text:
Cooler Master HAF XB RC-902XB-KKN1 Computer Case - ATX, 2 x 5.25" Drive Bays, 2 x 3.5" Drive Bays, 2 x USB 3.0 Ports, 2 x Audio Ports, 7 x Exp Ports, 2 x 120mm FansItem#: C283-2030 | Model#: RC-902XB-KKN1
Currently Out Of Stock!
You May Consider This Alternative
Additional Resources
Cooler Master HAF XB Computer Case Product Details
Additional Resources: Product Manuals
Recommended Items
Related ItemsPrevious
Manufactured by: Cooler Master
Warranty provided by: Cooler Master
UPC No: 884102019616
Mfg Part No: RC-902XB-KKN1
Box Size:
( Length:20, Width:18, Depth:15)
Shipping Weight: 22.8500 pound(s)
Dimensional Weight: 24pounds
What is Dimensional weight?
Click here for full warranty and support information
- Cooler Master logos are registered trademarks of Cooler Master. All others trademarks and copyrights mentioned herein are the property of their respective owners.


text:
We're very sorry, this item Chaps Flat-Front Twill Shorts - Big and Tall is out of stock.
Sponsored Links
Outside companies pay to advertise via these links when specific phrases and words are searched. Clicking on these links will open a new tab displaying that respective company's own website. The website you link to is not affiliated with or sponsored by Kohls.com

subset: commoncrawl


text:
The Cardigans - Lovefool MP3
Music video by The Cardigans performing Lovefool. (C) 1996 Universal Music AB http://vevo.ly/yB3FrV.
The CardigansDear, I fear we're facing a problem You love me no longer, I know And maybe there is nothing that I can do To make you do Mama tells me I shouldn't bother That I ought to stick to another man A[...]
The Cardigans - Lovefool (Romeo + Juliet Official Version) MP3
Music video by The Cardigans performing Lovefool (Romeo + Juliet Version). (C) UMG Recordings, Inc. Official Music Video , Widescreen, 5.1 Buy "First Band ...
lovefool by The Cardigans with lyrics MP3
great song :) hope you all like it.
Leighton Meester covers The Cardigans' "Lovefool" MP3
For five years, Leighton Meester played Blair Waldorf, the Upper East Side socialite Gossip Girl fans hated then loved. Fans rooted for Waldorf's kinky but loving ...
Lovefool - Vintage Jazz Cardigans Cover ft. Haley Reinhart MP3
Get this song on our brand new album**: http://apple.co/1PJKVui Postmodern Jukebox tix / music: http://www.postmodernjukebox.com The amazing Haley ...
The Cardigans - Lovefool (Live in London 1996) MP3
London, UK - "Shepherd Bush" November 21st 1996 From the live DVD of the Cardigans, out in 1997. The Live in London DVD features an entire live set of the ...
The Cardigans - Lovefool (Say that You love Me) - (O.S.T. - "ROMEO I JULIET" ) MP3
William Shekespeare's - Romeo + Juliet - From the visinary direction of Moulin Rouge...
The Cardigans - Say That You Love Me (Lovefool) - Ost Romeo+Juliet MP3
The Cardigans Dear, I fear we're facing a problem you love me no longer, I know and maybe there is nothing that I can do to make you do Mama tells me I ...
The Cardigans Lovefool Romeo Juliet MP3
The Cardigans Lovefool Romeo Juliet.
The Cardigans - Lovefool MP3
A new version.
The Cardigans - Lovefool (Goshfather & Jinco vs. Dr. Fresch Remix) MP3
Support Goshfather & Jinco↴ Soundcloud: https://soundcloud.com/goshfatherjinco Website: http://goshfatherjinco.com Facebook: ...
The Cardigans - Lovefool - 1996-10-22, Live @ Harald Schmidt Show MP3
The Cardigans perform 'Lovefool' at Harald Schmidt Show, Germany, 22.10.1996.
The Cardigans-Lovefool (lyrics) MP3
Hi...this is a video of Lovefool with lyrics!!Hope you like it!! Im sorry if there are wrong words or imperfection!! Enjoy!
The Cardigans - Lovefool Subtitulado al Español MP3
The Cardigans Lovefool Subtitulada Español Inglés MP3
Reason will not lead to solution.
The Cardigans - My Favourite Game "Stone Version" MP3
Music video by The Cardigans performing My Favourite Game. (C) 1998 Universal Music AB http://vevo.ly/FlqqQ7.
The Cardigans - Lovefool (guitar cover) MP3
Originally by the Cardigans from the record First Band on the Moon (1998) This is both guitars: bottom video / left audio is the rhythm top video / right audio is the ...
The Cardigans Love Fool MP3
Something for valentines.
The Cardigans lovefool (subtitulada) MP3
The cardigans live in London 1996. http://www.cardigans.com dear, i fear we're facing a problem / you love me no longer, i know / and maybe there is nothing ...


text:
* This paper was first presented at the Dutch Royal Academy of Sciences conference, Interface
- Dwain Jefferson
- 2 years ago
- Views:
1 Alice G.S. ter Meulen On the Economy of Interpretation: Semantic constraints on SE-reflexives in Dutch* 1. SE- and SELF reflexives in Dutch Semanticists of natural language and linguistic logicians have paid embarrassingly linie attention to the rich variety of ways in which rehexivity is expressed in natural languages. J The reference of rehexive pronouns is commonly thought of as a matter of purely syntactic concern with little interesting consequence for semantic interpretation. Yet there are quite interesting puzzles to be accounted for in a logical interpretation of natural language, if only we look at the famous RusselI barber paradox in Dutch, one of the many natural languages that has both simple SE-reHexives (zich) and morphologically complex SELF-reHexives (zichzelf>. Whether the barber shaves himself arises as a paradoxical issue only if the ordinary transitive verb scheren (to shave) takes the SELF-reHexive, zichzelf as direct object. The simple SE-reHexive zich scheren does not require the subject to do his own shaving, as it may be true of someone who gets himself shaven by a barber. Consider first the Dutch data in (I). (I) a. Jan scheert zich. Jan shaves SE 'John shaves.' b. Jan scheert zichzelf. John shaves SELF. 'John shaves (on his own?/does his own shaving?).' * This paper was first presented at the Dutch Royal Academy of Sciences conference, Interface Strat('~ie.l, Amsterdam, September 24-26, The paper has profited considerably from the comments and discussions at the meeting as weil as afterwards, especially helpful were Tanya Reinhart, Eric Reuland, Michael Moortgat, Greg Carlson, James Pustejovsky, Jack Hoeksema and Jeffrey Lidz. Research for this paper has been supported by the Netherlands Organization for the Advancement of Research (NWO) on a visitor grant to OTS, University of Utrecht. I am very grateful for the many stimulating discussions with OTS faculty and its students. I Noticable exceptions are the papers by Salmon and Safir in Linguistics and Philosophy 15.1 (1992). See also Salmon and Soames (eds.) (1988). Alice G.S. ter Meulen 239
2 c. Jan scheert zich nooit zelf. John shaves SE never self. 'John shaves, but he never does the shaving himself.' In (I c) John is described as someone who always lets someone else shave him, paraphrased in ordinary English with a rat her more complex reflexive circumlocution with auxiliary do-support. Though (I a) and (I b) appear to be true in the same situations, (I b) suggests th at someone else could have shaven John, but noone else but John did, whereas (I a) leaves it quite undetennined who is doing the shaving of John, John himself or someone else. In a society where men ordinarily do their own shaving, it is of course easily taken for granted th at (I a) means John shaves John. But it would be far too simplistic to assume that any occurrence of zich could be substituted with preservation of meaning (not just extensional truthconditions) by the referential subject NP. To develop these initial Dutch data a linie further, consider the behavior of SE- and SELF reflexives in auxiliary light verb constructions. (2) a. Jan laat zich scheren John let SE shave 'John lets himself be shaven'/'john j let someone shave him j ' b. 'J Jan laat zichzelf scheren John let SELF shave 'John lets himself shave himself' In (2b), if it is at all acceptable in Dutch, John must allow himself to do the shaving of him. This would require rather unusual background circumstances, for instance, if John were injured, not having been able to do his own shaving for a while. Consider now the Dutch barber paradox data in (3). (3) Russell's barber paradox in Dutch. a. De barbier scheert iedereen die #zich/zichzelf niet scheert. the barber shaves everyone who does not #SE/SELF-shave. 'The barber shaves everyone who does not shave himself. ' b. Iedereen die #zich/zichzelf niet scheert laat zich/*zichzelf scheren door de barbier. everyone who does not #SE/SELF-shave let SE/*SELF-shave by the barber. 'Everyone who does not shave himself lets himself be shaven by the barber.' c. Iedereen die #zich/zichzelf niet scheert laat de barbier hem scheren. everyone who does not SE-shave lets the barber shave him. 'Everyone who does not shave himself lets the barber shave him.' Where (3a,b,c) have been marked with # for the SE-reflexive, they are syntactically and even perfectly interpretable sentences, but they expresses a necessary falsehood, a logical contradiction, as the barber shaves everyone who do not shave. In other words, any man who does not SE-shave (zich scheren) must be growing a beard, for noone shaves him, not even he himself. But someone who does not SELFshave (zichzelf scheren) mayor may not be growing a beard, depending on whether he lets someone el se shave him. Hence each of (3a-c) with the SELF anaphor logically 240 On the Economy of Interpretation
3 entails that everyone is shaved one way or another, for anyone who does not SELF-shave is shaved by the barber. But now the paradox-inducing question arises whether the barber shaves himself. There are two cases to consider, one in which the barber does his own shaving, the other where he does nol. Suppose, in the first case, that the barber does his own shaving, then he is excluded from the domain restricting the universal subject NP iedereen die ~.ichzelf niet scheert, as it includes only those who do not do their own shaving. In th at case the barber does not shave himself, for the barber shaves only the non-self-shavers. Contradiction! In the second case, suppose that the barber does not do his own shaving. then he is included in the domain of rcstrictor of the NP and hence he is shaven by the barber, which he is himself. Contradiction again! A natural way out of this paradoxical predicament for the barber is, of course. to drop the implicit assumption th at there is one unique barber in the domain. If we interpret the definite description referring to the barber as a dependent one, admiuing of several barbers lor different choices of the universally quantified variabie. one barber may shave an other. Turning the barber from the agent in a PP-adjunct in the passive YP in (3b) into the subject of the infinitival clausal complement of the light verb let in (3c), requires a regular pronoun to express the coreference, instead of a reftexive, as the dependency now crosses the subject in its clause, illustrating the syntactic Binding condition B. Analogous observations are made in describing the causally odd case of the famous Baron of Münchhausen, who pulled himself out of the swamp by his own ponytale. 2 In Dutch. the odd case must be expressed again with a complex SELF-reftexive in (4a). The SE-reftexive (4b) is perfectly acceptable, but does not trigger the same causally odd interpretation, describing for instance a case where the Baron pulls himself out by taking hold of a treelimb extending out from the riverbank. (4) a. De Baron trok zichzelf uit het moeras. the Baron pulled SELF out the swamp. b. De Baron trok zich uit het moeras. the Baron pulled SE out the swamp. These exploratory observations should tickie anyone working in the semantics of natural languages to study the intricate se mant ie dillerences between SE- and SELF reftexives. But there are more answers to be expected from a satisfactory syntactic and semantic account of reftexivization. For instanee, why do SE reftexives not constitute acceptable short answers to wh-questions (Sa), nor carry high pitch accents (Sb). nor admit of topicalization (Sc), nor behave as genuine syntactic arguments of verbs (6). all properties they share with clitics? (S) a. Wie wast Jan? *Zich. who does John wash? *SE. See for Ihis example Reuland (1997). p. 28. ex. (75ii). where reference is made 10 Voskuil (1991). Alice G.S. ter Meulen 241
