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An interpretation of Gabriel García Márquez. Crónica de una Muerte Anunciada
- George Stephens
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1 PR IIDE AND PRE JJUD IICE CHRON IICLED An interpretation of Gabriel García Márquez Crónica de una Muerte Anunciada FINAL PAPER FOR BACHELOR S UU following Imágenes Contemporáneas de América Latina (course ) written by Veronique de Groot supervised by Ms. B.C. Kok (docent) June 2011
2 CONTENT INTRODUCTION 3 THESIS 5 OUTLINE 6 CHAPTER 1: THE FACADE AND THE FEAR 7 CHRIST, SACRIFICE & CRUCIFIXION 7 THE CHURCH, VIRGINITY & HONOR 10 EL OTRO & THE ARAB 15 CHAPTER 2: THE BUSINESS OF LOVE AND LETTERS 21 LOVE AND MONEY 21 LOVE AND PROMISCUITY 22 LOVE IN LETTERS 25 FINAL NOTES 31 WORKS CITED 37 WORKS CONSULTED 38 Word count:
3 INTRODUCTION The 1981 novel by world-renowned and Nobel prize winning author Gabriel García Márquez, Crónica de una Muerte Anunciada 1, is an easy read, yet somehow with each page turned the reader s toes curl some more. One could say that the story is a murder mystery being unraveled but facts seem to be wrapped in literary fiction and fictional elements seem to resemble reality 2. Nunca hubo una muerte más anunciada (Crónica 55). From the very first page onward it is clear to the reader that Santiago Nasar is (going to be) killed. Knowing this, the author has the reader s instant attention but at the same time the reader is immediately gripped by an uneasy feeling. Adding to this uneasiness is an anonymous narrator that presents the story in a reporter s journalistic style, however, he is not jotting down all the pieces of this murder tale puzzle as an objective outsider. [U]n narrador que por primera vez soy yo mismo (García Márquez in Mendoza 38), is a narrator who also happens to be a good friend of Santiago Nasar s, which instantly makes him biased and (should make) the reader aware; his real strategy and purpose is possibly concealed and camouflaged. The story tells us about the day after an elaborate wedding celebration that coincides with the anticipated arrival of the bishop in a small-town community in Colombia s Caribbean coastal region that involves its entire community. The story goes that Santiago Nasar, a young hacendado 3, supposedly deflowered Ángela Vicario before her pompous wedding to Bayardo San Román, the latter being a rather unusual newcomer in town. Ángela s twin brothers, Pedro and Pablo, butchers by profession, feel the need to restore the family honor and set out to and brutally kill Santiago Nasar with the townspeople witnessing the public slaughter. 1 An abbreviation of the original title will be used from here onwards, namely Crónica. 2 The Crónica is said to have its source in an honor killing that occurred on January 22 nd in 1951 in Sucre, a small town in the northern Caribbean region of Colombia, in which a friend of García Márquez was involved. (See also Gonzalo Diaz-Migoyo p.425 and Randolph D. Pope p.187) 3 Hacendado means farmer. In Santiago s case it is cattle that he farms. 3
4 This is not simply a murder tale, it is more than that but its meaning is hidden and camouflaged. For one, it is remarkable that nowhere in the novel the question is raised why Ángela Vicario pointed out Santiago Nasar as the one who is guilty of her shame, neither is any proof given that he is in fact the one who deflowered her. One cannot help but wonder if Ángela Vicario, the bride returned, is telling the truth when she names Santiago as the guilty person. Fact is, that by pointing out Santiago as being responsible for her loss of virginity that is revealed at her wedding, she seals his fate. And somehow, even though the whole town knows about Santiago s killing way before the killing takes place, no one does anything in their power to prevent this gruesome act from taking place. Then there are the twin brothers who loudly announce they are going to kill Santiago Nasar, yet no one hears them or tries to stop them nor informs Santiago himself of this honor killing about to happen. This is just one of several unfortunate sets of circumstances in the Crónica that keeps the reader constantly on his toes as he is trying to keep up with the narrator s account of his interviews with the townspeople a good 27 years after the date. The story the narrator presents to us is him trying to make sense of and shed light on what happened on that day and why. But all his search for answers does a search in the townspeople s faded memories and in their fingernails scratching assumptions and imaginations of that day - is maintain and continue the confusion and curl the reader s toes more. The collective memories of that fatal day are clouded by the fact that the events happened so long ago at the end of inebriated wedding celebrations. It is, moreover, clouded by the people s reliance on gossip and rumor as well as by the chaos and excitement of the anticipation of the bishop s arrival early that same day. Answers to the most general and essential questions of whodunit and what for are eventually not given. These omissions in the narrator s account are a cause for wonder to the reader, if not frustration, mounting mistrust and disbelief. So, thirty years after the novel s initial publication and many interpretations later, understanding of the Crónica in many ways is still unsatisfactory and makes a closer look at some key elements in this novel a plausible motivation for further exploring. 4
5 THESIS It is remarkable that such a violent event a brutal and public killing- and its dramatic ending a young man slaughtered- does not involve any questions raised or explanations given in the novel of who or what is actually to blame. Of course, there is absolutely no doubt that Pedro and Pablo Vicario are the ones who brutally slaughter Santiago Nasar. This is, in fact, explicitly and in great detail presented to us. But one could argue that the whole village is to blame for what happens on that early morning because the town collectively knows what is going to happen to Santiago yet no one acts to prevent it. And Santiago, a good-natured young man, but with a promiscuous adolescent lifestyle, possibly did not help himself in avoiding his fate. Likewise, Ángela Vicario, by revealing Santiago s name and by accusing him of having deflowered her (whether she is telling the truth or not), is of course to blame for sealing Santiago s fate. As in any society, just like in this small Caribbean coastal town, safeguarding the community s unity is important. In this particular community we see that it is rooted in traditional Christian values (Catholicism) and exposed to recent immigrant influence (Arabs). The killing of Santiago Nasar cannot be but a result of the people s notions of love, passion and honor, notions that are formed on the basis and in light of the town s traditions as historically developed. Especially in a close-knit community like the town of Santiago Nasar, nothing and no one goes unnoticed for long because people talk and keep a close watch on each other. Any disruption to this closed circuit gossip system quickly becomes a danger to the community, hence the killing. Interesting, then, is to see what exactly motivates, instigates and condones this honor killing. Likewise interesting is to find out if and how Santiago Nasar s killing is a result of his own behavior and beliefs, or of his Arab decent. Since the narrator omits providing answers to such essential questions, finding out what prompts and motivates the townspeople to allow this honor killing to happen is justified. The question to be asked, then, should be: Was the killing of Santiago Nasar religiously, racially, economically or culturally motivated? 5
