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This article is gear toward anyone thinking of starting a business in internet marketing primarily. Any new venture in virtually any facet of human life will have its excitements and its own challenges. Internet Marketing is not a different It is vital to know the main element principles before becoming involved or your web marketing business could be shot down in flames before you even begin.
Many people not used to internet marketing waste products significant amounts of time and effort because they simply have not taken the time to research exactly what is involved. Conducting business on the internet has a well-rehearsed and well-documented process. This process must be realized before starting into the unknown fully. You need to look before you leap and really study how to get started on an internet marketing business before you make a commitment of either time or money.
The fairly apparent and literal response to that headline question is that it is marketing products utilizing the web somewhat than traditional business methods. Like any other marketing, providing online will involve advertising, promotion, and sales. The type of the carrying on business will mean that most newcomers will need to learn new techniques. These techniques may be this is the basics of marketing or they may be more specifically related to the utilization of the internet. Both expressed words of the title, internet marketing, have to be understood and applied to achieve success correctly. It really is probably true to state that the 'marketing' part is the more important as this is exactly what actually generates the income.
Internet marketing calls for the internet entrepreneur in doing lots of research in a manner that traditional marketing doesn't. We should know our software industry; know our consumers and learn how to communicate with them. Because we seldom meet our customers face to face we have to market in a just a little different way. Words are an essential part of our own way. The writing of excellent sales words and other promotional duplicate reaches the center of what marketers do because it is through words that people talk to our prospects.
Internet marketing is generally based on the sale of information products. These can be DVDs, CDs, printed reports or digital products which are often downloaded from a site directly. (This form of business may also be referred to as 'digital marketing') So, to answer that opening question, "what specifically is internet marketing", it's the process of finding a market, sourcing something and promoting that product to your selected market online.
One other facet of the business enterprise which draws in many people is that it's an extremely low-cost business with gigantic profit margins. It shall cost ?1 – ?2 to produce a single DVD which can be sold for $67, $167 even $967, because what the customer is buying is the given home elevators that drive and not the disk itself. The start-up costs of the business enterprise are a fraction of traditional marketing start-up costs. Products can be sourced for several pounds, creating and hosting a website will cost peanuts.
The one item where some financial investment is necessary is in promoting your product. Even that can be done using free techniques if you opt to go down that particular route. That is especially ideal for those starting a business with hardly any disposable income. It is simple to work within your means. If you have a little bit of time to get nevertheless, you can begin gradually and build-up as the income starts off to increase.
In the end you may still ask, – "What is Internet Marketing?" – this is a bringing together of both marketing techniques and internet technology. The skills required to achieve this are:
1. A knowledge of the way the internet works and the way to use it
2. The capability to write sales material, etc.
3. The perseverance and endurance to do the required research
I am hoping this brief internet marketing guide has been of help. If you're thinking of setting up your own home business, I wish you all the fortune in the world then.


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1611 Garden Corner at Heathcote Botanical Gardens Plein Air Alla
painting by artist Lori McNamara
7 in X 5 in (17.8 cm X 12.7 cm)
inches, oil on masonite
This painting is already sold. However, I may have other paintings available.
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Florida Snakes
Florida Snakes
Florida is home to forty-five species of snakes, only six of which are venomous.
Come learn about the most common snakes you will find in Sarasota County,how best to identify them and their benefit for the local environment.
Be prepared to see live examples of non-venomous native snake species.
Past dates
- Occurred Thursday, May 15th, 2014 @ 2:00 pm – 3:00 pm


text:
Buzzing noise in ears
Hi Deb,
I'm not exactly sure what your question is.
Constant buzzing in the ears is called tinnitus and can be caused by many different things. Neurological disorders, such as multiple sclerosis, can be a cause of non-pulsating tinnitus. Here is a brief overview of tinnitus found on WebMD and here is what I found on HealthCentral regarding tinnitus.
If the information in these sources answer your questions, great!!
If not, please come back let us know more about your question.
FROM OUR COMMUNITYYou should know Answers to your question are meant to provide general health information but should not replace medical advice you receive from a doctor. No answers should be viewed as a diagnosis or recommended treatment for a condition. Content posted by community members does not necessarily reflect the views of Remedy Health Media, which also reserves the right to remove material deemed inappropriate.DISPLAY TEXTLINK URL
Most PopularAdaptive ToolsHow to Manage MS FatigueMobility Issues7 Stretches and Exercises to Improve Balance with MSLiving With7 Best Food Choices for MS


text: This is your guide for your First Year Seminar. Here you will find links to resources, some questions and exercises, and a few fun images and videos. I am a fan of the original series, so most of what you see here will relate to Kirk, Spock, and the rest of the original crew of the Star Ship Enterprise. Please let me know if you have any questions about this guide or anything else related to the library and library resources. You can email me using the button in the left column. Live long and prosper.


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Re: [midatlanticretro] Power for Exhibitors
Expand Messages
- On 03/29/2012 09:55 AM, Mr Ian Primus wrote:
>> The short answer is no. But, just like we did several years ago,[raises hand]
>> we're allowed to have an electrician install temporary power if
>> needed.
> That didn't work out so good last time. Some real improvements to the
> wiring really need to be made if anyone wants to bring any large
> machines to exhibit and actually run.
Umm, yes!
> I would really like to see some dedicated, high current circuitsYeah really. I'd kick in a few bucks.
> installed in the exhibit halls. Perhaps we could take up a collection
> for some power improvements? I would really like to see us able to
> have minicomputers and other large iron there at the show. Don't get
> me wrong, I love microcomputers too, but... :D
Dave McGuire, AK4HZ
New Kensington, PA
- Mr Ian Primus <ian_primus@...> writes:
>> >> Have any power improvements > been made? > > The short answer is208/3ph. throughout from which you can derive anything you need! Save
>no. But, just like we did several years > ago, we're allowed to have an
>electrician install temporary > power if needed.
>That didn't work out so good last time. Some real improvements to the
>wiring really need to be made if anyone wants to bring any large
>machines to exhibit and actually run.
for common 120V NEMA-15/20 circuits (common household like stuff), the
208/3ph would allow 120V, 240V and the 208/3ph. The latter was quite
common for the early/mid era minis.
> >If you're bringing a mini or something with special power
>I will this weekend. Have any power improvements been made? Last time I was
>in there we had two or maybe three working circuits for the room, and one
>with a bad ground. On the second day I was able to find another circuit
>near the door and power my exhibit with a 100' extension cord. If the
>wiring hasn't been upgrade can someone use an outlet tester and verify
>which outlets are good and which breaker they are on? (labels on outlets
>or map would be good) The bad circuit the ground neon bulb was not fully on.
requirements, please try to arrive Friday night for electrical
testing and set up. All the talk and prep in the world will not
*prove* you have what you need until you test your space with your
load in this environment. It will be too late Saturday morning for
all that. If you can't, you can't, but try.
It would be ideal if we had an electrician around who can stop by
(even a paid one) Friday night for this purpose just to be sure
everything is OK. Last year we had no special power requirements as
everything except Dave's systems were small. With all 20+ or so
exhibits in just the one room including larger ones - I'd rather be
pleasantly surprised that there are no problems rather than violently
surprised when there are.
