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Doctor insights on:
High Calorie Low Sodium Foods
I have hyponatremia, low chloride and high TSH 12.8. Sodium went to 116. Many hospitalizations. Take 10 1gr sodium tabs. Fluid res?
Low sodium: You need to see an endocrinologist (ea) as soon as possible. You are hypothyroid (h) with your high tsh. That could be one cause of your low sodium (ls). Ls is a life-threatening situation. See an e, get your h treated with medicine and you may stop the need for your sodium pills and avoid future hospitalizations. You will also begin to feel better. ...Read moreSee 1 more doctor answer
Calorie (Definition)
A calorie is the amount of heat energy needed to increase a mililiter of water 1 degree centigrade, the calorie we talk about in foods is really a kilocalorie, that is the amount of energy needed to increase a liter of water 1 degree centigrade... So if you eat a food that is 500 calories that food if burned completely has enough energy to heat a liter of ...Read more
I have long standing hyponatremia, low chloride plus high TSH 12.8. I have been hospitalized mult times had seizure. Taking 10 1gr sodium. Fluid res?
FInd out why: I trust you are not taking a diuretic for some reason, and i trust you do not have inappropriate ADH (vasopressin) secretion due to porphyria or some other illness. Especially, i hope you don't have undiagnosed addison's disease especially with the high TSH (possible schmidt's). Have you been evaluated for one of the syndromes of renal sodium wasting? ...Read more
Is there a treatment for hyponatremia (low sodium)?
Multiple: There are many different types of treatment. However the treatment varies depending on what type of hyponatremia you have. If you have hyponatremia from dehydration, you must have a liquids that have salt (ckn broth or normal saline) in them. If you had hyponatremia because you retain too much fluid, then you must use a water pill to get rid of the excess water and improve your serum sodium. ...Read moreSee 1 more doctor answer
What food is high in carbs and potassium, but low on sodium and calories?
Most grains.: Most grains are high in carbs and low in sodium, unless added. All are high in potassium. ...Read more
How much time does it take to recover from hyponatremia (sodium deficiency)?
Water excess: Hi. Hyponatremia is virtually ALWAYS due to water excess, NOT sodium deficiency. Depending on how LOW below normal your sodium is, correction may have to be done fairly gradually to prevent harm. You need to see a competent diagnostician to assess your volume status (fluid overloaded, dehydrated, or normal), and causative conditions, then institute water restriction (or a vaptan drug). Good luck! ...Read more
Mum had Hyponatremia sodium 108 went to ED. it was BP medication since she came out she is confused it is now 131 how long should she be confused?
Confused: Two things: 1: Please call your mother's doctor! 2: Consider a consult with a Psychologist. Please keep me posted. PS: I have two brothers with family in London and I hope to see them in December! Can't wait. ...Read more
I have been told by my dr. subscribed 1 gm of sodium chloride 2x's daily for chronic hyponatremia...they cause nausea-vomiting. could I be allergic?
Wrong treatment: Hi. The treatment for hyponatremia depends on the patient's volume status (dehydrated, volume over-loaded, or normal volume status) and the underlying cause. The most common cause, SIADH, is treated with water restriction (or one of the new vaptan drugs), NOT by giving salt. Nausea and vomiting can be FROM severe hyponatremia. It wouldn't be a bad idea for you to see an endocrinologist. ...Read more
Ckd patient with hyponatremia. Is it safe to take 650 mg sodium bicarbonate with 40 mg lasix (furosemide) to prevent water retention? Is sodium bicarbonate renoprotective?
Depends: Bicarbonate (sodium bicarbonate (sodium bicarbonate)) is not reno-protective. However, high acid levels in the blood affect heart function, muscle function and kidney function. Reducing the blood acid level (seen by a rising bicarbonate (sodium bicarbonate) level or pH level) improves muscle function including the heart which improves kidney circulation. It also allows the kidneys to better control potassium levels. You can help the process by avoiding sodas! ...Read moreSee 2 more doctor answers
Could a runner running in the heat who was drinking a sport drink with only potassium chloride and carbohydrates (no sodium at all) get hyponatremia?
Yes. : Any drink that doesn't taste like the ocean is mostly water, regardless of whether it contains sodium or not. Long distance runners can be susceptible to hyponatremia, and risk factors include long distances (marathons, ultra-marathons), women, low body weight, inadequate training, and water loading before and during the race, especially if more weight is gained by water than lost by sweat. ...Read more
Is frozen food low in sodium and calories bad?
Frozen food: It seems that frozen dinners purchased at a market may have ingredients that are not healthy; however, frozen fruit is fine; frozen veg are fine; frozen meats are fine; Low salt packaging seems decent. ...Read moreSee 1 more doctor answer
Sodium (Definition)
It's an element that is important in the cell functions ...Read more
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MATT Lund will be lining up for Rochdale against Southend United this afternoon.
But if things had worked out differently the midfielder could well have been starting for the Shrimpers.
Lund ended last season on loan at Roots Hall and boss Phil Brown was keen to keep him at the club.
However, he eventually opted to join Rochdale and has been in fine form for Keith Hill's side this season.
"I offered Matty a contract but it wasn't his type of deal in terms of how long it was so he opted to join Rochdale and I'm pleased he's being doing well," said Shrimpers boss Brown.
"He's a good sort to have around but we already had Marc Laird and Ryan Leonard who are fairly similar to him.
"Hopefully our midfield can keep him quiet this afternoon because he's a good player and he's also scored a few goals this season which I didn't know he had in his locker.
"I'm pleased for him and hope he continues to do well, just not today."
Rochdale boast the home record in the division having won 14 times at their own ground in the league this season.
Scott Hogan currently leads their scoring charts and is the second highest scorer at basement level with 17 league goals this season.

subset: commoncrawl


text:
Simple solution to start the Windows 7 cmd.exe in administrator (admin) mode!
Please click on "Start" (Windows-Logo), then enter "cmd.exe" and execute with keys [Shift]+[CTRL]+[ENTER] (Picture-1).
See Picture-1!
[Shift]+[CTRL]+[ENTER] is required to start (execute) the command prompt "cmd.exe" in administrative mode!
Whit only [ENTER] is normal user mode and many admin features does not work.
You can start every process with [Shift]+[CTRL]+[ENTER] as an Administrator!
HOT-TIP:... alternative to the standard Windows Run-Dialog.
FAQ 23: Updated on: August 28th 2014 09:29


text:
Moss Rocks
Many in stock
Moss Rocks
Modernize your indoor plant or floral arrangement with the faux Moss Rocks. This is the perfect combination of sizes foam forms covering a synthetic fiber to give the look of real moss. Nine pieces come to a pack.
Fun and useful ways to use Moss Rocks:
- The perfect cover for arrangements using Grower's pots - pairs with Green Moss for a full presentation.
- Wedge as a base to medium and large silk terrarium arrangements.
- Place on top of terrarium Fairy Gardens - they add interest to the design or maybe a home for a fairy.
The ideas are endless when it comes to the Moss Rocks. One bit of knowledge on these, they do not like to sit in water or be in a moist environment. Keep them inside and dry.
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text:
Creating the National Security State:
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ON JULY 22, 2004, the National Commission on Terrorist Attacks upon the United States, also known as the 9/11 Commission, issued its final report. In many respects, it is an exceptional product—well written, authoritative, and admirably nonpartisan. It is nonetheless a curiously myopic study. In the preface to their report, the commission members describe their mandate as " looking backward in order to look forward," yet the report rarely looks back much further than the mid-1980s.1 In spite of the fact that the report recognizes the need for substantive reform of the US national security bureaucracy, no attempt is made to help readers to understand why these institutions were created, or how they have evolved. Perhaps as a consequence of this ahistorical perspective, the specific recommendations of the 9/11 Commission are relatively modest and adjustive—an exercise in gardening rather than architecture.2
The 9/11 Commission is not alone in this regard. Virtually all of the current proposals for institutional reform focus on a particular cluster of agencies involved in related activities, such as intelligence gathering or homeland security, rather than on the national security bureaucracy as a comprehensive system of interdependent institutions. Indeed, the evolving debates about reform of portions of the national security system bear little resemblance to the wide-ranging discussions that led to the creation of that system in the period after World War II. This book is designed to introduce readers to those discussions. My focus is upon the 1947 National Security Act, the single omnibus bill that created all of the leading institutions of the US national security bureaucracy, except for the Department of State. The National Security Act is arguably the second most important piece of legislation in modern American history—surpassed only by the 1964 Civil Rights Act. But while there are hundreds of books written about the political and social controversies surrounding the 1964 legislation, there is still no comprehensive record of the disputes and compromises that shaped the 1947 National Security Act.