6 OUTLINE In the following chapters possible answers to the question of motivations will be constructed by way of a close reading of the original text and by comparing notes on a selected list 4 of earlier exposés on the novel. On the basis of what we come to know in the text about Ángela Vicario, about Santiago Nasar himself, about the deceived husband Bayardo San Román, and about the townspeople, this paper will attempt to find answers: In the first chapter, religious aspects that ignite the murder on Santiago Nasar will be discussed and how the Church and its traditional Christian values (do not) function in this small town community. Focussing on how Santiago s role as a figure of Christ plays an important part, including concepts of sacrifice, crucifixion and fatality. The townspeople allowing a public murder to take place will be discussed, as will safeguarding the community, introducing the idea of el Otro. Reliance on gossip, rumor and assumptions, rather than on action will be taken into account since Santiago s position in the community seems paradoxical: It is precisely this friendly, well-respected and successful young man in the community that is so brutally murdered without sufficient proof that he is guilty. Santiago s Arab descent, and his own actions and behavior will be addressed, again linked to how gossip, rumor and prejudice play into this. Santiago Nasar is set against newcomer Bayardo San Román to give further insight into possible discriminatory forces at work in the story. Chapter two will go deeper into the aspect of love: Love and promiscuity, love and money, and how they relate, including the function of the local house of prostitution and marriages of convenience. Ángela s role is deepened, and so are Bayardo s and Santiago s actions held against the light. The many different (love) letters that we read about in the Crónica will be discussed. The last part of this interpretation will include a recapitulation on the findings and final concluding notes. 4 See the list of Works Cited and Works Consulted 6
7 CHAPTER 1: THE FACADE AND THE FEAR The murder mystery of which we come to know by reading Crónica de una Muerte Anunciada ends with quite a gruesome attack on Santiago Nasar, the protagonist of the novel. Not only because he is pinned to his own front door 5 and brutally slaughtered but also because the whole town is looking on as spectators to a theatre. This very public and dramatic display instantly reminds the reader of another very public murder, namely that of the crucifixion of Christ. Considering this, first of all Santiago Nasar s very name seems of great importance. Is there a link between Christ and Santiago Nasar, and can Santiago s murder be likened to a crucifixion? CHRIST, SACRIFICE & CRUCIFIXION The belief that Santiago Nasar can be compared to a sacrificial figure of Christ in the Crónica is plausible. Similarities can be seen and the name Santiago links to the patron saint of Spain, Saint James 6. At the same time it is suggested that the name Nasar links to Nazarín, the man from Nazareth, meaning Jesus Christ. Furthermore is suggested that Cristo Bedoya, Santiago Nasar s close companion, is his alter ego, for the way Cristo Bedoya accompanies Santiago to the square and how the townspeople by now all aware of Santiago s fate - stare at them symbolizes the circumstances under which Christ was crucified (Penuel 758). Thus we see not only Santiago Nasar s name linked to Christ but his death too. Other features of Santiago as a figure of Christ are reflected in the novel as well, as we read that la cara había quedado intacta, con la misma expresión que tenía cuando cantaba (Crónica 76). In death, Santiago s facial expression is also corresponding to the name of his very own hacienda, namely El Divino Rostro, the divine face. The word divine here is key of 5 The door is one made of wood, just like Christ was pinned to the cross, which was made of wood. 6 Saint James in Spanish is Santiago and here makes reference to Santiago Matamoros. The name Santiago is a construct of Santo and Jacob/Jaime ; Matamoros means Moor slayer. Katie Maclean in The Mystic and the Moor-Slayer: Saint Teresa, Santiago and the Struggle for Spanish Identity (pp ) states that Santiago Matamoros was a Liberador during the Reconquest [ ] an invincible warrior and tireless Moor slayer [ ] Christ s envoy to bring the Gospel to this outpost of the Roman Empire [ ] Centuries later, Spanish missionaries in the Americas could draw inspiration and legitimacy from the figure of the apostle as they attempted to bring the same good news to the idolatrous inhabitants there (pp ). Eventually Matamoros was beheaded a martyr and his remains can be found in the place of pilgrimage of Santiago de Compostela. 7
8 course. Moreover, after the twin brothers Pedro and Pablo are done murdering Santiago right at his front door, the judge s remarks on the autopsy report read: Tenía una punzada profunda en la palma de la mano derecha. El informe dice: «Parecía un estigma del Crucificado (Crónica 78). Penuel states that [i]t should be noted that both Christ s and Santiago s deaths are foretold, albeit in different ways (Penuel 758). All are indications that Santiago Nasar does indeed represent a figure of Christ, a martyr, and that there is no escaping his fate. With Santiago s imminent and sacrificial death fatality comes into play: Santiago Nasar decides to stay in town for the bishop s arrival that same morning and does not leave for his hacienda to go quarter calves at his hacienda El Divino Rostro like he usually does on Monday mornings. And so he fails to prevent himself from being quartered that morning (Crónica 25). Herein too Santiago s fate of a martyr is announced. Moreover, that morning: Santiago se puso un pantalón y una camisa de lino blanco [ ] iguales como el día anterior para la boda. Era un atuendo de ocasión. De no haber sido por la llegada del obispo se habría puesto el vestido de caqui y las botas de montar (Crónica 12). To his mother él le explicó que se había vestido de pontifical por si tenía ocasión de besarle el anillo al obispo (Crónica 15). So Santiago postpones his usual visit to his hacienda and dons a sacrificial suit of unstarched white linen, believing he is putting it on to honour the visit of a bishop (Gass 44). Santiago puts on his suit of death. The fact that the clothes are white entirely makes him look virginal and pure, like Christ; not in a sexual understanding, but in a sense that he will die most likely not guilty of the crime he is accused of. This is one of the reasons why the reader s toes curl reading the Crónica. Millington remarks that Santiago is preoccupied to calculate and discover the precise sum spent on the wedding and that he seems to enjoy doing so as much as Bayardo enjoyed spending the money (Millington 76). Wondering about the costs of the elaborate (and disastrous) wedding of the night before, making constant calculations about the expenses, it 8