...and this means we MARCH people running the show will have to work
something out. I expect Evan has already done some of this leg
work. Send me your specs and I will coordinate with Evan and the
InfoAge electrician(s). If you don't send specs then don't get upset
if you're not allowed to turn everything on at the expense of the
others who have given us enough time to prepare.
- From: B Degnan
Sent: Thursday, March 29, 2012 7:53 AM
To: firstname.lastname@example.com
Subject: [midatlanticretro] Power for Exhibitors
>Which reminds me, please tell us/me what your power requirements areSorry for the delay Bill, but I wasn't really sure how to calculate this. I
>going to be for these exhibits asap. The tentative plan is that all
>of them will be in the one larger room by the backdoor ramp. I plan
>to bring my own new UPS for my own exhibit.
will be bringing a UPS myself. 550va 330Watts. I will be plugging in four
C64s with Heavy Duty power supplies, four 1702 monitors, four 1541 drives,
one PC laptop or desktop, possibly a VGA monitor. I'm not sure how to
calculate the power for all this. Does that help ?
Jeff Brace
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The simple silhouette of our linen, jersey tunic makes it ideal for holiday dressing. The short sleeves, forward angled seam detail and shaped longer back hem are designed to flatter every figure. Throw over your costume for the beach or team with sandals and a tote for holiday sight seeing.
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Kim Wilde
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Kim Smith, 18 November 1960, Chiswick, London, England. The daughter of 50s pop idol Marty Wilde and Vernons Girls vocalist Joyce Smith (née Baker), Kim was signed to Mickie Mosts RAK Records in 1980 after the producer heard a demo Kim recorded with her brother Ricky. Her first single, the exuberant Kids In America, composed by Ricky and co-produced by Marty, climbed to number 2 in the UK charts. A further Top 10 hit followed with Chequered Love, while her debut Kim Wilde fared extremely well in the album charts. A more adventurous sound with Cambodia indicated an exciting talent. By 1982, she had already sold more records than her father had done in his entire career. While View From A Bridge maintained her standing at home, Kids In America became a Top 30 hit in the USA. A relatively quiet period followed, although she continued to enjoy minor hits with Love Blonde,...
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robotogamez - Free Online Games -
McStuffins Washing Clothes
McStuffins Washing Clothes:
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Breaking down Browns' needs as they enter NFL Scouting Combine with free agency in mind
San Francisco 49ers quarterback Alex Smith answers a question during media day for Super Bowl XLVII in New Orleans. (AP Photo/Pat Semansky)
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text:
The Problem of Fragment Answers 1
- Frederica Manning
- 2 years ago
- Views:
1 The Problem of Fragment Answers 1 Ana Lúcia Santos Universidade de Lisboa Abstract: In this paper, I discuss the status of fragment answers to yes-no questions, based on facts from European Portuguese. I argue, along the lines of argumentation in Merchant (2004), that there is reason to believe that at least some of these fragments are derived through deletion. However, I show that data from EP does not support Merchant s analysis of fragments as constituents moved to the left periphery before deletion. This leaves us with the problem of non-constituent deletion, which I argue is not a problem for a phonological deletion theory of ellipsis. Keywords: fragments, ellipsis, acquisition. Resumen: En este estudio, discutiré el estatus de las respuestas fragmentadas que surgen como respuesta a preguntas si-no, tomando como base datos del Portugués Europeo. Siguiendo las líneas trazadas por Merchant (2004), propongo que hay razones para pensar que al menos algunos de estos fragmentos se derivan a través del proceso de elisión. Sin embargo, muestro que el portugués europeo no corrobora el análisis de Merchant, quien establece que los fragmentos son constituyentes que se mueven a la periferia izquierda de la cláusula con anterioridad a la elisión. Ante tal situación, surge el problema de la elisión de los no constituyentes, el cual argumento que no es un problema para una teoría de la elipsis centrada en la eliminación fonológica. Palabras clave: fragmento, elipsis, adquisición. Resumo: Neste artigo, discuto o estatuto de respostas fragmentárias a interrogativas de sim-não, com base em factos do Português Europeu. Defendo, na linha de argumentação de Merchant (2004), que há razão para acreditar que pelo menos alguns destes fragmentos são derivados através de apagamento. No entanto, demonstro que dados do Português Europeu não sustentam a análise de Merchant dos fragmentos como constituintes deslocados para a periferia esquerda após apagamento. Resta-nos o 1 A preliminary version of this work was presented at the XIV Colóquio de Gramática Generativa, Universidade do Porto and at the 2009 workshop of the project SILC. I thank both audiences for comments and suggestions, and especially Inês Duarte, Ana Isabel Mata, Nélia Alexandre and Gabriela Matos. This research is supported by the project SILC (PTDC/LIN/66202/2006).
2 116 The Problem of Fragment Answers problema do apagamento de não-constituintes, que argumento não constituir um problema para a teoria do apagamento fonológico da elipse. Palavras-chave: fragmento, elipse, aquisição. 1. The Problem of Fragment Answers Dialogues are full of short verbless utterances, made up of only a DP or an adverb or even an adjective, such as in the answers to (1) and (2). (1) Q: O que é que ganhaste? what is that won What have you won? A: Um carro. a car (2) Q: De que cor é o carro? which colour is the car Which colour is your car? A: Amarelo. yellow These kinds of utterances have raised the interest of linguists. First, these verbless utterances seem to count as a sentence in the sense that they are interpreted as a proposition. This fact raises two kinds of discussion: (i) is the propositional content recovered from a pragmatic interpretation of the fragment or does it correspond to a semantic interpretation given to a syntactic structure actually projected (but somehow elided)? (we find this discussion in Stanley 2000 and in Stainton 2004, for example); (ii) if there is more syntactic structure in these fragments than we can hear, which syntactic structure is it and how can we detect it? 1.1. Previous Studies There are two kinds of analysis for fragment utterances: those which sustain that fragments are true fragments and those which assume that fragments are sentential structures that were subject to deletion (these are ellipsis approaches). We can find recent examples of a fragment approach, which Merchant (2004) calls the direct interpretation approach, in Barton (1990), and, more recently, in Stainton (2004), Barton & Progovac (2005), De Cat & Tsoulas (2006). According to this view, the interpretation of the fragment must be partially accounted for by pragmatics, which would explain the fact