This is especially strange since the early Cold War period has been the subject of so much insightful analysis. Indispensable historical studies such as Melvin Leffler's A Preponderance of Power, richly detailed biographies such as David McCullough's Truman, and definitive memoirs such as Dean Acheson's Present at the Creation do an excellent job of informing readers about the domestic and international environments in 1947, but they do not focus on the debates that culminated in the passage of the legislation.3 I attribute this to the understandable preoccupation with the various crises and confrontations that crowded the headlines during this period. It can be argued, however, that none of the well-known events of the immediate postwar era—not the passage of the Marshall Plan, not the declaration of the Truman Doctrine, not even Kennan's dispatch of his " Long Telegram"—was as significant as the 1947 National Security Act in determining both the direction of American foreign policy and the future of American society.
I would be remiss, however, if I gave readers the impression that there are no available studies that place a special emphasis on the 1947 Act. Three books in particular deserve special mention. The first is Michael Hogan's essential history of the Truman era, A Cross of Iron.4 Professor Hogan weaves references to the 1947 legislation throughout his narrative. He also provides, in chapter 2 of his book, an excellent introduction to many of the key players and issues in the postwar struggle over institutional reform.
Both Professor Hogan and I seek to demonstrate how a national security ideology was articulated and institutionalized by the framers of the 1947 National Security Act. We nonetheless differ, to some extent, in our views about the genesis of that ideology. At the core of Hogan's history is a struggle that is played out during the early Cold War period between the proponents of national security and the defenders of " traditional values" of anti-statism and anti-militarism. My study finds the roots of the national security ideology in America's prewar and wartime experience, and places a much greater emphasis upon Pearl Harbor as a turning point in modern American history. John Gaddis has observed that " surprise attacks tend to sweep away old conceptions of national security and what it takes to achieve it."5 My book goes even further, arguing that Pearl Harbor redefined for most Americans both the nature of international relations and the responsibilities of their government toward its citizens. It quite literally changed the way Americans thought about time and space, with attendant implications for the way they thought about their own vulnerability. The fact that America could be directly attacked from a distance of nearly 4,000 miles did not just " sweep away old conceptions of national security"; it established the concept of national security as the unchallengeable standard against which all future foreign policy decisions were to be made.
The lessons of Pearl Harbor were central to the postwar debates about the need for a global military presence backed up by the threat of nuclear retaliation. Under these circumstances, the priority at the end of the war was the development and maintenance of what Melvyn Leffler has described as " a strategic frontier" from which the United States would be able to take " 'timely' offensive action against the adversary's capacity and will to wage war."6 Of special significance for this study, the lessons of Pearl Harbor also guided efforts to reform the procedures for gathering and sharing intelligence, coordinating the activities of military and civilian advisers, and harnessing the nation's economic and scientific resources in the name of preparedness. Finally, Pearl Harbor convinced the American people that preparing for the next sneak attack was everybody's business, all the time, at home and abroad. In the jargon of contemporary constructivist scholarship, America has been " securitized" ever since.7
Viewed from this perspective, postwar debates that culminated in the passage of the 1947 National Security Act were not so much a struggle between two competing philosophies, as Michael Hogan argues, as a dialogue about how best to adjust American values and interests to the non-negotiable demands of national security. Pearl Harbor had such a powerful effect on the thinking of the participants in this dialogue that we are justified in calling the network of institutions created by the 1947 Act the " Pearl Harbor system."
The second study that deserves mention at the start of this book is Aaron Friedberg's In the Shadow of the Garrison State.8 Professor Friedberg shares with Michael Hogan an interest in the question: " Why didn't America become a garrison state after World War II?" Friedberg provides rich historical and theoretical insights about efforts before and after World War II to harness the American economy to the demands of the state. His arguments were of special value to me as I sought, in Chapter 5 of this volume, to develop my own explanations for the rise and fall of the National Security Resources Board (NSRB). The NSRB was envisioned by some of the framers of the 1947 National Security Act as one of the most important pillars of the new Pearl Harbor system. Professor Friedberg's book helped me to understand why it did not survive the intense bureaucratic struggles that took place during the Truman era.
I also owe an intellectual debt to Professor Amy Zegart for the many insights that I have taken away from her book Flawed by Design.9 This book comes closest to mine in its focus upon the 1947 National Security Act. Drawing upon, and then going beyond, insights from the new institutionalist literature, Professor Zegart stresses the importance of the bargains struck during the formulation of the 1947 National Security Act in determining the trajectories of the major national security agencies for the next five decades. Her emphasis on the evolution of three components of the national security bureaucracy—the Joint Chiefs of Staff, the Central Intelligence Agency, and the National Security Council—distinguishes her study from mine, which discusses all of the agencies created by the 1947 legislation. We also differ in terms of time frame. Professor Zegart surveys the entire period from the end of World War II to the 1990s, whereas my study extends from 1937 to 1960.
The most important difference between Professor Zegart's study and this volume is that she is more inclined than I am to downplay the role of interest groups and, in particular, Congress during the formative period of the National Security Act. Indeed, her claims regarding the limited importance of these actors in the formulation of national security legislation is fundamental to her revisions of theories associated with the new institutionalist literature. My study treats these actors as more or less determinative depending on the issues involved and the interests engaged. One reason for our disagreement on this important point is that she does not focus upon the monumental disputes associated with the Truman administration's efforts to unify the armed services, or on the subsequent development of the Department of Defense—two related issues that were greatly influenced by Congress. Nor does Professor Zegart discuss in any detail the creation, development, and ultimate failure of the NSRB, an agency whose activities inevitably engaged numerous economic and political interests in the name of national security.
What all three of the above-mentioned studies have in common with this book is an emphasis upon what Professor Friedberg calls the "interior dimension of American grand strategy."10 In this sense, they are all responses to demands by students of international relations for more empirical research on the circumstances under which "conceptions of self and interest" that guide a nation's foreign policy become institutionalized.11 One reason why there are still very few studies of the genesis of a nation's foreign policy institutions is the traditional historiographic problem of infinite regression (e.g., should a study of the ideational and institutional elements of German Weltpolitik begin with Bismarck's arrival in 1862 or his removal in 1890?). From time to time, however, history provides us with a relatively unambiguous starting point for a particular story. The Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor is one such event. This book will identify the defining elements of the Pearl Harbor system, by recourse to the debates that took place between 1937 and the passage of the 1947 National Security Act. The participants in these debates were, in the truest sense, "present at the creation" of an entirely new approach to American foreign policy.12
Chapter 1 of this study takes readers back to 1937 and introduces them to a small group of policymakers and scholars who had come to the conclusion that America's approach to international affairs was dangerously na¨ıve and unsustainable. My focus in this section is on Franklin Roosevelt's efforts to prepare the nation for war without running afoul of the pervasive national mood of isolationism. I also introduce readers to some of the people who were recruited by Roosevelt between 1937 and 1941 to assist him in his " preparedness campaign." Some of these individuals—George Marshall, Dean Acheson, James Forrestal, Vannevar Bush—would continue after the war to play important roles in the creation and initial operation of the new network of national security institutions.
