to European standards" rather than its "European integration." ["Владимир Воронин: Наш путь в ЕС возможен только через Таможенный союз" ("Vladimir Voronin: Our path to the EU is possible only through the Customs Union"). Allmodova.com [published online in Russian 26 November 2013]. http://www.allmoldova.com/news/vladimir-voronin-nash-put-v-es-vozmozhen-tolko-cherez-tamozhennyj-soyuz/. Last accessed 28 March 2015.]
[38] http://gagauz-pmr.ru/view_news_en.php?id=220. Last accessed 28 March 2015.
[39] Stanislav Secrieru (2014). "How to Offset Russian Shadow Power? The Case of Moldova." Polski Instytut Spraw Międzynarodowych (PISM) Bulletin, 125:31 [published online in English 31 October 2014]. http://www.pism.pl/files/?id_plik=18536. Last accessed 28 March 2015.
[40] "Присоединение болгарских сел позволит гагаузам 'прорубить окно' на украину." ("The addition of Bulgarian villages would allow Gagauzia to 'open a window' into Ukraine.)" ИА REX [published online in Russian 1 May 2010]. http://www.iarex.ru/articles/4291.html. Last accessed 30 March 2015.
[41] "Болгары Молдавии требуют автономии" ("Moldovan Bulgarians demand autonomy"). REGNUM [published online in Russian 13 April 2013]. http://regnum.ru/news/fd-abroad/moldova/1648322.html. Last accessed 28 March 2015. Further complicating matters, Bulgaria declared ethnic Bulgarians living in Moldova eligible for Bulgarian citizenship. See: "Minister: About 500,000 Bessarabian Bulgarians are eligible for citizenship." The Sofia Echo [published online in English 22 September 2010]. http://sofiaecho.com/2010/09/22/964114_minister-about-500-000-bessarabian-bulgarians-are-eligible-for-citizenship. Last accessed 29 March 2015.
[42] The northern Moldova city of Bălţi is the nation's third largest (after the national capital, Chișinău, and the Transdniestrian capital, Tiraspol). It has a majority Russophone population with large ethnic Russian (19.2% of all residents) and Ukrainian (23.7% of all residents) blocs.
[43] "Towards the unknown region: A little-known place that interests both Ukraine and Russia." The Economist [published online in English 3 January 2015]. http://www.economist.com/news/europe/21637415-little-known-place-interests-both-ukraine-and-russia-towards-unknown-region. Last accessed 30 March 2015.
[44] George Kolarov (2015). "Бунт бессарабских болгар против украинской мобилизации" ("Rebellion against Ukraine's mobilization of Bessarabian Bulgarians"). Strategic Culture Foundation [published online in Russian 2 January 2015]. http://www.fondsk.ru/news/2015/02/01/bunt-bessarabskih-bolgar-protiv-ukrainskoj-mobilizacii-31568.html. Last accessed 29 March 2015.
[45] "Lack of reaction from Bulgaria over Bessarabian Bulgarians' mobilisation is shocking: expert." FOCUS News Agency [published online in English 2 February 2015]. http://www.focus-fen.net/news/2015/02/02/362034/lack-of-reaction-from-bulgaria-over-bessarabian-bulgarians-mobilisation-is-shocking-expert.html. Last accessed 29 March 2015.
[46] Currently associated with the Moscow-based Russian Center for Strategic Research and Political Consulting, Tsaranu at the time was with the Centre for Strategic Research and Political Consultancy aka "POLITICON" in Chișinău.
[47] "Кишинев и Киев открывают второй фронт?" ("Have Chișinău and Kyev opened a second front?"). Росбалт.RU [published online in Russian 24 February 2015]. http://www.rosbalt.ru/exussr/2015/02/24/1371387.html. Last accessed 5 April 2015.
[48] Russian: Министерство государственной безопасности; Russian transl.: Ministerstvo gosudarstvennoy bezopasnosti. Ukrainian: Міністерство державної безпеки; Ukrainian transl.: Ministerstvo derzhavnoyi bezpeky. Romanian & Moldovan: Ministerul Securității de Stat.
[49] For example, "мы - за максимальную интеграцию с Россией" ("We are for full integration with Russia"). Тирас [published online in Russian in 2009]. http://tiras.ru/v-mire/8019-d.soin-my-za-maksimalnuju-integraciju-s.html. Last accessed 5 April 2015.
[50] Russian: Прорыв. Russian transl.: Proryv.