3 Ana Lúcia Santos 117 that a non-sentential fragment can get interpreted as a proposition. Ellipsis approaches are represented by Morgan (1973), Hankamer (1979: 238) or, more recently, Merchant (2004) and Ludlow (2005). For a review of ellipsis and direct interpretation approaches to fragments, I refer to Merchant (2004) and to Barton & Progovac (2005). But ellipsis approaches are not homogeneous. Whereas Hankamer (1979) assumes that ellipsis is syntactic deletion, Merchant (2001, 2004) assumes that ellipsis is phonological reduction (deletion). This difference will be relevant for the discussion carried out in this paper. I will assume Merchant s (2001) view of ellipsis. Exploring a hypothesis developed by Tancredi (1992), i.e. contexts of deletion / ellipsis are a subset of deaccenting contexts and deaccented material must be Given, Merchant defines the exact givenness conditions that satisfy the identification requirement of ellipsis 2 and assumes that elided material is phonologically deleted. The instruction to delete the material at the syntaxphonology interface is given by a feature E, instantiated in a particular functional node (this is the licensing requirement of ellipsis), and which licenses the deletion of its complement at the interface in case this complement is e- Given. The presence of a feature E in a particular functional node determines crosslinguistic variation in terms of the availability of different types of ellipsis (e.g. the presence of the feature E in T in EP but not in French justifies the possibility of VP ellipsis in EP but not in the latter language). The other way in which ellipsis approaches may not be homogeneous is in the way they deal with possible non-constituent deletion. If fragment utterances are analyzed as fully projected sentences which were partially deleted, than, contrary to what happens in other known types of ellipsis such as VP ellipsis, sluicing, stripping, what ends up being deleted may not necessarily coincide with a constituent (as in 3 or 2 above). (3) Q: Onde é que o rapaz pôs o livro? where is that the boy put the book Where did the boy put the book? definition). 2 Specifically, elided material must be e-given (see Merchant, 2001 for a
4 118 The Problem of Fragment Answers A: [O rapaz [pôs o livro na mala]]. the boy put the book in+the bag In his bag. In order to avoid non-constituent deletion, Merchant (2004) suggests that the fragment results from movement to the (left) periphery before deletion occurs (Brunetti 2003 also suggests the same type of approach), as exemplified in (4). 3 (4) Q: Who did she see? A: [FP Johni F [TP she saw ti] (Merchant 2004: ) In this paper, I will try to show that there are arguments supporting the view that (at least some) fragments are derived through ellipsis, which I take to be phonological deletion. Merchant s (2004) arguments will be shown to be in agreement with European Portuguese (EP) data and novel arguments in the same sense will be added. I will only consider fragments in answers to questions, a case in which the fragment utterance has a clear discourse antecedent satisfying the requirements of interpretation of ellipsis. But the crucial point I will make in this paper is that the data do not support a movement analysis of all types of fragments. As a consequence, we will need to admit non-constituent deletion, which, I will argue, is not a problem for a true PF deletion account of ellipsis Two Types of Fragments: Type A and Type B Fragments In order to discuss the status of fragments, I will concentrate on answers to questions and, particularly, on two types of fragments, that I will call Type A (5) and Type B (6). (5) Q: O que é que o João comeu? what is that the J. ate What did J. eat? A: O bolo. Type A the cake 3 Hankamer (1979: 238) assumes a similarity between the derivation of fragments and the derivation of stripping and, to some extent, sluicing. This is interesting, since these two ellipsis structures are often analysed as involving movement of a constituent previous to deletion (Merchant 2001, 2003 and Matos 1992 on stripping for EP). Merchant (2004) does in fact assume a similarity between stripping and the derivation of fragments I will return to this question in section
5 Ana Lúcia Santos 119 (6) Q: O que é que o João comeu? what is that the J. ate What did J. eat? A: Foi o bolo. Type B was the cake Type A fragments are verbless fragments with the form [XP]; type B fragments are always introduced by a form of the verb SER to be and thus present the form [SER XP]. Type A fragments raise the classical problems associated with fragments in general: although they do not qualify as a sentence, they are interpreted as a proposition. Type B fragments are introduced by a verb, but this verb is always the verb SER to be and they are generally understood to have an interpretation parallel to the interpretation of a cleft. The same happens with equivalent fragments in other languages, such as French (as in 7) or Italian (see 8). 4 (7) Q: Quia parlé? who has spoken A: C est Jean (qui a parlé). it is Jean (8) Q: Chi ha parlato? who has spoken Who did he speak? A:?? Sono / è io/gianni (che ho / ha parlato) (Belletti, 2005) Am is I Gianni It s me. 4 Belleti (2005) argues that the answer in (8) is grammatically possible in Italian but is not preferred. According to the judgments in Belleti (2005), among answers with a pronounced verb, Italian speakers prefer an answer such as (i) to a question in (8): (i) Ha parlato Gianni. has spoken G. According to Belletti s analysis, this preference is due to the fact that VS is available in Italian and Type B answers (reduced clefts) involve more structure than the inversion structure. EP is also a null subject language allowing for VS answers when the subject is focused. In Santos (2004) I report the results of an elicited production experiment made with 29 adult subjects and trying to elicit VS with both transitive and unaccusative verbs as answers to yes-no questions. Contrary to what we should expect according to Belletti s analysis, the results clearly show that adults prefer Type A or Type B fragment answers to fully pronounced VS answers. In the experiment, no VS answer was produced (although speakers judge it grammatical), all the answers were Type A or Type B fragments.
6 120 The Problem of Fragment Answers Thus, the problem with Type B fragments is not equivalent to the problem of Type A fragments. In the case of Type B fragments, we must decide whether they are partially deleted cleft structures or, since they always present the copula verb, identificational structures with a pro subject (see the structure in 9): (9) [IP proi ser [SC ti [DP o bolo]]] In what follows, I will discuss the syntactic status of these two types of fragments, motivating, in first place, their analysis as the result of ellipsis and secondly, arguing against a unified syntactic analysis of the two types of fragments. 2. Evidence for an Ellipsis Analysis of Fragment Answers As shown in section 1.1., the first level of discussion concerning fragments concerns their elliptic status. Since at least Hankamer (1979) it has been argued that fragment answers are elliptical constituents. Recently, Merchant (2004) has presented an extensive argumentation in favor of the elliptical status of fragments of Type A, which I will recall here, trying to apply it to both Type A and Type B fragments. However, and before reviewing empirical arguments in favor of an ellipsis analysis of fragments, we should recall that there are also strong theoretical arguments against true syntactic fragments, mostly related to the design of syntactic theory. If a fragment were a true syntactic fragment, we would have to posit a very atypical structure for (10), an answer to a multiple wh- question: (10) Q: Quem deu um presente na festa de Natal a quem? who gave a presents at+the party of Christmas to whom Who gave whom a present at the Christmas party? A: O João à Maria. the J. to+the M. As Ludlow (2005: 105) puts it, arguing that very often apparent nonsentential speech cannot be truly non-sentential, merge is not an arbitrary operation that can be applied willy-nilly to any two grammatical elements, something we would need to assume if the apparent fragment in (10) were generated as a true syntactic fragment. In order for the DP and the PP to cooccur in the answer to (10), they must fulfill the argument selection requirements of a predicate - there is no other way to justify an atypical structure such as [DP PP] in this case.