I also introduce readers to one academic: Professor Edward Pendleton Herring of Harvard. Prior to World War II, no one was more articulate than Herring in identifying fundamental problems in the existing system for foreign and defense policymaking, and no one was more visionary than Herring in his description of an alternative system. During the 1930s, Herring had drawn upon insights from political science and from the relatively new field of public administration in order to develop three related arguments. First, authoritarian regimes were gaining enormous economic and political advantages over democracies by their exploitation of modern technologies of communication and transportation. Second, management science could help America to replicate the efficiencies of totalitarian governments without doing violence to our democratic values. Third, in order for the United States to become competitive, however, it would have to break free of the grip of special interests that had a stranglehold on both the American economy and the American political system. In 1936, Herring developed this last argument in a book entitled Public Administration and the Public Interest, in which he argued that the central problem of our time was " the need for promoting a purpose of the state over and above the purposes of the medley of interests that compose it."13
Shortly before the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor, Herring published another important book, The Impact of War, which was designed to alert Americans to the immediate and overriding " purpose of the state." It was the first attempt by any American scholar to develop, in a systematic and sustained way, the concept of national security. Herring argued that technological developments (most notably, air power) and political developments (the global spread of totalitarian regimes) had converged to present the United States with an unprecedented threat, which demanded new procedures for the formulation and management of its foreign and defense policies. The first step toward a more competitive system was to " give thought to the possibility of adapting our governmental institutions to the maintenance of a powerful military force as part of the normal structure of our society."14 Herring recognized that this idea would be strongly resisted by many Americans, due to their " persistent suspicion of militarism." But he was encouraged that " by a strange paradox, the most practicable means of approaching this goal today is under the urgence of the red spurs of war."15 He also claimed that even after the national emergency was over, the United States would need to remain militarily strong and constantly on guard, since " the Roman phalanx was a necessary preliminary to the Pax Romana."16
Pearl Harbor confirmed for virtually all Americans the wisdom of Herring's prewar arguments. It also established the concept of national security as the standard against which all future foreign policies would be judged.
National security required all Americans to adopt a completely new attitude about their safety. An editorial in the Washington Post concluded that " the real villain" in the story of Pearl Harbor " was the bureaucratic mind."17 Changing the way that all citizens thought about security was essential for America's long-term safety. Herring put it this way in 1941: " The happiest future we could envisage in this troubled world is our nation so aroused and unified by the threats from abroad that we could appear too strong for any nation to dare attack."18 Following Pearl Harbor, few people questioned Herring's theory of deterrence, although policymakers would continue to debate issues of resource management and prioritization.19
Before Washington could turn its attention to the challenge of deterring the next Pearl Harbor, however, it needed to win the war. This is the focus of Chapter 2 of this book. America's experiences with the management of World War II provided policymakers with valuable tests of institutions and procedures for civilian-military cooperation, intelligence sharing, and interservice policy coordination. America's primary ally, Great Britain, played an especially important role in providing Washington with institutional models. World War II also provided some negative lessons for postwar planners. America's experience with the supply side of the war effort convinced most experts that, contrary to prewar expectations, loosely administered capitalism outperformed centrally controlled systems for economic management. The challenge was to find an approach to postwar planning that would ensure a high level of preparedness without imposing undue restraints on American business and without crippling America's dynamic research and development sector.
During the last stages of the Second World War, the Washington policy community began to prepare for an intensely divisive battle over the construction of a completely new network of institutions. It is important to note the extent to which this was uncharted territory for all the participants. What they were attempting to imagine had no counterpart in American history during periods of peace. It is not surprising, under these circumstances, that these individuals frequently relied upon metaphors and analogies—citing "gestapos," "automatons," " monstrosities," " men on horseback," and " Prussian General Staffs"—to make their arguments. It should also come as no surprise that these references were usually vague and often inaccurate, since they were chosen more for their emotional impact than for their descriptive value.
The most important analogy for most participants was, of course, the Japanese "sneak attack" on Pearl Harbor. The initial round of hearings on institutional reform took place while the Joint Committee Hearings on the Investigation of the Pearl Harbor Attack were in full swing. The final report of the Pearl Harbor hearings, issued on July 20, 1946, ran to twenty-three volumes and 25,000 pages. Its findings were never far from the minds of the framers of the 1947 National Security Act.
Pearl Harbor provided four specific lessons for postwar planners. First, the United States needed new machinery for collecting and interpreting information regarding potential enemies, before those enemies acquired the ability to "sucker-punch" us. Second, Washington needed to provide military leaders with a permanent and influential role in the formulation of peacetime foreign and security policy. Third, policymakers needed to ensure that both interservice cooperation and civilian-military cooperation would be as seamless as possible. Finally, America needed new procedures for harnessing the energies of its factories and its scientific laboratories in support of national security.
The fact that policymakers agreed on the need for institutional reforms did not make it any easier for them to agree upon the details. Chapters 3 and 4 introduce readers to the two factions whose competing visions of institutional reform tended to dominate the postwar debates. Chapter 3 focuses on the efforts by Harry Truman, George Marshall, and the Army leadership to convince Congress and the American people that unification of the armed services was the sine qua non for an effective national security system. Chapter 4 focuses on the campaign by James Forrestal and the Navy to oppose Truman's campaign for armed forces unification, at the risk of being accused of insubordination. This chapter also discusses the alternative vision of national security policymaking proposed by Ferdinand Eberstadt and his Unification Study Group. Their report was to serve as a key point of reference for the framers of the 1947 National Security Act. It also provided the Navy with the ammunition that it needed for a counterattack against the proponents of armed forces unification.
The battle over institutional reform dragged on for three years, and closure was only achieved when the primary sponsor of the legislation, President Harry Truman, accepted defeat on major elements of his plan. When the intense bureaucratic and political infighting finally ended, almost no one was satisfied with the compromise legislation that was signed into law on July 26, 1947. Kenneth Royall, the incoming Secretary of the Army, predicted that the Act "will not save money, will not be efficient, and will not prevent interservice rivalry."20 Many commentators complained that the legislation had failed to accomplish its most important task—complete unification of the armed services. Most participants in the debates nonetheless believed that they had accomplished something significant.
In fact, the scope and ambition of the 1947 National Security Act was astonishing. It created a National Military Establishment, which became the Department of Defense in 1949. It gave the Air Force an independent status and provided the Joint Chiefs of Staff with statutory identity. It established the National Security Council (NSC), the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), and a cluster of lesser-known institutions, including the National Security Resources Board, the Munitions Board, and the Research and Development Board. In accordance with the lessons of Pearl Harbor, the legislation created
Of course, no one could predict what would happen when the Pearl Harbor system began to operate. On the day that the legislation passed the House, The New York Times concluded, "The measure was conceded to be experimental. It was agreed that it might require refinement later, as dictated by trial operation."21 It would take a little over a decade for the key agencies of the national security bureaucracy to establish their institutional identities within Washington. In one case (the National Security Resources Board), a campaign of bureaucratic empire-building backfired, and the agency did not survive. In two other cases (the Munitions Board and the Research and Development Board), the agencies created by the 1947 legislation were either not strong enough or not agile enough to endure the intense bureaucratic competition that characterized the initial shake-out period. The reasons for the premature demise of each of these agencies are analyzed in Chapter 5 of this study. In the case of the National Military Establishment (NME), attempts were made to correct serious defects in the initial legislation by means of successive amendments (in 1949 and 1958) and revisions (most notably, Reorganization Plan no. 6 in 1953). The transition from the NME to the Department of Defense, and the development of the Office of the Secretary of Defense, are the subjects of Chapter 6 in this volume. Finally, the efforts by Truman and Eisenhower to adapt the NSC and the CIA to their personal preferences and management styles, and their attempts to resist interference by Congress in the administration of these agencies, are discussed in Chapter 7 of this volume.
