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Boats Are Sheltered When They Are Winterized By Shrink Wrapping
Shrink wrapping of yachts and motorboats has been done for over many years to protect the boats when they are winterized. In areas where severe winters and heavy snowfall occur, this protection can help stop serious damage to boat superstructures.
With proper training, the right tackle and the use of flame retardant shrink-wrapping film, this procedure can be finished with little risk of damage to customer's boats. Heat Guns for Shrink wrapping heat guns for applying heat to shrink wrap are available in both propane fired and electric models.
Propane fired guns are the most common. Both types are available in UL Listed and non-listed styles. We strongly recommend using a UL Listed model to further reduce the chances of starting a fire during the shrink wrapping process.
Shrink wrapping is a lucrative service that complements other marine activities including vacuuming, storage, boat sales, maintenance and servicing.
Tufcoat scaffold wrap is a strong and durable plastic scaffold cladding which is heat shrunk to create a drum tight and tear resistant covering over roofs and façades of any size or shape scaffold structure.
Because sheets of Tufcoat are joined together by heat welding, Tufcoat creates a continuous skin around the scaffold structure without the holes or gaps typical of traditional sheeting. This makes Tufcoat highly active for applications where a high level of control or weather protection is required.


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January 18, 2005
Newer drugs reduce mortality even more than older drugs, according to a new study by Columbia University researcher Frank Lichtenberg.
Lichtenberg examined the impact of the vintage (original Food and Drug Administration approval year) of drugs used to treat Puerto Rican Medicaid patients on their 3-year probability of survival. After controlling for demographic characteristics, he found:
- The mortality rate was 16 percent lower (3.7 percent versus 4.4 percent) than it would have been had all drugs used been approved before 1970.
- In other words, the new medicines introduced between 1970 and 2000 reduced mortality by about 0.58 percent per year.
- For drugs approved before 1970 the probability of death was 4.4 percent, whereas for drugs approved in the 1970s, 1980s, and 1990s the mortality rates were 3.6 percent, 3.0 percent, and 2.5 percent respectively.
Lichtenberg also observes that patients in Puerto Rico's Medicaid program use proportionately fewer new drugs than their American counterparts. If Puerto Rican Medicaid patients had received the same percentage of post-1980 and post-1990 drugs as the U.S. Medicaid population, the mortality rate would have been 5.3 percent lower.
Source: F.R. Lichtenberg, "The Effect of Drug Vintage on Survival: Micro Evidence from Puerto Rico's Medicaid Program," National Bureau for Economic Research, November 2004.
Browse more articles on Health Issues

subset: commoncrawl


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Jenelle Evans is having quite a busy week. She recently returned from vacationing in Florida and walked into nothing but chaos. Evans has been dealing with a lot over the last year. She gave birth to her second son, Kaiser. Shortly after the baby was born, her relationship with Nathan Griffith ended. On top of legal trouble for Evans, there is also some anxiety she is battling.
Although details are scarce, Radar Online is reporting that Jenelle Evans has been hospitalized on and off all week. The Teen Mom 2 star has openly admitted to battling anxiety, but this appears to be more than that. Evans' has been having shortness of breath and loss of coordination. She was released from the hospital on Wednesday and readmitted again shortly after. There is no indication of what is going on, but none of Evans' symptoms are getting any better. The doctors initially told her it was due to her anxiety and that it would pass. Evans wanted a thyroid test done, and they didn't want to order it. That is when she left the hospital, but Evans ended up returning when the symptoms didn't cease.
This was all triggered after Jenelle Evans returned home from Florida and found her car missing. Initial reports indicated that Nathan Griffith had stolen Evans' car, but upon further investigation, it was determined that his name was also on the title of the car. So while Evans couldn't get him for stealing the car, she pressed charges on him for taking the contents inside the car. Currently, there is a warrant for Griffith's arrest. Evans took to Twitter to accuse Griffith of theft when she realized her car was missing from the airport. She was sending out accusatory remarks but wasn't revealing the whole truth. Apparently, this incident triggered Evans' medical episode.
There is some speculation that Jenelle Evans is hyping up her condition to avoid an upcoming court date. According to the Hollywood Gossip, Jenelle Evans has a court date coming up in February. It is for her 2015 arrest in regards to assaulting Nathan Griffith's girlfriend. If she continues to be treated in the hospital, Evans may be able to avoid facing a jury for the charges. Everything is coming at her right now, and the anxiety is likely building up. Currently, the hospital is running several tests to find a conclusive diagnosis for her.
Over the last few months, Jenelle Evans has started to repair her life. She has made several very poor choices, many of them leading to her 13 arrests in the last five years. From drugs to battery charges, Evans has been through the legal system a lot. She now has more to lose than ever, especially if she has to face jail time. Kaiser resides with her full-time, and he would be given to Nathan Griffith while she serves out her sentence. After that, there is no telling if things would remain the same, or if Evans would be able to get her son back. The different outcomes of every situation have been weighing heavily on Evans, and that may have contributed to how she is feeling now.
Several people are worried about Jenelle Evans. She has had mysterious health scares before, some of which have never been fully addressed. Right now, there is no word on a possible diagnosis for Evans, although she did reject the generic anxiety answer the hospital initially gave her. After leaving and returning, the hospital seems to be taking Evans' concerns more seriously. With the weekend approaching, answers may not be readily available. Jenelle Evans may be playing her cards in order to escape facing a jury but if she isn't, there could be something seriously going on with her health.
[Photo by John Parra/Getty Images for GBK Productions]


