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The New York singer says that artists who charge money for their concerts should really sing their records for their fans.
Lady GaGa has some words for singers who lip-sync during their live shows. The pop star recently sat down with Angie Martinez on Extra TV and voiced her opinion about fellow musicians who charge money for concerts but refuse to sing live.
"I don't think it's cool to lip-sync," the "Do What U Want" hitmaker explained. "I'm not judging if people do because it's everybody's own style of what they decided to be, the type of artist they will be."
"But I think if you pay money for a ticket to see a show the artist should f**king have some pipes and sing their records for you," she added.
During the interview, GaGa also talked about her "artRAVE: The ARTPOP Ball" tour which she kicked off earlier this month to support her latest album "ARTPOP". The 28-year-old New Yorker, who underwent hip surgery and subsequently canceled her "Born This Way Ball" tour last year, revealed how she felt about returning to the stage and being able to dance again.
"The best part of my day is when I'm on stage performing for the fans, I really love 'ARTPOP' so to perform it live, see them singing, dancing is like the best thing ever," she said. "Every day I have to do a totally different thing with my body than I used to, to keep it really healthy, but it feels really good."


text: Burton may not have invented snowboarding, but it definitely shaped the aesthetic that shredders adhered to throughout the '90s. From bright colors that stood out on the mountain to baggy pants and extra long jackets, Burton was the first brand to make gear that could be worn both on the slopes and off. As the sport's popularity reached enormous heights in the '90s, people even started to dress in Burton even if they were nowhere near a mountain or cold temps.

subset: commoncrawl


text:
Gymnastics Women Hoodies are an Idakoos specialtiy! Idakoos has many things to offer. Whether you want to get a Gymnastics Hoodie for a special occasion, give a Gymnastics Sweatshirt as a present or need to represent with a funny Gymnastics Women Hoody during Holidays or Family and Friends get-togethers, Idakoos is sure to have the right Gymnastics Hoodie for you! Even if it turns out you can't find the right Gymnastics Hooded Sweatshirt with the perfect design for your mother, father or children (or friends!); Idakoos offers all of its men's women's and children's Gymnastics Women Hoodies as Gymnastics Women Hoodies. Personalize any Gymnastics Hooded Sweater the way you want to ensure the perfect gift.
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All in a Day Monograms
By Albums to Remember
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- Type: Monogram and Alphabet Pack
- Designer: Albums to Remember
- Download Size: 222.1 MB (approximate)
Design Elements
- Monograms Characters: 463
Designer Notes
This alphabet set matches my All in a Day series of kits. Pink, navy, green, white, yellow, orange and black are included in upper and lowercase letters. Numbers are in pink, black and green. There are also some symbols in each color.


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GREAT Lever is getting healthy.
People are being encouraged to get on board with a raft of activities, designed to improve their health and well-being.
Groups to get people growing their own fruit and vegetables in the community, organisations promoting a healthy diet, schemes to encourage people to play sport and history societies are all springing up in the area.
The Bolton Urban Growers works primarily with disadvantaged members of the community to help them learn how to grow organic food.
The group, which holds gardening sessions every Tuesday morning at The Southfields pub in Green Lane, Great Lever, was set up by Steve Jones and his partner Jean Urmston.
Mr Jones, who has worked with ex-offenders, said: "We want to show ordinary people how easy it is to grow organic food.
"It's a great way of building people's self esteem. I get really touched when I see people get really excited because they've made food from scratch for the first time in their life.
"If anyone wants to get involved, they're always welcome."
Another group is the All Natural health group, which seeks to promote the importance of a fruit and vegetable-based diet.
Jay Vora, who co-founded the group with his wife, Sheila, last year, said at the meeting: "A recent survey revealed that 84 per cent of people in Bolton are not getting their five a day — this is not good.
"Our group has been set up with a view to challenging that statistic.
"A healthy diet can offer such benefits as more mobility, less stress, better sleep patterns and more money."
The All Natural health group meets every Thursday evening and Saturday morning at Slaterfield Community Centre in Carrington Drive, Great Lever.
Bolton Wanderers Community Trust promoted its Gr8er Goals project, which involves daytime and night-time football sessions for those aged 12 to 30.
Richard Slater, community cohesion coordinator for the trust, revealed that, in the last year, 330 unique participants have engaged in the project.
The trust also offers weekly drop-in and advice sessions for 16 to 30-year-olds.
Other groups include Sevadal of Bolton, Great Lever and Morris Green Local History Society, Pop In and Learn, B-Musik, HFT Trust Limited, Nu Styla Street and BoltonEnvironmental Enterprise.


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UK media boutique Wiggin is to open its first international office in Brussels with Motion Picture Association's (MPA) European legal head Ted Shapiro.
According to the firm, the office, which is due to open in January 2013, will meet client demand for pan-European copyright advice and will focus on copyright and content protection issues affecting new media, e-commerce, data protection, trade consumer protection, content regulation, competition, state aid and tax.
As MPA's senior vice-president, general counsel and deputy managing director for Europe, the Middle East and Africa, Brussels-based Shapiro focuses on Hollywood from this side of the Atlantic. He is currently responsible for all of the company's European legal affairs, advising on industry matters related to copyright, and new media in particular, audiovisual law, competition matters, international private law and data protection.
"The world of copyright is borderless and rapidly changing," said Wiggin content protection head Simon Baggs in a statement. "Our clients need pan-European advice and the obvious synergies with Ted's experience will put us at the heart of EU regulation.
"The climate for content creation and protection across Europe has become particularly challenging but there are real opportunities for media companies. An increasing level of European legislation is directly impacting the media sector. It's the right time for Wiggin to further develop the service we offer to our media client base by opening our first international office in Brussels."
The Brussels team will also support Wiggin business Incopro, a content protection arm that launched in March this year with the aim of helping media companies tackle piracy.
The news comes shortly after Wiggin drafted plans to open a technology incubator in east London's Tech City early next year. "The idea is that every three months the firm will take on five-start ups," revealed film and TV partner Miles Ketley. "We realised there was a real need to grow the next generation of media businesses. It [a tech incubator] will future-proof our business and our future clients' business."
The MPA is the European operation of the original Motion Picture Association of America (MPAA). Both represent the interests of the world's largest film and TV studios: Walt Disney Motion Pictures Group; Sony Pictures; Paramount Pictures; 20th Century Fox; Universal Studios and Warner Bros.


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Frances C. Kemmery, 89, of Cuyahoga Falls, died Monday, April 7, 2014 at her home.
She was born July 22, 1924 in Sharon Center, to William J. and Cecelia M. (Zurbach) Trares. Frances was a graduate of Cuyahoga Falls High School. She was a member of St. Patrick Church in Kent and the Pioneer Girls. She retired from AT&T.
She is survived by sons, William (Colleen) Ball of Parrish, FL, Richard Ball of Uniontown and Michael (Kathy) Ball of Brimfield; grandchildren, Lindsay Ball, Kara (Brian) Zidar, Michael Ball and Donald (Angela) Ball; four great grandchildren; brothers, Frank (Mary) Trares of Wadsworth and Bernard (Diane) Trares of Michigan; sisters, Helen Mudd of Tallmadge, Alice Egan of Akron, Rose Duer of West Virginia, Genevieve Bridges of Florida, Elizabeth (Ralph) Abraham of California and Margaret (Wolfe) Imbler of California. She was preceded in death by her husband, Raymond J. Kemmery; first husband, Collas Ball; sons, James and Robert Ball; daughter, Marlene Held; and sister, Mary Jo Peters.
Calling hours will be held 6-8 PM Friday, April 11th at Bissler & Sons Funeral Home in Kent. Funeral mass will be held 10:00 AM Saturday, April 12th at St. Patrick Church. Burial will be held at St. Joseph's Cemetery in Randolph.