4 b. * Als Jan ZICH wast, dan mag hij naar school. *if John SE washes, then he may go to school. c. *Zich heeft Maria t goed bekeken. *SE has Mary t looked at weil. All sentences in (5) would be perfectably acceptable with a SELF-reftexive, however. With a simple intransitive verb like vallen (faii), the entailment based on a light verb assigning causal control to the subject in (6) is supported, though the subject is also affected as patient by the action. (6) Jan liet zich vallen => Jan viel John let SE fall => John feil Existential agentive subjects of transitive verbs must be implicit arguments in SE-reftexive light verb constructions, in order for the overt subject to be assigned the thematic role of patient or affected object by the lexical predicate, binding the SE-reftexive, as the entailments in (7) show. (7) a. Jan liet zich scheren => Iemand (anders dan Jan) scheert Jan. John let SE shave => someone (other than John) shaved John b. Jan liet iemand zich scheren => Iemand (anders dan Jan) schoor zich. John let someone SE shave => someone (other than John) shaved himself The thematic assignments of a YP internal argument should be preserved when it scrambles to subject in (7a). Similarly, in (8a) coreference of an NP in PP with the subject scrambled over a light verb requires the SE-reftexive, as the SELF-reftexive would get bound by the agentive subjects the children of the lexica! predicate. 3 (8) a. Jan liet de kinderen voor zich werken. => De kinderen werkten voor Jan. John let the children for SE work => the children worked for John 'John let the children work for him.' => 'The children worked for John.' b. Jan liet de kinderen voor zichzelf werken. => De kinderen werkten voor zichzelf. John let the children for SELF work => the children worked for SELF 'John let the children work for themselves' => 'The children worked for themselves.' A proper semantic analysis of causative control, thematic role assignment and light verb constructions calls for an event-based semantics supporting these entailments. This must be deferred to Section 4 below, where at least a few of these issues will be addressed. There are still other semantically puzzling observations regarding the use of SE- and SELF reftexives in Dutch to enlist as explananda for asemantic theory. Yerbs describing mental states show different reftexivization patterns as in (9). Again, one could speculate 3 This important difference between SE- and SELF reflexives in PPs was pointed out to me by Jack Hoeksema. and it is often discussed in the syntactic literature. I am not aware of asemantic account of these facts. 242 On the Economy of Interpretation
5 this may have to do with ditterences in causal interactions, if hating is considered a mental activity with causal interactions, and being ashamed a more passive mental state induced by external events. (9) a. Jan schaamt zich/*zichzelfl*marie John shames SE/*SELF/*Mary 'John is ashamed (of himselt)' b. Jan haat *zich/zichzelflmarie John hate *SE/SELF/Mary 'John hates himself/mary' Asemantic explanation of this distributional ditterence in mental verbs must appeal to causal relations and events causing states. Merely appealing to the syntactic fact that zich schamen is intransitive and inherently reftexive, whereas halen is neither, cannot suffice, for there are transitive mental state verbs taking SE-reftexives, like zich/zichzelf/maria verbazen (10 surprise SE/SELF/Mary), as in (10). (10) Jan verbaasde zich/zichzelfimary. John surprised SE/SELF/Mary 'John was surprised/john surprised himself/mary.' SE-surprise (zich verbazen) is the ordinary state of being surprised by some unspecified external cause, whereas SELF-surprise (zichzelf verbazen) means one surprises oneself by one's own, perhaps subconscious or unexpected actions, as if one would surprise anyone else. It is indicative that the proper expression of SE-surprise in English requires a passive, for SE-reftexive YPs are meaningfully related to genuine passives and middles. In American English the colloquial usage of reftexives with mental state verbs even seems to gain in productivity over passive constructions, as in (11). (11) a. Jane is interested in physics/jane interests herself in physics. b. Thc children feel that they are neglectedffhe children feel themselves neglected. Merely appealing to syntactic configurational structure will not produce an insightful account of the data in (12), where extensional location PPs admit SE-reftexives, but intensional PPs concerning ways of gathering information require SELF-reftexives. (12) a. Jan legt het boek naast zich/*zichzelf. John put the book next SE/*SELF 'John put the book on his side/aside.' b. Jan keek naar *zich/zichzelf. John looked at *SE/SELF 'John looked at himself.' c. Iedereen vertelde iets over *zich/zichzelf. everyone told something about *SE/SELF 'Everyolle told something about himself.' Alice G.B. ter Meulen 243
6 d. Jan j heeft volgens *zich/*zichzelf/hem j gelijk. (c1ausal PP?) John j has according *SE/*SELFlhim j right 'John is right according to himself.' The rich verbal morphological pretixing in Dutch also affects the acceptability of SE/SELF reflexives. Extensional relations with direct causal interaction all ow either form as weil as any fuli-fledged NP either in PP or in internal argument position with be-v or ver-v predicates (I3a-d). But verbs describing infonnation gathering activities (I3e), as kijken naar/bekijken - look at, take the SE-reflexive only in be-v, not in PP. The verbal derivational morpheme be-v cannot hence be analyzed as merely incorporating the PP. ( 13) a. Jan goot water over zich/zichzelf/marie John poured water over SE/SELF/Mary 'John poured water over himself/mary' b. Jan begoot zich/zichzelf/marie met water John be-poured SE/SELF/Mary with water c. Jan warmde zich/zichzelf/marie op John wanned SE/SELF/Mary up 'John wanned himself/mary' d. Jan verwannde zich/zichzelf/marie John ver-warmed SE/SELF/Mary 'John wanned himselflmary' e. Jan bekeek zich/zichzelf/mary (cf. 12b) John be-iooked SE/SELF/Mary 'John looked at himself/mary' In (14) the ver-v morphology takes only SE-reflexives with adjectival predicates in unaccusatives (14a,b), but not with nominal predicates (14c,d). Null arguments are acceptable only with the latter. The nature of the relations between these observations may perhaps be better understood in a semantic account where the causal aspects of the meaning of lexical predicates are made explicit. Raising the temperature is a change that affects only a stage level property, while the individual whose property is changing remains stabie. Turning water into vapor is a much more radical, though still reversible change, in which it is questionable whether there is any underlying individual, other than an amount of molecules, that remains the same. (14) a. De zon verwannde het water the sun ver-warmed the water 'The sun wanned the water.' b. Het water verwannde zich/*zichzelf/*0 the water ver-warmed SE/*SELF/*0 'The water wanned/heated up.' c. De zon verdampte het water the sun ver-vapor the water 'The sun evaporated the water.' 244 On the Economy of Interpretation
7 d. Het water verdampte *zich/*zichzelf/0 the water ver-vapor *SE/*SELF/0 'The water evaporated.' Finally, the idiomatic Dutch small clause constructions with SE-reflexives in (15), apparently only with resultative meaning, constitute a very productive pallern of hyperboles, semantically a highly marked context. It has supported the widely held syntactic view th at SE-reflexives may head sm all clauses, but cannot be genuine arguments of predicates. (15) a. Jan rende zich/*zichzelf/*marie rot run rollen/run too much b. Jan viel zich/*zichzelf/*marie een buil fall a buiging bruise/fall badly c. Jan betaalde zich/*zichzelf/*marie blauw pay blue/pay too much d. Jan schrok zich/*zichzelf/*marie een hoedje got scared a hat/was scared terribly e. Jan lachte zich/*zichzelf/*marie slap/krom laughed weaklbent/laughed very much The small c1ause constructions in (15) may in aspectual c1ass be either durative, atelic activities (I5a, 15e), or durative telic accomplishments (15b), or even indivisible telic achievements (lsd). Hence aspectual c1ass does not seem to be directly affected by the choice of reflexive pronoun, nor by the interpretation of the sm all c1ause as resultative. These observations give abundant reasons for developing a semantic account of SE- and SELF reflexives that support the right entailments. Such an undertaking obviously exceeds the scope of this paper, but a first outline of asemantic event-based account is presented below. 2. Working hypotheses Even this cursory review of only Dutch data seems to suggest that natural languages with SE- and SELF-reflexives offer these two options to express reflexivity in different syntactic categories. SELF reflexives should be considered fullfledged NP arguments of the verbal predicate, partaking in the thematic causal structure, and semantically interpreted as generalized quantifiers with a restriction on their reference marker to corefer with the sentential subject. But SE-reflexives cannot be considered arguments of verba I predicates, but may best be analyzed as marking an incorporation operation of reflexivization within INFL. Assuming Fregean compositionality (i.e. syntactic derivation fully determines interpretation, but two different derivations may still have the same meaning), SE-reflexivization may be viewed as an effective and economical way to Alice G.S. ter Meulen 245
8 encode coreference derived from ordinary transitive verbs in argument reduced form. 4 The semantic interpretation of non-rehexive pronouns constitutes a cognitively more demanding way to express coreference, for it is not purely compositionally detennined, as the context or background infonnation may play roie in selecting a suitable or accessible coreferent. 5 Since one and the same event may be described in many different ways, rehexive predicates, Iike unaccusatives or middles, may present a different perspective on the same cvent described by transitive relations. The way of describing an entity at least partly detennines its pronominal and temporal dependencies, how one refers to the same entity in subsequent discourse, regardless whether the entity is an event or an individuai. Given the common assumption that adverbials denote properties of events, the Leibnizian principle of event identity in (16) validates inferences about properties of events referred to in different ways. (16) for all properties P. if P(e) and e = e' then P(e') As will be argued in more detail in Section 4, unaccusatives and passives support inferences based on such adverbiais with their underlying transitive verbs. whereas rehexive predicates in general do not. In particular, instrumental PPs require the agent argument that is optional in unaccusative and passive constructions, but absent in the corresponding SE-reHexive predicates. as it is absorbed in the rehexivization operation. Since the semantic differences between the two rehexives seem at least partially based on causal relations between arguments, the models of our semantic system must contain events as causal sources and targets. A ' Neo-Davidsonian' event-based semantics is adopted in which internal subjects optionally scramble to the YP external position of Spec of lp for event-denoting verbs, and only subjects of stative verbs are base generated outside the YP projection, in the semantic restrictive term. 6 Although languages may differ widely in the extent to which they express SE-reHexives. two issues to address for the languages that do express them overtly are: (i) and (ii) which kind of relations admit of SE-reHexivization what constrains the possible meanings of SE-reHexivized relations? But before answers may be attempted, we should consider what semantic tools may be suitable to express rehexive predicates in dynamic semantics. 4 See Grimshaw (1982). But see Lidz (1996) p. 42 for arguments against the argument reduction view. ~ The economica1 aspects of reoexivization have been introduced by Reinhart (1997) and others, e.g. Lidz (1996). What exact1y is meant with economy is very much subject to debate. but it should concern the syntax-semantics interface and allow for an algebraic characterization in terms of properties of the homomorphism projec ting syntactic structure compositionally into meanings. ~ Cf. Diesing (1992). 246 On the Economy of Interpretation