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The University of Alaska Southeast is pleased to announce that the following esteemed faculty have been selected as this year's Faculty Excellence Award winners.
Excellence in Teaching – Kitty LaBounty, M.S., Assistant Professor of Biology
Assistant Professor Kitty LaBounty from the UAS Sitka Campus has distinguished herself over the past year with excellence in teaching (both local and virtual) and in providing credit and non-credit learning opportunities for both undergraduates and community members. She is a well-respected science educator with over 11 years of teaching experience at the undergraduate level. Over the past year Professor LaBounty has done an outstanding job working effectively with non-traditional, ethnically diverse, and under-prepared students. She has a wonderful gift for getting students of any age excited about science and the natural world. One of her students states, "I so enjoyed taking this class with Professor LaBounty. At first I was anxious, but she ALWAYS had an open door policy and I felt like she does her best to make herself available for questions."
Excellence in Advising – Jeffrey Lofthus, PhD, Associate Professor of Education
Dr. Jeffrey Lofthus is well connected and widely-known in Alaska's educational circles as a faculty member and advisor devoted to student success. In his earlier faculty role with the UAS Educational Leadership Program, he advised many educational professionals seeking to become administrators. In his current faculty role with the UAS Elementary Education program, he is well known for going above and beyond with student advising; devoting countless hours of work and energy in helping undergraduate education students. "Outside of school," says one student, "Dr. Lofthus has become one of my most valued mentors. I know that I can approach him with any question, and he will most definitely find me an answer." This is a common sentiment shared by many of his students, who have obviously benefited greatly from his dedicated advising.
Excellence in Adjunct Instruction –Zachary Jones, Adjunct Instructor of History
Adjunct Professor Zachary Jones and Archivist with the Sealaska Heritage Institute in Juneau, has been teaching special topics history and anthropology courses at UAS since spring of 2010. Students consistently give him highly positive comments for his Archives & Museums: Theory & Practice course and internship program at UAS. Said one student, "Professor Jones really is one of the kindest and most knowledgeable instructors I have had at UAS. His knowledge as a Southeast Alaska historian greatly added to the reading list, which was well selected. I would take his courses again and again." Professor Jones' role as an adjunct faculty member is a very positive expression of ongoing collaboration between UAS and Sealaska Heritage Institute, which focuses on indigenous languages, arts, and cultures of Southeast Alaska.
Excellence in Research – Amanda Sesko, PhD, Assistant Professor of Psychology
Since arriving at UAS in the fall of 2012, Dr. Amanda Sesko has been one of the most productive faculty members in the School of Arts and Sciences in conducting research and publishing her results. This year alone she has published two articles in The Journal of Experimental and Social Psychology. As an experimentally-oriented social psychologist, Dr. Sesko has created her own research lab that provides opportunities for undergraduate students to gain hands on experience conducting interviews. A colleague observes that, "Dr. Sesko works hard not only on her own research, but she also works hard to inspire and instruct students toward developing their own research interests." Dr. Sesko is also actively involved in the UAS Faculty Senate where she is an effective advocate for promoting faculty research and creative expression.
Excellence in Service – Michael Stekoll, PhD, Professor of Chemistry and Biochemistry
Dr. Mike Stekoll is a veteran faculty member whose dedication to excellence and to UAS as an institution is unquestioned. With over 35 years of university service, he has been an energetic leader and a fountain of knowledge for young faculty who need to learn the inner workings of UAS. He served as Faculty Senate President and is recognized as a faculty leader throughout Alaska. He is known for his ability to dissect issues efficiently and correctly—qualities he has repeatedly put to good use on UAS' behalf. In his academic discipline, Dr. Stekoll regularly responds to inquiries from colleagues across Alaska and around the world about the Southeast Alaska marine environment—especially sharing his encyclopedic knowledge of algae and seaweeds and his work in the areas of aquaculture and marine pollution. Dr. Stekoll's career demonstrates the value of faculty service not only to the university but to the broader communities we serve.