Pendleton Herring played a unique and important role in the story of the 1947 National Security Act. His scholarly writings prior to World War II helped to introduce academics and policymakers to the concept of national security. He also played an active part in the management of the war effort, applying his theories of public administration to problems of supply and interagency coordination as a consultant to the Army and Navy. As chairman of the Committee of Records of War Administration, Herring supervised the publication of The United States at War, the official administrative history of the Second World War. This survey of the activities of 158 wartime agencies provided Herring with the opportunity to look closely at practical tests of interservice and civilian-military coordination. It also served as a valuable resource for the participants in the postwar debates over institutional reform.
Herring also contributed in a more direct way to these debates. In June 1945, he joined Ferdinand Eberstadt and a team of about thirty other experts in a Navy-sponsored study of postwar institutional reform that became the primary reference for the framers of the 1947 National Security Act. Following the completion of the Eberstadt Report, Herring resigned from the Harvard faculty and turned his energies to an entirely new challenge. He became the Secretary of the United Nations Atomic Energy Commission, working with Bernard Baruch and others to hammer out an agreement for the international control of nuclear power. Herring then moved into the rapidly growing community of philanthropic and scholarly foundations. In 1948, he became the president of the Social Science Research Council (SSRC), a position that he was to retain for the next two decades.
It was in his capacity as president of the SSRC that Herring was to directly confront one of the worst aspects of the national security system that he had been instrumental in creating. In 1954 he testified before the Reece Committee on Tax-Exempt Foundations, which had been created to find links between the major foundations and the world Communist conspiracy. As the only witness who was allowed to testify on behalf of the foundations, Herring gave a spirited defense of the record, and the loyalty, of the leading foundations. Without claiming credit for the outcome, Herring noted in his annual report for the SSRC that during his testimony, "a dispute arose among members of the Committee which was followed by cancellation of all further public hearings."22
It was Herring's role in the creation of the postwar national security bureaucracy that led me to his door in 1998. But I was also anxious to get to know him as a person, for it seemed to me that he personified America's "rise to globalism" from the late 1930s to the end of the 1960s.23 Prior to World War II, he had been one of the first people to make the case for a new way of thinking about America's place in the world—based on the concept of national security rather than on the time-honored concept of national interest. During the war, and in the immediate postwar era, he helped to identify the key premises and institutions of a new policymaking system built around the concept of national security. But he also worked with the United Nations in an attempt to mitigate the most dangerous aspects of the evolving bipolar international situation. Finally, Herring found himself on the wrong side of the logic of national security during the Reece Committee hearings, as one of many targets of McCarthyism.
By the time that I visited Herring in his home in Princeton, New Jersey, I was well along in my archival research relating to the creation of the US national security bureaucracy, and I had come across references to him on several occasions. In preparation for my visit, I had read Herring's books and made a visit to the Harvard archives to look for information about his years as a teacher. But interviews are tricky, and one can never adequately prepare for such meetings. Dr. Herring and his wife Jill made my task exceptionally easy and enjoyable. Both were in excellent health. When I commented on the fact that he was not wearing glasses at 95, Herring responded that he had no problem reading, but he could not follow the small scrolling messages on the bottom of his TV screen. I assured him that he was better off. I was particularly pleased to discover that Pen Herring still had an impressive memory for events that took place over five decades ago. He brought me straight back to 1945 ("a terribly hot summer in Washington . . ."), and then further back, to the period just prior to World War II, when it seemed that the entire world was on the verge of being crushed by the relentless forces of totalitarianism. . . .
File created: 2/28/2008
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Here's a TV spot for Open Road Films' Hit And Run — directed by David Palmer and Dax Shepard who also scripted and stars as a former bank robber living under a new identity in a quiet town. But his girlfriend's ex recognizes and rats him out to his former accomplices and all hell breaks loose. Cast of characters in the action-comedy include Kristen Bell, Bradley Cooper, Kristin Chenowith, Michael Rosenbaum and Tom Arnold. It opens August 22nd:
Hot TV Spot: 'Hit And Run'
4 Comments
Dipstick Dax needs to stop making movies with his girlfriend. As annoying of a couple they are in real life, it's a thousand times worse when they're onscreen at the same time.
Frankly, Kristen Bell can't really tolerate any more bombs, as she's almost run through her Veronica Mars cred.
I've seen a good portion of this film…it's fun and funny. Kristen Bell is actually GREAT and has never looked better.
i saw this film a few months back and it's really quite hilarious
Not a movie. Not even a trailer.


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Listeriosis is a rare but severe food-borne disease that predominantly affects pregnant women, the unborn, newborns, the elderly and immunocompromised people. Following a large outbreak in the 1980s, specific food safety advice was provided to pregnant women and the immunocompromised in the United Kingdom. Following two coincident yet unconnected cases of pregnancy-related listeriosis in eastern European women in 2008, a review of the role of ethnicity in pregnancy-related listeriosis in England and Wales was undertaken in 2009. Cases reported to the national listeriosis surveillance scheme were classified as 'ethnic', belonging to an ethnic minority, or 'non-ethnic' based on their name, and trends were examined. Between 2001 and 2008, 1,510 cases of listeriosis were reported in England and Wales and, of these, 12% were pregnancy-related cases. The proportion of pregnancy-related cases classified as ethnic increased significantly from 16.7% to 57.9% (chi-square test for trend p=0.002).The reported incidence among the ethnic population was higher than that among the non-ethnic population in 2006, 2007 and 2008 (Relative Risk: 2.38, 95% confidence interval: 1.07 to 5.29; 3.82, 1.82 to 8.03; 4.33, 1.74 to 10.77, respectively). This effect was also shown when analysing data from January to September 2009, using extrapolated live births as denominator. Increased immigration and/or economic migration in recent years appear to have altered the population at risk of pregnancy-related listeriosis in England and Wales. These changes need to be taken into account in order to target risk communication strategies appropriately.
Listeriosis is a rare but severe bacterial disease that predominantly affects pregnant women, the unborn, newborns, the elderly and immunocompromised individuals. In newborns, the elderly and immunocompromised individuals, the disease usually manifests as meningitis and/or septicaemia, with high mortality rates reported amongst these risk groups. Listeriosis is mainly transmitted via the consumption of foods contaminated with Listeria monocytogenes and recent estimates suggest that listeriosis is the greatest cause of food-related deaths in the United Kingdom (UK) [1]. It has been reported that pregnant women have a 12-fold increased risk of developing disease after the consumption of contaminated food when compared with the general population [2], indicating that pregnancy may constitute a disposition to acquiring listeriosis. Pregnant women rarely have central nervous system infection [3] but may experience fever, miscarriage, premature delivery or stillbirth. Pregnant women infected with L. monocytogenes may also be asymptomatic.
While most pregnancy-related infections are detected during the third trimester, listeriosis can develop at any time during pregnancy and, in some instances, asymptomatic pregnant women may still pass on infection to the fetus. Pregnancy-related cases of listeriosis are divided into early and late onset. An early onset case is defined as a newborn with symptoms at birth or within 48 hours of birth resulting from in utero infection from the mother. The term late onset is applied when a newborn develops symptoms more than 48 hours after birth and such infections are thought to be predominantly the result of infection during passage through the birth canal. While rare, there have also been reports of late onset cases being a consequence of nosocomial transmission via indirect contact with early onset cases, for example through common birthing staff or equipment [4,5]. Newborns born with listeriosis and who survive may have complications that include physical retardation and granulomatosis infantiseptica (pyogenic nodules distributed systemically).
Between 1985 and 1989, the number of cases of listeriosis in England, Wales and Northern Ireland nearly doubled before rapidly declining in 1990 [6].This upsurge in cases was, however, mainly caused by an outbreak which disproportionately affected pregnant women, and was related with consumption of pâté produced by a single manufacturer [7]. The suspension of sales of pâté from this manufacturer, whose pâté was highly contaminated with subtypes of L. monocytogenes indistinguishable from those isolated from cases, coincided with the dissemination of two government health warnings in 1989: one with regards to the general risk of listeriosis and pâté [8] and a second one specifically targeted at vulnerable groups, which were defined at the time as pregnant women and people with impaired resistance to infection [9]. The aforementioned rapid decline in cases followed the second of these warnings.