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Yours truly by Ellen Gormley
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© F+W Media
© GoCrochet
© GoCrochet
Yours truly
One of 10 projects in the book, Go Crochet! Afghan Design Workbook, 50 motifs, 10 projects, One of a kind Result


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Bolero by Red Heart Design Team
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© Coats & Clark
This pattern is available for free.
Stay warm during a night out with this classic knit bolero. The bolero design keeps your shoulders and arms warm while allowing your outfit to shine.
Also available on the Red Heart Deutschland website.
For more information, see: http://www.redheart.co.uk/free-patterns/bolero


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KW Mobile App Challenge: Win an iPad and a chance at $20,000
It's simple! Visit the many KW Mobile Search App Kiosks outside the KW Exchange or inside the Keller Williams Booth. With just a few clicks you can share your app on Facebook or Twitter and be entered to win an iPad. Plus, you'll promote your branded Keller Williams Realty Real Estate Search App. The more downloads you get, the more likely you are to win the $20,000 KW Mobile Agent App Challenge!
Here are this week's $20,000 KW Mobile Agent App Challenge front runners
Matt Rains | 1,614 downloads
Andy Knifley | 1,131 downloads
John Pohly | 953 downloads
Adam Raizin | 722 downloads
Justin Kelcourse | 597 downloads
KW Associates, click here to learn more!
Win an iPad with KW MAPS Coaching
If you stop by the KW Booth and find yourself in a sea of purple, then you've found the epicenter of accountability: KW MAPS Coaching! Talk to one of the expert KW MAPS Coaches about your biggest business challenge then fill out a form near the ballot box. Find out who the big winner is at 4:30 p.m. on Tuesday at the booth!
Learn more about KW MAPS Coaching on their Website.
Be sure and check out all of the vendors in the KW Exchange - they have plenty of giveaways going on as well!


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College Republicans at UIS
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The Republican Party or sometimes seen as the GOP (Grand Old Party) first emerged in 1854. The party began as an anti- slavery party. The first Republican to be elected was Abraham Lincoln. The party began its base in the northeast and Midwest, which has changed over time and has become more dominant in the south. The Republican Party has seen some changes, during the 1960-1980s the moderate republicans emerged.
The platform is one that is largely based around being fiscally conservative, or spending money within sense. We believe in less government control, and less regulation on businesses. We believe in the right to practice your 2nd amendment, and are pro-life. We support free markets and personal reasonability over welfare.
Our group on campus is a group of students who believe the same things that the party was based around, although just like the party we do not all have the same views on every situation or decision our party makes, but at the end of the day we are Republicans. Our group has helped with many of the campaigns in the upcoming election.
Many of the members helped with local races in their communities like county board, all the way up to state level races like those for senate and representatives. In return we are building our résumés, and doing what most of us enjoy doing. We are also in the process of assisting Rodney Davis's campaign, who is running for congress in the Springfield area, and also Dennis Shackelford's campaign who is running for State Representative.
We help out or at least try to help any Republican candidate that may need it. We have not really been able to help out with the presidential election. As of right now the Republican Party controls the House in congress, but does not control the Senate. As a political advocacy group on campus, we first and foremost want people to know what your government does and how it influences your life. We have students involved in College Republicans that come from the moderate side of "conservative" to the very right of "conservative."
The College Republicans can be contacted at http://www.facebook.com/groups/2203165647/.


text:
Hey there, time traveller!
This article was published 26/7/2013 (1482 days ago), so information in it may no longer be current.
Why do we work? And why, in North America, are we so obsessed with working?
Why don't we join the rest of the equally developed but much more reasonable world and make leisure a priority?
These questions drive this beautiful little book but they do so in a very particular, focused way. As big questions, they are posed by a prodding, charmingly cocky philosophy professor. But this one also runs. A lot.
Like any philosopher worth his bombast, Mark Rowlands, now 48 and a professor at the University of Miami, has been peripatetic: raised in Wales, trained at Oxford, hired in Alabama, then to Ireland, then to France and finally back to the U.S.
These periodic grand meanderings set a beat of regular, ongoing journey for the smaller wanderings of the first focus of the book: daily runs.
These runs by this "aging philosopher and talentless runner" range from a very few miles to the Golden Fleece that haunts all runners: the 26.2 miles of the marathon. They are sometimes better described as "walks" and even "saunters" but more often than not are real, rigorous runs that seem to build relentlessly to something.
That is the point for Rowlands: What are the stories of these runs building to? Are they building to the tale of his first foray into marathoning that frames the book?
Or are those hundreds of thousands of steps his obsessive campaign against time? Or is his daily running an end in itself? In short, Rowlands runs -- does he therefore work, or does he therefore play?
His constant griping about injuries and aging is a front for a childlike joy that oozes from every page of Running with the Pack.
Nimble young Mark likes to run as fast and as far as he can. Decrepit "old" Rowlands likes to engage Spinoza and Descartes and even Plato.
So as he runs, he strives to use the metronome of his steps to impel his quest, really, for the meaning of life.
We learn soon enough the whining is a mask for the joy because of the second theme that shapes the book. Not only does Rowlands love his job as philosopher, not only does little Mark love running, but they both love animals. Dogs specifically.
Rowlands' professional writing consistently engages the questions in and around the nature of animals and our treatment of them. Throughout his entire life, he has been accompanied by dogs.
The principal canines in this part of his story are all now extraordinarily dearly departed but they live on in stories and at least one life.
The main character here is Brenin, a massive dog whose long partnership with Rowlands was chronicled in his bestselling The Philosopher and the Wolf (2009).
Through much of Running with the Pack, Brenin is teamed with younger Nina and Tess. This trio forms a daily quartet with Rowlands as he wanders so briskly.
Does Rowlands run with them because he needs them to be exhausted? Does he run with them to clear his mind? Does he run to enjoy their human-like companionship?
As all runners do, Rowlands ends where he started: with the frame-story of his 2011 marathon attempt. This mighty endeavour was massively hindered by yet another recent injury and, for this cranky prof, too little proper homework/training done.
As he stretches, runs, walks, limps, thinks and runs again, he must decide whether to stop at the temptress, the half-marathon, or go for the gold.
En route, he has a final philosophical epiphany (this time with Sartre) and presumably now can die in peace.
This, though, is not because he finished the marathon. That's not the point. The point is Rowlands had already named his first child "Brenin."
Laurence Broadhurst teaches in the departments of religion & culture and classics at the University of Winnipeg.


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Valentin Bio
BIOI was born in Russia and lived in S. Petersburg for 60 years. Most of my career spent teaching at the Marine Engineering University. Since 2000 have been living in Regensburg (Germany) with my wife and daughter. I began taking pictures in 2003 and almost all my photos have been taken around Regensburg. Music and long walks in nature are my pet likes.
Have joined Rendero in 2003 and have met a lot of wonderful people here. Allways enjoy the beautiful works by so many excellent artists and have got lots of inspiration by theirs works.