9 seems there is fatality reflected in this as well. It may not be overly clear but Penuel, too, makes note on the financial sacrifice that is made in order to make the wedding celebrations happen and links them to Santiago s own fatal and sacrificial role in the story (Penuel 765/note 22). It is at least a valuable comparison to the price Santiago Nasar has to pay in order to restore peace in the Vicario s family and to the townspeople as a community. The public display of Santiago s murder can also be linked to the sacrificial role he plays in the story. At first, the townspeople, including Santiago Nasar himself, await the bishop s arrival with great excitement. In passing, Plácida Linera, Santiago s mother, warns him that she does not expect the bishop to even set foot in town. It is a warning born out of disillusion with the Church and becomes a reality, for the bishop indeed does not stop and only halfheartedly gives his blessings from the boat to the people at the quay. The townspeople too, instilled with a sense of religious values, seem excited about meeting the bishop, however, they don t seem to be too disillusioned when the bishop does not set foot in their town. They do not seem to be too surprised, indicating their religious experience only goes so far. They go about their business as usual without too much disappointment after his boat passes by. They, in fact, go on to the next best exciting event that is taking place in town, namely the attack on Santiago Nasar, of which by that time everybody knows. The crucifixion of Jesus [Christ] is the kind of spectacle that has been the flash point for social gathering since culture began (Bailie 126) and so [l]a gente se había situada en la plaza como en los días de desfiles (Crónica 113). Apparently excitement exercises a strong force on the townspeople, more so than the spiritual side of religious matters. In a significant way it shows the priorities of the townspeople. As for Santiago Nasar tenía motivos para sentirse defraudado (Crónica 23). He seems to have a genuine interest in welcoming the bishop to town but is betrayed, like everybody else, when the bishop in return does not stop or set foot in town, just like his mother had warned him. But Santiago is more so betrayed because soon after he will die a victim of an honor killing, without understanding why. 9
10 THE CHURCH, VIRGINITY & HONOR It brings up the question of the Church s attitude to and responsibility in this murder tale. The bishop s visit, or rather his passing by, is a rather odd display of a Church representative. There is no explanation of why the bishop hates the town, but if he does and his passing by reveals at least indifference such an attitude is at odds with the Christian doctrine of love and forgiveness (Penuel 757). The fact that there is no clear explanation as to why the bishop should hate this small Caribbean coastal community and skips his visit altogether at the least points to decay of and disinterest in the Church s values. Key people in town further demonstrate this decay in how they prioritize and in how they weigh their knowledge about Santiago s imminent killing. Father Amador, for instance - clearly a Church representative devoted to traditional Christian beliefs and values - distances himself from the disturbing news by determining it to be a matter for the civil authorities to resolve, not one for the Church: Sin embargo, el padre Amador me confesó muchos años después [ ] que en efecto había recibido el mensaje [ ] mientras se preparaba para ir al puerto. «La verdad es que no supe qué hacer me dijo-. Lo primero que pensé fue que no era asunto mío sino de la autoridad civil, pero despues resolví decirle algo de pasada a Plácida Linero». Sin embargo, cuando atrevesó la plaza lo había olvidado por completo. «Usted tiene que entenderlo me dijo-: aquel día desgraciado llegaba el obispo» (Crónica 72). Father Amador refers to that day - the day on which his superior the bishop is coming to town - as a wretched day, which in itself seems a paradoxical statement of a Church representative who is about to meet another Church representative. His reaction and reasoning concerning the honor killing of Santiago Nasar indirectly and conveniently dismisses every good Christian s obligation to honor the Ten Commandments, in this case the one that states Thou Shall Not Kill/Murder. Instead of acting on his knowledge about the twin brothers intent to kill Santiago Nasar, Father Amador decides to leave it to others to deal with, whereas he could have/ should have made sure himself that the local authorities be informed. Worse, only minutes after he learns about the imminent ill, he forgets about it. He is more preoccupied 10
11 with (how he looks when) welcoming the bishop to town than he is with acting upon his Christian belief of brotherly love, thus is not doing anything to prevent a crime in the making. Father Amador only has eye for outward appearances (his dress and the theatre around the arrival of the bishop). It is not surprising that [e]n el momento del crimen se sintió tan desesperado, y tan indigno de sí mismo, que no se le ocurrió nada más que ordenar que tocaran a fuego (Crónica 72). Similarly, Colonel Lázaro Aponte, the town s mayor not a Church representative, yet an important city representative indeed - is neither pressed to act immediately on hearing the news about Santiago s imminent killing. Se vistió con calma, se hizo varias veces hasta que le quedó perfecto el corbatín de mariposa, y se colgó en el cuello el escapulario de la Congregación de María para recibir al obispo. Mientras desayunaba [ ] su esposa le contó muy excitada que Bayardo San Román había devuelto a Ángela Vicario, pero él no lo tomó con igual dramatismo. - Dios mío! se burló- qué va a pensar el obsipo? (Crónica 59). Like Father Amador, the Colonel is more preoccupied with his dress, with outward appearance. Not only that, in passing he sarcastically mocks the church and its function in society by rhetorically wondering what the bishop would think about it all. This is at least a sign of mockery and disrespect, if not proof of decay in his traditionally Christian beliefs. It is also a sign that he too leaves judgement of the imminent ill up to someone else, instead of acting upon it. Ironically, not much later in the story he appeals to the twin brothers conscience when he takes away their knives and sends them home, by exclaiming imagínense [ ] qué va a decir el obispo si los encuentra en ese estado! (Crónica 60). The same rhetoric is used here, yet in an opposite meaning. Outwardly and in front of the twin brothers he pretends to be a good Christian citizen, yet inwardly he does not demonstrate so much respect for Christian values. 11
12 Like the Church and town representatives, the townspeople themselves show a similar attitude. [L]a gente estaba demasiado excitada con la visita del obispo para ocuparse de otras novedades (Crónica 27). It is only after the bishop passes by that the suppressed news [of Santiago s imminent death] gets a chance to evolve to a tamaño de escándalo (Crónica 27). The use of the word scandalous sums up quite accurately the disinterest, decay and erosion of the Church s values in this community. It is scandalous because [t]he final ritual of a town full of people watching a murder like spectators at a bullfight is the gruesome extension of a small community s obsession with public honor and social codes (Christie 23). It is scandalous that everybody knows about his imminent killing yet no one has the guts to prevent it from happening or tell Santiago about it, a fellow citizen the whole town knows so well. Santiago s death foretold is clearly at the center of the Crónica s events. This young hacendado is accused of deflowering a young girl, Ángela Vicario, who is returned home hours after she has wed. Early on in the Crónica it becomes clear that it may well have been Ángela s twin brothers, Pedro and Pablo Vicario, who brutally kill Santiago Nasar, but that it is in fact the so called cult of virginity and its subsequent code of honor that dictate them to perform the killing. The novel presents the Church as the author of the doctrine of instinctual renunciation, the root of all trouble in the town. In its insistence on this doctrine the Church has set up an impossible ideal of conduct for humanity and has therefore undermined and betrayed the mission of love and fulfillment preached by Christianity s founder. The centerpiece of this doctrine is the cult of virginity, which in turn occupies a central place in the town s code of honor (Penuel 756). The Church requires strict following to its codes concerning virginity and honor, but even the Church representative in this town himself has a hard time putting any traditionally Christian codes first and so oftentimes ignores his exemplary role in the community. Only outwardly the 12