9 3. The semantic representation of reflexivity From a logical point of view, a plethora of optiolls are open to represent relations one has to oneself. Let's review some of the more plausible candidates, first looking a simple predicate logic and then at an event-based logic. At first sight, the simple fonnula in (17) is often considered to be adequate. (17) Àx [R(x,x)] (simple reflexivity) denoting the property of being R-related to oneself. 7 But (17) leaves entirely open the possibility th at R holds between x and some other entity, corresponding to the internal argument of an ordinary transitive verb. Besides the use of SE-reflexives with TVs (e.g. zich bekijken-se watch, zich verstoppen-se hide), the inherent SE-reflexives express relations one can only have to oneself, due to the meaning of the predicate (e.g. zich schamen-se slzame, zich verslikken-se choke). If one has R only to oneself, and not to anyone else, the formula in (18a) is needed. 11' one is the only one having R to oneself. as in Jan scheert <-ichzelf/john SELFshaves, the fonnula in (l8b) is needed. K (18) a. Àx [R(x,x) & Vy [R(x,y) ~ x = y 1] (necessary reflexivity, object oriented) b. Àx [R(x,x) & Vy [R(y,x) ~ x = y]] (necessary reflexivity, subject oriented) In (17) and (l8a,b) the referent of x could be constrained to be trace of the syntactic subject, if desired. Of course. (18a,b) each entail (17), but not vice versa. But apart from these coreference conditions by fonnal identification of variables in logical fonn, properties can be defined where some function f determines to what x holds the relation. For instance, in (19) (19) Àx3f[R(x,f(x» & x = f(x»] (dependent coreference) the property is given of being R-related to something which functionally depends on x, detennined by the function f. This fix) is =-related to x, interpreted possibly as a weaker similarity or resemblance relation. It could also be specified to pick a physical part or temporal slice of x, or be an deictic act of demonstration, or detennine something else appropriately functionally related to x, e.g. its counterpart in some alternative hypotheticai situation, for instance. But f could also be understood as a variabie assignment function, as is sometimes done in dynamic semantics, chosing an alternative referent for x in another context, given the referent of x in the current context. In th at case (19) expresses th at the referent of x fixed by the given assignment is identical/similar/ resembling the referent f picks for x. In other words, two assignments coincide in a model on their value for x; a very liberal fonn of coreference dependent upon the model. Elaborating this semantic line a bit further, (20) defines the set of relations between x and y that corefer under some assignment in the model. Note that x and y may corefer 7 (17) is called binding in Reinhart (1997) and considered the economical way to encode retlexivity. x The characterization of SELF as exhaustive identilïcation of sets of DPs in Rooryck and Vanden Wyngaerd (1997) is logically expressed in (l8b). Alice G.S. ter Meulen 247
10 under an assignmentf, possibly different from the one for which R holds between them. This option may prove to be useful in analyzing various duplication puzzles, as in the Baron of Münchhausen predicament (see (4) above).9 (20) ÀXil.y3f[R(x,y) & f(x) = f(y)] (contingent coreference) To take away the dependence on an arbitrary assignment of coreference in (20), in (21) it is required for x and y to corefer under any assignment, where f is universally quantifying over all possible assignments. In a dynamic semantics,f could be constrained to all extensions of the given assignment, if desired. (21) il.xil.yvf [R(x,y) & f(x) = f(y)] (necessary coreference) Finally, an altogether different strategy uses a propositional operator of type <t, t> to encode reflexivity, reducing a binary relation to an unary reflexive property Ri in (22). (22) operator O<l.l>: ÀX 0x(R(x,x)) = ÀX SE - Ri (x) (syntactic reflexive reduction) This may perhaps offer the best option for a lexical reduction account of the inherently reflexi ve relations, satisfying condition (l8a) above. So far, we have only considered simple predicate logical properties, but the tools offered for natural language semantics are richer and more varied these days. Before we look at an event-based semantics where causal relations and thematic roles may be specified, let us review the strategy of Discourse Representation Theory (DRT), as expounded in Kamp and Reyle (1993). DRT incorporates syntactic constraints on pronoun interpretation within the construction rules for the representation of the content of c1auses in Discourse Representation Structures, which determine the truth-functional aspects of meaning, as well as the availability of reference markers for pronoun resolution. The DRT account may be adapted to reflexive pronouns as follows. The DRT definition of the c1ass of discourse referents identified with a given discourse referent is given below (K&R 1993, p. 235/6). (23) Definition. Class of markers identified with x in DRS K [x]k = del is the smallest c1ass Y such that (i) x is in Y (ii) if z is in Y and either z = u is in K or in a subdrs K' or u=z is in K, then u is in Y. The local binding condition on reflexive pronouns can now be expressed as requiring the marker for a reflexive pronoun to be identified with any accessible marker in [X]K' if x is the marker for the subject in its c1ause. This constitutes a meta-constraint, forcing identity conditions at the DRS level, as the subject marker remains obviously accessible in the process of representing no matter what object NP. The constraint allows for the marker of the second occurrence of a reflexive pronoun, for instance in a coordinated YP, to be identified with the marker for its preceding first occurrence, instead of with the marker for the subject NP, cf. (24). 9 The definition in (20) may be compared 10 covaluation in Reinhart (I 997). 248 On the Economy of Interpretation
11 (24) a. Jan vroeg zich af wat het te betekenen had, maar verbaasde zich niet. b. John asked SE off what it to mean had, but surprised SE not c. 'John wondered what it could mean, but was not surprised.' If there is any empirical gain in this liberalization, it should be a case with an inaccessibie subject marker, while other markers identified with it remain accessible to the marker for the reftexive pronoun. Perhaps the interesting English example of kataphoric pronoun + reftexive in (25) from Reinhart (1997) is a case in point. (25) Only he himself still thinks th at Max is a genius. Unfortunately, it would lead us here too far astray to discuss the issues of focus, presupposition and negation, arising in (25), in all requi~ite detail. It should be remarked however, th at in DRT names remain always accessible to any occurrences of pronouns. The need to refer to and quantify over events has been c1ear in the discussion in Section I. The simplest way to implement an event-based semantics is to assume events on a par with first order individuals, and allow them to be identified and quantified over. lust like an individual, one event may be described by different c1auses that corefer. Coreference of events is expressed by identification of event-variables. Distinct events may be causally related as source and target, considered thematic roles realized only by events. For instance, a raining event is the causal source of the event of the streets gelling wet as causal target. Causal relations realizing change must relate different eventvariables, and cannot relate arguments of one verbal predicate. To explain under exactly what worldly conditions a causa! relation obtains is not a concern germane to natural language semantics. But it is important for semantic theory and natural language reasoning to account for the relations bet ween various light verbs and causal statements. For this purpose, English light verbs are represented with logical predicate constants DO, LET, MAKE, relating individuals to events. But due to their auxiliary semantic status, light verbs do not carry their own event argument, as opposed to the ordinary lexical stage level predicates that do have event-arguments. Furthermore, thematic roles may relate an argument of a predicate to its event-variable, recognizing here for simplicity sake at least the roles of 'agent', 'patient' and 'ex periencer'. Since coreferring event-variables are identified in the modeis, one and the same individual may realize different thematic roles when associated with two event-variables. This provides us with the tools to analyze the constructions of reftexive predicates with light verbs and their inferences, describing one and the same individua! as realizing different thematic roles in two descriptions of one event. This is explained in detail in the next section. 4. Entailments with light verbs Light verbs have very little descriptive semantic content, although they carry tense and aspectual inftections. In the account proposed here light verbs refer to the same events as the ones referred to by descriptive predicates in their complement. Ordinary lexica! Alice G.B. ter Meulen 249
12 descriptive stage-level verbs have an event argument as external argument. Light verbs introduce an event-argument to corefer with the event-variable associated with their infinitival complement, not unlike definite NPs th at require their referent to be familiar. Furthermore the primary semantic function of light verbs is to assign thematic roles to their arguments, which must dit"fer from the ones assigned to coreferential arguments by the lexical predicate. This semantic characteristic property of light verbs is implemented in the meaning postulate on light verbs in (26), where th(x) represents the thematic role assigned to x. (26) If Pis an element in the set of light verbs {DO, MAKE, GET, LET}, then \tp \tq \tx \ty \te \te' [P(x,e) & Q (e',y) & e=e' & y=x ~ th (x)"j:. th (y)]10 The meaning of the light verb laten 'to let' is arelation P between its agent argument x and an event argument e, to be identified with a coreferential event argument e' and one of its arguments y, related by the property Q, denoted by the infinitival complement, as in (26). The resolution of reflexive pronouns in light verb contexts remains subject to (26), and requires overt arguments for identification. (27) }..Q}..y}..x ::Je, e'[let (x,e) & agent (e,x) & Q(e',y) & e=e'] The analysis of the entailment in (6a) above is now accounted for simply, in (28). (6) a. Jan liet zich vallen ~ Jan viel John let SE fall ~ John feil (28) a. }"P P (john) }..y}..x ::Je, e'[let (x,e) & agent (e,x) & FALL (e',y) & patiens (e',y) & Y = x & e = e'] reducing to b. ::Je, e ' [LET (john,e) & agent (e,john) & FALL (e',john) & patiens (e',john) & e=e' ] which obviously entails the simple (28) c. ::Je'[FALL (e ',john)] The semantics of the SE-reflexive identifies the subject of the falling with the subject of the letting, as the two associated thematic roles remain distinct. The same principle is applied when the infinitival complement is a transitive verb with an implicit subject argument, as in (7b). But the identification of the existentially closed implicit subject of the infinitival complement with the SE-reflexive is not possible. The constraint in (26) accounts for the correct inferences in (2a), given in (29). IU Properly speaking, the argument identified with the agent of the light verb may be any argument of a infinitival complement, regardless of how many arguments it takes. (26) should be generalized accordingly, allowing identificalion of the variabie only when it be ars a distinct, i.e. non-agent, themalic role. Formally this is best expressed by staling the constraint with a variabie as element in a sequence of varia bles. 250 On the Economy of Interpretation