7 Ana Lúcia Santos 121 However, beyond theory internal arguments, there are empirical arguments supporting a sentential analysis of fragment answers. One argument that we find both in Hankamer (1979) and in Merchant (2004) concerns Case marking in fragments: when there is overt Case marking, the XP in the fragment answer exhibits the Case that it would exhibit in the full sentence. In (11) I present Merchant s example; examples in Portuguese are found in (12), for both Type A and Type B fragments. 5 (11) Q: Whose car did you take? A: John s. / *John. (Merchant 2004: 678) (12) Q: A quem é que o João deu o livro? to whom is that the J. gave the book Who did J. give the book? A: a. A mim. / *Eu. - Type A to me I Cf. O João deu-me o livro {a mim. / *a eu.} the J. gave me the book to me to I b. Foi a mim. / *Fui eu. - Type B was to me was I Cf. {Foi a mim / *Foi a eu} que o João deu o livro. was to me was to I that the J. gave the book The other source of evidence for an elliptical analysis of fragments is Binding theory. Merchant (2004) explores several connectivity effects in fragments, which he partially attributes to Morgan (1973), and shows that binding principles are obeyed in Type A fragments, in English as well as in other languages. The same happens in Portuguese. First, there are clear Principle C effects in Type A fragments: (13) Q: Where is hei staying? A: *In Johni s apartment. Cf. *Hei is staying in Johni s apartment. (Merchant 2004: 679) (14) Q: Onde é que elei fica? where is that he stays Where does he stay? 5 In the original presentation that resulted in the published paper by De Cat & Tsoulas (2006), we could find data showing some Case mismatches in fragments and full sentences in Greek and in Korean. However, as far as I understand it, the argument in Greek implies that the constituent in the fragment is moved to a left peripheral position. I will argue against this type of movement in fragments.
8 122 The Problem of Fragment Answers A: *Em casa do Joãoi. - Type A in house of+the J. At João s. Cf. *Elei fica em casa do Joãoi. he stays at house of+the J. If we look at the corresponding Type B fragment, we also see that the result is ungrammatical (see 15). In this case, we can understand the ungrammaticality if we assume that the fragment is derived from a cleft structure (as represented in the example) and if we admit that the clefted constituent has been extracted from an embedded domain. This explains the secondary strong crossover effect that justifies the ungrammaticality. At the same time, this suggests that Type B fragments are derived from cleft structures. (15) Q: Onde é que elei fica? Where is that he stays Where does he stay? A: *É em casa do Joãoi. - Type B is in house of+the J. Cf. *É em casa do Joãoi que elei fica. is at house of+the J. that he stays Merchant (2004) shows that fragments also exhibit Principle C effects to the extent that it is required that an epithet is not co-indexed with a noun which c-commands it. The same happens in Type A and Type B fragments, as shown in (17). (16) Q: What does Johni think? A: *That the bastardi is being spied on. *Johni thinks that the bastardi is being spied on. (Merchant 2004: 679) (17) Q: O que é que o Joãoi acha? what is that the Joãoi thinks What does João think? A: a. Que o palerma*i/k foi acusado. that the idiot was accused Cf. O Joãoi acha que o palerma*i/k foi acusado. the João thinks that the idiot was accused b. É que o palerma*i/k foi acusado. is that the idiot was accused Cf. É que o palerma*i/k foi acusado que o Joãoi acha. is that the idiot was accused that the J. thinks Principle B is also respected in fragments. The only way to exclude a pronoun from the fragment answer in (18) and (19a) is to assume that this
9 Ana Lúcia Santos 123 pronoun is co-indexed with a noun in the same binding domain and this must mean that there is more structure in the fragment than is apparent. The fact that anaphors are grammatical in the same context indicates that Principle A is satisfied, since there is a binding domain in the answer allowing the anaphor to be bound by a noun in the same domain. In (19b), the case of a Type B fragment, the pronoun is excluded from the fragment answer by Principle C, if we assume that the pronoun in the fragment is clefted and therefore extracted to a position where it c-commands the DP o João. (18) Q: Who did Johni try to shave? A: *Himi. *Johni tried to shave himi. (Merchant 2004: 680) (19) Q: Quem é que o Joãoi enganou? who is that the J. cheated Who did J. cheat? A: a.*elei. / *A elei. / A si mesmoi. / A si próprioi. Type A he PREP he PREP himself PREP himself *Him. / Himself. Cf. O Joãoi enganou-se {*elei / *a elei / a si mesmoi / a si próprioi.} the J. cheated CLI he PREP he PREP himself PREP himself Joãoi cheated {*himi / himselfi}. b. *Foi elei. / *Foi a elei. / Foi a si mesmoi. / Foi a si próprioi. Type B was he was PREP he was PREP himself was PREP himself Cf. Foi {*elei / *a elei / a si mesmoi. / a si próprioi.} que o Joãoi enganou was he / PREP he / PREP himself / PREP himself that the J. cheated There are also clear Principle A effects in fragment answers, which justify the exclusion of the fragment answers in (20) and (21). (20) Q: Who does John think Sue will invite? A:??Himself.??John thinks Sue will invite himself. (Merchant 2004: 680) (21) Q: Quem é que o Joãoi acha que a Ana vai convidar? who is that the J. thinks that the Ana will invite Who does João think Ana will invite? A: a. *A si próprioi / *A si mesmoi - Type A PREP himself PREP himself Cf. *O Joãoi acha que a Ana vai convidá-lo a si próprio / a si mesmo. the J. thinks that the Ana will invite him PREP himself PREP himself b. *É a si próprioi / *É a si mesmoi. - Type B is PREP himself is PREP himself
10 124 The Problem of Fragment Answers Cf. *É a si próprioi que o Joãoi acha que a Ana vai convidar. is PREP himself that the J. thinks that the Ana will invite Finally, there is at least another empirically based argument supporting a sentential analysis of fragment answers: only semantically weak prepositions (those that may be inferred from the subcategorization structure of the verb) may be omitted in fragments; strong prepositions cannot be omitted. This is exactly what happens in full sentences. (22) Q: De que é que a Rita gosta? PREP what is that the Rita likes What does Rita like? A: a. (De) frango. PREP chicken b. É (de) frango. is PREP chicken Cf. É (de) frango que a Rita gosta. is PREP chicken that the Rita likes (23) Q: Com quem é que a Rita vai ao cinema? with whom is that the Rita goes to+the cinema A: a. Com o Pedro. / *O Pedro. with the Pedro the Pedro b. É com o Pedro. / *É o Pedro. is with the Pedro is the Pedro Cf. É *(com) o Pedro que a Rita vai ao cinema. is with the Pedro that the Rita goes to+the cinema It is with Pedro that Rita goes to the movies. However, raising this argument also raises another problem concerning the underlying structure of Type A fragments. There is a correlation between preposition omission in fragments and in full sentences (as shown in 22 for Type B fragments), but in the case of Type A fragments this correlation is only possible with a full sentence in which the material in the fragment was left dislocated (24a vs. 24 b). (24) a. A Rita gosta *(de) frango. the Rita likes PREP chicken b. (De) frango, a Rita gosta. PREP chicken the Rita likes This could be used as an argument supporting Merchant s (2004) analysis of (Type A) fragments: fragments are left dislocated material followed by deletion of the lower material. But there is an alternative explanation. The preposition in (24b) must be deleted at PF; it cannot be the case that it is generated as a null preposition, since its omission in its basic position is
11 Ana Lúcia Santos 125 ungrammatical, as shown in (24a). This is the position taken by Alexandre (2000) concerning the optional omission of the same prepositions in relative clauses (25a); the fact that it is not possible to delete the preposition if the PP is in its base position is shown in (25b). (25) a. O casaco (de) que a Maria gosta é muito caro. the coat PREP that the M. likes is very expensive The coat M. likes is very expensive. b. A Maria gosta do / *o casaco. the M. likes PREP+the the coat If these prepositions are deleted at PF, we might be led to believe that the PF deletion of the preposition in a fragment answer such as (22a) is made possible by the ellipsis (PF deletion) context generating the fragment. In the next section, I will argue that Type A fragments are not left dislocated constituents. 3. The Underlying Structure: Problems for a Movement Analysis of All Types of Fragment Answers 3.1. Possible Underlying Structures If we accept that fragment answers have more structure than what is pronounced, we must determine what this structure is. Some approaches are only concerned with Type A fragments this is the case of Merchant (2004). This type of approach, which assumes left dislocation of the material in the fragment followed by deletion of the material inside CP, has at least two advantages. First, as argued by Merchant, this analysis allows several different ellipsis structures to be unified, namely sluicing and stripping, all apparently implying movement to the left periphery and deletion of the lower material (Merchant 2001, 2003, 2004). Second, it prevents us from assuming non-constituent deletion, an explicit goal in Merchant (2004). But there are other possibilities that we should consider. Matos (1992: 373) and Belletti (2005) assume that Type B fragments are reduced clefts and suggest that Type A fragments may be derived from Type B fragments 6 which is equivalent to saying that they are extremely reduced clefts. The advantages 6 Although Belletti (2005) does not assume that Type A fragments must always be derived from (reduced) clefts.