13 community is embracing a primitive code of honor (Penuel 754), but in the meantime is far from following through with the codes themselves as is demonstrated. Love itself does not know restrictions, but rules of virginity and honor do so all the more. Experiencing love can hardly be restricted to virginity and honor. Pedro and Pablo Vicario - also instilled with traditional Christian values - upon learning of their sister s loss of virginity, feel the need to restore and repair their sister s and their family s honor. They find there is no other way than to kill Santiago Nasar, the person whom Ángela accuses of the offense. But the twin brothers seem shaky in their belief to act out this honor killing. Being the young and responsible men that they are in their family Millington notes that the twins assume responsibility for the family since their father is old and blind and can no longer fulfill the role of head of the family (Millington 74) - they instinctively feel the need to, be it dutifully, act upon their family s loss of honor caused by the loss of their sister s virginity. Yet, as they clearly know that killing the (alleged) perpetrator, Santiago Nasar, will help them achieve this, they do not go about this convincingly. In fact, they do everything in their power to postpone the task, hoping they may be stopped along the way and not have to go through with it. Announcing their intent and almost drinking themselves to death first estaban pasmados (Crónica 58) by drinking candela pura (Crónica 71) are just a few signs of their shaky belief and hollowed out values. But, in the early morning, disregarding their doubt, the first thing the twin brothers do is selecting knives from their collection and head to the meat market to sharpen them. There they let the townspeople present know about their intent to kill Santiago Nasar. Los primeros clientes eran escasos, pero veintidós personas declararon haber oído cuánto dijeron, y todas coincidían en la impresión de que lo habían dicho con el único propósito de que los oyeran (Crónica 55). However, tenían tan bien fundada reputación de gente buena, que nadie les hizo caso (Crónica 56). Not only the people at the meat market hear about the brothers intent to kill but the whole town hears about it soon after. However, the townspeople do not (wish to) pay attention to the news nor to how reluctant the brothers in effect are to perform the task they have set for themselves. They all talk about it yet no one acts upon the disturbing information. Shopkeeper Clotilde Armenta is the only person who really seems to grasp and understand what is going on in the brothers 13
14 hearts and minds. When the town s mayor, Colonel Lázaro Aponte, takes away the brothers first set of killer knives, she says: Es para liberar a esos pobres muchachos del horrible compromiso que les ha caído encima (Crónica 61). It is true that no one else forces the twin brothers to perform this honor killing but they themselves. They dutifully take up this heavy task. But they do not necessarily intentionally do so but do more so out of a (irrational) belief or tradition that it is the right thing to do in the given situation, all the while wondering if it in fact is. This reinforces Penuel s observation that [t]he most obvious evidence is the Vicario brothers announcement of their intention to all comers, in hope that they will be stopped. [ ] In their tacit hope that a symbolic gesture will suffice, they miscalculate their neighbors reactions (754). By repeatedly announcing their intent to kill Santiago Nasar, it becomes more and more of an unavoidable reality, one that has the brothers convinced to go ahead with it. Or, as John Christie puts it: Once the word is spoken, the facts become secondary; the telling creates the reality (Christie 22). Repeating their intent over and over again, the brothers convince themselves that it is the righteous thing to do, that this honor killing is what will make things right again. Ironically and unfortunately, Ángela Vicario in the same way miscalculates her brothers reaction: [H]abía escogido el nombre de Santiago Nasar porque nunca pensó que sus hermanos se atreverían contra él (Crónica 91). From the beginning, from when she first comes up with and utters Santiago s name, Ángela too hopes that her brothers will be stopped. Santiago s killing from the onset is a sad, wrongful and unjustified murder. As indicated before, whether or not Santiago is at all guilty of the crime he is accused of is not a question raised in the novel, not by the narrator, nor in the minds of the townspeople. Gonzalo Diaz-Migoyo, too, recognizes that Santiago Nasar seems to have fallen victim to a sacrificial offer for the community and as such his death to be an erroneous mistake (Gonzalo Diaz-Migoyo 432). Penuel notes that the narrator s perceptions and the town s traditional Christian values are left unexamined and they are therefore nothing other than prejudices (Penuel 763). It is true that Pedro and Pablo Vicario do not thoroughly examine or consider their traditional values either and, as if in autopilot mode, set out to perform the task of an honor killing. 14
15 EL OTRO & THE ARAB The examples of several key figures in town have shown that this community is subject to decay of values and preoccupied with appearance. Like so often in real life too, it is the cult of virginity that does not necessarily promote genuine love but instead creates fear of what others might think. Outward appearances and keeping them up become more important than (beginning) to show understanding and compassion for any victims involved when virginity is lost before marriage. In fact, the fear of others, of el Otro 7, is a strong force the town reckons with, albeit carefully spirited away under a layer of examplary behavior. We look at Ángela s father for instance: Poncio Vicario era orfebre de pobres, y la vista se le acabó de tanto hacer primores de oro para mantener el honor de la casa (Crónica 35). Indicated here is that the Vicario family, or at least father Poncio, suffers from or feels shame for being impecunious (and/or what else?). It simultaneously indicates that honor and what people may think is important to them, or at least to Poncio Vicario. Just like Pedro and Pablo Vicario somehow feel forced to set out and perform an honor killing for the sake of keeping up appearance, while they have doubts about the rightfulness of it, so does Poncio Vicario feel he has to keep up the family s honor. But what exactly is meant here by honor? Most of all it seems that what is meant is how the people in the community perceive one another. It is exactly the notion of fear that paralyzes and distorts their very behavior. Angela s mother, Purísima Vicario for instance, has an appearance that seems tranquil yet somewhat serious. Parecía una monja (Crónica 36). But behind this façade she hides a strong and stern character. She dedicates herself to the care for her blind husband and the upbringing of her children, raising the boys to become real men and the girls for marriage. Pura often remarks that her girls [s]on perfectas [ ] Cualquier hombre será feliz con ellas, porque han sido criadas para sufrir (Crónica 36). The Vicario family seems a family that 7 In this paper the concept of el Otro is used as explained by Jorge Larrain who distinguishes three component parts of identity that are all more or less applicable to the story of the Crónica, namely: 1) Individuals define themselves by sharing allegiance to a group, an ethnicity or a religion, forming a collective context that is culturally determined. 2) Projection of self in body and material possessions, creating access to imagined groups represented in those goods. 3) Self-image is a reflection of the existence and of their opinions about us in which we materialize. (In: Identity and Modernity in Latin America, chapter 1, pp ). Especially point no.3 is applicable here. 15