[51] When it was founded in October 2005, Breakthrough established additional branches in Crimea and in Georgia's two separatist regions, the self-proclaimed republics of Abkhazia and South Ossetia, respectively. The Crimea branch was involved in Russian SBU-instigated agitation against Ukrainian authorities in Crimea in 2006. It first came to the attention of Ukrainian authorities in January 2006, when its Crimea branch dug a trench along the Yalta-Moscow highway at the neck of the Crimean peninsula and established a mock border post symbolically separating Crimea from Ukraine. The group invited inviting Russian but not Ukrainian media to cover the action. Western intelligence agencies believed that Russia used Proryv and like radical " youth groups" for propaganda actions but little else. After the January 2006 incident, the Ukraine SBU expelled Proryv's Crimean director from the region.
[52] The falling out concerned Soin's involvement in a Russian disinformation effort to discredit Moldovan president Vladimir Voronin. Moldovan security services responded by publicizing Soin's alleged involvement in the murder of two men while he was an MGB officer. Ultimately, Interpol issued a warrant for Soin's arrest, which occurred in Kyev in August 2014.
[53] "Украина открывает второй приднестровский фронт" ("Ukraine opens a second Transdniestrian front"). Независимая газета [published online in Russian 4 July 2013]. http://www.ng.ru/cis/2013-07-04/1_pridnestrovie.html. Last accessed 5 April 2015.
[54] Cristian Campeanu (2015). "Ochiul lui Putin fixează Moldova" ("Putin's eye is fixed on Moldova"). RomaniaLibera.ro [published online in Romanian 5 March 2015]. http://www.romanialibera.ro/special/documentare/ochiul-lui-putin-fixeaza-moldova-369803. Last accessed 4 April 2015.
[55] "Чем закончится новый «поход на Гагаузию»?" ("How will the new 'march on Gagauzia' end?"). ИА REX [published online in Russian 11 January 2014]. http://www.iarex.ru/articles/44432.html. Last accesed 29 March 2015.
[56] Novorossiya is the Russian transliteration of Новоро́ссия, the literal meaning of which is "New Russia". The name is phonetically similar in Romanian (Noua Rusie) and Russian, the region's two principle languages.
[57] Source: http://reconsideringrussia.org/2014/03/02/what-is-ukraine/novorossiya/. Last accessed 29 March 2015.
[58] Taavi Minnik (2014). "Putini Novorossija projekti lõpp" ("The End of Putin's Novorossiya Project"). DELFI [published online in Estonian 24 October 2014]. http://www.delfi.ee/news/paevauudised/arvamus/taavi-minnik-putini-novorossija-projekti-lopp?id=70016399. Last accessed 31 March 2015.
[59] Ieva Bērziņa (2014). Branding Novorossiya. Strategic Review No. 10 (October 2014). National Defense Academy of Latvia Center for Security and Strategic Research, p. 6. http://www.naa.mil.lv/~/media/NAA/AZPC/Publikacijas/SA-10_NOVORUS.ashx. Last accessed 29 March 2015.
[60] Russian: соотечественники.
[61] Bērziņa (2014), op cit., p. 5.
[62] Ibid., p. 7
[63] "Stuck in rogue airspace: Moldova seizes Transnistria petitions from Russian delegation jet." RT [published online in English 11 May 2014]. http://rt.com/news/158164-moldova-rogozin-airspace-romania/
[64] Anamaria Dutceac Segesten (2009). Myth, Identify and Conflict: A Comparative Analysis of Romanian and Serbian Textbooks. Dissertation submitted to the University of Maryland, College Park. http://drum.lib.umd.edu/bitstream/1903/9168/1/DutceacSegesten_umd_0117E_10267.pdf. Last accessed 29 March 2015.
[65] "Одесская румынская община предлагает воссоздать Измаильскую область в единой Украине" (Odessa's Romanian community seeks reestablishment of Izmail Oblast." Black Sea News [published online in Russian 21 June 2014]. http://www.blackseanews.net/read/82285. Last accessed 1 April 2015. Also В Измаиле прошел форум румын Бессарабии" ("A forum on Romanian Bessarabia held in Izmail). Izmacity.com [published online in Russian 17 June 2014]. http://www.izmacity.com/novosti/sobytiya/7958-v-izmaile-proshel-forum-rumyn-bessarabii. Last accessed 1 April 2015.
[66] "Одесские румыны выступили за воссоздание Измаильской области" ("Odessa Romanians favor re-creating Izmail Oblast"). Думская.net [published online in Russian 18 June 2014]. http://dumskaya.net/news/odesskie-rumyny-vystupili-za-vossozdanie-izmails-036763/. Last accessed 2 April 2015.
[67] "Представители румынской общины Одесского региона выступают за воссоздание Измаильской области" ("Representatives of Odessa's Romanian community in favor of the reestablishing the Izmail Oblast"). Akkerman 24 [published online in Russian 9 June 2014]. http://akkerman24.com/123gun/1099/predstaviteli-rumynskoy-obschiny-odesskogo-regiona-vystupayut-za-vossozdanie-izmailskoy-oblasti.html. Last accessed 3 April 2014.