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God of War Collection
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Peter Nelis
26 February, 2010
It's not often that we review imports here at Click, indeed the more eagle-eyed amongst you will know that this is the first time we've done it. With no release of the stand-alone God of War Collection scheduled for Europe, and instead only a God of War Trilogy pack being offered when the concluding part of the series is released in March, we have taken it into our own hands to get hold of a copy of this game for those of you who simply can't wait another month to get their fix of ancient Greek chaos.
Sony Computer Entertainment
Bluepoint Games
Release Date:
Age Rating:
It's going to be up to you to figure out how best to apply those basics to defeat enemies, solve some rather clever puzzles and survive some of the most fiendishly taxing pieces of level design ever s
God of War Collection is basically a visually souped up re-release of two of the greatest PlayStation 2 games of all time (namely God of War I and II, in case you hadn't guessed) plus some bonus video content, packaged neatly on a single BluRay. There's not a huge amount of additional content here, but when the two games are this good, that's not really important.
The original God of War introduces us to our protagonist Kratos, a Spartan warrior who offered his life to Greek god of war Ares in exchange for the power and guidance to become among the most feared and brutal men in all of Greece. The story begins with Kratos seemingly committing suicide, distraught as the gods have been unable to rid him of his demons, as he hurls himself from the top of the highest mountain in Greece, before the narrative travels back to the preceding weeks and we can begin playing.
The player is eased into the nuances of the hack & slash gameplay by a rather straightforward opening – it's the usual fare here, with instructions popping up on screen to let you know how to perform all the necessary actions and a reasonable number of fairly straightforward enemies to dispatch – showing you the ropes as it were, but by the final boss battle of this first stage you begin to realise why God of War stood out from the crowd five years ago, and remains to do so even today.
In short, you're going to need to use your head quite a bit in this game. The basics are laid out for you, but it's going to be up to you to figure out how best to apply those basics to defeat enemies, solve some rather clever puzzles and survive some of the most fiendishly taxing pieces of level design ever seen in a game. There are times when you'll want to pull your hair out with frustration, but everything is structured in such a way that if you keep at it you'll succeed eventually, and before things ever reach the point of annoyance.
As you progress through the game, towards a final showdown with Ares, the full story of Kratos is explained via cut scenes and narrative and they provide a compelling backdrop you the wanton on-screen bloodshed. However they also provide the only real flaw in the port. Despite the vastly improved graphics the God of War Collection is let down somewhat by the cut scenes. Running in the higher resolution of the PS3, they look particularly shoddy – in fact the in game graphics actually look better – but it's not really going to affect your enjoyment of either title.
God of War II picks up from the end of the original game, as Kratos has settled into his role as God of War following his defeat of Ares at the end of the first game. For the most part the gameplay is much the same, with a few minor control changes (but like in the first, they're all explained to you early on), and the story is every bit as compelling, but we don't want to spoil any more than we already have so I'll just say that between gameplay, storyline and vastly improved visuals, anyone who owned the originals for the PS2, or is simply looking for something fun and exciting to play really owes it to themselves to buy this game – whether as part of the official European trilogy bundle, or via import. They may be old, but they're every bit as good as they used to be.
God of War Collection
Sony Computer Entertainment
God Of War
God Of War Collection
Bluepoint Games
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Global real estate group Colliers International delivered $US324 million in revenue for the September quarter, up 9 per cent on last year, even allowing for a 3 per cent negative currency impact. In Australia and New Zealand, the revenue was 16 per cent higher, boosted, said chief executive, John Kenny, by "strong sales activity across office, retail, industrial and residential asset classes". Mr Kenny said the firm's residential business on the east coast had "very strong sales activity" from sites sales to project marketing. He also noted strong demand for valuation, advisory and construction services, and even office leasing is not as bad as many think. "Despite the generally negative commentary around the office leasing and industrial markets, we've done the same number of transactions in the year to date in these sectors as we did in the same period last year," Mr Kenny said.
Two historic Sydney landmarks, the Department of Lands building and Department of Education building, on Bridge Street in the CBD, have been designated by the NSW government as tourism assets, ahead of a sale campaign by expressions of interest opening early next year. The two sandstone 19th-century buildings, built in Italian Renaissance Revival style, have been mooted for either residential development or a luxury five-star property since news of their listing broke in July. Competition for the two properties is expected to be hot. "Their location and history makes them extremely attractive as tourism assets. Assets like these rarely become available," the Tourism and Transport Forum chief executive said.
The Australian Financial Review