13 (2) a. Jan liet zich scheren ~ Iemand schoor Jan John let SE shave ~ someone shaved John (29) a. "-P P (john) "-x 3e, 3e' [LET (x,e) & agent (e,x) & 3y SHAVE (e',y,z) & y ~ x & agent (e',y) & patiens (e',z) & z=x & e=e'] reduced to (29) b. 3e 3e' [LET (john,e) & agent (e,john) & 3y SHAVE (e',y,john) & y ~ john & agent (e',y) & patiens (e ',john) & e=e'] which entails (29) c. 3e' 3y [SHAVE (e',y,john)] When the subject of the infinitival complement is explicit, as in (2b), the SE-reftexive corefers with the infinitival subject as first accessible one, cf. (30). (4) c. Jan liet iemand zich scheren ~ Iemand schoor zich John let someone SE - shave ~ Someone SE-shaved (30) "-P P (john) "-x 3e, e' [LET (x,e) & agent (e,x) & "-Q 3v Q (v) "-y 3z[SHAVE (e',y,z) & y=z & agent (c',y) & patient (e ',z) & e=e']] ~ 3v3' [SHAVE (e',v,v)] The reftexive may have any thematic role, ot her than agent, though syntactically it is subject of the infinitival complement. This together with (26) accounts for the observations in (31), (32). (31) a. * Jan liet zich kijken John let SE look (violates 26) b. Jan liet zich be-kijken John let SE be watched (implicit agent be-kijken) c. Jan liet zich niet meer zien John let SE no longer be seen (implicit agent see) (32) a. * Jan liet zich schamen John let SE shame (violates 26) b. Jan liet zich be-schamen John let SE be ashamed (implicit agent be-schamen) c. Jan voelde zich beschaamd John feit SE be ashamed (Jan experiencer, SE patient) Intransitive verbs only fonn acceptable reftexive infinitival complements of light verb constructions when they assign a thematic role other than agent to their subject, and hence meet constraint (26). This explains why zich laten vallen (SE let fall) is acceptable, but zich laten kijken (SE let look) and zich laten schamen (SE let shame) are not. Furthennore, implicit subjects of infinitival complements are inaccessible antecedents for reftexive pronouns, as was already observed in (2a) and its analysis in (29) above. Alice G.B. ter Meulen 251
14 5. Economie interpretation Returning now to the issue of the economy of interpretation raised in the beginning of this paper. Iet us compare the reftexive predicate construction with its synonymous counterpart using non-reftexive. dependent pronouns. The formation of reftexive predicates from ordinary transitive verbs pays off as an economical way to express coreference in (33), when the infinitivaj subject is indefinite and does not require overt expression. Processing the non-reftexive pronoun in (33a), when destressed. appeals to the accessible antecedents stored in context, whereas in (33b) the meaning of the reftexive already fully determines its referent. (33) a. Jan liet iemand hem bekijken John let someone look at him b. Jan liet zich bekijken John let SE look at The savings in terms of the computational expense of the pronoun resolution is more obvious with quantificational NPs. as in (34). In (34a) a universally quantified subject binds the pronoun in the infinitival complement with an overt indefinite subject. This is still a perfectly acceptable binding. though tangibly less easy to understand when compared with the synonymous reftexive predicate in (34b). But when the infinitival complement has a negative (i.e. left decreasing in GQ terms) quantificational subject as in (34c), the pronoun has no access to the quantificational subject of LET. The synonymous reftexive predicate however can simply be negated. Even adverbial presupposition triggers like niet meer. which add the presupposition that everyone did allow someone to look at him in the past. do not affect the inaccessibility. The same holds for (34e. f) where the main subject is negative quantificationaj. and the pronoun has no access to it. whereas the reftexive infinitival predicate is perfectly fine. (34) a. ledereenj liet iemand hemj bekijken everyone let someone look at him b. Iedereen liet zich bekijken everyone let SE look at c. *Iedereenj liet niemand hemj (meer) bekijken everyonej let nobody (anymore) look at himj d. Iedereen liet zich niet (meer) bekijken everyone let SE neg (more) look at e. *Niemandj liet iemand hemj (meer) zien nobody let someone him (more) see. f. Niemand liet zich (meer) zien. nobody let SE (more) see (= show). This shows the economical advantage of SE-reftexivization as productive predicate formation in natural language. Contexts in which coreference with the subject expressed with ordinary pronouns would be blocked offer a fully compositional procedure to express coreference with the subject using SE-reftexive pronouns. As regards the internal 252 On the Economy of Interpretation
15 structure of INFL, reflexive formation must command aspectual and tense inflection, causal relations, as weil as the polarity assignment in the verbal projection. 6. Adverbial modification and auxiliary selection In this final section it is argued th at unaccusatives share their adverbial modifications with regular transitive verbs, but reflexive predicates generally do not. This makes it c1ear in what sense reflexive predicates provide a different perspective on the event described. Manner adverbs, specifying the way an action is executed, like slow/y, are preserved in Dutch through light verb constructions (35b,c) unaccusatives (35d), reflexive predicate formations (35e,f), and light verbs with reflexive predicates (35g), where the agent is implicit. (35) a. Marie opende langzaam een deur. Mary opened slowly a door b. Marie deed een deur langzaam open. Mary did a door slowly open c. Marie maakte een deur langzaam open. Mary made a door slowly open d. Een deur ging langzaam open. a door went slowly open e. Een deur opende zich langzaam. a door opened SE slowly f. Er opende zich langzaam een deur. there opened SE slowly a door g. Een deur liet zich langzaam openen. a door let SE slowly open When a prepositional phrase specifies the instrument with which an action is executed, if not an argument of the verbal predicate, c1early a semantic constituent of the event (36a,b,c), the unaccusative still preserves this PP (36d), but the reflexive predicate constructions do not (36e,f). The light verb with reflexive predicate (36g) has an implicit agent performing the opening and hence does accept the PP modification. (36) a. Marie opende een deur met een sleutel. Mary opened a door with a key b. Marie deed een deur open met een sleutel. Mary did a door open with a key c. Marie maakte een deur open met een sleutel. Mary made a door open with a key d. Een deur ging open met een sleutel. A door went open with a key e. *Een deur opende zich met een sleutel. a door opened SE with a key Aliee G.S. ter Meulen 253
16 f. *Er opende zich een deur met een sleutel. there opened SE a door with a key g. Een deur liet zich openen met een sleutel. a door let SE open with a key In fairytales or magical situations, it may weil be that (36e, t) become acceptable, describing a door that has co me to life and extends an arm holding a key to unlock its own keyhole. Such possibilities are indicative of the creative imagination overcoming the limits of common sense conceptions of causal relationships, much like the Baron of Münchhausen case. Ultimately, semantic theory should be able explain what is causally odd about such self-causal situations, that are perfectly understandable, yet never realizable in the world as we know it. Auxiliary selection in perfect inflection shows another difference between unaccusatives and reflexive predicates, for the perfects of the transitive and unaccusative open take BE, whereas the reflexive predicate perfect takes HAVE, in (37). (37) a. Er is/*heeft een deur geopend/opengegaan. there is/*has a door opened/opengone b. Een deur is/*heeft geopend/opengegaan. a door is/*has opened/opengone c. Er heeft/*is zich een deur geopend. there has/*is SE a door opened d. Een deur heeft/*is zich geopend. a door has/*is SE opened e. Een deur heeft zich (door Piet) met een sleutel laten openen. a door has SE (by Peter) with a key let open In the unaccusative perfect the causa I source may be optionally expressed, as in passives, with by NP in adjunct PP, where the NP is event denoting (e.g. een deur is opengegaan door de storm (= 37b + by the storm). The BE-auxiliary is selected as it relates the state resulting from the opening to the moment of speaking. Reflexive predicates do not allow the agent or causal source to be expressed in any way, but semantically the agent remains implicit and existentially closed, inaccessible to the reflexive pronoun as weil as to instrumental adverbial modification. The auxiliary HAVE is selected as it describes a past action affecting the door as a property of itself, rather than its resuiting current state. The light verb construction with reflexive predicate (37e) sides in one respect with unaccusatives and passives, for it allows optionally agents to be expressed in by-phrases in adjunct PP. But in another respect it sides with reflexive predicates in selecting HAVE auxiliary in perfect inflection. This is indicative of the important semantic differences between passives. unaccusatives. reflexive predicates and light verb constructions. 254 On the Economy of Interpretation
17 7. Concluding remarks This paper has raised some semantic issues in the interpretation of SE- and SELF-retlexives in Dutch, with an eye on addressing some new issues of meaning and interpretation where the interaction between syntax, semantics and common ground is at stake. It was argued that SE-retlexive predicate formation is an economic, compositional strategy to alleviate the computational complexity of the pronoun resolution, when coreference expressed with non-retlexive pronouns. Furthermore, SE-retlexivization offers a way out of negative domains to create bindings with otherwise inaccessible antecedents. Much more needs to be said about the entailments discussed above, about the paradoxical or contradictory forms of self-reference and about the role of morphological processes in retlexivization. Further details of a semantic account of retlexives still need to be developed in an event-based semantics, where causal relations are made explicit in terms of relations between events. This may eventually help us to design a satisfactory account of the paradoxical and causally odd forms of self-reference in ordinary language. References Diesing, M. (1992) l/ldeji/lites. Cambridge, MIT Press. Everaert, M. (1986) The SyntllX ofrefiexivi~lltirjll. Foris: Dordrecht. Grimshaw, J. (1990) ArKument StrucllIre. Cam bridge, MIT Press. Hulk, A. and L. Cornips (1998) Refiexives i/lmiddles wld the syllflu-semllntics illlerjáce. Ms. University of Amsterdam. Jackendoff, R. (1992) 'Madame Tussaud meets binding theory', Nlltu ra I u/ilkullke wld Li/lKlti.Hic Theory 10: Kamp, H. and U. Reyle (1993) From Discourse to LOKic. Dordrecht, Kluwer Academie Publishers. Levin, B. and M. Rappaport Hovav (1995) U/lllccu.wtivify: at the.\yllll/x-semwztic.~ illlerjáce. Cambridge, MIT Press. Lidz, J. (1996) DimellSio/ls ofrefiexivity. Ph. D. dissertation, University of Delaware. ter Meulen, A. ( 1995) The Repre.\e/ltlllio/l lijtime ill lil/tu ral hlllklwke. Cambridge, MIT Press, Bradford Books. Reuland, E. (1997) Primitives lij' Bindi/lK. Ms. OTS, University of Utrecht. Reinhart, T. and E. Reuland (1993) 'Reftexivity', LiIlKuistic l/lquiry 24 (4): Reinhart, T. (1997) StruteKies IIj'll/ll/plwru re.wlllfio/l. Ms. University of Utrecht. Rooryck, J. and G. Vanden Wyngaerd (1997) The self as other. A minimalist approach to zich and zichzelf in Duteh', NELS 28. Safir, K. ïmplkd non-coreference and the pattern of anaphora', LinKuistics ll/ld Phi/osophy 15( I): SaJmon, N. (1992) 'Reftections on Reftexivity', Li/lguistics wld Phi/o.wphy 15( I): Salmon, N. and S. Soames (eds) (1988) Propositions wld Attitudes. Oxford Readings in Philosophy, Oxford, Oxford University Press. Voskuil, J. (1991) Commellls on "Refiexivity". Ms. University of Leiden. Williams, E. (1994) Thematic structure ill Englislz. Cambridge, MIT Press. Aliee G.B. ter Meulen 255