16 values Christian tradition but in the meantime does not seem a loving family. Looking perfect on the outside is the goal. Scratching away the pious veneer, what appears underneath is stress and keeping up appearances. When the Vicario family leaves town after the crime (temporarily at first but eventually for good) it is Pura Vicario who le envolvió la cara con un trapo a la hija devuelta para que nadie la viera los golpes, y la vistió de rojo encendido para que no se imaginaran que la iba guardando luto al amante secreto (Crónica 84). It turns out that Ángela suffered serious physical abuse by the hands of her own, seemingly pious, mother after being sent home, which is hardly a display of tender loving Christian family care and attention. Pura is mainly preoccupied with what people might think of them. As we saw earlier, Santiago Nasar s name is suggestive of his sacrificial fate, but it is just as much suggestive of his Arab/middle-eastern origin. Heba El Attar specifically points out the oriental influence in the Crónica, describing how historically there is a significant Turkish/Arab influx of immigrants into Latin America, particularly at the beginning of the twentieth century. In Colombia especially these immigrants establish themselves in the coastal regions, just like Ibrahim Nasar, Santiago s father, does. Here, they quickly begin to form part of the cattleraising industry, just like Ibrahim Nasar does. After his father s death Santiago continues the business having inherited the cattle ranch from his father. El Attar furthermore states that the immigrants in Colombia especially, were of Palestinian origin (El Attar 916). For the storyline of the novel this certainly is a significant detail because it links to the figure-of-christ theme as discussed earlier: [N]o sólo se sugiere la [ ] árabidad de Santiago Nasar [ ] sino también su subetnicidad palestina. La palestinidad de Santiago [ ] se sugiere sobre todo mediante su apellido 8, [ ] el apellido [que] lleva conotaciones más hondas si consideramos que los Nasar y los Naser figuran entre las ramas familiares palestinas que habían inmigrado a América Latina, y si notamos la patente semejanza entre el apellido Nasar y la ciudad 8 El Attar here rephrases Stephen Hart who has remarked that Santiago s last name, Nasar, is taken from Lydia Nasar, the name of the victim s girlfriend in the actual crime that happened in Sucre in 1951, in which this novel finds its base. (p.916) 16
17 palestina de Nazaret [ ] una analogía entre la victimidad de Santiago y la muerte de Cristo (El Attar 916). So once more Santiago s name and person are linked to the crucifixion of Christ but this time it includes his Arab origin too. In the novel the Arab origin of father and son Nasar is expressed, for instance, in that they [h]ablaban en árabe entre ellos, pero no delante de Plácida Linero para que no se sintiera excluida (Crónica 15). It is not unusual that with the foreign immigrants coming to Latin America along comes xenophobe sentiments. Can xenophobia also be detected in the Caribbean coastal town of the Crónica? El Attar, having studied and critiqued this particular question in the novel, says that socio-political aspects of the immigrant influx are a cause for rumor and trigger prejudice in multi-ethnic societies. They become hostilities, especially in times of conflict. The dialectic opposition El Attar sees is a yo/sujeto latinoamericano opposed to a Otro-objeto/emigrante medio-oriental (El Attar 916). If this is true in the Crónica then it would logically follow that xenophobia, the sense of fear of el Otro - here the fear of Santiago Nasar and other Arab townspeople - can be traced in the community s attitude. And indeed: No todos querían tanto a Santiago Nasar, por supuesto. Polo Carillo, el dueño de la planta eléctrica, pensaba que su serenidad no era inocencia sino cinismo. «Creía que la plata lo hacía intocable», me dijo. Fausta Lopez, su mujer, comentó: «Como todos los turcos» (Crónica 101). Santiago Nasar, a quiet person of Arab origin in the community, is cause for a lot of rumor and turcofobia. When Santiago muere destripado, [ ] se afirma que la eliminación del Otro, origen de esa disonancia, es el desenlace idóneo que acabará con tal conflictividad [ ] cuyo absurdo queda perfectamente de la talla de la intransigencia vis á vis el Otro (El Attar 917). 17
18 El Attar s demonstration of a socio-political fear of el Otro 9 at work in the novel is a fear which Santiago has to pay for with his life. Somehow the town resents Santiago Nasar for being an Arab immigrant as well as for being relatively rich. The Arab immigrants in Santiago s Caribbean town are a (marginalized) minority, but they too are upset and shocked over Santiago s death yet they remain non-aggressive, decent and keep to themselves, not forming any threat to their community. Saddened and frustrated to see one of theirs be falsely accused and murdered, they keep to themselves. This can be marked as very much an attitude of people who have come to understand how and when to make themselves sparse in times of difficulties. The Arab immigrants in this small town community must have experienced socio-political difficulties before and learned that keeping a low profile is the best answer in times of conflict. Quick and easy to blame Santiago - son of an Arab immigrant whom they have known forever as a friendly and harmless fellow citizen, relatively rich due to working hard making a decent hacendado living - the autochthonous townspeople, on the other hand, are just as quick and easy to accept Bayardo San Román, a foreign invader of whose background and motivations they do not know anything at all. Whereas Santiago, a friendly fellow citizen, is condemned and attacked, Bayardo San Román, an unknown foreigner, is hailed by the townspeople. On top, Ángela pins the blame on a man with a reputation as a rich playboy [ ] resorts to the stereotype that all Turks are alike (Christie 27). And El Attar states: Véase que Santiago no era el único adinerado por allí, lo era también ese hijo del coronel conservador, Bayardo, quien penetró el escenario novelístico con su pérfil de magnate gracias al negocio de trenes. Pero [ ] Bayardo poco amenazaba la consonancia cognitive de la gente del pueblo que, pese a saber poco sobre su orígen, ya estaba dispuesta a aceptarlo (El Attar 920). 9 See footnote 7: Again, the meaning of el Otro here refers to point 3 in the sense of inclusion/exclusion - the Other seen as not belonging to the same (imagined) group and therefore as an enemy, an invader, a threat to the group, one that needs to be eliminated. 18
19 The difference in the townspeople s attitude towards Santiago on the one hand, and towards Bayardo San Román on the other, make it look like there is a xenophobe, racist undercurrent present in this community, which is directed against los turcos especially at times of difficulty. Including Bayardo and excluding Santiago is a clear display of prejudice and racial discrimination in this community and Ángela s loss of virginity reveals this racial undercurrent. Ironically, it is not her or her part in this matter that reveals the fear and danger of el Otro, it is the man who (allegedly) took her virginity that forms a clear and present danger to this town. Going after him - he who deflowered her, he who is rich and of Arab descent - is the actual way the town deals with this threat while there is no proof of Santiago s guilt in what he is accused of. Powerfully put into words by Millington: The absence of virginity, the piercing of the hymen, creates a lack in the social fabric, and it is a lack that must be sewn up. The precise mechanism for this is to find a name, a named guilty party, and then eliminate the bearer of the name. In other words, a second absence will fill in the first that is the paradoxical logic of the code. The spilling of one blood the piercing of the hymen is rectified by the spilling of some more the killing of the guilty male (Millington 80). The accusation that Santiago has taken away Ángela s virginity is a result of the wish for a sacrificial 10 scapegoat 11 that surfaces from the innards of the townspeople who appear to harbor resentment, racial discrimination and fear of el Otro. Santiago has become the enemy, el Otro, and must die to appease the conflict in town. He is thus a mere scapegoat and it is his Arab origin that is used for justification to eliminate him. 10 The meaning of the word sacrifice here is taken from Giuseppe Fornari s description of the word which says: Sacrifice is the basis of every organized community; around the sacrificial victim all the violence of the group can be released and become its opposite: the reconciliation that makes communal life possible. This comes about through the mechanism of substitution the victim dying for all the community (Fornari 165). 