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Intersections Digital Studios (IDS) is the physical home of research at Emily Carr. It is composed of studios and offices located in the North Building on Granville Island. At street level there are two studios: the Wearables and Interactive Products studio, and the Prototyping + Media + Programming studio. On the second floor, you'll find the Motion Capture and Visualization studio as well as the research department offices (Director of IDS, Associate VP of Research + Industry, Director of S3D Centre, Director of SIM Centre), plus the Career + Cooperative Education office.
The studios give faculty and graduate students access to state of the art digital technologies to develop or enhance projects in all disciplines. These technologies were chosen to bridge digital and material practices and promote collaborations between departments. Examples include 3D scanners, a 3D printer, a CNC machine, a stereoscopic projection system, and a 20 camera Vicon motion capture system.
Access to a facility like IDS allows us to train and educate a new kind of art and design researcher – one whose understanding of technology is informed by a strong sense of aesthetics and ethics. In a field that moves so quickly, and where today's innovations may be obsolete, tomorrow's students and researchers will gain more than just technical skills. They will gain an understanding of the underlying structures that fuel the dynamism between technology and creativity.
IDS occupies a physical space of approximately 10,000 square feet of Emily Carr's Granville Island campus, and offers opportunities for collaborations with industry and other educational institutions.
Contact Director of IDS Maria Lantin (email@example.com) for more information


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Organic sesame and hempseed oils provide the nutritive foundation for our Whiskers. Beard Oil, an anointing preparation which replenishes and balances the moisture quotient in your fair facial fuzz.
Exposure to the elements, smoke, airborne particulate and even daily face-washing can strip the beard's bristles of their natural protective cuticle, rendering the already-coarse hair even more brittle, dry and scratchy.
Their Beard Oil gives your whiskers the everyday protection they probably lack and re-introduces moisture to the hidden skin underneath. Any man who's ever experienced the silent panic and confused embarrassment of flakey beardruff knows the importance of moisturizing! This is especially good for those of you who keep a beard for a long time, as none of us wants to develop scalp-face.
Directions for Use: After a shower or while beard is damp, apply several drops to the palm of your hand (amounts vary based on beard fullness, length and hair texture) then rub into the body of the beard, taking care to fully coat the beard from skin to end.
Ingredients: *Sesame oil,*Hempseed oil, *Jojoba oil,* Argan oil,* West indies bay, *Elemi, * Bergamot, *Cardamom essential oil and vitamin e. *= organic and Vegan friendly
Scent: Red Hook smells like Bay Rum with hints of Cardamom and Citrus. Together these spicy essences create a complex aroma suggestive of cinnamon's swashbuckling older brother.