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Home Page
Introducing the SCUBA SPECTM Prescription Spectacle Insert!
Prescription Insert for Use in Scuba and Snorkeling Masks
The Scuba Spec is designed to easily insert prescription lenses into a scuba or snorkeling mask so a diver has normal vision underwater.
The Scuba Spec can accomodate any prescription power, lens material, single or bifocal vision. No distortion. No limitations. Have multiple masks or buying a new mask? The Scuba Spec prescription spectacle insert is easily transferable between masks.
Scuba Spec models #199EB and #137 EBP are designed for use in low-volume style dive masks. The Scuba Spec is made of resilient nylon polymer and is available in black.
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Scuba Spec model #199EB attaches to the mask's faceplate using an anchor bracket which is bonded to the glass using silicon rubber adhesive. The rx-correctable spectacle frame snaps on and off of the anchor bracket. Additional anchor brackets may be obtained so that the Scuba Spec can be used in multiple masks. Scuba Spec model #137 EBP securely attaches to the mask faceplate using a rubber suction cup. The Scuba Spec prescription spectacle insert is designed to be used in any dive mask equipped with a single glass faceplate.
Prescription lenses for the Scuba Spec can be obtained from our full service optical laboratory or your local eye care provider. With Scuba Spec, your underwater visual abilities will be equivalent to those of a normally sighted diver.
For divers requiring reading glasses, the Scuba Spec is also available with nonprescription reading lenses for close-up viewing of gauges, bottom features, etc. Available powers for the reading segment are +1 through +3.5 diopters in 0.50 diopter increments. The top half of each lens has no corrective power so that distance-vision is not impacted.
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Purchase your prescription lenses from our full service optical laboratory.
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Prescription Spectacle Inserts for Dive Mask & Corrective Masks
Reading Glasses for Scuba Masks


text:
There is nothing called fate.
Fate does not exist.
Fate is ever unreal.
Fate does nothing. Only imagination is such.
Except the state of a corpse, motionless is not seen in this world. The acquisition of results arises out of movement or action. Therefore fate is nonsensical.
Fate has been fashioned by fools. Those having that as the highest object are destroyed. But the wise have arrived at this position of excellence by means of manly effort.
Among those with weak intellects, fate is only a consolation in their sorrow. This is a comforting word. Really, there is no fate.
The attainment of fortunate or unfortunate things of a result accomplished by fruitful human effort in this world is described by the word 'fate.'
On obtaining the results of one's own actions, those statements such as 'this is so circumstanced,' have attained fame by the name 'fate.'
Under those very circumstances, the firm belief that there is fate is assumed by the foolish on account of wrong perception, just as a snake is assumed in a rope.
There is nothing called fate which has a form other than one's own former action. That former human effort is indeed described by the word 'fate.'
As much as there is effort, so would there be result quickly. Thus, there is only human effort. That alone could be 'fate.'
Yoga Vasishtha – Chapter I, lines (169 – 176) (182 – 185)
(Source: The Vision and the Way of Vasishtha – published by Indian Heritage Trust,
) Madras


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Stanley® Putty Knife has permanently fastened full tang blade with nylon handle that resists shattering.
Stanley® Stiff putty knife has 2" tempered, hardened, polished blade made of steel for added durability. Knife is extended through shatter resistant nylon handle for comfort grip and features permanently fastened full tang blade.
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Teri Talan, Ed.D., Director of Policy Initiatives at NLU's McCormick Center, recently discussed the importance of early childhood education and the challenges faced in this area, as well as how parents and entire communities can make a positive impact. This program aired on Chicago Access Network Television (CAN TV).
Liliam Perez, Assessor and Training Specialist for the McCormick Center, also discussed the same topic on CAN TV's "Perspectivas Latinas" program.


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text:
* The Frog Prince
* The Elves and the Shoemaker
* Snow White
* Hansel and Gretel
* The Golden Goose
* Tom Thumb
* Rumplestiltskin
* Little Red Riding Hood
* Cinderella
* The Little Tailor
* Bearskin
* The Dancing Shoes
* The Fisherman's Wife
Read by Laura Paton
CD - 2 discs
(also available to download from $16.00)
Usually despatched in 2 - 3 working days. (Available now to download.)
Here are some of the most enchanting fairy stories of all time. The brothers Grimm conjure up a world of fantasy, hope and good fortune where the princess meets and marries the right prince (even if he was once a frog), and where the cruel witch, the arrogant wife and the greedy wolf get their come-uppance. It is a magical world which we must all inhabit at one time in our lives and which are as important in this computer age as ever before.
The Frog Prince
The Elves And The Shoemaker
Snow White
Hansel And Gretel
The Golden Goose
The Dancing Shoes
Tom Thumb
Little Red Riding Hood
The Fisherman's Wife
The Little Tailor
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Copyright © 2002-17 Presto Classical Limited, all rights reserved.


text:
Her main salon features a lounge area to port and a dining table to starboard, next to the fully equipped Galley. S/Y VINTAGE can accommodate up to 7 guests in a master, a double, a twin and a single cabin.
Sailing yacht VINTAGE provides yacht charters in Western Mediterranean, Tuscany, St Tropez, Sardinia, Propriano, Procida, Portofino, Porto-vecchio, Nice, Naples & Capri, Monaco, The Mediterranean, Italian Riviera, Iles D'hyeres, French Riviera, France, Cote D Azur, Corsica, Classic, Cannes, Bonifacio, Antibes, Amalfi Coast, and Ajaccio.
This document is not contractual. The yacht charters and their particulars displayed in the results above are displayed in good faith and whilst believed to be correct are not guaranteed. CharterWorld Limited does not warrant or assume any legal liability or responsibility for the accuracy, completeness, or usefulness of any information and/or images displayed. All information is subject to change without notice and is without warrantee. A professional CharterWorld yacht charter consultant will discuss each charter during your charter selection process. Starting prices are shown in a range of currencies for a one-week charter, unless otherwise marked. Exact pricing and other details will be confirmed on the particular charter contract. Just follow the "reserve this yacht charter" link for your chosen yacht charter or contact us and someone from the CharterWorld team will be in touch shortly.