The outbreak highlighted the risk to pregnant women of developing listeriosis after consuming pâté and reiterations of the health advice with regards to pâté and other high-risk foods still target this group [10]. Following two coincident but unconnected cases of pregnancy-related listeriosis in women of eastern European nationality during 2008, a review of pregnancy-related cases of listeriosis between 2001 and 2008 was undertaken using national surveillance data for England and Wales, to assess the role of ethnicity in this population and examine trends. A provisional investigation of cases between January and September 2009 was also carried out.
The Health Protection Agency Centre for Infections co-ordinates the surveillance of listeriosis in England and Wales. Cases are ascertained by the voluntary electronic reporting of laboratory-diagnosed cases and/or the referral of cultures for identification and subtyping. Epidemiological and microbiological data reported by these systems are combined, de-duplicated, and stored in a bespoke Microsoft Access 2003 database. Since 2005, supplementary clinical data are sought routinely from the consultant medical microbiologist responsible for the case, including onset date, date of hospital admission, principal listeria illness, clinical outcome, antibiotics and other drugs administered and symptoms [11]. In addition, exposure data with regards to travel, food consumption and food retailers are sought from the case or a relative of the case by environmental health officers in liaison with local health protection staff, using a standard exposure questionnaire [11]. Postcode data are employed to estimate socio-economic status using quintiles [12] of established indices of multiple deprivation [13].
A case of listeriosis is defined as an individual presenting with clinically compatible illness and from whom L. monocytogenes was isolated from a normally sterile site. Cases are classified as either non-pregnancy-related in individuals over four weeks old, or pregnancy-related where a mother and/or fetus/newborn of less than four weeks old are affected. An affected mother and newborn are classified as one pregnancy-related case. Pregnancy-related cases that involve a live birth are routinely stratified further into early and late onset cases, as described above.
All cases of listeriosis are routinely classified as either 'ethnic' (belonging to an ethnic minority) or 'non-ethnic' (not belonging to an ethnic minority) based on their first name and surname, where available. This classification is in addition to case-reported ethnicity, reported via the standard exposure questionnaire since 2005 and based on the 2001 UK census classification [14]. Name-based classification was used throughout the study period from 2001 to 2008, and used in analyses, while case-reported ethnicity data, were used to validate the name-based approach only. The numbers of live births, recorded in England and Wales from 2001 to 2008 and stratified by country of birth of mother, were obtained from the Office for National Statistics [15] and used as denominator data. The number of live births (i.e. not including stillbirths, miscarriages and abortions) to mothers who were born outside of the UK was used for comparative analyses with the number of pregnancy-related cases that were classified as ethnic, using the name-based approach. Similarly, the number of live births to mothers born in the UK was used for comparative analyses with the number of pregnancy-related cases that were classified as non-ethnic. Both denominator datasets included live births to mothers whose usual residence was outside of the UK, accounting for 1.1% of live births to mothers who were born outside the UK and 0.2% of live births to mothers born in the UK.
Statistical analyses were carried out using Stata version 10 and Epi Info. Trends in proportions were investigated using the chi-square test for trend while differences in proportions employed the chi-square test and Fisher's exact test as appropriate. Relative risks (RR) and corresponding 95% confidence intervals (CI) were calculated. Poisson regression was employed for multivariable analysis: incidence in pregnancy-related cases belonging to an ethnic minority, relative to pregnancy-related cases not belonging to an ethnic minority, were calculated whilst controlling for trend over the surveillance period. A log-link function was included to control for differences in the underlying population-live births to mothers born outside and inside the UK respectively in each year.
Linear regression models were fitted to live births to mothers born outside and inside the UK data for January to September, 2001 to 2008, and predictions (with corresponding 95% prediction intervals) for this denominator population were obtained for 2009 based on the linear trend of the previous years. For 2009, the RR was estimated using the number of provisional cases between January and September and estimated denominator predictions for this period. An uncertainty interval around the RR was calculated based on the CIs calculated for the upper and lower prediction intervals.
Study population
Between 2001 and 2008, 1,510 cases of listeriosis were reported in England and Wales and, of these, 12% were pregnancy-related. The proportion of cases that were pregnancy-related did not change during the study period (chi-square test for trend p=0.866; Figure). Of all cases reported, 12.3% were classified as ethnic cases, 86.7% as non-ethnic cases and the remaining 1% could not be classified as ethnic or non-ethnic by their name. Of the 181 pregnancy-related cases, 36.5% had ethnic names while 63% did not. One case in 2005 did not have a recorded name and, hence, ethnicity could not be established. This case was therefore not considered in these analyses. The proportion of pregnancy-related cases classified as having ethnic names over the whole study period was greater than that for non pregnancy-related cases (37% vs. 9% respectively; chi-square test p<0.001).
Figure. Total number of listeriosis cases (n=1,510), proportion of cases that are pregnant and proportion of pregnant cases classified as ethnica, England and Wales, 2001-2008
Amongst pregnancy-related cases, there was a significant increase in the proportion of cases classified as ethnic, from 16.7% to 57.9% (chi-square testfor trend P=0.002), during the study period (Figure). This change in proportion was not observed for non-pregnancy-related cases (chi-square test for trend p=0.124). The increasing proportion of pregnancy-related cases classified as ethnic was most noticeable in 2006, 2007 and 2008, during which years the reported incidences of ethnic cases were higher than that expected in the underlying population (RR: 2.38, 95%CI: 1.07 to 5.29; 3.82, 1.82 to 8.03; 4.33, 1.74 to 10.77; respectively) (Table 1). Poisson regression indicated that there was a significant increase in incidence of ethnic cases after adjusting for the trend observed over the study period (RR: 2.25, 95%CI: 1.66 to 3.05).
Table 1. Pregnancy-related listeriosis cases by name-based ethnicity classificationa (n=180), number of live births to mothers born outside (n=1,055,827) and within the United Kingdom (n=4,110,279) and related relative risks, England and Wales, 2001-2008
Table 2. Characteristics of pregnancy-related listeriosis cases with a returned clinical questionnaire by name-based ethnicity classificationa, England and Wales, 2001-2008 (n=167)
Pregnancy-related cases classified as ethnic and reported between 2006 and 2008 (the years with an observed significant increase) were distributed across eight of nine regions in England and in Wales. A greater proportion of these pregnancy-related cases classified as ethnic were reported in London (47.2% of all ethnic cases in England and Wales vs. 11.1% of all non-ethnic cases) when compared with elsewhere (52.7% vs. 88.9%; chi-square testp<0.001). This level was above that expected, based on the number of live births in London during this period (RR: 3.66, 95%CI: 1.23 to 10.89). Based on provisional case data for January to September 2009 (16 ethnic cases and 10 non-ethnic cases) and extrapolated live births denominator data for the same period (425,495 live births to mothers born within the UK and 128,148 live births to mothers born outside of the UK), there remains an increased risk associated with ethnic minorities for this period (RR: 5.31, 95% uncertainty interval: 2.33 to 12.20). All subsequent analyses relate to pregnancy-related cases, henceforth referred to as 'cases'.
Clinical data
There was no significant difference in the proportion of clinical questionnaires returned for ethnic and non-ethnic cases (91% vs. 94% respectively; Fisher's exact test p=0.553). There was also no difference in the proportion of infecting serotypes that were 1/2 compared with 4 between ethnic and non-ethnic cases (31% vs. 24% respectively; chi-square test p=0.390). When characteristics of ethnic and non-ethnic cases with a returned clinical questionnaire were compared, there was no significant difference in the recorded outcome of pregnancy, newborn survival, the stage of onset of symptoms in the newborn (early vs. late onset) or presentation with either meningitis or septicaemia in the newborn (Table 2). However, newborns born to ethnic mothers were more likely to present with symptoms of listeriosis at birth (chi-square test p=0.039) and these cases were more likely to come from more deprived areas (chi-square test for trend p<0.001), with almost half of the ethnic cases belonging to the most deprived group (Table 3).