[68] Vladislav Gulevich (2014)"The boori. О положении румын и венгров на Украине" ("The 'Boorish Country': On the condition of Romanians and Hungarians in Ukraine"). Strategic Culture Foundation [published online in Russian 10 August 2014]. http://www.fondsk.ru/news/2014/10/08/hamskaja-strana-o-polozhenii-rumyn-i-vengrov-na-ukraine-29863.html. Last accessed 3 April 2015. See also fn(11).
[69] "Проклятье спорных земель" ("The curse of disputed lands"). Полит.ру [published online in Russian 13 March 2014). http://polit.ru/article/2014/03/13/spor/. Last accessed 3 April 2015.
[70] From Dunn & Bobick (2014), op cit., p. 409.
[71] Ibid.


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A small fact about the Petersen graph
The Petersen graph has 10 vertices and 15 edges, and the complete graph on 10 vertices has 45 edges. However, Allen Schwenk and (independently) O. P. Lossers (Jack van Lint's problem-solving seminar in Eindhoven) showed that you can't partition the … Continue reading
Posted in open problems Tagged packing and covering, Petersen graph, Sebi Cioaba 4 Comments
Algebraic properties of chromatic polynomials, 2
My paper with Kerri Morgan on algebraic properties of chromatic roots (described here) has just appeared in the Electronic Journal of Combinatorics: you can find it here. I won't say any more about it, except to pose a challenge which … Continue reading
Posted in open problems, Uncategorized Tagged algebraic integer, chromatic polynomial, Galois group 2 Comments
Automorphism groups of transformation semigroups
I have been in the transformation semigroups game for nearly ten years now, but I still feel that I am finding my feet. Here is apparently a huge difference between permutation groups and transformation semigroups, one which is still not … Continue reading
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Discrete mathematics in Derby
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The power graph yet again
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Circular repeated-measurements designs
My first paper in a real statistical journal has just been almost accepted (just a bit of re-formatting …) The paper is entitled "On optimality and construction of circular repeated-measurements designs", the other authors are R. A. Bailey, K. Filipiak, J. Kunert and A. Markiewicz. … Continue reading

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text: Pulse Pounders Puppet Appearances Puppet Master 2 A puppet from the unreleased movie 'Pulse Pounders (1988)'. Andre Toulon has the head and the hands of this puppet on display in this Laboratory. Appearances Puppet Master 2 Pulse Pounders Trivia It's body was recycled and used for the Homunculus. Gallery The Homunculus puppet used the same body as this oneAdd a photo to this gallery Retrieved from "http://puppet-master.wikia.com/wiki/Pulse_Pounders_Puppet?oldid=13685" Ad blocker interference detected! Wikia is a free-to-use site that makes money from advertising. We have a modified experience for viewers using ad blockers Wikia is not accessible if you've made further modifications. Remove the custom ad blocker rule(s) and the page will load as expected. Categories: Inanimate Puppets


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EarthSpark International
March 23, 2015
EarthSpark empowers communities by eradicating energy poverty. Efforts are focused in Haiti, the poorest country in the western hemisphere, where just 25% of households are connected to electricity grids while the remaining 75% rely on lighting from kerosene…Read More
Earthwatch Teach Earth Program
March 2, 2015
Ecogold is excited to announce that they will be supporting two teachers to participate in the Earthwatch Teach Earth fellowship looking at Climate Change at the Arctic Edge. The live fieldwork brings unique and engaging learning…Read More
BGI Half & 5K
January 26, 2015
The Ecogold Environmental Fund is a proud sponsor of the Brooklyn Greenway Initiatives Half Marathon + 5K run for the second consecutive year. This is the first half marathon that flows exclusively on the Brooklyn Waterfront Greenway, raising…Read More
Grow NYC Governors Island Teaching Garden
November 21, 2014
GrowNYC has re-purposed an old shipping container to create a fully functional kitchen for the Govenors' Island Teaching Garden. Governors Island Teaching Garden was created as a result of the combined efforts of Grow NYC and the…Read More
La Casita Verde Solar Pagoda
October 17, 2014
The Ecogold Environmental Fund partnered with La Casita Verde this fall to install a solar powered pagoda at the Williamsburg based, Brooklyn community garden. This green space supports urban agriculture, soil rehabilitation, water reclamation, a discover…Read More
BGI Epic 2014
July 27, 2014
For the 2nd consecutive year Ecogold sponsors and participated in the BGI's 40 mile Epic Ride. The Greenway a 14-Mile route connecting Brooklyn's Waterfront and when complete, will be a landscaped route for pedestrians, runners and cyclists alike.Read More
Grow NYC Annual Plant Sale
May 3, 2014
The Ecogold Environmental Fund volunteered at the Grow NYC annual Spring plant sale. Every year since 1986, Grow NYC's Open Space Greening Program holds their Annual Spring Plant Sale in order to provide community groups with perennial and…Read More
Grow NYC Grow to Learn Aquaponics Project
March 7, 2014
Ecogold was proud to partner with Grow NYC in building the aquaponic garden at the Young Women's Leadership School in Astoria. The garden includes several dozen fish and a hydroponic garden that grows lettuce, swiss chard, beans, tomatoes,…Read More
BGI Half 2013
October 20, 2013
The Ecogold Environmental Fund Proudly Sponsored The Brooklyn Greenway Half & 5k The only half marathon and 5K exclusively held on the Brooklyn Waterfront Greenway. Starting and finishing in Williamsburg, this intimate run highlights Brooklyn Greenway Initiative's progress…Read More
BGI Epic 2013
January 27, 2013
Ecogold was proud to be a sponsor of Brooklyn Greenway Initiative's 5th annual Epic Ride, a 40 mile bike ride from Williamsburg Brooklyn to Rockaway Beach being held on Saturday, July 27, 2013. The Epic Ride…Read More


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Well, Koi Kishi Purely☆Kiss was pretty much all a human can ask for out of a pornographic cartoon.