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Black History Month, Remember the GOP
February 4, 2003
By Andrew Sarchus
February is Black History Month, and Trent Lott is forgotten,
but not gone. Senator Lott was forced from the office of Majority
Leader of the U.S. Senate because he spoke the truth about
his innate racism. He waxed nostalgic about Strom Thurmond's
1948 Dixiecrat presidential bid. He said if Strom had been
elected, we could have avoided "all these problems." First
he attempted to pass off his remarks as idle flattery of a
once vicious race-baiter who is now a desiccated old man.
Then Lott tried to backpedal when interviewed on Black Entertainment
Television, endorsing affirmative action and a host of other
civil rights measures that he previously opposed. Mr. Lott's
pandering and posturing jolted even veteran press cynics.
After dithering for several days while Lott piled blunder
upon blunder, George W. Bush fired broadside at him, saying
racism has no place in the Republican Party. Lott turned turtle
and sank, but has since been refloated by his Republican Senate
Colleagues and now holds a prime Committee Chair.
Following Lott's demotion from the ranks of GOP leadership,
the Bush administration turned back to their pet issue: All
Iraq, all the time. Oh, except for when our unelected Warmonger-in-Chief
paused a couple of minutes to renominate racist fellow-traveler
Charles Pickering for a federal judgeship and file "friend
of the court" papers against the University of Michigan's
affirmative action program--on Martin Luther King's birthday.
The crassness of these actions, in view of what happened to
Trent Lott scant weeks before, is mind-numbing. These moves
by GW Bush highlight a sickness within the Republican Party
that profoundly affects all Americans. The GOP caught the
disease from Southern Democrats--Dixiecrats--who emigrated
en masse to the Republicans after the Civil Rights and Voting
Rights acts became law in the 1960's. This influx of Southerners
brought electoral victories to the GOP, but at a price--the
Grand Old Party slowly shifted its positions on Civil Rights
to conform with those once supported by men like Strom Thurmond.
The GOP did apply some verbal dress codes to racist behaviors.
No longer could spittle-flecked hate-mongers openly rail at
integration and intermarriage in Southern states. Republicans
use bland little code words and phrases ("states' rights")
to convey racist ideas. Like their Dixiecrat ancestors, Southern
Republicans try to suppress black voter turnout, but do this
by crying "vote fraud" in majority black districts and issuing
would-be black voters "helpful" reminders to vote the day
after the general elections. Fewer photo ops here than when
Sheriff Bull Conner turned the dogs loose against blacks in
Birmingham a generation ago. The results are the same--fewer
black votes to tip elections towards progressive candidates.
When GOP operatives are caught in such practices, the Republican
leadership's standard defense is to proclaim that they are
the "Party of Lincoln." Yet among southern Conservatives,
an increasingly popular pastime involves trashing The Great
Emancipator as a man who cared little about slavery and who
sought only to increase the power of the Federal government.
Some neo-confederates use this argument to condone and even
praise Jefferson Davis for rebelling against the "tyrannical"
Lincoln administration. A scurrilous recent book by a Southern
apologist, The Real Lincoln: A New Look at Abraham Lincoln,
His Agenda, and an Unnecessary War, received nods of approval
among many GOP leaders in the South who hold Lincoln in low
With the enigmatic retirement of Congressman J.C. Watts earlier
this year, not one elected official in the national government
is a black Republican. Not one black conservative is acknowledged
as a political leader of consequence in black communities.
Since Lott fell on his repartee, Black conservative pundits
and the two strategically-placed Bush appointees, Colin Powell
and Condi Rice, have acknowledged that the racist sins of
the past are not yet atoned for. But the key issue, support
for affirmative action, is muted among black conservatives.
Why? Because, to paraphrase liberal black activist Harry Belafonte,
black conservatives are only in the GOP "big tent" so long
as they uphold the agenda put forth by the white men who control
the Republican Party. And many of those white men are Southerners
and/or apologists for the "ideals" of the Confederacy. Witness
Trent Lott and John Ashcroft flattering Secessionists in Southern
Partisan magazine, or Bush's calculated appearance before
paleo-conservative race-baiters at Bob Jones University in
the 2000 South Carolina Primary.
Republicans stack their conventions with black faces on the
podium where the cameras can catch them, while the delegates
are overwhelmingly white. George Bush appears before black
church congregations and offers their ministers prime cuts
from his unproven "faith-based initiatives" program while
starving Head Start and the Children's Health Initiatives
Program of desperately needed funds. Declining to speak to
the leaders of the Black Congressional Conference and the
NAACP is now annual ritual for Republican presidents. Instead,
ad hoc groups of black conservative church- and business people
are thrown together and nod in agreement as Bushites shill
for the standard GOP want list--a list always long on "opportunity"
and short of meaningful action.
The Republicans, without a trace of irony, accuse Democrats
of "keeping black people on the (Liberal) Plantation", and
complain that Jesse Jackson and Al Sharpton are the real racists
when these black leaders point out examples of white racist
behavior. GOP politicos appropriate the words of Martin Luther
King about judging people by "content of character" over color
of skin and use King's phrase to justify the ending of affirmative
action. They talk about a "color-blind" nation and push policies
that will result in resegregation of universities, public
schools, and government agencies--all this to avoid riling
the white Southerners that now provide electoral muscle for
their Party.
For Southerners awash in nostalgia for the post-Confederate,
pre-integration period, I offer two books: At the Hands
of Persons Unknown by Philip Dray and Without Sanctuary:
Lynching Photography in America (James Allen, editor)
are numbing accounts of lynching, and show how for generations
mobs of otherwise decent, church-going white Americans murdered
perhaps 10,000 black Americans without mercy, trial, or fear
of the authorities. The victim's genitals, ears, and fingers
were sometimes amputated while he or she was still alive.
The victim's torn body was often burned. Bones and body parts
were snatched up as mementos by members of the crowd. Photographers
snapped pictures of the lynch mobs standing beneath their
dangling, mangled victims: smiling white faces of men, women
and children satisfied with their work.
The main purpose behind lynching was to instill fear--so
that black Americans, fearing the mobs, stayed in places where
white Americans assigned them--back of the bus, off the campus,
out of the voting booth. Today's GOP, kowtowing to racist
sympathizers, is working on similar goals in a more refined
fashion, all the while touting itself as the future of "color-blind"
race relations.
After the collapse of the Soviet Union, Alexander Solzhenitsyn
was asked what Russians would do regarding past horrors perpetrated
on their nation by Communist ideology. Solzhenitsyn replied
that if a person has a terrible sickness and is cured, he
rejoices loudly. But if the sickness is still in him, he remains
silent and avoids those who inquire about his health.
Many Republicans would prefer to remain silent and avoid
discussion about the racist realities of 20th Century America.
Instead, let Liberals and Conservatives loudly demand that
GOP leaders renounce this sick legacy in all its forms, and
in far more than words.


text:
I must have missed the announcement because I only discovered this option recently when I was looking for something else on my blog's settings pages. I set it up as soon as I saw the option was available. A screenshot from a friend's iPhone is at right. Now if you access my blog from an iPhone, Android, or other mobile device, Blogger should detect it and render the mobile template automatically.
If you want this for your own blog, you need to enable the option yourself and pick a template. In Blogger in Draft (the default dashboard I have been using), the mobile option is under Dashboard > Template. In standard Blogger, the option is under Dashboard > Settings > Email & Mobile. If you want to read more about it, see the announcement.