Table 3. Socio-economic status of pregnancy-related listeriosis cases with a returned clinical questionnaire by name-based ethnicity classificationa, England and Wales, 2001-2008 (n=161)
Exposure data
There was no significant difference in the proportion of exposure questionnaires returned for ethnic and non-ethnic cases (58% vs. 47% respectively; chi-square testp=0.285). Of the 37 cases for which exposure and clinical data were available, 18 were classed as ethnic on the basis of their name. The cases defined as ethnic were more likely to describe their own ethnicity as 'non-white British', i.e. as something other than white British, compared with all cases (positive predictive value 94.4% and negative predictive value 68.4%)(Table 3). No single country or group of countries (e.g. countries within the Indian sub-continent) predominated for cases who described themselves as non-white British (Table 4).
Table 4. Case-reported ethnicity data (as per 2001 census classification system) of pregnancy-related listeriosis cases by name-based ethnicity classificationa, England and Wales, 2005-2008 (n=37)
Cases defined as ethnic on the basis of their name were significantly more likely to consume pâté, cabbage or dill. In addition, they were more likely to shop in two national supermarket chains A and B or green grocers but less likely to shop in local bakeries (Table 5).
Table 5. Food history of pregnancy-related listeriosis cases by name-based ethnicity classificationa, England and Wales, 2005-2008 (n=37)
We report a sustained increase in the incidence of pregnancy-related cases of listeriosis from ethnic minorities in England and Wales between 2006 and 2008, with provisional case data suggesting that this increase continued into 2009 when compared with estimated population data. This increase was not observed amongst non pregnancy-related cases. An increase in pregnancy-related listeriosis in women born outside of the country was reported in Ireland in late 2007 [16]. Listeriosis has also been reported as disproportionately affecting pregnant Hispanic women in the United States [17,18] and pregnant women living in a household where a language other than English was spoken in Australia [19]. To the authors' knowledge, the sustained increase reported in this study has not been previously described elsewhere. Pregnancy-related listeriosis cases comprise the minority of what is already a rare disease, and by this very nature any changes in incidence trends within this population will only become evident after a number of years.
Differences in health seeking behaviour and access to healthcare between ethnic minorities and the general population may impact on our incidence estimates, but this is difficult to assess. It is reasonable to assume that new migrants to the UK may find it more difficult to access the existing healthcare services than UK residents.
There appears to be no differential ascertainment of clinical and exposure data between ethnic and non-ethnic cases which minimises the likelihood of this form of bias affecting our findings. Analyses performed on those cases with a completed clinical questionnaire returned indicate that, compared to non-ethnic cases, ethnic cases were more likely to be from more deprived areas and newborns more often displayed symptoms of listeriosis at birth. It has previously been established that ethnic minorities reside disproportionately in more deprived areas [20] and this would explain the distribution of these pregnancy-related cases. Differential symptom presentation at birth may reflect differences in gestational age at time of infection (i.e. trimester) or route of infection (in utero or during passage through the birth canal) between ethnic and non-ethnic cases but this needs further investigation. Furthermore, we could not assess any differences in terms of clinical characteristics and exposures amongst those that did not have a completed clinical or exposure questionnaire returned in our analyses.
Cases' own description of their ethnic background was used to validate the name-based classification method of ethnicity employed in this study. The negative predictive value for this approach indicates that approximately 30% of cases defined as non-ethnic report their own ethnicity as something other than white British. Consequently, the number of pregnancy-related cases defined by their name as ethnic seems to underestimate the number of those belonging to an ethnic group other than white British. Therefore, the risk of pregnancy-related listeriosis associated with ethnic minorities is likely to be greater than that reported here. Regardless, any misclassification is likely to be non-differential over the study period and would therefore not affect the observed increase in pregnancy-related listeriosis in the ethnic group.
The reporting of certain foods and retail exposures differed between ethnic pregnancy-related cases and non-ethnic pregnancy-related cases. However, it is important to note that comparisons are not being made with controls without illness and hence, findings should not be considered as risk factors for infection [21]. Furthermore, such case-case comparisons would not indicate the magnitude or direction of risk among pregnancy-related cases and should only be used for hypothesis generation, which then need to be tested by alternative methodologies. If exposures were common to both ethnic and non-ethnic groups, they would have been underestimated or, indeed, would have remained unidentified using this method. It is important to bear in mind that ethnic minorities are a heterogeneous group who likely vary in their food preferences and behaviours. The sample size of this study did not allow for analyses of strata within this group. Nevertheless, the consumption of pâté was reported more commonly by ethnic than non-ethnic pregnancy-related cases, suggesting that food safety advice issued by the UK government is not reaching this at-risk population or is not being followed.
Incidence was calculated by comparing cases classed as ethnic or non-ethnic with the numbers of live births by country of origin of mother (non-UK born and UK born respectively). Differences between the numerator and the denominator may have affected the accuracy of our risk estimates. Firstly, live birth data will exclude instances of stillbirth or miscarriage – these are both included in the numerator - and, consequently, the risk of listeriosis will be over estimated. The denominator data employed in the analyses also included mothers whose usual country of residence was outside of the UK, while cases living outside the UK are not reported to this surveillance scheme and would not be represented in this numerator. While these mothers represent only a small proportion of the total, inflation of the denominator will lead to some underestimation of risk. The final, and perhaps most important, consideration is that the numerator refers to cases (mothers/newborns/both) stratified by ethnicity whereas the denominator refers to live births to mothers stratified by country of birth. A mother could, however, be born in the UK and belong to an ethnic minority but this was the best available proxy for ethnicity of mothers of live births. While there are limitations to using live birth data by country of origin of mother, there was a need to assess the observed increasing trend in the context of population change, and our study suggests that the increase in incidence is over and above what would be expected.
Increased immigration and/or economic migration in recent years appear to have altered the population most at risk of pregnancy-related listeriosis in England and Wales. The increase in the number of pregnancy-related cases belonging to an ethnic minority has disproportionately affected London, where migration has directly increased the number of new births in some local authorities [22]. Passive food safety messages, which highlight high-risk foods, appear not to be reaching pregnant women from ethnic minorities or are not being followed by this emerging at-risk population. More specific and targeted routes of communication and materials, which should be both culturally-relevant and in a range of appropriate languages, are needed. Our findings should be considered by those targeting risk communication strategies to vulnerable groups. Studies to identify which ethnic minorities are most at risk would provide further valuable information on how to more effectively tailor communication strategies.
Thanks are extended to the hospital microbiologists, environmental health officers and public health professionals who contribute to this surveillance system.
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I once read that 1 in 10 people don't use banks for saving money. That's hard to believe. Hiding your money is unsafe and unwise. But people do it all the time. I've done it. You've probably done it at one time or another. When my son was young, he used to hide his allowance under the couch cushions.
I knew a man that painted the inside of a Mason jar white and then used it to stash his money. He kept it right out in the open, on a shelf in his workshop. No one ever bothered it because they thought it was a jar of white paint.
In my locale, we call stash money by the name of Mason Jar Money. It's a common practice here to hide your money for a rainy day. Some folks just don't trust the banks and some folks are stuck in a time warp.
I had a great Uncle and Aunt who were firm believers in stashing their money. They lived like paupers, wearing second-hand clothes and buying food in cans without labels from the bargain bins. Their very modest home was filled with stuff. In one corner, stood a large stack of ancient National Geographic magazines which exuded a nasty, moldy paper smell. When they passed on at a ripe old age, their sons found thousands of dollars in cash and dividend checks. When they decided to go through the old magazines, they found thousands more.
Then there was the lady up north somewhere, I heard she hid $10,000 underneath her cat's litter box. I hope she at least sealed it up in a plastic bag first.