Weak and strong reflexives in Dutch
Weak and strong reflexives in Dutch Bart Geurts Dutch has two reflexive pronouns, zich and zichzelf, which distribute differently but not complementarily. The short form counts as weak by the standardMore information
The compositional semantics of same
The compositional semantics of same Mike Solomon Amherst College Abstract Barker (2007) proposes the first strictly compositional semantic analysis of internal same. I show that Barker s analysis failsMore information
Sounds Like Like. Peter Lasersohn. University of Rochester. Abstract: It is argued that the verb sound is ambiguous between
Sounds Like Like Peter Lasersohn University of Rochester Abstract: It is argued that the verb sound is ambiguous between one reading where it denotes a two-place relation between individuals and properties,More information
Terence Parsons (1990) : Events in the Semantics of English, A Study in Subatomic Semantics. Martha Palmer LING 7800/CSCI 7000 October 28, 2014
Terence Parsons (1990) : Events in the Semantics of English, A Study in Subatomic Semantics Martha Palmer LING 7800/CSCI 7000 October 28, 2014 Terminology : Conditional if/then statement : ExisistentialMore information
COMPARATIVES WITHOUT DEGREES: A NEW APPROACH. FRIEDERIKE MOLTMANN IHPST, Paris firstname.lastname@example.com
COMPARATIVES WITHOUT DEGREES: A NEW APPROACH FRIEDERIKE MOLTMANN IHPST, Paris firstname.lastname@example.com It has become common to analyse comparatives by using degrees, so that John is happier than Mary wouldMore information
Sentence Semantics. General Linguistics Jennifer Spenader, February 2006 (Most slides: Petra Hendriks)
Sentence Semantics General Linguistics Jennifer Spenader, February 2006 (Most slides: Petra Hendriks) Data to be analyzed (1) Maria slaapt. (2) Jan slaapt. (3) Maria slaapt en Jan slaapt. (4) IedereenMore information
Semantics and Generative Grammar. Quantificational DPs, Part 3: Covert Movement vs. Type Shifting 1
Quantificational DPs, Part 3: Covert Movement vs. Type Shifting 1 1. Introduction Thus far, we ve considered two competing analyses of sentences like those in (1). (1) Sentences Where a QuantificationalMore information
Annotation Guidelines for Dutch-English Word Alignment
Annotation Guidelines for Dutch-English Word Alignment version 1.0 LT3 Technical Report LT3 10-01 Lieve Macken LT3 Language and Translation Technology Team Faculty of Translation Studies University CollegeMore information
Frege s theory of sense
Frege s theory of sense Jeff Speaks August 25, 2011 1. Three arguments that there must be more to meaning than reference... 1 1.1. Frege s puzzle about identity sentences 1.2. Understanding and knowledgeMore information
Paraphrasing controlled English texts
Paraphrasing controlled English texts Kaarel Kaljurand Institute of Computational Linguistics, University of Zurich email@example.com Abstract. We discuss paraphrasing controlled English texts, by definingMore information
FRIEDERIKE MOLTMANN UNBOUND ANAPHORIC PRONOUNS: E-TYPE, DYNAMIC, AND STRUCTURED-PROPOSITIONS APPROACHES ABSTRACT. Unbound anaphoric pronouns or E-type pronouns have presented notorious problems for semanticMore information
It s a small word. Johan Rooryck & Guido Vanden Wyngaerd HIL Leiden/FWO - KUBrussel. 1. Introduction *
Small words in the big picture. Squibs for Hans Bennis. Sjef Barbiers, Johan Rooryck & Jeroen van de Weijer (eds) 101-106. It s a small word Johan Rooryck & Guido Vanden Wyngaerd HIL Leiden/FWO - KUBrusselMore information
Movement and Binding
Movement and Binding Gereon Müller Institut für Linguistik Universität Leipzig SoSe 2008 www.uni-leipzig.de/ muellerg Gereon Müller (Institut für Linguistik) Constraints in Syntax 4 SoSe 2008 1 / 35 PrinciplesMore information
From Logic to Montague Grammar: Some Formal and Conceptual Foundations of Semantic Theory
From Logic to Montague Grammar: Some Formal and Conceptual Foundations of Semantic Theory Syllabus Linguistics 720 Tuesday, Thursday 2:30 3:45 Room: Dickinson 110 Course Instructor: Seth Cable Course Mentor:More information
Syntax II, Handout #4 Universität Stuttgart, SOSES 2006 Winfried Lechner Wed , Room 11.71
Syntax II, Handout #4 Universität Stuttgart, SOSES 2006 Winfried Lechner Wed 14.00-15.30, Room 11.71 VERB CLASSES 1. CONTROL VS. RAISING VERBS The distinction between raising and control verbs is not alwaysMore information
Cross-linguistic differences in the interpretation of sentences with more than one QP: German (Frey 1993) and Hungarian (É Kiss 1991)
Cross-linguistic differences in the interpretation of sentences with more than one QP: German (Frey 1993) and Hungarian (É Kiss 1991) 1. Quantifier Scope in English (May 1977, 1985) Predictions of MayMore information
Summary, Discussion and Conclusions
7 Summary, Discussion and Conclusions 7.1 Introduction In the past four decades, children s non-adult-like understanding of quantified sentences has been explained in syntactic, semantic or pragmatic termsMore information
Assessing the discourse referential properties of weak definites
Assessing the discourse referential properties of weak definites TIN-dag 2010 Jolien Scholten & Ana Aguilar Guevara February 6, 2010 NWO project Weak referentiality: bare nominals at the lexicon-syntax-semanticsMore information
PS I TAM-TAM Aspect [20/11/09] 1
PS I TAM-TAM Aspect [20/11/09] 1 Binnick, Robert I. (2006): "Aspect and Aspectuality". In: Bas Aarts & April McMahon (eds). The Handbook of English Linguistics. Malden, MA et al.: Blackwell Publishing,More information
Predicate Calculus. There are certain arguments that seem to be perfectly logical, yet they cannot be expressed by using propositional calculus.
Predicate Calculus (Alternative names: predicate logic, first order logic, elementary logic, restricted predicate calculus, restricted functional calculus, relational calculus, theory of quantification,More information
Overview of the TACITUS Project
Overview of the TACITUS Project Jerry R. Hobbs Artificial Intelligence Center SRI International 1 Aims of the Project The specific aim of the TACITUS project is to develop interpretation processes forMore information
Chapter 1. Introduction. 1.1. Topic of the dissertation
Chapter 1. Introduction 1.1. Topic of the dissertation The topic of the dissertation is the relations between transitive verbs, aspect, and case marking in Estonian. Aspectual particles, verbs, and caseMore information
PP EXTRAPOSITION FROM NP IN DUTCH. C. Jan-Wouter Zwart. 0. Summary*
PP EXTRAPOSITION FROM NP IN DUTCH C. Jan-Wouter Zwart 1990 0. Summary* Movement to the right is very different from movement to the left. Whereas Wh-movement (extraction) of NP internal PPs is severelyMore information
Perfect being theology and modal truth
Perfect being theology and modal truth Jeff Speaks February 9, 2016 Perfect being theology is the attempt to use the principle that God is the greatest possible being to derive claims about the divineMore information
The Syntax of Predicate Logic
The Syntax of Predicate Logic LX 502 Semantics I October 11, 2008 1. Below the Sentence-Level In Propositional Logic, atomic propositions correspond to simple sentences in the object language. Since atomicMore information
CHAPTER 7 GENERAL PROOF SYSTEMS 1 Introduction Proof systems are built to prove statements. They can be thought as an inference machine with special statements, called provable statements, or sometimesMore information
THE ENGLISH SENTENCE (Materials based on: Huddleston, R. & Pullum, G.K. (Eds.)., 2002. The Cambridge Grammar of the English Language. London: CUP and Greenbaum, S., & Quirk, R. 1990. A Student's GrammarMore information
Lecture 8 The Subjective Theory of Betting on Theories
Lecture 8 The Subjective Theory of Betting on Theories Patrick Maher Philosophy 517 Spring 2007 Introduction The subjective theory of probability holds that the laws of probability are laws that rationalMore information
Predicate Logic Review
Predicate Logic Review UC Berkeley, Philosophy 142, Spring 2016 John MacFarlane 1 Grammar A term is an individual constant or a variable. An individual constant is a lowercase letter from the beginningMore information
THE SEMANTICS OF ASPECTUALIZERS IN ENGLISH. Tünde Nagy Debrecen University
THE SEMANTICS OF ASPECTUALIZERS IN ENGLISH Tünde Nagy Debrecen University 1. Introduction The paper gives an analysis of the semantic value of aspectualizers within the presupposition and consequencesMore information
L130: Chapter 5d. Dr. Shannon Bischoff. Dr. Shannon Bischoff () L130: Chapter 5d 1 / 25
L130: Chapter 5d Dr. Shannon Bischoff Dr. Shannon Bischoff () L130: Chapter 5d 1 / 25 Outline 1 Syntax 2 Clauses 3 Constituents Dr. Shannon Bischoff () L130: Chapter 5d 2 / 25 Outline Last time... Verbs...More information
Structure of the talk. The semantics of event nominalisation. Event nominalisations and verbal arguments 2
Structure of the talk Sebastian Bücking 1 and Markus Egg 2 1 Universität Tübingen firstname.lastname@example.com 2 Rijksuniversiteit Groningen firstname.lastname@example.com 12 December 2008 two challenges for aMore information
Estudios de lingüística inglesa aplicada
Estudios de lingüística inglesa aplicada ADVERB ORIENTATION: SEMANTICS AND PRAGMATICS José María García Núñez Universidad de Cádiz Orientation is a well known property of some adverbs in English. EarlyMore information
SAND: Relation between the Database and Printed Maps
SAND: Relation between the Database and Printed Maps Erik Tjong Kim Sang Meertens Institute firstname.lastname@example.com May 16, 2014 1 Introduction SAND, the Syntactic Atlas of the Dutch Dialects,More information
FRIEDERIKE MOLTMANN PRESUPPOSITIONS AND QUANTIFIER DOMAINS ABSTRACT. In this paper, I will argue for a new account of presuppositions which is based on double indexing as well as minimal representationalMore information
Likewise, we have contradictions: formulas that can only be false, e.g. (p p).
CHAPTER 4. STATEMENT LOGIC 59 The rightmost column of this truth table contains instances of T and instances of F. Notice that there are no degrees of contingency. If both values are possible, the formulaMore information
3.1 Grammatical Units
Lengua Inglesa II 2009-2010 Topic 3: Grammatical Units Subtopic 1: Units and Boundaries Subtopic 2: The Noun Phrase Mick O Donnell VI-bis 302 email@example.com 1. Units and rank scale Unit: any stretchMore information
Critical Study David Benatar. Better Never To Have Been: The Harm of Coming into Existence (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006)
NOÛS 43:4 (2009) 776 785 Critical Study David Benatar. Better Never To Have Been: The Harm of Coming into Existence (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006) ELIZABETH HARMAN Princeton University In thisMore information
Non-nominal Which-Relatives
Non-nominal Which-Relatives Doug Arnold, Robert D. Borsley University of Essex The properties of non-restrictive relatives All non-restrictive relative clauses include a wh-word. There are no that or zeroMore information
On wh-exclamatives and noteworthiness
On wh-exclamatives and noteworthiness Anna Chernilovskaya and Rick Nouwen Utrechts Instituut voor Linguïstiek 1 Introduction We explore a new approach to the semantics of wh-exclamatives, like (1). (1)More information
The mysterious specific indefinite
UCLA Working Papers in Linguistics, Theories of Everything Volume 17, Article 47: 420-426, 2012 The mysterious specific indefinite Mark de Vries Introduction * When an indefinite newly introduces or reintroducesMore information
Scope or Pseudoscope? Are there Wide-Scope Indefinites? 1
1 Scope or Pseudoscope? Are there Wide-Scope Indefinites? 1 Angelika Kratzer, University of Massachusetts at Amherst March 1997 1. The starting point: Fodor and Sag My story begins with a famous exampleMore information
(LMCS, p. 317) V.1. First Order Logic. This is the most powerful, most expressive logic that we will examine.