text:
After Brown:
This file is also available in Adobe Acrobat PDF format
Our decision, therefore, cannot turn on merely a comparison of these tangible factors in the Negro and white schools involved in each of the cases. We must look instead to the effect of segregation itself on public education.
THE CHANGES wrought by school desegregation since the 1954 Brown v. Board of Education decision have been at times dramatic, uneven, and subject to reversal. As illustration, consider two school districts in the formerly segregated South.
The first is Taylor County, Georgia, situated between Macon and Columbus, some ninety miles south of Atlanta. A news item that appeared on the national wires in the spring of 2003 reported on a practice there that seemed to bespeak a bygone era: racially segregated proms. Following the desegregation of the county's public schools in the fall of 1971, school officials at Taylor County High, like those in many other districts in the South, decided to discontinue the tradition of holding a springtime prom, allowing instead separate, privately sponsored proms for white and black students. This practice continued until 2002, when, for the first time, a single, integrated prom was held. The next year, however, most white students voted to revert to their all-white prom. Another prom, open to blacks and whites, was held at nearby Fort Valley State University.2 Thus, five decades after the landmark Brown decision, in a high school evenly split between white and black students, this one part of high school life remained every bit as segregated as it had been in the days of de jure segregation.3
A second school district is the Winston-Salem / Forsyth Schools, located in the western piedmont of North Carolina. This district illustrates the sweeping change that desegregation brought to the formerly segregated South, as well as its vulnerability to reversal. In 1969, after a decade of minimalist steps taken by reluctant school officials, very few of the district's students attended racially mixed schools. Although 28 percent of its students were nonwhite, all but ten of its sixty-eight schools had enrollments that were 90-100 percent white or nonwhite. Suddenly, in 1970, as a result of a desegregation order, the district's schools became nearly racially balanced, with only two schools in either 90-plus percent category by 1971.4 Between 1969 and 1971, the percentage of black students attending 90-plus percent nonwhite schools fell from 84 percent to 3 percent. And for the next twenty-three years the district's schools remained racially balanced. Then, in 1995, a newly elected school board, freed by the courts from continuing its racial balance plan, instituted a new "controlled choice" plan that allowed parents to express their preferences for schools within their part of the district, guaranteeing them one of their top three choices. Although school administrators expressed the hope that the resulting school assignments would produce schools that departed from the systemwide racial composition by no more than 20 percent, this limitation was not enforced, in spite of complaints of growing racial disparities among the district's schools.5 Indeed, the district's schools steadily became racially imbalanced. The percentage of black students attending 90-plus percent nonwhite schools increased from 0 in the fall of 1994, to 6 percent in 1996, 13 percent in 1998, 21 percent in 2000, and 22 percent in 2002.6 Thus, during the fifth decade after the Brown decision, Winston-Salem's schools were gradually resegregating.
Whatever else might be said about racial patterns in these two school districts, the degree of interracial contact their students experienced in 2004 was far more extensive than it had been a half-century before. Even the most cursory glance backward in time reveals change in the racial makeup of American public schools that is little short of breathtaking. Consider what schools looked like before 1954. As a result of the official segregation that existed in more than twenty states, some 40 percent of the nation's students attended schools that were segregated by law.7 Tens of thousands more students attended schools that were every bit as segregated, but by virtue of starkly uneven residential patterns rather than by legal sanction. In the ensuing decades schools that had been under the regime of de jure segregation experienced marked increases in interracial contact, and so did many others where segregation had not been enforced by law. As impressive as it was, however, this general increase in interracial contact was diminished by two contrary tendencies. One was the stubborn continuation of pockets of segregation, such as Taylor County's all-white prom. The other was an unmistakable trend in the direction of resegregation, as illustrated by the Winston-Salem / Forsyth district.
The purpose of this book is to document the course of school desegregation over the half-century since the Brown decision. It uses as its basic marker of change the degree of interracial contact in schools. It measures the extent of that contact in schools, both public and private, over as much of the half-century since the Brown decision as available data allow. It compares patterns of interracial contact across regions in the country, in communities both inside and outside metropolitan areas.8
Why the focus on contact? The most obvious reason to do so is its central importance to state-sponsored segregation. The fact at the heart of both the apartheid practiced in the American South and the Brown decision that ruled it unconstitutional was the physical separation of the races. In a legal leap based in part on social science research, the Supreme Court concluded that separate schools were "inherently unequal," making unnecessary further comparison of the school facilities available to students of different races. Left unsettled by Brown, however, was whether racial segregation in schools brought about by segregated residential patterns--so-called de facto segregation--might not also be vulnerable to constitutional challenge. Ultimately, the court would reject this interpretation, making state action to segregate schools the necessary condition for federal intervention.
One might argue that, in assessing a policy such as school desegregation, the dimensions of interest should be the quality of resources available to students or socially significant outcomes such as its effects on academic achievement, self-esteem, attitudes, interracial friendships, or long-term social and economic success. Although these considerations are undeniably important, even crucial, in any full assessment of desegregation, no one study can do justice to all of them. Instead, I focus on an aspect that is a necessary intermediary for virtually all potential effects of desegregation--interracial contact. Contact lies at the heart of some theories about how desegregation might affect young people. Psychologist Gordon Allport's "contact theory," for example, asserts that contact is a necessary, but not sufficient, condition for the reduction of racial prejudice. To have this beneficial effect, the contact must embody equal status and a common objective, and it must enjoy official approval.9 Theories of labor market success based on information and social connections also require contact. Any number of theories of academic achievement also factor in the effects of peers. And some models of political economy imply that the distribution of resources depends on the distribution of students, that blacks would not receive equal educational facilities until they attended the same schools as whites. Thus, while interracial contact is by no means the whole story nor the only metric by which effects might be measured, it does represent a significant aspect of schools and a necessary ingredient for important potential processes that social scientists have identified.
Interracial contact in schools also has direct relevance to several important issues in education policy. Most obviously, it relates to the policy of school desegregation itself. How the federal courts have come to interpret Brown and refine its constitutional mandate is a question of undiminished importance to both constitutional lawyers and local school boards. The Supreme Court's growing reluctance to require racial balance has been blamed for the resegregation noted by observers of public schools.10 It is not too much to suggest that some observers believe the era of school desegregation may be drawing to a close.11 Given the widely acknowledged importance of school desegregation as a component of social policy, a shift of this significance surely deserves careful documentation. Fears of increased racial segregation have also helped drive discussions of school vouchers and school choice proposals; detractors worry that such policies would make it easier for middle-class white families to choose predominantly white schools.12
Interracial contact also has direct relevance to the use of ability grouping or academic tracking. These policies are employed widely at all levels of education, particularly in high schools. Justified on the basis that homogeneous classes make for more effective instruction, tracking policies have been decried by critics who argue that their criteria for grouping are often capricious, the assignments they create are usually irreversible, and their educational benefits are dubious.13 Since these policies tend to decrease the amount of interracial contact within schools, especially when assignment to groups is subject to racial bias, their use quite clearly bears on interracial contact in schools.
Ultimately, patterns of interracial contact have the potential to influence educational outcomes. Consider the distribution of resources in the schools. If whites and nonwhites tend to be in different schools, the possibility exists that students in these racial groups will be exposed to different levels of resources or teachers of different quality. As an illustration that segregation may have this effect, two recent studies suggest that nonwhites are more likely than whites to be taught by inexperienced teachers.14 If schools are racially balanced, however, such differences simply cannot arise except between classrooms; and if classrooms are racially balanced, they cannot arise at all.
Quite apart from its implications for the distribution of school resources, interracial contact may bring about outcomes of considerable social value. Consider three sets of possible outcomes: academic achievement, job market success, and racial tolerance. First, from at least the days of the Coleman Report in 1966, some researchers have held out the possibility that interracial contact in schools may itself have a positive impact on the achievement gains of minority students, without causing any offsetting losses among whites. Second, some evidence has suggested that integration may improve the life prospects of minority students by giving them access to social networks formerly open primarily to whites. A third potential benefit of interracial contact is that suggested by Allport's contact theory: under the right conditions, contact can lead to productive interracial relations and thereby enhance racial tolerance. More broadly, interracial contact is important simply because of the significance of racial and ethnic diversity itself. Whatever else its effects may be, interracial contact in schools offers students from all racial and ethnic groups the chance to learn about living in a diverse society. In his study of American race relations a decade before the Brown decision, Gunnar Myrdal observed: "One of the effects of social segregation is isolation of Negroes and whites. The major effects of isolation are, of course, on Negroes. Contrary to popular opinion, however, there are bad effects on whites also, and these are increasing as the level of Negro cultural attainment is rising . . . Whether they know it or not, white people are dwarfing their minds to a certain extent by avoiding contacts with colored people."15 In light of the society's growing racial and ethnic diversity, the force of this statement with regard to schools has surely grown since Myrdal wrote it. For all of these reasons, there can be little doubt that interracial contact holds considerable policy significance.
A primary aim of this book is to document changes in interracial contact over time. One of the best illustrations of the results of judicial and executive branch measures to desegregate formerly segregated schools remains Gary Orfield's Public School Desegregation in the United States, 1968-1980, which presents a summary by region of the percentage of black students who attended schools that were 90-100 percent nonwhite in enrollment. He shows that by this measure black students were more racially isolated in the South than in any other region in 1968. Whereas 78 percent of the South's black students attended such schools, the corresponding percentage in all other regions was 60 percent or less. To be sure, this measure is not a perfect indicator of segregation, as it reflects in part the overall racial makeup of regions.16 Nevertheless, it provides an easily comprehended metric and is an illuminating marker of changes over time for a given region. As a result of the federal government's vigorous pursuit of desegregation beginning in 1968, racial isolation measured in this way declined precipitously in the South, transforming its schools from the most to the least segregated in the country. The percentage of black students in the South who attended 90-100 percent minority schools fell between 1968 and 1972 from 78 percent to 25 percent. By 1972, the region with the next lowest corresponding percentage was the West, where 43 percent of its black students attended such schools.
As compelling as it may be, this statistical record of changes wrought after 1968 still misses what went before. One of the aims of the present study is to extend the historical field of view to cover as much of the period since 1954 as possible. Thus I use unpublished data from the period before 1968 to chart the trends in interracial contact for selected districts and by region. Not only does this analysis provide new evidence on the degree of school segregation outside the South in the 1950s and early 1960s, it also allows for an assessment of changes in segregation over a longer period in all regions. And, in light of the steady relaxation of judicial oversight of desegregation orders beginning in the 1990s and the prospect of resegregation observed in previously desegregated school districts, it is necessary to extend the measurement of interracial contact into the new century.
Documenting changes in interracial contact over the last fifty years is one thing. Assigning causation is another. Did Brown bring about the well-documented reductions in segregation? I believe it is virtually impossible to isolate the effect of the 1954 decision or indeed the subsequent major Supreme Court decisions in light of the other powerful forces at work during the same period. For one thing, the 1964 Civil Rights Act gave to the executive branch a powerful lever--funding--to use to encourage school districts to comply with court decrees and other federal law. In addition, the manifold changes brought about by the civil rights movement, not the least of which was the Voting Rights Act of 1965 but also including actions in state legislatures and local school boards and changing attitudes on the part of ordinary citizens, surely influenced the direction of change as well. For these reasons, I generally sidestep the question of causation. Rather, I focus on documenting measurable changes in interracial contact, noting where appropriate the coincident events of the time.
Using the yardstick of interracial contact, one is tempted to ask whether school desegregation has been a "success." To what extent did desegregation measures break down the barriers of racial separation that previously existed? In light of the large declines in racial isolation, one is almost compelled to judge the policy a success, perhaps a great success, for the changes accomplished in its wake were undeniably significant. Yet that judgment inevitably will be tempered by the failure of school desegregation to achieve more. Owing to the very nature of the process, the success of school desegregation would ultimately depend, in part, on the reaction of private citizens, as well as the actions of local school officials. In the end, the federal authorities empowered to employ their considerable policy tools to transform interracial contact found themselves in the position of squeezing a balloon: pressure in one place caused bulges to appear elsewhere. Some amount of change in interracial contact could be accomplished quickly and easily, some change was possible only with difficulty or only temporarily, and some change could not be accomplished at all.
The campaign for school desegregation--for many it was nothing less than a crusade--was launched by a judicial decision of extraordinary simplicity and moral clarity, and it soon received the backing of all three branches of the federal government. But it faced resistance in the country. Most obviously, it confronted an entire social system of racial separation in the American South, enforced by both the power of the state and informal intimidation, and elaborately codified in law, custom, and myth. The ferocity of the immediate reaction to the Brown decision made clear that the states of the former Confederacy, at least, would not stand idly by while an imperial federal government sought to destroy a central pillar of its social order. Nor was opposition confined to the South. Many whites outside the South had enjoyed privileged treatment in their public school systems as well. Public schools had been segregated by law in the District of Columbia and the six Border states (Delaware, Kentucky, Maryland, Missouri, Oklahoma, and West Virginia) as well as in parts of three other states (Arizona, Kansas, and New Mexico).17 More significantly, public schools in much of the urban North were characterized by pronounced de facto segregation, owing to the highly fragmented jurisdictional landscape in most metropolitan areas. Thus, when later judicial decisions extended the logic of Brown to urban school districts outside of the South, resistance to integration that had previously lain beneath the surface became increasingly evident.
Hence the execution of the policy of desegregation was frustrated, and ultimately blunted, by four factors: apparent white aversion to interracial contact, the multiplicity of means by which whites could sidestep the effects of the policy, the willingness of state and local governments to accommodate white resistance, and the faltering resolve of the prime movers of the policy. Apparent white aversion to interracial contact was widespread, and certainly not confined to the South, although it was most visible in that region. To be sure, it was neither universal nor uniform. Nor was it exclusive to whites, although it was surely more common in whites than among other major racial and ethnic groups. And it undoubtedly sprang from more than one source. For some, it surely grew out of pure racial antipathy. For others, however, it arose from inclinations common to most parents of any group: the desire to send children to well-appointed schools, staffed with skilled and experienced teachers, in safe neighborhoods, and with students from economically advantaged families. These preferences simply tended to correspond to a preference for schools with higher proportions of white students.18 For the sake of understanding the decisions of white parents, the origin of the preference matters less than the preference itself.
The second factor frustrating desegregation was the multiplicity of escape routes open to many families wishing to reduce the level of interracial contact in their children's schools. Three main avoidance options existed. First, suburban school districts were the most obvious alternative to city school districts with high or rising proportions of minority students. Where they were conveniently located and predominantly white, these suburban districts offered a ready alternative to central city schools. They offered an especially ready option for newly formed households or families moving into a metropolitan area for the first time, because choosing to live there did not require the cost of an additional move. It turned out that these conditions differed markedly by region. In the Northeast and Midwest, it was not unusual for suburban school districts to be very small, so small that families moving into or living in some of the largest metropolitan areas in the country had dozens of school districts from which to choose. In the South and the West, however, school districts historically covered much larger areas, leaving families fewer districts from which to choose. A second avoidance option was, of course, private schools. Not for everyone, owing to their cost, private schools remained a safety valve for whites who were unhappy with the public schools. Although there is good reason to believe that race was not the only or even primary reason why many parents sent their children to private school, the pertinent fact with respect to interracial contact is that, by and large, the private schools had smaller shares of minority students than the public schools. Extracurricular activities provided a third avoidance option, admittedly less effective than the first two. By participating in predominantly white activities in school and after school, whites could reduce their rate of contact with nonwhites.
The third factor that frustrated desegregation efforts was the willingness of state and local government officials--ranging from legislators who shaped state curricula to principals and counselors who determined classroom assignments--to accommodate white parents' wishes to minimize interracial contact. School officials in various parts of the country followed policies that had the effect of keeping schools racially identifiable. These included such well-documented practices as building new schools in predominantly white or nonwhite neighborhoods, adjusting school attendance boundaries to minimize racially mixed schools, and allowing whites to transfer out of racially changing schools. More important and longer lasting was the policy of academic tracking and other forms of ability grouping, which created racial disparities within schools. Other public policies not obviously related to education, including the creation of small local government jurisdictions and segregation of public housing projects, also had the effect of maintaining segregation in public schools whose attendance zones were based on residential neighborhoods.
Finally, desegregation efforts were constrained by faltering resolve on the part of the federal government and erstwhile proponents of integration. Beginning with the Milliken decision in 1974, the Supreme Court steadily backed away from its aggressive attack on racial imbalance. Limiting desegregation efforts to what could be accomplished within school districts necessarily left open the possibility that segregation caused by racial disparities between districts could continue to grow. In addition, federal courts, led by the Supreme Court, began to deem local school districts as "unitary" after they fulfilled certain requirements, thereafter allowing or mandating that they back away from explicit efforts to balance schools racially. Following Milliken, enthusiasm for integrated schools among spokespersons for minority groups visibly waned.
While acknowledging that these barriers reduced the impact of desegregation policies on the extent of interracial contact, we must not lose sight of the increases in interracial contact that did occur over this half-century. The extent of change can be seen by tracing the trend in the percentage of black students attending schools that were 90-100 percent minority. This share went down sharply in the early 1970s, especially in the South, and then increased modestly, remaining well below where it stood in 1954. Interracial contact in school has also increased for whites. Today, most white students attend schools with some racial diversity, and in the South they attend schools whose numbers of black students could not have been imagined in 1954. To be sure, interracial friendships remain the exception rather than the rule, but the "loose ties" of association routinely bridge the color line. Thousands of integrated football and wrestling teams, bands, and school clubs give students in middle school and high school opportunities to know those from other racial and ethnic groups as individuals rather than as stereotypes. So, while school desegregation has been an imperfect revolution, falling far short of what some of its original proponents had dreamed it might have become, it has been a revolution nonetheless.
Yet these achievements are by no means secure. As the example of Winston-Salem / Forsyth illustrates emphatically, the process of desegregation is potentially reversible. Thus, after fifty years, it remains important to assess this policy, warts and all.
The book's first chapter provides a brief historical narrative context for the study. It begins by describing official policies governing interracial contact in public schools on the eve of the Brown decision as well as other social forces affecting racial patterns of school enrollment. It then briefly summarizes the court decisions and other government actions relevant to school desegregation in the period. It also discusses differences in resources available in schools attended by students of different races.
Chapter 2 describes, using numeric indices, changes in interracial contact and segregation over the fifty-year period following the Brown decision. Focusing first on data for school districts, it extends backward to earlier years the trend analysis developed by Gary Orfield, using previously unpublished statistics from the 1950s and early 1960s collected from individual school districts, and other previously unutilized data. Together with newly calculated measures for more recent years, these calculations for earlier years provide the longest time series picture of interracial contact in public schools so far available. The chapter then examines school desegregation measured for metropolitan areas. For the shorter 1970 to 2000 period, itdecomposes segregation into three components and shows how each has changed over that period. Like most previous research on school segregation, the numerical analyses presented in the book focus on racial disparities in school enrollment. Owing to the paucity of relevant data, no attempt is made to measure segregation by social or economic class, nor is attention given to the distribution of teachers by race.
Chapter 3 discusses the connection between school desegregation and residential location. It considers, first, how residential patterns affect the segregation of schools. Second, it examines the effect of school desegregation on the residential choices of whites. In particular, it assesses the hypothesis that whites seek to avoid racially mixed schools. The chapter begins with a selective review of the previous research on this subject. It then presents two new empirical tests relevant to the question of what independent effect school desegregation has had on residential patterns. Finally, it considers the motivations that underlie white behavior.
Chapter 4 focuses on private schools and their role in school segregation. It begins by examining trends and patterns in private school enrollment. It then incorporates private school enrollment in a comprehensive decomposition of school segregation. Unlike conventional measures that are based on public schools in districts, this comprehensive approach accounts for both public and private students and groups students by metropolitan area rather than by district. Although they enroll only one-tenth of all K-12 students, private schools are sufficiently distinctive in terms of racial composition, in most communities, to contribute to overall racial segregation. How much they contribute to segregation is another question, and one that is examined in this chapter.
Almost all studies of school segregation have used school-level data, measuring segregation by looking at racial disparities among schools. Yet there is ample reason to pay attention to disparities that arise within schools, creating segregation across classrooms. Chapter 5 draws on research using otherwise unavailable data. First, it analyzes classroom-level data for North Carolina, which allows the measuring of segregation within schools as well as between them. Second, it discusses findings based on interracial contact in high school clubs and sports teams.
Chapter 6 is devoted exclusively to higher education. Using similar methodology on the unfamiliar application of colleges and universities, it develops measures to give a longitudinal perspective on interracial contact, calculated at the campus level, for colleges that are roughly comparable to those used for elementary and secondary schools. The picture that emerges is one of tremendous change in previously white colleges and universities but remarkably little change in historically black institutions. Applying the conventional exposure and segregation measures at this level produces an unusual perspective from which to view developments in American higher education over the last several decades.
The last chapter summarizes the book's findings and assesses their importance for educational, social, and economic outcomes. Drawing from empirical research on the effects of interracial contact, it discusses the likely effect of the changes that have accompanied school desegregation. Finally, it notes policy questions related to interracial contact that remain pertinent as desegregation enters its second half-century.
File created: 8/7/2007
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text:
BLACK Saturday, the name of one of Victoria's most devastating bush fires, left a scar on minds, as well as on the landscape. But out of the ashes, homes and community buildings are slowly appearing. A Catholic church, in Kinglake, is one of such structures to emerge from the devastation.
Designed by KUD Architects, the Kinglake church started with a call from architect Billy Kavellaris, director of the practice, to ABC Radio. ''I contacted the station to donate my services to rebuild the church. After a moment, I found myself on air and accepted the brief,'' said Mr Kavellaris.
KUD's brief was to design a church that engaged a new generation, the youth, as well as the wider community.
Obviously, robust materials were required, given that two previous churches, one from the 1920s, and another from the 1970s, were destroyed. ''The first church was timber, the second was brick. This one had to withstand extreme conditions,'' said Mr Kavellaris.
While KUD Architects were mindful of the landscape, with rolling hills and distant views, they wanted to create a contemporary building for parishioners, as well as for use by the broader community for gatherings and functions.
An oversized crucifix, which appears in the concrete facade, clearly articulates the building's primary function. The crucifix, which is back-lit at night, also acts as a beacon for those entering the Kinglake community.
Unlike many old churches, which are monumental and internalised, the Kinglake church was designed to capture distant views.
Three interlocking components, all clad in steel, in silver, black and a deep red, correlate to the Catholic teachings of ''the Father, the Son and the Holy Spirit''.
The three different volumes also set up individual spatial experiences. ''We wanted to draw in eastern light into the church, particularly for morning prayers,'' said Mr Kavellaris, pointing out the angled oak-lined ceiling with pop-out celestial windows. ''These windows [motorised] also purge hot air during the warmer months,'' he added.
Although there is generous glazing in the church, both in the crucifix and floor-to-ceiling windows, each has been carefully considered to create privacy, while still providing diffused natural light. The glass in the crucifix, for example, features a pixilated image of Jesus, while the glass on the side elevations is mirrored. To appeal to a younger audience, the windows also reference the 1960s, a period of social change and enlightenment.
As well as the chapel, there is an elongated space dissecting the two other forms. This space is used by children who can't quite make it through an entire service. The same space is also used for Sunday school, as well as for community activities. ''This space is quite flexible, but we wanted to provide a similar transparency,'' said Mr Kavellaris.
One of the most sentimental elements in the design is the tabernacle, made from bricks of the previous church. As evocative is the crucifix at the entrance to the carpark. Made of timber from the original fence, it's a reminder of past tragedies. ''We didn't want to just create a series of geometric forms. The design is as much about the past as it is about the future of Kinglake,'' added Mr Kavellaris.