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Download Adobe Acrobat Reader for Free!!
Welcome to the Download Page
Here you can download all the forms found throughout our site from one convenient location. The forms are available in three different formats. The Adobe Acrobat Reader (PDF) file for printing should be best for almost everyone, but if you have trouble with that format, you can also download the form for Microsoft Word (DOC). You can view as a webpage from the first link in each box.
All forms are current as of July 1, 2007(The first link in each box opens as a web page and can be printed)
C.O.P.E.Counseling Options and Parenting Effectiveness
K.I.D.D.S.Kid's Information in Dealing with Divorce Stress
6th District Court of Appeals
Medical ExpensesAppendix A
Companionship ScheduleAppendix B (effective July, 2007)
Companionship Schedule (Over 150 Miles One Way)Appendix C
Suggested Dissolution EntryAppendix D
Standard Pretrial OrderAppendix E
Support Obligation NoticeAppendix F
Notice of BankruptcyAppendix G
Child Support ComputationCourt Form 1A
Parenting OrderCourt Form 1B
Affidavit of Income and Expenses w/ Supp.Court Form 2 w/ SUPP
Proposal for Temporary OrdersCourt Form 3
Child Custody AffidavitCourt Form 4 (effective July 1, 2007)
Pension Information SheetCourt Form 6
Facsimile Cover PageCourt Form 7
Notice of Filing ExhibitCourt Form 8
A copy of the entire Court RulesLocal Rules(all) Court Rules as of July 1, 2007
Notary InformationHow to Become a Notary Public
Passport InformationHow to apply for a Passport
Public InformationPublic service info
(Auto Title Brochure)
If you experience any problems with this site, please email the webmaster.


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5.0 stars 1 totalReview Keith Schiszik
Posted by anonymous
If you are a potential client with concerns about divorce, your child/children, and/or custody, Keith Schiszik is the attorney of choice. With his expertise, knowledge, help, and support, I felt safe in the potentially hostile environment of depositions and court. I'm incredibly pleased with the legal results, and I owe it all to Keith Schiszik. In addition, he communicates with his client clearly, at a level I can understand, and in a friendly manner. Highly, highly recommended!


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Type of Document Dissertation Author Shen, Li URN etd-10272010-122323 Title Dietary Resistant Starch Improved Maternal Glycemic Control in Goto-Kakizaki Rat Degree Doctor of Philosophy (Ph.D.) Department Human Ecology Advisory Committee
Advisor Name Title Martin, Roy J. Committee Chair Keenan, Michael Committee Member Li, Bin Committee Member Ye, Jianping Committee Member Stephens, Jacqueline M. Dean's Representative Keywords
- resistant starch
- maternal hyperglycemia
Date of Defense 2010-10-06 Availability restricted AbstractTreatment for maternal hyperglycemia is limited on account of safety concerns for fetus. Our previous work has shown that inclusion of resistant starch in the diet decreases body fat accumulation in rodents, increases GLP-1 at both the gene expression level and plasma levels, and improves glucose tolerance in STZ-induced diabetic mice. However, studies concerning dietary resistant starch and maternal hyperglycemia are scarce. In this project, we examined the effects of dietary resistant starch in pregnant Goto-Kakizaki (GK) rats to improve glycemic control.
Animal experiments were conducted to test the hypotheses. In study 1, the female GK rats were randomly grouped to receive an energy control diet or resistant starch diet. The aged matched female Wistar rats were fed with energy control diet, serving as glycemia control. After 10 weeks on assigned diet, all the female rats were mated with male Wistar rats and became pregnant. Fasting glucose concentration and fasting insulin concentration were measured on 16th gestation day. In study 2, the offspring from different dams were fed on chow diet until they reached 8 weeks old. At the end of studies, body fat, food intake, and glucagon-like peptide -1 (GLP-1), pancreatic insulin content, cecum pH, cecal short chain fatty acids levels, cecal butyrate producing bacterial profiles and ß cell mass were measured.
Resistant starch fed GK rats had decreased body fat, improved insulin sensitivity (HOMA-IR), increased cecal short chain fatty acids and butyrate producing bacterial levels, and elevated plasma GLP-1. Also, GK rats on RS diet showed higher beta cell mass compared with EC fed GK rats. Body weight and food intake were not changed by resistant starch. Offspring born to RS fed dams had lower fasting blood glucose and increased pancreatic insulin content. The feeding of RS to pregnant GK rats did not show negative impacts on pup's growth and fetus survival rate. The conclusions are that dietary resistant starch was able to improve maternal hyperglycemia control in pregnant GK rats and decreased fasting glucose of their offspring without negative influences on growth and fetus survival rate.
Filename Size Approximate Download Time (Hours:Minutes:Seconds)
28.8 Modem 56K Modem ISDN (64 Kb) ISDN (128 Kb) Higher-speed Access 1st.pdf 1.10 Mb 00:05:04 00:02:36 00:02:17 00:01:08 00:00:05indicates that a file or directory is accessible from the LSU campus network only.
If you have questions or technical problems, please Contact LSU-ETD Support.