I might have died. I might be dead after this one. Proper dead.
Well, Koi Kishi Purely☆Kiss was pretty much all a human can ask for out of a pornographic cartoon.
I might have died. I might be dead after this one. Proper dead.
Seriously, they don't even go together. It's like a dinner jacket and jean shorts. It doesn't make sense. Who gets hard just because there's an apron involved?
Maybe I just don't understand fashion.
Okay, full disclosure on this one. I fucked up the first three minutes due to a settings error. Blame the internet. Not my fault.
Anyway, this time it's Hitozuma Koukan Nikki that comes under the guns. Hopefully you'll enjoy it.
Seriously, I can only really guess as to what exactly I'm missing here since I cover the sound up pretty much entirely. Fuck sake, just… sex finally happens anyway.
You know, I thought "Let's watch a fun, happy porn this week." and this is the price I pay for my non-rape hubris.
What's one good turn without the other?
And by turn, I MEAN TURNING THOSE GODDAMN FLAPS OVER AND SEEING WHAT'S GOING ON UNDER THERE!
I bet it's something really neat.
Also, the video is cut off weird because the LAST asshole encoded the porn at the wrong size (720×408) and this one did it right (720×480) but I forgot to change the encode size. Everyone's fault but mine.
Maybe I fucking suck at this now. Who knows? Well, whatever, let's find out, eh? It's been four fucking years, people. What is my life even like?
As an aside, finding actual horror hentai has proved to be nigh on fucking impossible. It's all mind-break bullshit. So much for a spooktacular Halloween.
OH MAN! It's been a while, eh ladies? God, this fucking podcast is so long that I don't even know what to write about it. I cover a lot of shit in this and I'm going to basically consider it my Christianity podcast as well since a large chunk towards the beginning is dedicated to that. OTHERWISE! It's more of the normal Radio goodness. Hope you guys dig it, now I'm going to eat some fucking food. And yes, those are traps. I had to throw those pervs a bone eventually. Podcast: Play in new window | Download (Duration: 3:11:12 — 175.0MB)Subscribe: Android | RSS
Podcast: Play in new window | Download (Duration: 3:11:12 — 175.0MB)
Well… this one doesn't go quite so well. That's what happens when you take a random, generally crappy hentai and try to make something gold out of it. I mean, fuck sake, who wants to watch 26 minutes of people talking about nothing?! Fuck sake.
Ah well. It's good times. Let's make out instead of watching this. It'll be way more fun.
That's right kids! Onii-chan Radios back! Now with more hot barely legal teens! Oh man, that's going to attract all the wrong kinds of spam bots. … Ah well. Finally got around to answering a month and a half worth of questions and buy howdy is my voice under duress. You guys… you guys and your questions. SO MANY QUESTIONS! WHY DO I DO THIS?! Oh well, send some more and we'll do it all over again in a while. Good times. Also, there's no yuri, I just felt like clicking that category. Podcast: Play in new window | Download (Duration: 1:44:59 — 96.1MB)Subscribe: Android | RSS
Podcast: Play in new window | Download (Duration: 1:44:59 — 96.1MB)
Well, it's about time there was another Onii-chan Theatre. So it stands to reason that your loving Onii-chan would fuck it up.
Ah well! He's found himself a plenty quick way to make them now that doesn't take as long, so good news there, eh? So yeah. I hope you guys enjoy this one. It's important! IMPORTANT, DAMNIT! It contains life lessons and all that sort of shit. Okay, that's really all I've got.