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Nostalgic New Orleans Eats and Drinks
Premiered on Wednesday, November 14, 2012
Many locals fondly recall beloved "eats and drinks" that originated in New Orleans. WYES' latest documentary, NOSTALGIC NEW ORLEANS EATS AND DRINKS, focuses on the early history of some local food and beverage favorites that are now part of our collective memory, as well as a few that, thankfully, are still around.
For many New Orleanians, the day often started with the delivery of milk to their front door each morning. Gold Seal was one of many local dairies providing that service, but became more famous for its Creole Cream Cheese. Borden's, another local dairy, is still with us today.
"New Orleans has always been known for food, but sometimes it's not the special meals at restaurants, but the everyday type of local touches that evoke warm memories," says producer and host Peggy Scott Laborde.
Local lunches may have consisted of Mrs. Drake's sandwiches as remembered by food critic Tom Fitzmorris and advertising consultant Peter Mayer. For those with a sweet tooth, the image of king cakes and "turtles," a chocolate pecan confection, from McKenzie's come to mind. Although not sold in a bakery, Hubig's Pies are another local favorite. Of course, no local Easter basket is complete without the favored Gold Brick and Heavenly Hash eggs.
"Very much missed are local soda fountains and the refreshing treat they provided," says Laborde. Katz and Besthoff drug store soda fountains featured a nectar soda – a pink almond-flavored beverage – that was a highlight. K&B also produced their own ice cream in a large assortment of flavors.
Every local loves what with their boiled seafood? Beer, of course! New Orleans was once home to numerous breweries – Jax, Regal, Falstaff and Dixie, among them. Fond memories of the breweries and their brews are recalled.
And, if that's not enough, more local tastes are remembered such as Dickey's Potato Chips, the local snack chip that added something special to a meal, or eaten alone, as recalled by Louisiana Fourth Circuit Court of Appeal Judge Ediwn Lombard and United States Attorney Jim Letten.
Founded in New Orleans 40 years ago, Popeye's Fried Chicken, with its distinctive spicy flavor, has become an international sensation. The creation of the late Al Copeland, successfully expanded with the inclusion of such local staples as red beans and rice and even the time-honored biscuit.
NOSTALGIC NEW ORLEANS EATS AND DRINKS will evoke memories for the local palate through rare images, history and anecdotes from such local notables as singer Wanda Rouzan, United States Attorney Jim Letten, Tom Fitzmorris, Poppy Tooker, Angelo Brocato, Sammy Centanni of Gold Seal Creamery, and Peter Mayer – to name a few.
The program is produced and narrated by Peggy Scott Laborde. Editor is Larry Roussarie. Associate producer is Ashli Richard and Paul Combel is the photographer.
Thank you to our generous sponsors: WYES Producers Circle and Whitney Bank
If you are interested in obtaining a copy of NOSTALGIC NEW ORLEANS EATS AND DRINKS, contact the WYES membership department at (504) 831-1503 or email@example.com.