(LMCS, p. 317) V.1 First Order Logic This is the most powerful, most expressive logic that we will examine. Our version of first-order logic will use the following symbols: variables connectives (,,,,More information
Ling 201 Syntax 1. Jirka Hana April 10, 2006
Overview of topics What is Syntax? Word Classes What to remember and understand: Ling 201 Syntax 1 Jirka Hana April 10, 2006 Syntax, difference between syntax and semantics, open/closed class words, allMore information
A Primer in the Semantics of English
A Primer in the Semantics of English Some Nuts and Bolts 2000-2010 by Terence Parsons A Primer in the Semantics of English Some Nuts and Bolts Chapter 0: Preliminary Issues 0.1 What Sentences Do 0.2 Standing-forMore information
Introduction. 1.1 Kinds and generalizations
Chapter 1 Introduction 1.1 Kinds and generalizations Over the past decades, the study of genericity has occupied a central place in natural language semantics. The joint work of the Generic Group 1, whichMore information
Pronouns: A case of production-before-comprehension
Faculty of Arts University of Groningen Pronouns: A case of production-before-comprehension A study on the the comprehension and production of pronouns and reflexives in Dutch children Petra Hendriks JenniferMore information
Context, Complex Sentences, and Propositional Content
1 Context, Complex Sentences, and Propositional Content Friederike Moltmann Department of Philosophy University of Stirling December 2003 Abstract In some recent developments of semantic theory, in particularMore information
Universidad de Los Andes Facultad de Humanidades y Educación Escuela de Idiomas Modernos NOTES ON WORDS, PHRASES, SENTENCES AND CLAUSES In English, as in many other languages in the world, individual wordsMore information
Word order in Lexical-Functional Grammar Topics M. Kaplan and Mary Dalrymple Ronald Xerox PARC August 1995 Kaplan and Dalrymple, ESSLLI 95, Barcelona 1 phrase structure rules work well Standard congurationalMore information
Relative truth and the first person
Philos Stud (2010) 150:187 220 DOI 10.1007/s11098-009-9383-9 Relative truth and the first person Friederike Moltmann Published online: 15 April 2009 Ó Springer Science+Business Media B.V. 2009 AbstractMore information
Linguistic Approaches in Information Retrieval of Medical Texts
Linguistic Approaches in Information Retrieval of Medical Texts Anne-Marie Currie, Jocelyn Cohan and Larisa Zlatić Synthesys Technologies, Inc. 1. Introduction. Medical records contain an enormous amountMore information
Math 55: Discrete Mathematics
Math 55: Discrete Mathematics UC Berkeley, Fall 2011 Homework # 1, due Wedneday, January 25 1.1.10 Let p and q be the propositions The election is decided and The votes have been counted, respectively.More information
PÁZMÁNY PÉTER KATOLIKUS EGYETEM BÖLCSÉSZETTUDOMÁNYI KAR DOKTORI DISSZERTÁCIÓ HALM TAMÁS THE GRAMMAR OF FREE-CHOICE ITEMS IN HUNGARIAN THESIS BOOKLET NYELVTUDOMÁNYI DOKTORI ISKOLA ELMÉLETI NYELVÉSZET MŰHELYMore information
Rethinking the relationship between transitive and intransitive verbs
Rethinking the relationship between transitive and intransitive verbs Students with whom I have studied grammar will remember my frustration at the idea that linking verbs can be intransitive. Nonsense!More information
Correspondence analysis for strong three-valued logic
Correspondence analysis for strong three-valued logic A. Tamminga abstract. I apply Kooi and Tamminga s (2012) idea of correspondence analysis for many-valued logics to strong three-valued logic (K 3 ).More information
Last time we had arrived at the following provisional interpretation of Aquinas second way:
Aquinas Third Way Last time we had arrived at the following provisional interpretation of Aquinas second way: 1. 2. 3. 4. At least one thing has an efficient cause. Every causal chain must either be circular,More information
Michael Lacewing Personal identity: Physical and psychological continuity theories A FIRST DISTINCTION In order to understand what is at issue in personal identity, it is important to distinguish betweenMore information
Nominative-Dative Inversion and the Decline of Dutch
Nominative-Dative Inversion and the Decline of Dutch Amsterdam Center for Language and Communication, University of Amsterdam (E-mail: email@example.com) 1. Introduction Recently, linguistics was in the centreMore information
The Syntactic Atlas of the Dutch Dialects
The Syntactic Atlas of the Dutch Dialects A corpus of elicited speech as an on-line Dynamic Atlas Sjef Barbiers & Jan Pieter Kunst Meertens Institute (KNAW) 1 Coordination Hans Bennis (Meertens Institute)More information
Bound and referential pronouns
Bound and referential pronouns *with thanks to Birgit Bärnreuther, Christina Bergmann, Dominique Goltz, Stefan Hinterwimmer, MaikeKleemeyer, Peter König, Florian Krause, Marlene Meyer Peter Bosch InstituteMore information
The Self as Other A Minimalist approach to zich and zichzelf in Dutch. Johan Rooryck & Guido Vanden Wyngaerd. HIL, RU Leiden & FWO, KU Brussel
A Minimalist approach to zich and zichzelf in Dutch Johan Rooryck & Guido Vanden Wyngaerd HIL, RU Leiden & FWO, KU Brussel 1. Identity in disguise: zich vs. zichzelf * It has long been recognized thatMore information
! " # The Logic of Descriptions. Logics for Data and Knowledge Representation. Terminology. Overview. Three Basic Features. Some History on DLs
,!0((,.+#$),%$(-&.& *,2(-$)%&2.'3&%!&, Logics for Data and Knowledge Representation Alessandro Agostini firstname.lastname@example.com University of Trento Fausto Giunchiglia email@example.com The Logic of Descriptions!$%&'()*$#)More information
Predicate Complements
Predicate Complements Frank Van Eynde University of Leuven - Belgium This paper presents the subject raising treatment of predication (section 1), shows its deficiencies (section 2), presents an alternativeMore information
Factivity and interrogative complement clauses * Hans Broekhuis and Rachel Nye
Factivity and interrogative complement clauses * Hans Broekhuis and Rachel Nye Abstract: The notion of factivity is normally defined in terms of the truth value of the propositions expressed by sententialMore information
Examining domain widening and NPI any 1 Ana Arregui University of Ottawa
Examining domain widening and NPI any 1 Ana Arregui University of Ottawa 1. Introduction This squib examines domain widening (DW) as used in the analysis of NPI any. Since Kadmon and Landman s (1993) influentialMore information
2. SEMANTIC RELATIONS 2.0 Review: meaning, sense, reference A word has meaning by having both sense and reference. Sense: Word meaning: = concept Sentence meaning: = proposition (1) a. The man kissed theMore information
I have eaten. The plums that were in the ice box
in the Sentence 2 What is a grammatical category? A word with little meaning, e.g., Determiner, Quantifier, Auxiliary, Cood Coordinator, ato,a and dco Complementizer pe e e What is a lexical category?More information
Syntactic Theory. Background and Transformational Grammar. Dr. Dan Flickinger & PD Dr. Valia Kordoni
Syntactic Theory Background and Transformational Grammar Dr. Dan Flickinger & PD Dr. Valia Kordoni Department of Computational Linguistics Saarland University October 28, 2011 Early work on grammar ThereMore information
Doe wat je niet laten kan: A usage-based analysis of Dutch causative constructions. Natalia Levshina
Doe wat je niet laten kan: A usage-based analysis of Dutch causative constructions Natalia Levshina RU Quantitative Lexicology and Variational Linguistics Faculteit Letteren Subfaculteit Taalkunde K.U.LeuvenMore information
An Innocent Investigation
An Innocent Investigation D. Joyce, Clark University January 2006 The beginning. Have you ever wondered why every number is either even or odd? I don t mean to ask if you ever wondered whether every numberMore information
How the Computer Translates. Svetlana Sokolova President and CEO of PROMT, PhD.
Svetlana Sokolova President and CEO of PROMT, PhD. How the Computer Translates Machine translation is a special field of computer application where almost everyone believes that he/she is a specialist.More information
2. Methods of Proof Types of Proofs. Suppose we wish to prove an implication p q. Here are some strategies we have available to try.
2. METHODS OF PROOF 69 2. Methods of Proof 2.1. Types of Proofs. Suppose we wish to prove an implication p q. Here are some strategies we have available to try. Trivial Proof: If we know q is true thenMore information
Do we need Structured Question Meanings? Two Approaches to Questions
Do we need Structured Question Meanings? Manfred Krifka Humboldt-Universität & Zentrum für Allgemeine Sprachwissenschaft (ZAS) Berlin http://amor.rz.hu-berlin.de/~h2816i3x Two Approaches to Questions TheMore information
Subjective Probability and Lower and Upper Prevision: a New Understanding
Subjective Probability and Lower and Upper Prevision: a New Understanding G. SHAFER Rutgers Business School Newark & New Brunswick, NJ, USA P. R. GILLETT Rutgers Business School Newark & New Brunswick,More information
The Meta-Problem of Change
NOÛS 43:2 (2009) 286 314 The Meta-Problem of Change THOMAS HOFWEBER University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill 1. Introduction One of the central problems in metaphysics over the last so many centuriesMore information
SYNTAX. Syntax the study of the system of rules and categories that underlies sentence formation.
SYNTAX Syntax the study of the system of rules and categories that underlies sentence formation. 1) Syntactic categories lexical: - words that have meaning (semantic content) - words that can be inflectedMore information
Th e ontological argument distinguishes itself from the cosmological
Aporia vol. 18 no. 1 2008 Charles Hartshorne and the Ontological Argument Joshua Ernst Th e ontological argument distinguishes itself from the cosmological and teleological arguments for God s existenceMore information
Grice: Meaning. In cases of natural meaning, x means that p entails that p; in cases of meaning NN, there is no such entailment.
INTENTION BASED SEMANTICS Grice: Meaning Grice is proposing an intention based semantics i.e., a semantical theory according to which the meaning of an utterance is explicated in terms of the psychologicalMore information
WPS Scoring Summary. Scale Raw Standard Confidence Description Percentile Test-age score score interval rank equivalent 95%
Oral and Written Language Scales, Second Edition (OWLS-II) Elizabeth Carrow-Woolfolk, Ph.D. Copyright 2011 by WPS. All rights reserved. www.wpspublish.com Version 1.210 WPS Scoring Summary As with anyMore information
MARY. V NP NP Subject Formation WANT BILL S
In the Logic tudy Guide, we ended with a logical tree diagram for WANT (BILL, LEAVE (MARY)), in both unlabelled: tudy Guide WANT BILL and labelled versions: P LEAVE MARY WANT BILL P LEAVE MARY We remarkedMore information
Estudios de Asia y Africa Idiomas Modernas I What you should have learnt from Face2Face
Estudios de Asia y Africa Idiomas Modernas I What you should have learnt from Face2Face 1A Question Forms 1.1 Yes-No Questions 1. If the first verb is an auxiliary verb, just move it in front of the Subject:More information
A terminology model approach for defining and managing statistical metadata
A terminology model approach for defining and managing statistical metadata Comments to : R. Karge (49) 30-6576 2791 mail firstname.lastname@example.com Content 1 Introduction... 4 2 Knowledge presentation...More information
13 Infinite Sets. 13.1 Injections, Surjections, and Bijections. mcs-ftl 2010/9/8 0:40 page 379 #385
mcs-ftl 2010/9/8 0:40 page 379 #385 13 Infinite Sets So you might be wondering how much is there to say about an infinite set other than, well, it has an infinite number of elements. Of course, an infiniteMore information
Generating Sentences from Different Perspectives
Generating Sentences from Different Perspectives Lee Fedder, The Computer Laboratory, University of Cambridge, Pembroke Street, Cambridge CB2 3QG, England. firstname.lastname@example.com Keywords : Generation, NaturalMore information
Are There Tense Operators in English?
23tulenh18.qxd 29.5.2004 21:18 Page 271 Are There Tense Operators in English? 271 In the present paper I wish to discuss the following two questions: (Q1) Are there instances of natural language tensesMore information
Index. 344 Grammar and Language Workbook, Grade 8
Index Index 343 Index A A, an (usage), 8, 123 A, an, the (articles), 8, 123 diagraming, 205 Abbreviations, correct use of, 18 19, 273 Abstract nouns, defined, 4, 63 Accept, except, 12, 227 Action verbs,More information
Predicate Logic. Example: All men are mortal. Socrates is a man. Socrates is mortal.