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Falmouth RNLI's £100,000 fundraising appeal was launched just six weeks ago and donations have already topped £24,000.
The fundraising committee are delighted with the response, but are appealing for people to still get involved and help them reach their target. This will enable essential improvements to be made to the lifeboat station ahead of the arrival of a new Atlantic class inshore lifeboat in 2019.
The appeal has been launched in what is the 150th anniversary year of Falmouth RNLI and the exact amount banked so far stands at £24,593.75.
Appeal deputy chairman, Paul Wickes, said: "We are delighted with the fantastic progress for the RNLI Falmouth 150 Appeal. To have already reached £24,000 in such a short period of time puts us ahead of our targets for the calendar of events planned for the rest of the year.
"The appeal committee extend our thanks to all of the families and companies, such as Seacore, who have generously donated. There are a growing number of organisations who have started fundraising efforts. The major events are still to happen, including the Sea Shanty Festival with hopefully a new record amount collected by Betty (Stogs); a ska night organised by the amazing Pink Wig ladies; the Castle to Castle Swim, a black tie celebration dinner and the launch of the book on the history of the Falmouth RNLI station.
"Without giving all the secrets away Falmouth Marine Band are also planning a 'noisy' donation later in the year. So we have momentum and the hard work continues so thank you one and all."
Another source of funding will come from the Gloucester Quays Food Festival in July, which is thanks to the Falmouth appeal chairman, Mark Killingback's family connections to the city, and the fact Falmouth's first lifeboat was donated by the city.
Mr Killingback and his wife Debbie, who was born in Gloucester, were visiting family recently and arranged to meet the local RNLI branch. From that meeting, Gloucester RNLI fundraising branch agreed to donate all money raising during the festival to the Falmouth appeal.
Anyone interested in organising a fundraising event or make a donation to the appeal should contact the appeal team at email@example.com,uk or call 07774 436265.


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August 17, 2017
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South Metro Fire Rescue LODD
Posted On: Jul 18, 2017
It is with great sadness that South Metro Fire Rescue (SMFR) shares news of the death of Engineer Michael Freeman. Engineer Freeman passed away peacefully in his home at today, July 16, 2017, after complications from cancer. Mike started his career in 1974 with the Cherry Hills Fire Department and his many honors include being SMFR's most senior active member, holding badge number 74-1. SMFR is recognizing Engineer Freeman's passing as an Active Member Line of Duty Death. Flags will be lowered to half-staff at all SMFR facilities and badges worn by SMFR personnel will be shrouded. Details of Engineer Freeman's memorial service will be shared as soon as possible. SMFR expresses our deepest condolences and sympathy to the Freeman family during this difficult time.
South Metro will be honoring Mike Freeman line of duty death with a memorial service and celebration of life on Friday, July 21st at 11 a.m. at Denver First Church (Church of the Nazarene), 3800 E Hampden Ave, Cherry Hills Village, CO 80113. Following the memorial service, the family has asked that a procession of South Metro Fire Rescue units, external fire/law enforcement agencies, as well as friends and family proceed towards Chapel Hill Cemetery, with the larger procession ending at Arapahoe Rd. and Colorado Blvd. In the meantime, please keep the family in your prayers as we mourn the loss of a wonderful man and one of our brothers.
Funeral Information:
Location of Funeral: Denver First Church
Funeral Address: 3800 E Hampden ave
Funeral City: Cherry Hills
Province: Colorado
Zip/Postal Code: 80113
POC Mike Gilbert
Telephone 303-550-3542 or
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Funeral Time: 11:00
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Great theme and it IS responsive!
This is by far the best free theme out there. There are numerous options for customization right in the theme options. Other themes force you to create a child theme and make changes to CSS to change colors, etc., but Mantra includes most of those options right in their admin screen.
The theme IS responsive. I've tested it on my android and it shows up great.
This theme would easily sell for $50 – $100 on any "theme store" site, so this is a huge gift from Cryout Creations to the wordpress community. This theme actually has more options and features than many of the so-called "premium" themes out there.
- The topic 'Great theme and it IS responsive!' is closed to new replies.


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Gig Opportunity: Max Impact is the premier rock band of the United States Air Force. They are seeking auditions from bass guitarists. Learn more.
Sometimes it's the simplest bass lines that stick with you the most. Here, bassist Gail Ann Dorsey proves it as she plays the iconic riff to "Under Pressure" with David Bowie at Madison Square Garden in 1997.


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|I-Shift is the most intelligent automated manual transmission on the market. It automatically chooses the most fuel-efficient gear, and will often skip gears to help you stay in the sweet spot while getting to your cruise speed faster. Add the clever Eco-Roll function, saving fuel on downhill grades, and you�ve got yourself a transmission that will help you save fuel, mile after mile.