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In efforts to increase bilingual learning, Kyrene de los Lagos Elementary School will be offering dual language courses during the 2014-15 school term.
The opportunities for students to learn Spanish will begin at the kindergarten level, and will annually move to higher grade levels.
The program will be working off a 50/50 model where kindergarteners will spend half their day learning material in English, and the second half learning material completely in Spanish.
The dual language program was first implemented in the Kyrene School District four years ago at Kyrene de los Niños Elementary School in Tempe.
Patricia Fernandez, Spanish instructor at Niños, feels the students that are enrolled in the dual language program are reaching a higher level of bilingualism and biculturalism.
"They are immersed through content … we teach language. They're learning academic language, as well as social language," Fernandez added.
Fernandez also highlighted that during the midpoint of the school year, her kindergarten students are already thinking in Spanish.
The program will be offered to one kindergarten class at Lagos, where a class of 50 students will be broken in half to be taught an English instructor and a Spanish instructor.
To assure each student is not left behind, during the first weeks of the school year the Spanish instructor will be teaching each student fundamental action words to assist them throughout the day, and introduce the intermingling of both languages.
Lagos Principal Dr. Ana Gomez del Castillo said having the dual language program presented at Lagos came as an unexpected surprise, since she assisted with the opening of the dual language program at Niños.
"I don't want to take credit for being the person that brought up the idea; that was something that was initiated by our superintendent. He was looking at introducing various choice programs for the district, and dual language was one that had received a great deal of parent interest," Gomez del Castillo said. "He received a lot of inquiries about would the district ever consider opening up a dual language program."
The early dual language learning also goes as far to promote bilingualism, academic achievement and infuses multicultural learning.
The program is set to open its first year at the kindergarten level, as opposed to opening to all grade levels, because it offers a way to lay a foundation for the program, and students are able to retain the knowledge faster at a younger age, Gomez del Castillo said.
"Ideally there is a great deal of research that says the best time for kids to start learning a second language is when they are 3 and 4 years old. If you're looking at kindergarten, it's not saying that this is a bad time, the research still supports that kids at this grade level are like little sponges," Gomez del Castillo added. "We started the idea where children will learn some of the very basic words in Spanish."
Registration and open enrollment for the 2014-15 school term is currently in process, and parents who are interested in enrolling their child can visit www.kyrene.org., or call (480) 541-1000 for more information.
Kindergarten orientation will also be held at Lagos, 17001 S. 34th Way, on Thursday, Jan. 23 at 6:30 p.m. where parents can get further information about the dual language program.
• Contact writer: (480) 898-4903 or firstname.lastname@example.com.