12 126 The Problem of Fragment Answers would be to unify the analysis of the two types of fragments and once again, depending on the analysis given to the underlying cleft, there would be no need to assume the existence of non-constituent deletion. Assuming Soares (2006) analysis of clefts (see 26), for instance, CP would be deleted. (26) *<*TP pro [T foi [VP [V ti [XP a Maria [X X [CP [C que [TP a Maria leu o livro]]]]]]]]]] was the Maria who read the book (Soares 2006: 192) It is important to notice, however, that, in case Type A fragments are extremely reduced clefts, they are constituents extracted and moved to the periphery of the clause. The third type of approach that one could possibly take implies assuming a divergent analysis for Type A and Type B fragments. Type A fragments may not imply extraction of the constituent in the fragment (Matos 2003 suggests that they are derived from V XP structures); Type B fragments may be reduced clefts (Matos 1992: 373, Belletti 2005, Soares 2003, 2006). As we will see in the next section, this last type of approach is the only one that can account for the data Against a movement analysis of Type A fragments In this section, I will argue that Type A fragments are not correctly analyzed as the result of movement. The arguments come both from adult and child speech and show that Type A fragments (contrary to what happens with Type B fragments) do not show movement effects (namely, are not sensitive to islands) and do not in general have a distribution parallel to left dislocated elements Strong island effects Type A and Type B fragment answers show a different type of behavior in the context of islands. Adapting here the strategy of Merchant (2004), we test the behavior of fragments in the context of answers to wh- in situ questions in which the wh- is inside a strong island. It is shown that Type A fragments do not show island effects, as opposed to Type B fragments. We cannot therefore maintain Merchant s analysis of (Type A) fragments.
13 Ana Lúcia Santos 127 The question-answer pair in (27) is an example of a complex NP island and the one in (29) is a case of an adjunct island. The sentences in (28) and (30) show that all extractions from the island (in the context of wh- question or the context of a cleft) are impossible; the only case in which we obtain a grammatical structure, parallel to the Type A fragments in (27a) and (29a) are the cases in which there is no movement (28d and 30c). (27) Q: Ganhou o Nobel o escritor que escreveu o quê? won the Nobel the writer that wrote what *What did won the Nobel the writer who wrote? A: a. O Memorial do Convento. the Memorial do Convento b. */?? Foi o Memorial do Convento. was the Memorial do Convento (28) (28a) *O que é que ganhou o Nobel o escritor que escreveu? what is that won the Nobel the writer who wrote (28b) *Foi o Memorial do Convento que ganhou o Nobel o escritor que escreveu. was the Memorial do Convento that won the Nobel the writer who wrote (28c)*Foi o Memorial do Convento o que ganhou o Nobel o escritor que escreveu. was the Memorial do Convento what won the Nobel the writer who wrote (28d) Ganhou o Nobel o escritor que escreveu o Memorial do Convento. won the Nobel the writer who wrote the Memorial do Convento (29) Q: O João saiu da festa sem falar com quem? the J. went out of+the party without speaking to whom *To whom João left the party without speaking? A: a. Com a Maria. with the Maria b. *Foi com a Maria. was with the Maria (30) (30a) *Com quem o João saiu da festa sem falar [-]? to whom the J. went out of+the party without talk (30b) *Foi com a Maria que o João saiu da festa sem falar. was to the Maria that the J. went out of+the party without talk (30c) O João saiu da festa sem falar com a Maria. the J. went out of+the party without speak with the M. João left the party without speaking to Maria. Merchant (2004) uses these types of question-answer pairs to detect movement in fragments. However, since it is difficult in English to build wh- questions with a wh- in situ and since a question with a wh- moved from a
14 128 The Problem of Fragment Answers strong island would itself be ungrammatical, Merchant tests fragments in the context of multiple wh- questions. According to the judgments that he presents, these extractions are not possible in English and, therefore, motivate a dislocation analysis of Type A fragments: (31) Q: Which committee member wants to hire someone who speaks which language? A: Abby wants to hire someone who speaks Greek and Ben wants to hire someone who speaks Albanian. *Abby Greek, and Ben Albanian. (Merchant 2003: 689) Corresponding examples are possible in Portuguese, as in (32), even though they are hard to process. (32) Q: Que membros da comissão científica querem contratar pessoas que falem which members of+the committee scientific want to hire persons who speak que línguas? which languages Which committee members want to hire people who speak which languages? A: A Teresa russo e a Isabel japonês. the Teresa Russian and the Isabel Japanese Teresa Russian and Isabel Japanese. Trying to test answers to wh- questions in islands in English, Merchant (2004) also presents another type of test involving islands: answers to implicit wh- questions which consist of yes-no questions with an intonation rise on a particular constituent. (33) Q: Does Abby speak the same Balkan language that Ben speaks? A: *No, Charlie. No, she speaks the same Balkan language that Charlie speaks. (Merchant 2004: 688) However, the context used by Merchant is a typical context of contrastive Focus (it is a context of correction), while Type A fragment answers in EP have typically non-contrastive meaning. 7 A Type A fragment answer must, indeed, 7 Soares (2006: 235-7) compares Type A and Type B fragment answers, according to the criteria in Kiss (1998), and argues that Type A are non exhaustive whereas Type B are exhaustive. She concludes that Type B answers are therefore cases of identificational Focus, which is also often associated to the property of contrastiveness. Here I take exhaustiveness to be independent of contrastiveness, in a more radical way than in kiss (1998).