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|Behind the roomy cab of the VNL 670, you�ll find plenty of living space in the 61 inch sleeper. Including a right-sized workstation for paperwork or dining, Fold it out of the way and you have a comfortable full-sized bunk. You can also equip your VNL 670 with a 1.6 cubic foot refrigerator and freezer, a microwave, and flat screen TV that you can watch from anywhere you choose to relax.
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|Don�t Let the Outside In.
|Few things create as much stress and fatigue as working in a noisy environment. Thankfully, you won�t find this in your Volvo truck. The high-strength steel cab of your VNL 670 is fully insulated and features double-sealed doors and thick floor covering � all to keep exterior noise out, and making the interior as quiet as many passenger cars.
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|A quick glance is enough. The over-sized Driver Information Display tells you everything you need to know, including your fuel efficiency, trip mileage, battery voltage, and fluid levels. You can also set it to show the favorite gauges you like to see. And our unique Performance Bonus Display can give you real-time driving feedback to help you increase fuel economy. The interface is available in English, French and Spanish.
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|Want to know the secret behind the great driveability and superb efficiency of Volvo engines? Just look at the performance curves. Excellent torque even at low RPMs, with a broad range for maximum torque. You�ll also see that peak torque overlaps peak power in the mid RPM range, helping you drive both performance and fuel economy. That means you�ll notice the difference immediately, whether you work behind the wheel or behind the desk. And you have plenty of power options, from 375 to 600 hp.
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NOTE: Models with a price of "Request a Quote" are always included in a $0 search, regardless of actual value.


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Tagged: Black Suits
Brad Pitt's Black Suit in Mr. & Mrs. Smith
Brad Pitt as John Smith, suburban assassin
New York City, Fall 2004
Film: Mr. & Mrs. Smith
Release Date: June 10, 2005
Director: Doug Liman
Costume Designer: Michael Kaplan
Pitt's Costumer: Myron Baker
WARNING! Spoilers ahead!
There have been quite a few requests from readers hoping to see some of Brad Pitt's sharp attire from Mr. & Mrs. Smith, and I think enough time has passed since his notorious divorce from Angelina Jolie last fall that a post featuring the very movie that brought them together won't look too opportunistic… although being posted a week after Valentine's Day may look suspicious!
Mr. & Mrs. Smith stars Pitt and Jolie as the titular couple, a seemingly banal set of suburbanites shielding their secret side careers as professional contract killers from each other. Continue reading
Carlito Brigante's Black Striped Suit
Al Pacino as Carlito "Charlie" Brigante, paroled nightclub owner and former heroin dealer
New York City, September 1975
Film: Carlito's Way
Release Date: November 3, 1993
Director: Brian De Palma
Costume Designer: Aude Bronson-Howard
After his parole, Carlito's "street uniform" is typically a cool '70s leather jacket in black or brown, but nights that find him hosting in his hot spot – El Paraíso – call for a slick black three-piece suit. Continue reading
American Gangster: Frank Lucas' Wedding Suit
Denzel Washington as Frank Lucas, heroin kingpin
Harlem, Summer 1971
Film: American Gangster
Release Date: November 2, 2007
Director: Ridley Scott
Costume Designer: Janty Yates
Tailor: Leonard Logsdail
For BAMF Style, the week leading up to Valentine's Day always means a Week of Weddings, focusing on how some of the greatest on-screen tough guys dress up for their big day.
American Gangster depicts the rise and fall of heroin trafficker Frank Lucas and his disputed claims of smuggling dope home in the caskets of American servicemen who had died during the Vietnam War. He meets the Puerto Rican beauty queen Eva (her real name was Julianna) at his nightclub, and the two are soon married. Continue reading
Nucky Thompson's Black Tie for the New Year
Steve Buscemi as Enoch "Nucky" Thompson, crooked city politician and influential mob bootlegger
Atlantic City, New Year's Eve 1922
Series: Boardwalk Empire
Episode: "Resolution" (Episode 3.01)
Air Date: September 16, 2012
Director: Tim Van Patten
Tomorrow night is New Year's Eve, an evening that sees many flocking to friends' houses, bar parties, or an overcrowded section of New York without realizing that even the country's most populous city can't handle the lavatory needs of one million intoxicated visitors.
But I digress. For the lovable gang of murderous bootleggers on Boardwalk Empire, New Year's Eve is an opportunity to party at the home of the town's gregarious and graft-loving treasurer, Nucky Thompson. To ring in 1923, Nucky has a full evening planned with a literal treasure chest of gifts as well as live entertainment from Eddie Cantor and Billie Kent,
his latest mistress an up-and-coming showgirl.
Guests include old favorites like Charlie "Lucky" Luciano, Meyer Lansky, and Arnold Rothstein, but Nucky also welcomes a relative newcomer, the volatile Italian gangster Gyp Rosetti who doesn't set a good example for America's youth about treating a host with kindness.