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Professionally I am an ethical leatherworker, expressing my love for my craft in making useful objects of beauty and longevity, using natural and sustainable practices, but my passions are numerous: I compose classical music; I write fiction; I paint, sculpt, and draw; and have multitudinous projects, such as the language I created, the faith I designed, and even the geekiness of my own RPG system :-) I am a servant to symmetry, a creator in all pursuits, and an uncompromising perfectionist.
Romantically I open the floodgates. I fall deeply in love with the people I connect with sexually, so please realize that if you want something casual, it would be best that you look elsewhere. I am polyamorous and madly in love with my wife, which means both she and I have or have had extramarital partners with whom we have shared the same intensity of love and connection. Ultimately I am searching for a single life-partner beyond my wife to share in my future, but my restrictions on such a partner are very open-ended: love who you wish and do as you wish, as long as the commitment to our bond remains healthy.
Sexually I am transcendent. I view sex as the ultimate sacred act of worship: my temple is the body of my partner, and their pleasure is my ecstasy. Because of this I find it challenging to accommodate degrading acts, or partners who have learned what sex is from mainstream pornography, but I am always open to learn from you what fulfills you the best, and do my best to carve it a place in my cathedral.
I'm a hearts not parts person, so gender-variant folk feel welcome to apply :-)


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I think we have all had, at one time or another, a vintage suitcase fetish. It's hard to ignore them at yard sales and junk stores. This pair is original - including the beautiful travel labels and stickers. I thought you might like to see them. I find endless inspiration in old labels - aren't they wonderful?
Friday, June 18, 2010
Creatively compiled by Fiona Cartolina at 12:02 AM
Labels: collection, vintage
4 comments:
- Words and Eggs said...
Big HUGE sigh.
Love them.
- June 17, 2010 at 8:47 PM
- Pfeiffer Photos said...
Nice--I just posted about Road Trip(pin') on my blog and here you come with these super suitcases! Have a good weeeknd, Fiona. :)
- June 18, 2010 at 9:47 AM
- Linda said...
Loved everything posted today. My favourites were the suitcases. Feel like ramblin.
- June 18, 2010 at 3:34 PM
- Margarida said...
These are goegeous but pretty expensive.
A couple of months ago I saw one at Lisbon flea market, in very good condition and it was being sold for 25euros!!!
- June 25, 2010 at 7:33 AM
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