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Benji Radach
King of the Cage: Big Stars, Best Knockouts
Get your fill of mixed martial arts action with this collection featuring an exciting line-up of King of the Cage matches as well exclusive footage. In the two-part "Big Stars" segment, champions from the Spike network's "Ultimate Fighter" series battle other contenders with reckless abandon. Then, in the three-part "Best Knockouts," personalities from KOTC, Pride and the Ultimate Fighting Championship do their worst to each other in the ring.


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Devin O'Leary
Gimme Skelter
Following in his father's footsteps, Charles Manson's bastard son, Phillip Valentine (Billy Garberina), invades a rural community with a gang of bloodthirsty killers, hell-bent on gutting every resident in town. But the villagers know a thing or two about killing, and before the night is over, blood will flow freely in the streets. Scott Phillips directs this chilling gore-fest that also features Gunnar Hansen.


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The Tale of Two Kisses
Love is in spring air — or, at least, on set.
And it has stars are puckering up on camera from Los Angeles, Calif., to Brooklyn, N.Y.. Certifiable Hollywood hunk Zac Efron made a lucky lady out of his costar, actress Halston Sage, as they filmed The Townies, in which he stars as a fraternity boy whose antics affect a local family.
In the scene for the upcoming comedy, Efron, 25, is seen getting into the college party spirit at a Civil War-themed soiree. Donning an army-like jacket and wielding a faux (we hope) sword, the former High School Musical star gives a speak to his fellow school-aged revelers before pulling in Sage for a lusty lip-lock.
Lena Dunham was getting back into her fictional Brooklynite character Hannah while shooting the upcoming third season for her HBO hit series Girls.
After the season two finale saw Hannah reunite with bitter ex-beau Adam (Adam Driver), it seems to the two are still in each other's arms. While shooting a scene in Brooklyn, N.Y., Dunham, 26, and Driver, 29, share a tender smooch on the streets of Greenpoint after he gifts her a necklace for her birthday.
Click through the gallery above to set your pulse racing with more of making-out Efron. You're welcome.


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Our goal is to build a tool that is:
- lightweight (small footprint, fast execution)
- cross-platform (Linux, Windows, Mac OS X, FreeBSD, Solaris)
- dependent only on other Open Source software
New FlameRobin 0.9.3 snapshots for Ubuntu Natty and Debian Sid.
2 May 2011 - Flamerobin 0.9.3 revision 2105 binary snapshots for Debian Sid and Ubuntu 11.10 Oneiric are ready to install and test with quite a few fixes.For other ubuntu releases like Natty use this guide. Enjoy, and please be sure to report any bugs, regressions or suggestions on flamerobin-devel list.
apt-get install subversion
maybe is needed to add the boost devel headers :)
apt-get install libboost-dev
svn co http://flamerobin.svn.sourceforge.net/svnroot/flamerobin/trunk flamerobin_trunk
cd flamerobin_trunk/flamerobin
make -j2
make install


text:
> > However, accessing OPT1 from the LAN fails unless an outbound NAT rule
> > created specifically for it.
> >
> You're missing a firewall rule. You don't need NAT at all to go from
> LAN -> OPT or vice versa, that's just routed according to the routing
> table, as Fred mentioned. If you put in a rule allowing LAN -> OPT1,
> it should work.
Tried that - I couldn't access the wireless LAN from any of my machinse,
except from the m0n0wall box itself.
Once outbound NAT was enabled, it worked.
Could it be because the wireless LAN interface is 80.10.0.x?