What'd He Wear?
And then there's you. Fucking breadstick in a bow tie. You pasty-faced, cocksucking-
Poor Nucky goes to all this work to look sharp for his New Year's bash, and then he goes and gets insulted for his bow tie and complexion. Although I can't guarantee that your party's Gyp Rosetti won't level a few unnecessary insults in your direction, I can endorse Nucky Thompson's dinner suit as a fine way for a gentleman to stand out at any upcoming New Year celebrations. Continue reading
Justified – Raylan's Black 1-Button Suit
Timothy Olyphant as Raylan Givens, old school Deputy U.S. Marshal
Harlan County, Kentucky, Spring 2010
Series: Justified
– "Fixer" (Episode 1.03, Director: Fred Keller, Air Date: March 30, 2010)
– "The Hammer" (Episode 1.10, Director: John Dahl, Air Date: May 18, 2010)
– "The Moonshine War" (Episode 2.01, Director: Adam Arkin, Air Date: February 9, 2011)
– "Cottonmouth" (Episode 2.05, Director: Michael Watkins, Air Date: March 9, 2011)
– "The Spoil" (Episode 2.08, Director: Michael Watkins, Air Date: March 30, 2011)
– "Reckoning" (Episode 2.12, Director: Adam Arkin, Air Date: April 27, 2011)
Creator: Graham Yost
Costume Designers: Ane Crabtree (Season 1) & Patia Prouty (Season 2)
A laconic, black-suited lawman with a troubled personal life and deadly accuracy with a firearm. The first name that would come to mind for most people is Wyatt Earp. It's no coincidence that Justified's showrunners also ensured that the description would fit Deputy U.S. Marshal Raylan Givens to a T.
You are every inch the goddamn gunslinger I've heard.
…is Judge Mike Reardon's praise for Raylan in "The Hammer", and it is a very apt description given the lawman's throwback tendencies to an era when gunslingers roamed the dusty streets of the old west. Continue reading
William Holden in The Wild Bunch
William Holden as Pike Bishop, grizzled bandit gang leader
Coahuila, Mexico, Spring 1913
Film: The Wild Bunch
Release Date: June 18, 1969
Director: Sam Peckinpah
Costume Designer: James R. Silke
We've got to start thinking beyond our guns. Those days are closing fast.
…is what Pike Bishop wisely tells his men, an aging group of outlaws still anachronistically robbing banks and trains on horseback with a six-shooter on their hips. Pike knows the times are changing, and it doesn't take a water-cooled machine gun or a Mexican general's Packard to drive the point home to them.
Today would have been the 97th birthday of William Holden, who starred in classics like Sunset Boulevard, Stalag 17, Sabrina, The Bridge on the River Kwai before taking on the role of the anachronistically self-aware Pike Bishop. Holden was one of many actors considered by Sam Peckinpah for the role; Lee Marvin had actually been cast but then turned it down to accept the higher-paying lead in Paint Your Wagon. It turned out well for Holden, who developed the character into one of the greatest movie badasses of all time… as even that sterling news source MTV agreed. Continue reading
Johnny Cash in All Black (Walk the Line)
Joaquin Phoenix as Johnny Cash, badass but troubled country rock musician
Los Angeles, January 1968
Film: Walk the Line
Release Date: November 18, 2005
Director: James Mangold
Costume Designer: Arianne Phillips
Tailor: Pam Lisenby
Columbia Exec: Your fans are church folk, Johnny. Christians. They don't wanna hear you singing to a bunch of murderers and rapists, tryin' to cheer 'em up.
Johnny Cash: Well, they're not Christians, then.
The terrific 2005 biopic Walk the Line features a great scene of Cash rebooting his career as a prison performer (and reformer) when he confidently strides into Columbia Records and announces his plan to record an album live from Folsom Prison. He dudes himself up appropriately in all black and is the most self-assured as we've seen him throughout the film.
To honor Johnny Cash's birthday (he would have been exactly 83 years old today), here's a look at Joaquin Phoenix's take on "the Man in Black". Continue reading


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Grilled Baby Snapper
Be the first to review
READY IN: 40mins
Recipe by EviN206
Frm simply her mag.
See Discussion:
Ingredients Nutrition
- 1 (400 g) red snapper, whole, cleaned
- 2 tablespoons freshly squeezed lime juice
- 1⁄2 teaspoon salt, to taste
- 1⁄2 teaspoon white pepper powder
Tomato-chilli paste
- 50 g tomatoes
- 20 g red chilies, seeded
- 35 g shallots, peeled
- 10 g garlic, peeled
- 5 g shrimp paste
- 40 ml vegetable oil
- 1⁄2 tablespoon salt
Directions See How It's Made
- Put the tomato-chilli paste ingredients into a food processor and grind coarsely.