11 The word scapegoat is based on Byron Bland s statement of the word which says that the sacrifice of a scapegoat, and the peace that results is the product of [ ] expulsion and death. In protracted, intractable conflicts, the scapegoat expelled is, of course, the enemy. Therefore [ ] peace emerges from the negation of the enemy (Bland 114). 19
20 [Al instructor del sumario] lo que más le había alarmado al final de su diligencia excesiva fue no haber encontrado un sólo indicio, ni siquiera el menos verosímil, de que Santiago Nasar hubiera sido en realidad el causante del agravio [ ] Para él, como para los amigos más cercanos de Santiago Nasar, el propio comportamiento de éste en las ultimas horas fue una prueba terminante de su inocencia (Crónica ). Even though it is highly doubtful that Santiago is guilty of the crime he is accused of, including his friend and narrator of the story does not put any effort in finding out whether or not he is guilty and whether or not his killing is justified. In all examples thus far cited we have seen that that which people might think and say about each other is at least as powerful a force in this community as are its traditional but hollowed out Christian values: Pura Vicario seems pious as a monk but doesn t want the town to see the bruises she inflicted on Angela; Her husband Poncio seems an honest and hardworking man yet he shows to feel the need to keep up appearances and the family s honor; The loss of her virginity is not questioned or scrutinized and Ángela doesn t want to admit that she could have/ should have prevented the honor killing from happening by providing the name of the man she has been with; The twin brothers do not wish to admit that they have doubts about Santiago being responsible for the drama or question the righteousness of the honor killing they commit; Church and town representatives are disinterested in what goes on in their town; And the townspeople, for the first time seeing Santiago s Arab-ness, try and convince each other and the narrator/reporter that they were incapable of doing anything to prevent the killing from taking place, insisting they could not believe the killing was actually going to take place, pretending they believed Santiago was safe, relying on presumptions of what they saw and when they saw it. The whole town seems trapped in eroded Christian values and in fear of each other, in which setting honor becomes little more than an institutionalization of the fear of el qué dirán (Penuel 762). Does the notion and experience of love show similar patterns of decay and pretences? 20
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text: We made no effort to include or exclude companies to make the rule work any better. What we observed is undeniable: Micro-cap companies had no success at all with phase III cancer drug clinical trials. The next logical step is to test this rule prospectively, which is why we've focused on Keryx and perifosine. Keryx fits the pattern of a micro-cap cancer drug stock with phase III trial results coming in approximately four months time. Based on historical precedent, that spells failure for perifosine. We'll learn if the rule holds true once Keryx makes public the results. @stefbeck34 asks, "What was the success rate of the second strata? Wouldn't Aeterna and Keryx be greater than a $300 million market cap currently?" There were 21 companies on the list with market values of $300 million or less, with a 0% success rate in phase III cancer drug clinical trials. The list also contained 11 companies with market caps between $300 million and $1 billion. The clinical trial success rate for this mid-tier or second strata group was 18%. (Two positive clinical trials out of 11.) Lastly, there were 21 of 27 studies reported by the larger companies analyzed (greater than $1 billion capitalization) that were positive, or a 78% success rate. Combining Aeterna and Keryx (because they co-own perifosine rights) gets a market value of $350 million. That's large enough to push perifosine into the second strata of our analysis, but even here, the odds for a favorable outcome are very low. Via Twitter, my friend and fellow biotech scriber Matt Herper from Forbes chimed in: "The implication of @adamfeuerstein's study is that the odds are even longer than you think." Agreed. We all know that cancer drug development is hard, and harder still for smaller companies. In that regard, what Ratain and I are saying is not new. What is new, however, is that we've illustrated numerically just how challenging it can be for micro-cap cancer drug companies to succeed. @claudeclement asks, "Why not put that article out a couple months ago when KERX's market cap was above $300M and saying it will succeed?"

subset: commoncrawl


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Bankruptcy Law
Bankruptcy Law Questions? Ask a Bankruptcy Lawyer.
There was no settlement or agreement between my husband and the bank so as far as I the bank did refuse to take the title in the bankruptcy because he still is considered the property "owner" until sheriff sale ever occurs.


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Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander health research ethics award
Published: Wednesday 21st January 2015
The Lowitja Institute is proud to offer, for the first time, an award that recognises and upholds respectful ethical practice in relation to Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander health.
Tarrn-doon-nonin is the Woiwurrung language term for 'trust'. Doing ethical health research in Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander settings means doing research in ways that are culturally safe and ethically acceptable for all involved – research participants, communities/organisations and other interested community members, as well as the research team. It involves Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people and communities influencing what, why, how and when research is done, as well as how it is used.
Find out more here: http://www.lowitja.org.au/tarrn-doon-nonin


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Madju - details and analysis
What means Madju?
The meaning of Madju is unknown.
What is the origin of name Madju? N/A
Madju spelled backwards is Ujdam
This name has 5 letters: 2 vowels (40.00%) and 3 consonants (60.00%).
Anagrams: Maujd Dujam Daujm Jduam Mduja Udamj Juamd Jaudm Adujm Judam Mujda
Misspells: Msdju Madjua Mdaju Maduj Majdu
Image search has found the following for name Madju:
If you have any problem with an image, check the IMG remover.
Do you know more details about this name?
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|Madju Herbarium
|Madju Kinona
|Madju Hutapea


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ABC Print Black$20
An ABC print, where the letters are composed with wooden parts of an old hammer and nails game.