Did you hear about the old bachelor who hid his money in the vacuum cleaner bag? His sister hired a maid to clean his house while he was away. She thought it would be a nice surprise. You guessed it. The maid threw away the money filled vacuum cleaner bag.
Of course you've heard of hiding money under your mattress or burying it in the back yard. The Walton family kept theirs in a coffee can on the shelf in the kitchen. My Granny was a little more creative. She rolled her bills up and stuck them in the barrels of a double barrel shot gun. Do you think there was a subliminal message there?
Why do people stash their money? Why don't they use banks? Everyone has their own reasons. Some people, like Ebenezer Scrooge, enjoy surrounding themselves with money, just touching it and counting it over and over. Some people, namely the older generations, don't trust banks. They think that somehow their money will just disappear and they will never see it again. Some people can't be bothered and some people don't want anyone else to know how much money they have. Sometimes folks only need to stash money for a short amount of time; maybe just until they can get to the bank or pay a large bill that requires cash.
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Capital improvement projects would change Brentwood budget numbers
Tax increases would be necessary to Brentwood Borough's $7.4 million preliminary 2013 budget if council wants to move forward with several capital improvement projects, including financing the construction of a new municipal facility.
Borough council met Tuesday night for the first of two workshops for the 2013 budget. The general fund, as is, is balanced and requires no tax increase.
Residents face as much as a 3.65-mill increase if borough council decides to move forward with plans to construct a new municipal building, establish a sustainable road program schedule and purchase departmental equipment such as police and public works vehicles, said George Zboyovsky, borough manager.
"Any increase in taxes are going to be solely for capital improvements," Zboyovsky said.
Borough council started meeting in May to discuss items in the budget.
Before including the capital improvements fund, property reassessments will begin on Jan. 1, leaving Brentwood Borough with a 23 percent increase or roughly $78.2 million more, Zboyovsky said. To remain revenue neutral, Brentwood will have to decrease taxes by 1.5 mills, from 8.5 to 7. With the 5 percent windfall, millage can remain as high as 7.35.
The capital improvements fund includes an estimated $550,000 in annual payments for an $11 million general obligation bond if the borough moves forward to construct new municipal facility building, Zboyovsky said. Capital improvements also would include $700,000 for a road maintenance program and $75,000 for equipment needs.
To accomplish all capital improvements, revenues would have to increase by 3.65 mills, Zboyovsky said. That's $24 more per month to property owners, he said.
But Brentwood officials still are collecting information about financing a new municipal building, so the estimated bond numbers could be lower, Zboyovsky said. Mayor Kenneth Lockhart said he thinks borough council should wait until there are more solid financial numbers before moving forward with the project.
"Let it go for another year," Lockhart said. "There's no hurry."
The second Brentwood Borough Council 2013 budget workshop is scheduled for Nov. 14 from 5 to 8 p.m. in the municipal building. The meeting is open to the public.
Laura Van Wert is a staff writer for Trib Total Media. She can be reached at 412-388-5814 or at email@example.com.


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Is Google+ Better for Business than Facebook or Twitter?
In the world of social networks, innovation can quickly change the field of frontrunners — remember LiveJournal? We just saw it again as Google+ overtook Twitter to claim the No. 2 spot behind Facebook. And the new kid is already better than Mark Zuckerberg's baby for small businesses, professional firms and entrepreneurs, says Alex Hinojosa,… Read More →


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Creole Catfish Fillets Recipe
In Plantation, Florida, Dave Bremstone rubs catfish fillets with a pleasant mixture of seasonings before cooking them quickly on the grill. The moist fish gets plenty of flavor when served with a spicy sauce and fresh lemon wedges.
- 3 tablespoons reduced-fat plain yogurt
- 2 tablespoons finely chopped onion
- 1 tablespoon fat-free mayonnaise
- 1 tablespoon Dijon mustard
- 1 tablespoon ketchup
- 1/2 teaspoon dried thyme
- 1/4 teaspoon grated lemon peel
- 1 teaspoon paprika
- 1/2 teaspoon onion powder
- 1/4 teaspoon salt
- 1/8 teaspoon cayenne pepper
- 4 catfish fillets (4 ounces each)
- 4 lemon wedges
- 1. In a small bowl, combine the yogurt, onion, mayonnaise, mustard, ketchup, thyme and lemon peel. Cover and refrigerate until serving. In another bowl, combine the paprika, onion powder, salt and cayenne; rub over both sides of fillet.
- 2. Grill, covered, in a grill basket coated with cooking spray over medium-hot heat for 5-6 minutes on each side or until fish flakes easily with a fork. Serve with lemon wedges and yogurt sauce. Yield: 4 servings.
Nutritional Facts
1 each: 182 calories, 9g fat (2g saturated fat), 54mg cholesterol, 382mg sodium, 5g carbohydrate (0 sugars, 1g fiber), 19g protein. Diabetic Exchanges: 3 lean meat, 1/2 fat.
Reviews for Creole Catfish Fillets
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© 2017 RDA Enthusiast Brands, LLC


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McConaughey, Matthew
- 1 Matthew McConaughey: Plastic Surgery
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- 3 Did Matthew McConaughey Debut Plastic Surgery At The Golden Globes?
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- 9 Ask Plastic Surgeons Questions Live
- 10 Shop For Plastic Surgery Recovery Products
- 11 Should I Get Plastic Surgery?
Matthew McConaughey: Plastic Surgery
Matthew McConaughey has had a hair transplant to restore hair in the frontal area of his head. In 1999, McConaughey had a dramatically thinning hairline with signs of balding. In 2005, the actor regained a full head of hair with none of the male pattern baldness that was underway a few years earlier. This transformation is likely to have been achieved by a hair transplant.
The actor explained in an interview with David Letterman that his sudden hair growth as being the result of using a topical hair growth product called Regenix. To date, there are no non-surgical treatments that can restore a man's hairline other than surgery.
Matthew McConaughey Proudly Shows Off Hair Transplant At Oscars
The men at the Academy Awards looked dapper and handsome walking the red carpet and hitting the stage as both presenters and winners. For the most part, it looked the stars had just put on their best and gotten a little more grooming than usual to clean up for the show. Matthew McConaughey won for Best Actor and gave a very detailed speech about his personal beliefs and experiences. The Southern star famously dropped a lot of weight to play the AIDS victim star in his winning role in The Dallas Buyers Club, but he looked like he has since recovered his usually sexy self...
Read the full article on Make Me Heal 's Celebrity Plastic Surgery News Blog. The article, along with photos can be found at the following link: Matthew McConaughey Proudly Shows Off Hair Transplant At Oscars
Did Matthew McConaughey Debut Plastic Surgery At The Golden Globes?
While red carpet events usually focus on the women, including what they're wearing and what they are holding in those tiny little purses, this year's Golden Globes held a lot of focus on the men, as they managed to transform into different people on screen. Here's a look at the plastic surgery secrets behind some of the best performances over the past year. Matthew McConaughey took home the Golden Globe for Best Actor for Dallas Buyers Club. Like his costar, Jared, Matthew also dropped a lot of weight off his usually muscular frame...
Read the full article on Make Me Heal 's Celebrity Plastic Surgery News Blog. The article, along with photos can be found at the following link: Did Matthew McConaughey Debut Plastic Surgery At The Golden Globes?
Plastic Surgery At The Movies: Matthew McConaughey, Jennifer Garner, Beyonce, Tom Hanks
The following article is reprinted from Make Me Heal's Celebrity Plastic Surgery News. The article, along with photos can be found at the following link: Matthew McConaughey Plastic Surgery.
With summer blockbusters just around the corner, Make Me Heal takes a look at some of the plastic surgery currently playing in theaters, before the studios bring out the big releases.
New father Matthew McConaughey is known for his killer abs and receding hairline. In his new movie, Ghosts of Girlfriends Past, both are readily on display.