- With a sharp knife, cut four slits approx 1cm deep on both sides of fish to allow the seasoning to penetrate and the fish to cook more evenly.
- Season the fish with lime juice, salt and pepper.
- Stuff the tomato-chilli paste into the slits. Marinate fish for 20mins.
- Place the fish on the charcoal grill and cook over a medium heat.
- Blance the vege in salty boiling water. After blanching, heat the oil and saute the vege with garlic and onion before seasoning with salt and pepper.
- Serve the grilled snappoer with steamed rice.


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A treasure lies in wait
Announced at E3, and coming as somewhat of a surprise, it seems odd that Nintendo decided to pull an entire game out of a mini-game included in Super Mario 3D World. While it's actually a superb little game that serves as a great distraction between levels, it's really not the sort of game you'd expect to find adorning store shelves or commanding a high price on the eShop. Yet, after playing through five highly-inventive levels of Captain Toad Treasure Tracker at a post E3 Nintendo event in London, it's clear that there's plenty of potential in this plucky adventurer.
Playing exactly the same way as before, you control Captain Toad through a set of tight independent levels, avoiding enemies and traps as you go in an effort to reach the end and snag the level star. Unlike Super Mario 3D World's entry, you're actually looking for three hidden gems in each level, as well as collecting coins along the way and attaining a star for finishing the level.
It sounds far simpler than it is, but the real beauty of Captain Toad is that you have to use the camera to your advantage; spotting secret rooms, alternative paths and clever ways to manipulate enemies to slide on past them. Prodding the touchscreen also helps, as that'll move some blocks into place and pin enemies down so you can get Captain Toad by with ease.
And, across the four levels I got to play, it all works very well. Exploring a temple at the start offered similar fun to 3D World, while a dragon's lair level showed how elevation and circular level design can be put to effective use in a time-based ascension level. Going up against Boos and Goomba's in a haunted house required deft puzzle-solving skills and steely nerves, and an on-rails Pokemon Snap-style mine cart level made innovative use of the Wii U Gamepad and TV screen to find and target boxes, coins and hidden gems.
But, despite all that, I'm puzzled by how Nintendo can scale this up to a full-priced outing. I'm sure it'll be great when done, it certainly looks the part. However, it's easy to imagine what I got to play becoming dull over time, requiring either additional challenges or even more innovative uses we haven't been shown yet. Perhaps there's even going to be a story tying it all together, but for now I'll just have to sit back and say that Captain Toad's Treasure Tracker has really piqued my interest.


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Item# SPT010P
Charlie by Matthew Zink black Yoga Pant. Self fabric covered waistband and double Layer front pouch
FIT : Model is wearing size large.
Model's measurements: 6' 2" Height / 32" waist / 44" Chest
QUALITY : Produced in Italy. Ultrasoft power knit made from 79% polyamide and 21% elastane. This fabric has beautiful two way stretch and cotton touch for maximum mobility and comfort.
CARE : To extend the life of your yoga pant, wash cold and hang dry.
This item is eligible for refund or exchange if returned within 14 days of receipt.


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video games Archives
Two-Thirds of American households regularly play video games
April 19, 2017 by in AZ Business Magazine | Tech
Sixty-five percent of American households are home to someone who plays video games regularly, according to a new study released today by the Entertainment Software Association (ESA). The report, 2017 Essential Facts About the Computer and Video Game Industry, also reveals 67 percent of American households own a device used to play video games. "America… Read More →
Video Games Go to College for groundbreaking ASU Program
Much is being made over the explosion of video games in the classroom to teach a future generation of K-12 students. But what about the future teachers who will be teaching them? At Arizona State University, education students are reaching into their virtual future with the click of a mouse to test their teaching skills… Read More →


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Series: Bulletin of the British Museum (Natural History) Zoology Volume: 22/1
By: Peter Humphry Greenwood(Author)
55 pages, 21 b/w line drawings
A study on the hyoid and ventral gill arch musculature in osteoglossomorph fishes.
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EDEN PRAIRIE, Minn. -- The Minnesota Vikings are discussing suspended cornerback Chris Cook's future.
Coach Leslie Frazier said he'd be meeting Monday afternoon with team officials to "see which direction we're going to be heading" with Cook, who was charged last week with felony domestic assault for allegedly trying to strangle his girlfriend. Frazier sidestepped a question at his news conference about whether Cook could be released. The coach said only, "We've got a lot of things to talk about."
The Vikings have their bye this week, but Frazier said "all indications are" cornerback Antoine Winfield will be back from a neck injury to play Green Bay on Nov. 14. Winfield has missed four games. He said "without a doubt" he'll be on the field against the Packers.