Sold unframed, posted in a tube
Printed on 100% recycled, 170gsm matt uncoated paper using vegetable oil based inks.
A2 Size
Height: 59.4cm
Length: 42.0cm
© SIMPLE FORM. site by Elkfox


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Dismiss Notice
Welcome To CK5!
Registering is free and easy! Hope to see you on the forums soon.
Score a FREE Membership sticker when you sign up for a Premium Membership and choose the recurring plan.
So, what did you get for Christmas?
Discussion in 'The Lounge' started by chevyracing, Dec 26, 2003.


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There are two cost components you want to consider when planning your trip to Social Change Institute at Hollyhock:
Your total cost to attend Social Change Institute at Hollyhock will depend on your choice of accommodation at Hollyhock (with private, shared, dorm and tent options) combines with your conference tuition. We've listed the most popular accommodation options, below.
Totals listed below are per night and include taxes and fees:
Accommodation packages range from camping to private rooms. All packages include: three healthy, organic vegetarian meals daily with weekly wild seafood dinners and beachside oyster barbecues, naturalist guided walks through a spectacular temperate rain forest, relaxing and rejuvenating morning movement or yoga and meditation class, unlimited access to the outdoor hot tub, library and beverage/toast bar with juices, teas and coffee. During your stay, make sure you take a walk along the beachfront or the bio diverse forest trails and breathe in the fresh air and beauty of the restorative garden. For an additional charge, you can book a bodywork session, rent kayaks, or take part in a scheduled kayaking or sailing adventure.
In order to secure your spot at Social Change Institute, Hollyhock collects a $395 deposit that is put toward your total costs. Your deposit is non-refundable. If you cancel 7 or more days prior to your planned arrival date, a $50 cancellation fee will be applied and the remainder of your deposit will be treated as a Hollyhock credit toward a future registration booked within 365 days of the original program you booked. If you cancel within 7 days of your planned arrival date, you will not receive back the total balance of your deposit. We appreciate you taking the time to consider our cancellation policy before committing your deposit and securing your spot at Hollyhock's Social Change Institute.
For guests staying offsite, there is an mandatory all inclusive meal and day use fee of $101.70 per day (this includes tax, access to Hollyhock amenities and 3 meals a day).
Hollyhock is nestled between the forest and ocean on the south eastern tip of Cortes Island, British Columbia, about 160 kilometres (100 miles) north of Vancouver.
Getting to and from Cortes Island is now easier than ever.
Options include:
1. Carpool to Hollyhock. This is a self-organized method of travel for SCI participants who are looking to keep their costs down, carbon footprint low, and a beautiful way to travel along British Columbia's West Coast. Everyone registered for Social Change Institute will be invited to access the Carpool Google Doc.
2. Floatplane direct to Cortes Island from downtown Vancouver (Corilair) or YVR Airport (Vancity Seaplanes)
3. Airplane from YVR South Terminal (Pacific Coastal) or Main Terminal (Central Mountain Air) to Campbell River, BC and then a Water Taxi to Manson's Landing, Cortes Island (Discovery Launch)*Tip: Inquire about a shared water taxi and book your flight accordingly.
4. Driving to Campbell River and take a BC Ferry to Quadra Island and then a BC Ferry from Quadra to Cortes Island.
5. Additional travel tips are on the Hollyhock website.


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Reader: Who goes to Marlowe's for Denver Restaurant Week?
Eric Uffelmann, the executive chef at Marlowe's, is no fan of Denver Restaurant Week. As he tells Lori Midson in this week's Chef and Tell, what he'd like to see less of in Denver is Denver Restaurant Week -- at least in its current configuration.
"Stop the hand-shackling during Denver Restaurant Week," he says. "Every major city around the country does restaurant week, but it's very difficult to create and showcase our food for $52.80. We're not looking to make a huge profit, but prices are going through the roof, and we have to pay the bills. Let us do what we want, serve what we want and price it how we want rather than forcing us to work within the limitations of the $52.80 price tag. And now that they've allowed chain restaurants to be a part of Denver Restaurant Week, it's become a mockery. It's demeaning. Not only that, but it should be two non-consecutive weeks -- one week in the summer, when all the fields are wide open and we can really showcase Colorado's bounty, and then do a week in the fall."
Writes Cook2:
Wow, get over it -- times are tough all over. If I get to go to a restaurant that I normally can't afford because it is price fixed at $52.80, then I am going to go. Correct me if I am wrong, but doing Denver Restaurant week is voluntary .
And Cook3:
Lol, who goes to Marlowe's for Restaurant Week anyway?
Round two of the Chef and Tell interview with Uffelmann will be posted here later this morning. And in the meantime, don't miss the comments on round one, which include this from Jeff:
Marlowe's? Is it 1986?
I look forward to the Chef and Tell with Larry from The Olive Garden next week.
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We make it easy and affordable: You own the Allvera Body Wrap Center Not a franchise (NO high percentage monthly fees) With a Co-op you have the flexibility to add additional services to the center Materials, training, website, operational software and continued support provided Value of advertising with other Allvera Body Wrap centers Exclusive Allvera product line
SYNERGY HomeCare was founded in 1999 and is the most trusted name in non-medical home care with over 300 franchise units in 36 States. The need for non-medical, in-home care is growing at an unprecedented rate and SYNERGY HomeCare is at the forefront of this exciting business opportunity.
There are now over 34 million people in the U.S. over age 65, approximately 14.7% of the population. In 25 years, this age group will grow to over 80 million people. By 2030, one in five people, 20.1%, will be over the age of 65.
Over 10,000 people turn 65 each day.
$70 Billion dollar industry.
The world will have 13 "super-aged" societies by 2020, this includes the United States.
With our established franchise concept, you can help the right individuals receive valuable non-medical home care services—services that directly impact the quality of life for our clients and their families.
SYNERGY HomeCare was the highest ranked senior care franchise in Franchise Gator's 2016 Top 100 Franchises. We also were rated #150 out of the Top 500 national franchises by Entrepreneur magazine in 2016.
Since 2001, SYNERGY HomeCare has established itself as a premier non-medical, home care provider for all ages, including the disabled, the elderly and those recovering from illness and surgery.
"Starting your own business is a very scary prospect and requires much research and dedication. Synergy HomeCare Franchising has been there to walk us through the process from A to Z! Questions are answered, most of the time even before being asked!...the week long training sessiongives all new franchise owners the tools needed to start a Synergy HomeCare agency, regardless of prior experience."– Doc and Andrea Mosher, Franchise Owners,Conroe, Texas
SYNERGY Core Values align with my personal values. This was what I looked for in a franchise partnership. This was a foundational consideration for me when I decided to pursue self-employment and purchase a franchise. – SYNERGY HomeCare Franchise Owner from anonymous third party survey
We look forward to helping you learn more about SYNERGY HomeCare.