15 Ana Lúcia Santos 129 be distinguished from its contrastive Focus counterpart : (34) shows that a Type A fragment is possible as an answer with a contrastive meaning, but only in case it receives itself a particular accent, implicating an intonation rise. (34) Q: A Maria fala a mesma língua que O MIGUEL fala? the M. speaks the same language that the M. speaks Does Maria speak the same language as MIGUEL? A: *Não, a Teresa. /?Não, A TERESA. / Não, que A TERESA (fala). no, the Teresa no, the Teresa no, that the Teresa speaks No, Teresa. / No, TERESA. / No, the same language as TERESA. All the data presented in this section suggest that Type A fragments are generated without movement, whereas movement is implied in the derivation of Type B fragments. Particularly, nothing precludes an underlying cleft structure for Type B fragments, but analyses assuming left dislocation or an underlying cleft analysis of Type A fragments are unmotivated. On the other hand, the contrasts shown in (34) may also be understood as an additional argument in favor of Matos (1992) rejection of a stripping ( despojamento ) analysis of Type A fragments. Matos (1992, 1996) assumes that stripping is a Focus structure. It would therefore be, in principle, a candidate for deriving a fragment answer (cf. Hankamer, 1979 or Laka, 1991 apud Matos 1992), a case in which the fragment would have been extracted and moved to a left peripheral position: (35) mas frisou [CP que [FP [ao restaurante] [FP [Fº não] [IP _]] [Matos, 1996: 277] but insisted that to+the restaurant not However, stripping is clearly associated with a contrastive reading, contrary to Type A fragments. Moreover, stripping displays island effects, as opposed to Type A fragments (see 36 and 37). (36) *Ganhou o Nobel o escritor que escreveu o Memorial do Convento mas o won the Nobel the writer who wrote the Memorial do Convento but the Alexandra Alpha não [-]. Alexandra Alpha not (37) *O João saiu da festa sem falar com a Maria mas com a the J. went out of+the party without speak to the Maria but with the Teresa não. Teresa not. There is therefore no reason to think that Type A fragments are underlying stripping structures.
16 130 The Problem of Fragment Answers Other restrictions on movement and left dislocation We have showed that Type A fragments in EP do not display island effects, by looking at strong islands (complex NP island and adjunct island). We can also see that Type A fragments are not sensitive to other constraints on movement subject to crosslinguistic variation, such as subextraction. We will see that not everything that can occur in a fragment can be extracted. In (38), the PP [da Ana] may occur in a Type A fragment, although it cannot be extracted. Such an extraction would create a configuration of subextraction, impossible in EP. 8 (38) Q: A Teresa vive em casa de quem? the Teresa lives at house of whom At whose house does Teresa live? A: A Teresa vive em casa da Ana. the Teresa lives at house of+the Ana At Ana s apartment. Cf. *Da Ana, a Teresa vive em casa. Prep+the Ana the T. lives at house Another type of argument supporting an in-situ analysis of Type A fragments concerns the different restrictions to Type A fragments and left dislocated elements. Duarte (1987: 49) has shown that negative quantifiers such as ninguém nobody cannot be left dislocated in EP (as shown in 39); but the same negative quantifier may occur in a Type A fragment (see 40). 9 8 (Wh-) subextraction is typically characterized as the extraction of a (wh-) determiner without pied-piping the NP. It is possible in some languages, such as French (see i.), but not in EP. The possessor PP in the EP example in (38) may indeed be merged in a position to the left of a Teresa (see Miguel, 2004), and the impossibility of extraction of the PP [da Ana] may be explained as a Left Branch violation / subextraction. See Postma (1997) and references therein on the syntactic analysis of possession. (i) Combien as-tu acheté de livres? how-many have-you bought of books How many books have you bought? 9 Merchant (2004) presented data from English that seems to go in the opposite direction: English any NPIs (e.g. anything) that cannot be left-dislocated cannot appear as fragment answers.
17 Ana Lúcia Santos 131 (39) *Ninguém, a Marisa (não) viu. no one the Marisa NEG saw Marisa saw no one. (40) Q: Quem é que a Marisa viu? who is that the Marisa saw Who did Marisa see? A: Ninguém. no one A Language Acquisition View The last source of evidence that I will use to discuss the nature of fragments is language acquisition. This will also allow me to discuss the nature of fragments in child language. Here I will use Santos (2006 / 2009) corpus (information on the corpus is presented in table 1). The analysis of Type A and Type B fragments will be based in a subcorpus (data from two of the children, Inês and Tomás, who are earlier speakers than Inês M.). I will return later to Inês M. data. Child Age range Number of files MLUw Inês 1;6.6-3; Tomás 1;6.18-2; InêsM. 1;5.9 2; Table 1 Data from Santos (2006) The first type of observation that child language data allow concerns a mismatch between the emergence of Type A and Type B fragments: table 2 presents the number of Type A fragments in the first recording session; table 3 presents the point of emergence of first type B fragments. Inês 1;6.6 Tomás 1; cases 98 cases Table 2 Type A fragments in the first recording session Inês Tomás 1; case 1; cases Table 3 First Type B fragments The mismatch between the emergence of first Type A and Type B fragments suggests that they have different structures and is therefore an argument against the idea that Type A fragments may be underlying Type B fragments (i.e. extremely reduced clefts).
18 132 The Problem of Fragment Answers Note that, in table 3, only Type B fragments allowing a reduced cleft reading (true Type B fragments) were considered; other structures with the format BE XP were excluded. 10 The contrast is illustrated in (41) and (42): while in (41) the verb SER BE does not occur in the question and the answer must be interpreted as a reduced cleft, in (42) it is possible to interpret the answer as a full sentence with a null subject. (41) Type B fragment (42) BE XP *MAE : olha # quem pôs os ursos lá em cima # Tás? look who put the bears there up T. Who put the teddy bears up there? *TOM: foi # papá. was daddy Tomás 1;9.14 (= Foi o papá [/] que pôs os ursos lá em cima was the daddy that put the bears there up = Quem pôs os ursos lá em cima foi o papá. who put the bears there up was the daddy It was daddy who put the bears up there. ) *MAE: isto o que é? this what is What is this? *INI: é o ga(rfo). Inês 1;6.6 is the fork That s the fork. (= Isto é o garfo that is the fork ) Answers with the structure BE XP occur earlier than Type B fragments. We will return to this. Language acquisition data also constitute further relevant evidence to the discussion of the structure of Type A fragments. Merchant (2004) suggests that the material in Type A fragments is left dislocated (deletion of lower material would follow the dislocation). This could make us expect that first Type A fragments emerge at the same time left dislocations do. However, Abalada (2009), who looked at the production of Tomás (table 1), shows that left dislocated elements are absent from children's speech at least in the first three files (1;6.18 to 1;8.16). 11 This contrasts with the child s ability to produce left 10 Repetitions were also excluded. 11 MLUw is > 1 (between 1.3 and 1.4).