Predicate Logic Example: All men are mortal. Socrates is a man. Socrates is mortal. Note: We need logic laws that work for statements involving quantities like some and all. In English, the predicate isMore information
Using Language Stage Research** and CCEE ELA Language Domain, Standard 1, to Develop Conventions of Standard English
Using Language Stage Research** and CCEE ELA Language Domain, Standard, to Develop Conventions of Standard English Language Stage CCSS* Supporting Speaking and Writing for Students with Complex CommunicationMore information
Abstraction in Computer Science & Software Engineering: A Pedagogical Perspective
Orit Hazzan's Column Abstraction in Computer Science & Software Engineering: A Pedagogical Perspective This column is coauthored with Jeff Kramer, Department of Computing, Imperial College, London ABSTRACTMore information
1 CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION A. Background of the Study Language is used to communicate with other people. People need to study how to use language especially foreign language. Language can be study in linguisticMore information
Anaphoric binding and. Topics in Lexical-Functional Grammar. Ronald M. Kaplan and Mary Dalrymple. Xerox PARC. August 1995
Anaphoric binding and `inside-out' functional uncertainty Topics in Lexical-Functional Grammar Ronald M. Kaplan and Mary Dalrymple Xerox PARC August 1995 Kaplan and Dalrymple, ESSLLI 95, Barcelona 1 SyntacticMore information
W. Klein and W. Levelt (eds.), Crossing the Boundaries in Linguistics, Copyright c 1981 by D. Reidel Publishing Company.
W. Klein and W. Levelt (eds.), Crossing the Boundaries in Linguistics, 177-189. Copyright c 1981 by D. Reidel Publishing Company. ON THE DISTINCTIONS BETWEEN SEMANTICS AND PRAGMATICS Jens Allwood The trichotomyMore information
Agreement, PRO and Imperatives
Agreement, PRO and Imperatives Hans Bennis 1. Introduction: the pro drop parameter 1 In the literature the occurrence of an empty subject in finite clauses is generally related to a parametric choice inMore information
A Minimalist View on the Syntax of BECOME *
A Minimalist View on the Syntax of BECOME * Sze-Wing Tang The Hong Kong Polytechnic University 301 1. Introduction In his seminal study of lexical decomposition of English verbs, McCawley (1968) proposesMore information
The STEVIN IRME Project
The STEVIN IRME Project Jan Odijk STEVIN Midterm Workshop Rotterdam, June 27, 2008 IRME Identification and lexical Representation of Multiword Expressions (MWEs) Participants: Uil-OTS, Utrecht Nicole Grégoire,More information
Syntactic and Semantic Differences between Nominal Relative Clauses and Dependent wh-interrogative Clauses
Theory and Practice in English Studies 3 (2005): Proceedings from the Eighth Conference of British, American and Canadian Studies. Brno: Masarykova univerzita Syntactic and Semantic Differences betweenMore information
Tense, Aspect and Aktionsart
Tense, Aspect and Aktionsart 1. The Semantics of Tense, Part 1: Tense Logic Overarching Question: What does tense morphology (in English) mean? What is the core semantic difference between the sentencesMore information
Constraints in Phrase Structure Grammar
Constraints in Phrase Structure Grammar Phrase Structure Grammar no movement, no transformations, context-free rules X/Y = X is a category which dominates a missing category Y Let G be the set of basicMore information
Seeing the Value in Customer Service
CCA WHITE PAPER - HOW TO PUT THE DNA OF CUSTOMER SERVICE INTO UK BOARDROOMS 13 Seeing the Value in Customer Service Dr Marco Busi Centre Manager, Centre for Business Process Outsourcing Glasgow, ScotlandMore information


text:
Jeep Wrangler, Mud Slinger
Product Info:
Mud splatter details, full function capabilities and 2.4GHz Technology. These trucks have what it takes. The included 6.4v Lithium Ion battery gives these trucks the power to navigate any street. Features wheel alignment to keep you on course. All required batteries are included.
#31579 Jeep Wrangler, Mud Slinger
The color and design of this product may vary from the images on this website.
#31579 Jeep Wrangler, Mud Slinger
Battery Requirements:
(1) 6.4V for Vehicle
(2) "AA" for Transmitter
- Full Function Radio Control
- Forward/Reverse Driving
- Left/Right Steering
- 2.4GHz Technology
- Longer Range
- Faster Response
- Internal Antenna
- Wheel alignment
- Ready to Run: All Batteries Included
- Includes 6.4V Battery & Charger
- AA Batteries for Remote Transmitter


text:
Company Profile
Enquire Now
Contact Us
Travel By Destination
Colorful Desert Trail & Heritage
Forts and Palaces with Wildlife
Central Palaces With Taj Mahal
Rajasthan & Classical India
Special Camel Safari
Royal Wedding in Rajasthan
Best of Kerala Tour
Kerala houseboat with Wildlife
Ayurveda & Backwater Tours
Kerala Exotic Tours
Kerala Beach & Wildlife Tours
Taj Mahal with Kathmandu
Taj Mahal Holiday Tours
Taj Mahal Romantic Tour
Taj Mahal & Pushkar Fair
Taj Mahal with Udaipur
Cultures of Southern India
Cultures Of Tamil Nadu & Kerala
Backwaters & Hill Station
South India Temple Tour
Best of Karnataka Tour
Splendours of North India Tours
North India Temples Tours
North India Wildlife Tour & Taj
North India Tiger Trail Tours
Valley of Eastern Himachal
Trek To Sara Meadow & Hatu Peak
Kullu Himalayas Himachal Pradesh
Kareri Lake Trail
Splendours of Himachal Pradesh
Trans Himalayan Jeep Safari
Tibet Odyssey & Highlight Cities
Special Tour To Tibet
Tibet With Nepal Tour
Best of Karnataka Tour
Karnataka Ancient Tour
Classical Karnataka Tour
Karnataka Heritage Tour
Uttaranchal Special Tour
Haridwar Mussoorie Tour
Best of Uttaranchal
Jim Corbett Nainital Tours
Skiing at Auli
Dayara Bugyals & River Gange
Yoga in Himalayan Ashram
The Snow & Rhododendron Trek
Dayara Bugyals & Dodital
Flowers & Hemkund Sahib
Camp Wild with Rishikesh & Mussoorie
Travel By Theme
Adventure Tours
Ladakh Tour Packages
Himachal Tour Packages
Uttarakhand Tour Packages
Sikkim & Darjeeling Tour
Nepal Tour Packages
Bhutan Tour Packages
Tibet Tour Packages
Kashmir Tour Packages
Wildlife Tours
Binsar National Park & Lakes Of Kumaon
Snow Leopard Trip With Homestay
Taj Tiger With Great Heritage
Jim Corbett National Park
Golden Triangle Tours
Golden Triangle With Pushkar
Golden Triangle Budget Tour
Golden Triangle and Nepal
Golden Triangle Tour & Kerala
Golden Triangle & Goa Beaches
Honeymoon Tours
Goa Honeymoon Tours
Kerala Honeymoon Tours
Singapore Honeymoon Tours
Manali Honeymoon Tours
Malaysia Honeymoon Tours
Tribal Tours
Exotic Tribal Tour
Chattisgarh & Orrisa Tribes
Gujarat Tribal Tour
Tribal Tour Of Arunachal Pradesh
The World Of Tribals In Gujarat
Pilgrimage Tours
Char Dham Yatra
Char Dham & Golden Triangle
Kailash Mansarovar & Delhi, Agra
Sikh Pilgrimage Tours
Varanasi And Kathmandu Tours
Shirdi Pilgrimage Yatra With Golden Triangle
Holy MT.Kailash Mansarovar Yatra
Luxury Train Tour
Palace On Wheels
Deccan Odyssey
South India Rail Tours
Royal Orient
Fairy Queen
Multi Activity & Soft Adventure
Himalayan Soft Adventure Tours
Circular trek Gharwal Himalaya
Gharwal Himalayas With Taj
Himalayas Trek To Solang Glacier
Circular Route In Kumaon Himalayas
more tour packages...
Hot Air Ballooning
The hot air balloon is the oldest successful human-carrying flight technology. It is in a class of aircraft known as balloon aircraft. On Nov 21, 1783, in Paris, France, the first untethered manned flight was made by Jean-Fran�ois Pil�tre de Rozier and Fran�ois Laurent d'Arlandes in a hot air balloon created on Dec 14, 1782 by the Montgolfier brothers. Hot air balloons that can be propelled through the air rather than just being pushed along by the wind are known as airships or, more specifically, thermal airships.
Multi Activity & Soft Adventure Tours
Hot Air Ballooning
Itinerary Details
History of Air Ballooning
Prices & Services
Flight locations & Timings
The hot air balloon is the oldest successful human-carrying flight technology. It is in a class of aircraft known as balloon aircraft. On Nov 21, 1783, in Paris, France, the first untethered manned flight was made by Jean-Fran�ois Pil�tre de Rozier and Fran�ois Laurent d'Arlandes in a hot air balloon created on Dec 14, 1782 by the Montgolfier brothers. Hot air balloons that can be propelled through the air rather than just being pushed along by the wind are known as airships or, more specifically, thermal airships.
A hot air balloon consists of a bag called the envelope that is capable of containing heated air. Suspended beneath is a gondola or wicker basket (in some long-distance or high-altitude balloons, a capsule), which carries passengers and (usually) a source of heat, in most cases an open flame. The heated air inside the envelope makes it buoyant since it has a lower density than the relatively cold air outside the envelope. As with all aircraft, hot air balloons cannot fly beyond the atmosphere. Unlike gas balloons, the envelope does not have to be sealed at the bottom since the air near the bottom of the envelope is at the same pressure as the surrounding air.
In today's sport balloons the envelope is generally made from nylon fabric and the mouth of the balloon (closest to the burner flame) is made from fire resistant material such as Nomex. Beginning in the mid-1970s, balloon envelopes have been made in all kinds of shapes, such as hot dogs, rocket ships, and the shapes of commercial products, though the traditional shape remains popular for most non-commercial, and many commercial, applications.
1. How do I book a balloon flight?
To book a flight simply call us at +(91)-(11)-43000800 (100lines) or visit our website: www.india-tours.net
2. When are flights available?
The main flying season is from mid September to the end of March.
3. What is the best time of year to fly?
There is no �best time� to fly. We will only fly when the weather is suitable and between September to March, the weather is very Ballooning - friendly in most parts of Rajasthan.
4. What time of day do the flights take place?
Balloon flights usually take place within two hours of dawn and around two hours before dusk, as this is when the winds are most stable. Times do vary throughout the year but basically the meeting times are around 5.30 am and 4:00 pm.
5. Where do we meet?
We shall pick you up from your hotel/residence and take you to the launch site. Driving you back to your hotel/residence after the flight shall also be taken care by us.
6. How long does it take?
Ballooning is an experience and not to be rushed through. One should allocate approximately 3 to 4 hours for the whole experience, wherein the actual time in the air is approximately one hour.
7. What happens if the weather is unsuitable for ballooning?
Ballooning is very weather dependent. You will be informed if the weather is unsuitable. If so is the case, you simply re-book for another convenient day. Alternatively, you will receive full refund of your booking amount.
8. What does flying in a balloon feel like?
Standing in a hot air balloon doesn't feel the same as standing on the edge of a cliff or being in an aircraft - you float gently along with the breeze so there's no sensation of movement. The balloon does not so much as leave the ground as the ground leaves the balloon! You shall feel no acceleration or movement as you do in a lift oran aircraft. We float gently along with the wind; ballooning is a calm experience.
9. How high does the balloon fly?
A balloon flies at different heights up to 5,000 feet. Our highly skilled pilots are experts at skimming the treetops and controlling the altitude of the balloon for the best visual experience.
10. How many people will be in the balloon?
On a standard flight you will join a group of 4 to 8 people depending upon the balloon that you are flying in. For your comfort, the balloon baskets are divided into compartments.