Sources: Pew Research, World U.S. Market Research, AARP Research and Strategic Analysis Survey, US Census 2010 Administration on Aging, and The Financial Times.
No, thanks.
The non-medical home healthcare industry is expected to see a strong and steady revenue growth in the coming years (Home Care Providers Market Research Report, NAICS, IBISWorld, June 2015.) Whether it's for the growing senior population, or post-operative, disabled, and numerous other types of clients in need of in-home assistance, Sunny Days In-Home Care answers the call!
We are seeking like-minded, compassionate professionals who share our values, who will follow our established systems, and who will take pride in creating jobs for caregivers who provide invaluable services to clients.
(Helping you do well...)
As a Sunny Days In-Home Care franchise owner, you can provide care to your community - while building a strong future for yourself and your own family.
Wide range of services: companionship, transportation assistance, light housekeeping, meal preparation, medical reminders, bathing, dressing, and much more!
Healthier 4U Vending, a wholly owned subsidiary of 21st Century Technologies Group, was launched to be the premier healthy vending company in the world. Taking advantage of our expertise in manufacturing, distribution and product sourcing with top notch customer service, we have quickly become the leader in the vending industry.
At our training facility in Las Vegas, Nevada, we provide the gold standard in training and technical support in the vending industry. We show you how to take advantage of our state-of-the-art remote access technology, allowing you to monitor your machines from anywhere on the web. We also give you hands-on experience loading and maintaining the machines. We provide important information regarding the tax advantages of owning your own business, showing you how to gain additional write-offs and benefits. Our goal is to provide our clients with all of the necessary information and tools to be a success in this industry, not just to survive in it.
Healthier 4U Vending is the premier delivery system for healthier eating choices for people on the go. With several different levels of investment available, you can become an independent owner/operator of these artfully nationally branded machines.
At Healthier4U Vending we provide not just machines and a business model, we also provide you with a selection of actual locations for you to place machines. We have in-house experts that find locations for your machines in your area. Our location specialists will work with you to find the best locations that fit your needs, both in geographic position as well as your choice in types of locations you want (i.e. schools, gyms, etc.). Once we have some sites selected we will have you go review the locations; upon your approval of the locations we will set up the machine install. It's that easy!
Our unique, American made machines offer complete remote access technology. This enables credit and debit card acceptance as well as access to sales figures, maintenance needs and inventory stock levels, all viewable online. Here are more reasons for choosing Healthier 4U:
We have opportunities for motivated people who want to become part of this new and exciting evolution in the vending industry - people who aren't scared of change but instead embrace the changes in technology (remote monitoring software, credit and debit card acceptance on vending machines), and changes in eating habits and choices of Americans. You don't need technical expertise or know-how, just a desire to learn, because we can teach you the rest!
Initial Franchise Fee : $25,000
Royalty Fee: 5%
Multiple Revenue Streams:
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Our Delivery and Shipping Options
Sustainable.co.za offers deliveries nationwide and worldwide export! Here are a few FAQs to make the process simpler for you.
For a step by step guide on how to buy online please click here.
For further details of our payment options please click here.
What are my delivery options?
Buying our products online is easy! All you have to do is register on www.sustainable.co.za and you will be able to log in, add products to your shopping cart and checkout. On the right hand side of the page you will see the 'customer log in section'. Once you have placed your order you will be offered the following shipping options:
Please note: 'Main centres' refers to deliveries within a 50km radius of the major cities in South Africa, but exclude plots, farms, and mines within that radius. If you are not in a main centre then it may take a few days longer. The time taken to dispatch deliveries depends on payment clearing in our account as well as the availability of the ordered goods from our suppliers.
Courier Express Delivery
Deliveries to main centres will reach you within one working day of the order being dispatched.
Road Express Delivery
Deliveries to main centres will reach you within two working days of the order being dispatched.
Road Economy Delivery
Deliveries to main centres will reach you within three working day of the order being dispatched.
Free Collection (only available in Cape Town) or use your own courier
You can collect your parcel personally or send your own preferred courier to collect your order from our offices in Westlake Business Park. Our office hours are Monday to Friday 9am - 5pm. Please note: A minimum of 2 days is required before your order will be ready for collection by yourself or courier.
How are shipping costs calculated?
Our system automatically calculates the weight of your order and displays the appropriate amount due during the checkout process. Although we have taken great care to capture the weights of our products accurately, we cannot guarantee that your order's exact weight will match the approximation used by our system to quote you. If you do not receive a shipping option amount, it means that our system is unable to add the weight of your products ordered and you will have to select the quotation option, we will then contact you with a shipping quote.
Please note that unforeseen circumstances e.g. adverse weather, closed roads, public holidays etc. could prolong the delivery time. This is rare but it does happen, so 'late' delivery is not a ground for refund or cancellation of the order. However if your delivery has not been delivered after the estimated times shown above, please contact us with your order number so that we can follow up on the matter.
Please contact us here for a quote on international export.
What happens if there is no one home when a courier delivery is attempted?
Courier deliveries are made, Monday to Friday, 9am to 5pm, so you should always provide a delivery address whereby an appropriate person will be available to accept and sign for the delivery during these times. If there is no one around to accept the delivery, the courier company will contact the recipient via telephone so that a new delivery day can be arranged.
Do I have to receive a courier delivery personally?
Anyone at the delivery address can accept the delivery. In order for us to prove that delivery of an order has been completed, we do not have to prove that you personally received the goods, but rather that any person at the delivery address signed for the delivery.
Can I track my order?
We will email you your parcel's tracking information as soon as your order has been dispatched. You can then track your parcel on the Post Office or courier service's websites, whichever applies to your shipment.
Track your order here to check the status of your delivery.
Do you deliver internationally?
Yes we do. Please contact us here for a quote on international export.
Where is your shop?
Our offices are based in Westlake Business Park, Cape Town, but since we are an online business we are everywhere! No matter where you are based in South Africa, you can place an order with us through our website or on the phone and we will deliver your order to your doorstep.
What do I do if I receive goods that have been damaged or broken during transit?
If you do not receive your order in mint condition or if anything is broken or damaged, please let us know immediately so that we can ensure the situation is rectified. Whilst we have not lost any parcels in the post to date, goods are occasionally damaged in transit and there is no question that these will be replaced. If possible, please do take a photo of the damaged item as this helps our packaging team improve the way products are packaged and sent.