19 Ana Lúcia Santos 133 dislocations later in the developmental process, and of course, this also contrasts with the clear availability of Type A fragments in the earlier stages (see table 2). Thus, either early Type A fragments are not derived according to the adult grammar (a case in which we would have a discontinuity between child and adult grammar which is difficult to explain these types of discontinuities always raise learnability problems) or Type A fragments are not left dislocated elements (in adult as well as in child grammar). The mismatch between early left dislocations and early Type A fragments may thus be an additional argument against Merchant s approach to this type of fragments. The same type of reasoning should therefore be used to evaluate the status of early type B fragments as reduced clefts. Table 4 presents the point of emergence of first BE XP structures, first Type B fragments and first clefts. Tomás Inês First BE XP structures 1;6.18 1;6.6 First Type B fragment answers (cleft reading) 1;9.14 1;9.19 First clefts 2;1.7 2;3.8 / 2;5.24 Table 4 First Type B fragments and first clefts The first remark to be made concerns the clear mismatch between the emergence of Type B fragments and clefts. This is unexpected, in case we assume Type B fragments are reduced (partially deleted) clefts in adult grammar. Based on these facts, I have suggested (Santos, 2004) that first Type B fragments may not be adult-like, they could be produced as BE XP structures such as the following, with pro interpretation based on the pragmatic and discourse context: (43) [IP proi ser [SC ti [DP o papá]]] Assuming such a discontinuity between child grammar and adult grammar creates a serious learnability problem though, especially if the structure of a cleft implies extraction of the clefted constituent from a position in the IP to a position in the left periphery (Soares, 2006, Lobo, 2006 for Portuguese) see the representation in (44). 12 (44) *<*TP pro [T foi [VP [V ti [XP a Maria [X X [CP [C que [TP a Maria leu o livro]]]]]]]]]] was the Maria who read the book (Soares 2006: 192) 12 For an analysis of clefts as identificational structures, which I was assuming in Santos (2004), see Costa & Duarte (2001).
20 134 The Problem of Fragment Answers Moreover, the analysis put forward in Santos (2004) implicitly assumes that the first Type B fragments have the same structure as BE XP structures and this would predict no time mismatch in the emergence of BE XP and Type B fragments. However, table 4 shows this type of mismatch. In this case, it would be difficult to explain why Type B fragments with a cleft reading are not produced as early as BE XP structures. 13 We are therefore left with the idea that Type B fragments may actually be reduced clefts in child as well as in adult production, even though their emergence and the emergence of clefts do not co-occur. The same type of mismatch was already identified between first VP ellipsis and first correspondent fully pronounced VPs (Santos 2006 / 2009). In this case, it was suggested that production of an elided structure (if possible in the target grammar) is probably easier for the child immature processing system than the production of the fully pronounced structure. Moreover, in the case of early VP ellipsis as well as in the case of Type B fragments / reduced clefts, we should not assume that the structure projected and not pronounced is necessarily adult-like it does not need to be. In fact, we do find in early data cases of proto-clefts, structures similar to clefs and with an apparent interpretation of clefts but typically without an overt complementizer. The following case is the case of a proto-cleft produced by the third child in Santos (2006) corpus: Inês M. (1;5.9-2;7.24). This child produces this proto-cleft at 1;10 even though her first adult-like cleft structure occurs at 2;3.22. (45) *ALS: Inês # é a Mafalda # que vai papar iogurte? Inês is the Mafalda who goes eat yogurt Inês, is it Mafalda who will eat yogurt? *INM: [?]. *ALS: é a Mafalda? is the Mafalda Is it Mafalda? *ALS: a Mafalda papa iogurte? the Mafalda eats yogurt Does Mafalda eat yogurt? *INM: não # é a Inê(s) dá [?]. no is the Inês gives It is Inês who gives it to her (lit. It is Inês gives. ) Inês M. 1; In Soares (2006) data, the younger child (Marta, 1;2.0-2;2.17) does not produce Type B fragments until 2;0.26, confirming their late emergence.
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text:
4 piece Center Set containing hard to find replacement centers for wood lathes equipped with a #2 MT or #1 MT head stock and tail stock.
The Morse taper drill chuck works on your lathe tail stock. It will allow you to use your lathe like a horizontal drill press. The chuck will hold forstner bits, twist bits and more with shanks up to 1/2" This gives you the ability to bore out many different types of turning projects like vases, pepermills, boxes and more!
Forstner bit not included.
These Foldable Ear Muffs have extra soft ear cups for added comfort and stay comfortable even with prolonged use. Great ear protection when working around loud machinery and tools with a Noise Reduction Rating of approximate 22 decibels. Since these ear muffs are foldable there easy to store and perfect for the job site.
Note: Only 1 pair of Folderable Ear Muffs.
Each strip of Turners Mesh has tiny holes in it to allow the wood particles to pass through. This helps prevent clogging the abrasive surface which makes the strips perfect for sanding project on your lathe. The material is flexible so it easily conforms to the rounded shapes of spindles, vases, bowls and more.
Abrasive Rolls Assortment 5 pack includes:
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1" x 20'
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Louis Vuitton Launches iPad Cases
Just when we thought there wasn't anything cooler than the iPad, Louis Vuitton launches their very own line of iPad cases! At once simple and luxe, the lightweight sleeves come in the label's signature Monogram logo or the monochrome Damier Graphite design. At $366 each, they're admittedly on the expensive side--but we firmly believe that a little splurge here and there is good for your complexion. The chic little cases hit stores in 2011, so get thee to a waiting list, stat!
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Finally, in my talk I highlighted the actions of David Walker. This free black man, born in the South and well traveled, eventually settled in Boston where he opened a used clothing store. Spurred on by the atrocities he had witnessed in and around the plantation system, Walker became a forceful advocate for the abolition of slavery and published a pamphlet in 1829 calling for an end to enslavement by any means possible, including armed insurrection. Taking full advantage of regular contact with his sailor clientele, he managed to gain their assistance in smuggling his pamphlet, "Walker's Appeal," into the Plantation South: he sewed copies into the coats of sailors. Walker was successful enough in the distribution of his pamphlet that Southern leaders offered a $3,000.00 reward for his head or $10,000.00 for anyone who could bring Walker to the South. Walker died in his home not too long after the second issue of his appeal was published, and although the timing is suspicious, evidence suggests that, like his daughter a short time before, he succumbed to tuberculosis.
In my talk, I provided these four profiles, from the Caribbean up to the Northeast United States, to highlight some significant and celebrated activist figures in the Afro Caribbean and African American maritime communities. They are examples of people working in a very public way to advocate for the end of slavery, but also for general democratic principles, and in the Early Republic period, for equal rights for free people of African descent. Less public but equally important were those runaway slaves, the men and women who thwarted attempts to extract all of their energy and labor value for the profit of the colonial and Antebellum slaveholders, who maintained connections to each other and to the broader Atlantic World in ways that resisted efforts to strip them of their dignity and humanity. Much of this resistance was accomplished with the aid of mobile maritime laborers who kept people and ideas circulating and contributed to a broader, long-term effort to resist the tyranny of the plantation complex and the cold economic calculus that it fostered.