11. Is there an age or weight restriction?
There is no upper age limit, passengers must be able to stand for atleast one hour. Children must be at least 6 years of age and 1.5 m tall (to see over the sides of basket).
12. Can I fly if I am pregnant?
You will be unable to take a balloon flight if you are pregnant.
13. Can I fly if I have a disability or a medical condition?
If you have a disability, medical condition or have recently undergone a surgery, it's best to check with your doctor to ensure you're fit to fly. However, we're unable to fly anyone who is confined to a wheelchair. It is very important that you disclose any medical or physical condition that could be considered to affect your safety or the safety of others. You must not fly if you are under the influence of alcohol or drugs.
Location: Jaipur, Ranthambore, Udaipur, Delhi NCR & Neemrana
US$ 225/person
Flight Locations
NCR & Neemrana
Flight Timings
Flight Timings
Morning Flight
Evening Flight
Oct - Nov
6.15 am
4.00 pm
6.15 am
4.00 pm
6.15 am
No flights due to heat
Recognised by
Ministry of Tourism, Govt. of India
Adventure Tour Operators Association of India
Indian Association of Tour Operators
Himalayan Environment Trust
The International Ecotourism Society
Company Profile
Contact Us
© Copyright 2002 - 2010 Hohidaymoods Adventures Spectrum. All rights reserved.


text: Cononel Icebot is much more reserved than Ivar. He rarely fights at all, and serves as Grimlord's science officer as well as commander and developer of many aerial assault vehicles and inventions. In his only battle, Icebot gained the ability to change into another form to battle JB and Kaitlin but that form was destroyed when JB struck him with his "Laser Lance" command. He survives the battle somehow, along with the Dungeon's destruction, and serves Grimlord in Season Two in the same capacity as before. Ironically enough, Colonel Icebot has no ice attacks or abilities.


text:
He is all of 12 years but Utkarsh Tripathi painstakingly brings out a handwritten newspaper every week to spread awareness among his peers on issues like the environment and female foeticide. And all this to satisfy his urge to "serve the country". A Class 8 student of the Brij Bihari Sahai (BBS) Inter College in Allahabad, Utkarsh has been bringing out the newspaper Jagriti for the last one year.
And for the four-page, black-and-white newspaper, Utkarsh not only dons the role of a reporter, editor and publisher, but also turns hawker for circulating the weekly. Unlike other papers, readers of Jagriti don't have to spend a single penny -- Utkarsh distributes it free of cost.
"Yes, I manage it all alone. Right from gathering the content, its editing, publishing and ultimately distributing the copies to readers," Utkarsh, a resident of Khatju colony in Allahabad, told IANS. "I know, you would like to know how I publish the newspaper. First I prepare a handwritten copy of Jagriti and later take out copies at a photocopy shop in my locality... It's simple," he explained.
Jagriti has about 150 readers belonging to varied age groups in Allahabad, some 200 km from the state capital Lucknow.


text:
The Notes Caddy
This handcrafted leather notebook cover with pen and pocket knife holder is made to order. Cut, stitched, & burnished with great care by human hands.
Crafted with 5oz American tanned Wickett & Craig leather, one of the last specialty tanneries in the country, this exquisite & durable leather will not only endure but get better with age.
(1) Field Note, Moleskine, Passport, or other 3.5 x 5 journal.
(1) Small Pocket Knife ( Swiss Army Cadet, Buck 55 and many more) Email me for models
(1) Pen or pencil
Dimensions in inches:
6"L x 4 1/4" W (overall)
3"L x 2"W (Knife slot)
4" L x 1 7/8"W (Pen slot)
Notebook included with order.
*Made in USA*
Proudly located in Baltimore, Maryland
***All items are made to order. Due to natural variations in leather, there may be some differences in distress & color.***
(Pen, knife, and tools are not included)
Similar to a leather baseball glove or a good pair of leather boots, this leather wallet has an initial break-in period.
If you are having trouble getting your cards in and out of your wallet and you would like to speed up the break-in process, you can massage the leather with your hands.
Shipping from United States
Processing time
3-5 business days
Estimated shipping times
- North America : 3 - 5 business days
I'll do my best to meet these shipping estimates, but can't guarantee them. Actual delivery time will depend on the shipping method you choose.
Customs and import taxes
Buyers are responsible for any customs and import taxes that may apply. I'm not responsible for delays due to customs.
Payment Options
Returns & Exchanges
I gladly accept returns, exchanges, and cancellations
Just contact me within: 3 days of delivery
Ship items back to me within: 7 days of delivery
Request a cancellation within: 24 hours of purchase
But please contact me if you have any problems with your order.
The following items can't be returned or exchanged
Because of the nature of these items, unless they arrive damaged or defective, I can't accept returns for:
- Custom or personalized orders
- Perishable products (like food or flowers)
- Digital downloads
- Intimate items (for health/hygiene reasons)
Conditions of return
Buyers are responsible for return shipping costs. If the item is not returned in its original condition, the buyer is responsible for any loss in value.
Questions about your order?
Please contact me if you have any problems with your order.
Privacy policy
I will only use your shipping and billing address, and contact information
- To communicate with you about your order
- To fulfill your order
- For legal reasons (like paying taxes)


text:
sana by shamrock MP3
sana :) if you want videos like this, you can send your requests at my e-mail [email protected] with the subject 'youtube video request' then type the ...
Sana By Shamrock MP3
Hoping you enjoy this video thanks!
Shamrock - Sana (Lyrics) MP3
Disclaimer: SONG NOT MINE.
Pagkakataon [Playful Kiss OST] (MG Remix @ 80 BPM) - Shamrock feat. Rachelle Ann Go MP3
mp3 download: http://www.mediafire.com/?pkppj0dl1958681 Remixed by DJ MG...
Best Tagalog LoveSong Nonstop Music -Part 1- MP3
Sinurpresa ko ang gf ko sa video nato.. dati title nito gff girl friend forever.. sympre para makuha ang kilig.. at masurpresa siya.. gumawa ako ng horor picture ko ...
Captain Barbell - Nandito Lang Ako MP3
GMA's MTV of their show "Captain Barbell". The theme song "Nandito Lang Ako" was sung by Shamrock. Disclaimer: This MTV is from Kahimig Videoke Series ...
Sana by Shamrock Langit na muli Sa sandaling makita ang kislap ng iyong ngiti May pag-asa kaya? Kung aking sasabihin Ang laman ng damdamin Pinipilit ...
Alipin- Shamrock mp3 MP3
i officially create this presentation 4 those who also love this song like me!! i hope that you also love this song!! ^_^ Paborito kong music..........
Makita Kang Muli By: Sugarfree (w/ lyrics) MP3
Ikaw Lang by Shamrock Ft.Lyrin.. MP3
Mss.Lyrin..Hoping you enjoy this video thanks!
Paano - shamrock lyrics MP3
peace ahh^^, like this song kasi, sapul ako^^, haha.
Sa'yo | Official Music Video | Silent Sanctuary MP3
Official Music Video of Silent Sanctuary performing "Sa'yo". (C) 2014 Ivory Music & Video, Inc. Available on iTunes: http://smarturl.it/SilentiTunes PLEASE ...
Alipin by Shamrock (w/ Lyrics) MP3
i officially create this presentation 4 those who also love this song like me!! i hope that you also love this song!! ^_^
Instrumental - Alipin by Shamrock (Cover) MP3
download the mp3 version here http://www.box.net/shared/k7piv79kvv.
Pinoy OPM Love Songs 2013 (Part 4) MP3
Like`Share`Comment and subscrined:)) enjoy the music:)) Thanks for MissAfterEffects for the Background effects:)) My OPM Collections 1. Alamid - Your Love 2.
PAGKAKATAON by Shamrock ft Rachelle ann Go--playful kiss ost MP3
this is the song of Shamrock ft. Rachelle.. n dis is the 1st video that i made its simple but i hope u will still like it :)
Haplos by Shamrock MP3
Isiak Holiday Jr's cover version of "Haplos" by Shamrock featuring Andrew Waldie. This cover version is one of many acoustic renditions we will be featuring this ...


text:
Integration Engineer
- Recruiter
- Location
- Huntingdon
- Salary
- Competitive, DOE
- Posted
- 07 Oct 2016
- Closes
- 06 Nov 2016
- Sector
Integration Engineer Location: Cambridge, Cambridgeshire Salary: Competitive, DOE Contract: Contract - 6 months fixed term About the role: We're looking for an experience Integration Engineer with enterprise application integration and service-oriented architecture design and implementation experience to help us with our business transformation programme. On a day-to-day basis you will be responsible for working with other members of multi-disciplinary agile software development teams to design and build integration solutions and deliver stories. You will work closely with Architects, Operations, Business Analysts and QAs to ensure a quality delivery and be responsible for executing refactoring where needed and appropriate. A prior experience of web application development, message queuing/ caching patterns, high-volume transactions and implementation using Restful web service frameworks would be advantageous. About the Team Abcam is on a journey of a multi-year investment in its core IT systems. Our architectural landscape which supports our industry leading E-Commerce platform will consist of in-house developed systems utilising middleware solutions (Software AG webMethods) to incorporate Oracle Fusion Cloud ERP as well as other packaged systems (Cloud and On-Premise). The role will be working with our software development teams helping them design services and this role will help connect bespoke applications to our middleware platform and beyond. About You This is a great opportunity for someone with experience of most of the following: ESB (webMethods), service design (RESTFul and SOAP), systems analysis, agile (SCRUM), SQL and Continuous Integration; whilst experience of software development (e.g. C#, Java, etc) and TDD would be desirable. If you have a passion for enterprise integration design and delivery in an agile environment, strong communication skills collaborating with software development teams and see yourself as a catalyst for improvement in rapidly evolving landscape then this could be the next role for you. In conjunction with this, our ideal candidate will be enthusiastic and energetic with evidence of driving positive change which yield results. You will have interest within local and global technical communities keeping abreast of the latest patterns and technologies. Perhaps you tweet, blog or speak at events? If so, we want to hear about it You will need to have graduated in a Computer Science or numerate degree and be seasoned in various web architectures, SOA platforms, and frameworks. You should be proficient in techniques used in producing designs of complex IT systems. Experience in unit / integration / regression testing and test driven development is essential and a familiarity with the continuous integration and continuous deployment of software would be ideal. About Us Ever since 1998, when our founder, Jonathan Milner, started selling antibodies from the back of his bike, Abcam has aimed to help scientific researchers make breakthroughs faster. We now have offices and labs in the UK, the US, China and Japan, and as we continue to grow, we remain ambitious, driven by our customers' success and their research needs. It's our goal to provide a world-standard in protein research tools, technical support and delivery. When you join Abcam, you'll join a global business with the passion and the vision to become the most influential company, and, best-loved brand in life sciences. Our culture is our key differentiator. We believe in empowering individuals, with responsibility given at an early stage. The working environment is fun and fast-paced, collaborative and outcome focused, with a strong customer focus. In addition to competitive salaries, we can offer an attractive flexible benefits package which includes share options, a culture focussed on wellbeing and opportunities for growth and development. If you feel you have the skills and experience for this position then apply today Keywords : Integration engineer, Integration, ESB, Mulesoft, Talend, TIBCO, service design, RESTFul, SOAP, systems analysis, integration support, Agile, SCRUM, SQL, Continuous Integration, C#, Java, Web Architectures, SOA, Software Development, Oracle, Fusion Cloud, ERP, Service-Oriented, Architecture design This job was originally posted as www.totaljobs.com/job/66827983