Matthew McConaughey has long struggled with hair loss (See Make Me Heal's story on Matthew McConaughey's Hair Transplant), but recently, it has been looking better than ever.
Hair restoration expert Dr. Alan Bauman reveals, "Matthew's hair has been on the rebound for a while now. Publicly, to my knowledge, he's denied surgical intervention and equates the regrowth to a magical topical potion. However, physicians will agree, nothing grows hair on bald skin except hair transplantation. Even Propecia, which works 90% of the time, is designed for the long haul… keeping the hair you have, NOT re-growth of the hairline. Contrary to popular opinion, today's hair transplant procedures can be performed comfortably, reliably and efficiently. Not to mention, undetectably. This means that the transplanted hairlines of today, if performed with an "artistic eye," can mimic the feathery, wavy randomized look of a natural hairline—(i.e. NOT 'pluggy'). And because the transplanted hair is living and growing (also permanent, by the way), he can shampoo, wash, cut, swim, etc., all without the hassle and maintenance of a hairpiece—which would be an artificial solution to the hair loss problem. Advanced minimally-invasive techniques, like the FUE (Follicular-Unit Extraction) performed with devices like the NeoGraft, also allow for procedures that require no scalpel, no stitches and leave no linear scar give hair transplant patients more options for hair-styling. FUE procedures allow the surgeon to extract hair follicles or groups of follicles individually, without a linear harvest."
New York plastic surgeon Dr. David Shafer says, "It sure looks like Matthew has more hair now than he did in the past. It is a nice result."
It also looks like Matthew McConaughey may have dabbled in Botox and facial fillers, as his face looks wrinkle-free considering all the time he spends frolicking in the sun.
Getting Arrested is Not Enough for Matthew McConaughey
The following article is reprinted from Make Me Heal 's Celebrity Plastic Surgery News. The article, along with photos can be found at the following link: Getting Arrested is Not Enough for Matthew McConaughey.
Way back in October of 1999, Matthew was arrested for noise pollution and possession of drugs. The drug accusation was dropped, but he did plead guilty for being too noisy. He was playing the drums. Well, for this How to Lose a Guy in 10 Days star, it is about that time again--those drums weren't loud enough for Matthew McConaughey.
He must be a fan of Tom Hanks, or at least Tom Hanks' hair because he seems to be following in his footsteps, or in more correct terms, following in Tom Hanks' hairline. As found on an article called "McConaughey's Miracle Hair," written by Shana Liebman, "McConaughey once told David Letterman that his resprouting is the result of the topical biopharmaceutical Regenix." Well, we could go out and tell all men suffering under a case of male pattern baldness to go and buy the product, but we would be misleading them.
There are reasons to discount this information about any hair re-growing products. One, he had been losing his hair quickly and badly, so he had to do something fast to replace his worn-down look. Two, now his hair looks great and even fuller than it did before. Coincidence? You decide. Just by using the naked eye, we can see that his hair has remarkably improved since his photo from 1999 when he was 31 just around the time where baldness kicks in. If he hadn't done anything to his hair, he should not have a lot now. However, that is obviously not the case. His hair actually looks better than ever.
Okay, his hair looks great, but that doesn't prove anything, right? It may seem that way, as hair transplants can be very expensive. But as we all know, money is not a problem for celebrities, and that includes McConaughey. One man named Duncan Robinson, who is from the Hair Club for Men said, "We think he got them from a place called New Hair Institute." It is possible that he got a transplant in conjunction with using Regenix, as some people doubt that his great hair came from surgery alone. But whatever he used or did to his hair, there is one thing for certain. He definitely looks good.
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Definition of loin
1a : the part of a human being or quadruped on each side of the spinal column between the hipbone and the false ribsb : a cut of meat comprising this part of one or both sides of a carcass with the adjoining half of the vertebrae included but without the flank
2 loins plural a : the upper and lower abdominal regions and the region about the hipsb (1) : the pubic region (2) : the reproductive organs
Examples of loin in a Sentence
There was a towel wrapped around his loins.
Origin and Etymology of loin
Middle English loyne, from Anglo-French loigne, from Vulgar Latin *lumbea, from Latin lumbus; akin to Old English lendenu loins, Old Church Slavonic lędviję
First Known Use: 14th centurySee Words from the same year
LOIN Defined for English Language Learners
Definition of loin for English Language Learners
: an area on the back of an animal's body near the tail
: meat from this area
loins : the area of a person's body that includes the sexual organs
LOIN Defined for Kids
Definition of loin for Students
1 : the part of the body between the hip and the lower ribs
2 : a piece of meat (as beef) from the loin of an animal
Medical Dictionary
Medical Definition of loin
1: the part of the body of a human or a quadruped that is situated on each side of the spinal column between the hip bone and the false ribs
2loins plural a: the upper and lower abdominal regions and the region about the hipsb (1): the pubic region (2): the generative organs—not usually used technically in senses 2a, b
Learn More about loin
See words that rhyme with loin Spanish Central: Translation of loin Nglish: Translation of loin for Spanish speakers
Seen and Heard
What made you want to look up loin? Please tell us where you read or heard it (including the quote, if possible).


text:
Hey there, time traveller!
This article was published 13/9/2010 (2536 days ago), so information in it may no longer be current.
DEAR MISS LONELYHEARTS: At 72, I'm still sexually active, but not with my wife. She quit wanting sex with me about eight years ago. She sleeps in another bedroom and quietly locks the door. Afraid of an ambush? I don't know. I decided I wasn't going to let her decision keep me from enjoying the last years of my sexuality, so I got myself a lady friend to have cuddles and sex with. Everything was going fine until the last month when her (impotent) husband died and things changed in her life. Now she's lonely and wants a love affair and I don't feel that way towards her. I love my wife, even though she doesn't want me sexually. What should I do now with the amorous woman? I don't want to lose what we have now. -- Not Her Love, Winnipeg
Dear Not Her Love: You've already lost it -- the no-strings-attached relationship. Set this woman free to find a new husband. She shouldn't be held back by you, from finding a companion who's free to go out with her in public -- or even to search for a new husband. Don't tell her lies to get her to stay, or insinuate she's "on deck" if anything should happen to your wife. That's not the truth. You know you don't have that special feeling for her. She may be hurt and insulted, knowing for sure she was just a sex friend, and that you were not romantic lovers, kept apart by old marriages. But, she will be free to look for love. As for you, start having heart-to-hearts with your wife, and see if you can at least resurrect some affection. Many readers have experienced cessation of sex in their marriages and not all of the "uninterested" spouses care if their mate discreetly finds "just sex" with a friend, especially in later years. Others are horribly hurt. I'd like to hear from anyone who knows of a solution that works.
Dear Miss Lonelyhearts: I often get invited for lunch/dinner by my gay guy friends, or guys that I've been friends with since junior high/high school. I've been in a relationship with my boyfriend for almost four years. Just telling him that my guy friends call me to come hang out or go for lunch sets him off. It's platonic and I reassure him of that. Sometimes, I even invite him out with us but he just won't have it. He starts saying things like "You're probably going out to have sex with them" or "Why are you going to hang out with some guy anyways?" I get really offended. If he hangs out with female friends, I don't get jealous or offended when he doesn't invite me to come. I trust him and he's proven that I can. Help! -- Friends with Several Guys
Dear Friends With Guys: Invite your boyfriend for dinner with your male friends and their girlfriends (or boyfriends) and let him see for himself they have romantic interests that have nothing to do with you. As long as they are mysterious people to him, and he only has your word to go on, this insecure guy is going to fuss. Do not make the mistake of staying with him if he can't get over accusing you of having sex with other men. You don't need the possessiveness that leads to isolation and abuse. Try counselling, if you're really serious about him. But, if it doesn't work or he won't go, have a serious think about this relationship.
Questions or comments? Write Miss Lonelyhearts c/o Winnipeg Free Press 1355 Mountain Ave. Wpg R2X 3B6 or email firstname.lastname@example.com