When I teach students about the African American Civil Rights movement, a topic that comes up in standard United States history textbooks as a phenomenon starting in the 1950s and running through the 1970s, I work to correct the notion that concern and activism over rights was a twentieth century phenomenon. Using examples such as those I have provided here, I talk about the civil rights movement that began from the moment enslaved people were forced across the Atlantic and into the plantation complex and continues to today. This is not to downplay the powerful actions of activists from Thurgood Marshall, attacking segregation in the courts, to bold figures like Rosa Parks, the Reverend Dr. Martin Luther King and Malcolm X, encouraging the mass action and civil disobedience to Stokely Carmichael and others who pushed forward with the Black Power initiatives. On the contrary, the economic success of black mariners, a success that extended well beyond the limited examples I have provided here, were instrumental in creating a foundation for secure black communities, first in the Northeast, but eventually throughout the urban United States, that provided the solid support system for the activists of the mid-twentieth century. A black middle class was an essential element for that period of activism, and black mariners from the Colonial Era through the Early Republic set the stage for that social and economic development. In this way, they were responsible for shaping freedom then and now.
These are some of the themes I emphasize in my classes, even for programs like the one I am teaching now. Connections between the United States and the Caribbean are complex but strong, and a comparative approach helps students contextualize everything from economic relations to the cultural mixing that comes from long-standing patterns of mobility throughout the Atlantic. I am looking forward to exploring more of this with my students in our upcoming port stops.
Again, it was a great honor to be able to share my work and teaching approaches with the friends of the Hudson River Maritime Museum. Thanks to Lana Chassman for reaching out to me for the opportunity to speak, to Carla Lesh for inviting me to write this blog, to the rest of the staff of the Museum and to those who came out to hear my talk.
Fair Winds!
Craig Marin, PhD
Assistant Professor of Maritime Studies
Blog appears with permission of Hudson River Maritime Museum


text: Streaming live video for situational awareness13 Sep 2012 04:42 PM Vemotion, an independent company within the TeleWare Group based in Thirsk, North Yorkshire, has come up with a solution that provides wireless video transmission, encoding and streaming of live video over low bitrate networks, such as wireless GSM/GPRS and radio networks. James Atkinson reportsBoth public safety organisations and enterprises are keen to access live video streaming to give them real-time situational awareness. Broadband is seen as the key means of doing this, but dedicated networks will be a long time coming. In the meantime, UK firm Vemotion has an alternative solution.Ian Foxley, in charge of strategic business development at Vemotion, explains: 'The first point to note is that we are hardware agnostic. We don't care what you are viewing the video on and we don't much care what cameras you use.'The second key point is that we stream video at low bandwidth,' continues Foxley. 'We take the live picture and put it into the control room, so the commander can see what is happening in real-time and respond promptly. It provides increased flexibility in operations.' Vemotion can stream video from a wide variety of platforms, such as CCTV vans, mobile and deployable CCTV cameras, fixed CCTV cameras, local CCTV hubs, covert cameras, patrol vehicles, fire appliances, helicopters, and body worn cameras/remote operators.'The video stream can be integrated into existing control room systems such as VMS (vehicle management systems) and ANPR (automatic number plate recognition),' says Foxley. 'We can therefore maximise what the customer is doing with his existing platform. In the control room the video stream looks just like another camera feed coming in.'The system also allows users to record video on their mobile devices, but Foxley says: 'People tend to record the video feed in the control room and route it back out to area control rooms and to multiple personnel in the field at the same time. This provides a great flexibility of options.'The Vemotion solution is made up of three main elements: encoders, a central server, and a viewer which can be a smartphone, PC, tablet or multi-screen remote control room.System architectureThe live video feed from any of the above devices is transmitted by GPRS/3G, 802.11 Wi-Fi, PMN, satellite, LAN or WAN system into the Vemotion box of tricks, which authenticates the video feed, encodes the video for streaming and then transmits it to command and control centres, PCs or mobile devices.The encoder is a video compression and transmission tool that allows Vemotion to transmit quality video over very low bandwidth connections, such as GPRS. The encoder application is responsible for maintaining communications with the Vemotion Streaming Server and delivering video from any camera in highly optimised form, therefore making efficient use of network bandwidth.Encoding parameters can be controlled and managed so that the optimal settings can be found for any particular network conditions. The encoding parameters can be changed quickly and easily by an operator, either working locally to the encoder or remotely from a central location. Encoders can capture video from almost any video source, including analogue cameras and IP cameras, making the solution ideal for wireless CCTV. Once the encoder is deployed, it requires a connection to the internet.This can be provided in several ways, depending upon the situation, but a common way is to provision a 3G/GPRS router with a SIM card. This will use the mobile GSM networks in order to connect to the internet and then the encoder can begin sending video data to the Vemotion Streaming Server.'The other clever bit we do is that you don't have to feed the video out singly,' says Foxley. 'Instead, it can be distributed to multiple viewing devices at the same time. We take one input and feed it out to lots of outputs.'For example, by using Vemotion's control PC multi-screen video stream manger, the operator or commander in the control room can select any one video stream and drop it onto the screen (or smartphone/laptop etc) of any person. 'It is a very flexible and speedy management tool,' says Foxley.The cameras are remotely operated from the control rooms. Operators can issue commands to the remote cameras to pan, tilt and zoom (PTZ). This means customers do not have to rely on a local operator to control the camera and its movements. For vans and cars, Vemotion's solution allows most existing CCTV cameras and vehicle PCs to be used; all that is needed is the installation of a router and the Vemotion software.Vemotion in actionWest Yorkshire Police: Using roadside cameras to track stolen vehicles and for anti-fraud and counter-terror purposes.Leedswatch: Crowd monitoring and control. Marchers may pick a route where they know there is no fixed CCTV coverage, but Vemotion's mobile solution means cameras can quickly be installed to plug the gap, allowing commanders to respond quickly to any situation.Tour de France: Live video feeds for incident management streamed to police and gendarmerie.UK Environment Agency - River Watch: Cameras send snapshots of the water level at pre-set intervals to record rising or descending water levels. This helps the Agency to be more efficient at putting out flood warnings – and saves sending cars out with people to undertake the monitoring. Protection of endangered species: Remote battery-powered ruggedised units connected to break beam sensors watch endangered species. When someone approaches, the cameras are triggered and an alarm is sent. Covert operations – Hot drop (rapid deployment): This usually involves a single camera unit, which can be positioned by an operative on top of a wall or left in a parked car where it will be controlled remotely. Fly tipping: Camera is positioned to record the vehicle number plate – link to ANPR.Transportation – vehicle protection: Four or eight cameras attached to a lorry provide 24-hour remote monitoring and motion detection linked to GPS and a driver alert.Wireless magazineLeave a CommentPlease write code to prove you're humanMore on... Critical CommunicationsFinland and Norway sign cross-border TETRA communication dealCC Europe 2017: Hytera showcasing new base station and handheld radio