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Christmas with the Real Housewives of New Jersey
Tonight's typos brought to you by Mr. Jose Cuervo.
It is Christmas in New Jersey. I get it is hard to carve out a season of television from thousands of hours of footage, but to watch December in July is silly. They need to turn this shit around faster. We begin at Teresa's and I am surprised to see she uses an artificial tree. The smell of a fresh Christmas tree is awesome and these plastic things are lame. I'm Jewish so I don't have a Christmas tree, but if I did it would not be plastic. The fresh forest smell is worth pine needles on the floor.
Teresa is happy to have a quiet Christmas away from the public during her legal troubles. She says it to a camera however, which is funny, as is Milania. Over to Melissa, she also has a fake tree. She's fake, so it makes sense. They are in a rental while building their dream house. Poor girl has to suffer through the nightmare of a rental. What a brave little soldier she is. Time to visit with the new girls. Important to note I am not a fan of the new chicks and not sure I ever will be.
Twins Teresa and Nicole are decorating for the holidays with their parents. They also have a fake tree. What is going on in NJ with the plastic trees? Their mother's name is Santa, which is awesome. Grandpa Sal says tradition is what keeps society alive and points out the Hebrews and Chinese are the only people who have never changed their tradition. It struck me as a very cute thing to say. He is old school Italian and wants the traditions of his family to continue through generations.
Jumping to Amber, she is decorating gingerbread houses and it bugs me she says she has four kids. She has two kids and two step-kids. It is disrespectful to the mother of her stepchildren that she calls them her kids. Knock that shit off. At Dina's she puts a tree out for animals to eat, which is awesome. Interesting that Dina is with her mom Nettie. Nettie never filmed with Caroline. Her sister Fran is there, and she shot with Caroline, so it makes me wonder what exactly is going on.
Back at Teresa's she is talking with Joe about the court issues, in front of their kids. That pisses me off. Juicy is worried and fearful, and I know kids need to know what is happening, but to capture it on film is wrong. These kids need some peace and perhaps if they thought about them a little more when he broke the law, he wouldn't be in so much trouble. Just saying. I'm a fan of Juicy and solidly on Team Teresa, but for them to continue to hurt their kids in this way hurts my feelings as a mother.
Dina is having lunch with Nicole, who thinks they have a lot in common since she is divorced and Dina soon will be. Nicole is more Jersey Shore J Woww than housewife, but whatever. She is probably harmless and hopefully not too annoying. Her voice is a nails on a chalkboard, but she means well. Dina is scared by the changes in her life, and Nicole talks in code about why her marriage ended. She is living back with her parents, which is sad to me, but begs for an opinion to be formed about her ex.
Amber is doing a fire drill with her family because Christmas is dangerous. She's a kook but I love her. She says she survived cancer and September 11th. Really? How did she survive September 11th? I'd like a little clarification on that. Jumping to Melissa, Joe takes her and the kids to see the lot where they are building their house. Melissa admits that she didn't move to keep her kids away from Teresa's but to be closer to Joe's work. Proof Melissa Gorga is a pathological fame whoring liar.
Teresa and Dina come by to see the lot and Melissa and Dina talk nothing while Joe shows Teresa the plans. Teresa tells Joe someone at Costco said they were praying for her and she was touched. Joe says he is not sure what to say about what is happening with the legal stuff. He won't ask her about the case, but is there for her should she want to talk about it. Teresa shares that only Gia knows what is going on with her parents. Teresa and Joe are perfect. Shame about Melissa.
Over with Twin Teresa, she is working on a new restaurant. Her voice is very annoying and fascinating that it is just like her sisters. Twins are weird. Not these twins specifically, but twins in general. There is some guy there to work with her and she is flirting up a storm. Teresa is fond of telling us what rocks her world. Ugh. She is also fond of sharing she is rich. Ugh. Her son Giovanni wants to join the family restaurant business and follow in the footsteps of his father. This family is cute but not cute.
Some chick that works at the restaurant makes a joke about Hitler and we are reminded how ignorant some of these people are. Do not make jokes about Hitler. It is not funny. Dumbass. It is time for a group dinner for the cousins. Melissa, Joe, Kathy, Rich, Teresa, Juicy, and Rosie. Melissa is talking about Teresa like she knows stuff when she knows nothing. I'm not a fan of Kathy and Rich, but love Rosie. Juicy and Tre run late and Juicy is not thrilled about going, but Teresa is happy to be with family.
Rosie says she is praying for Tre and Juicy and I believe her. I don't think Rich or Kathy have good will for them, and I think Melissa is being nice in the event they go to prison and it results in more camera time for her. She is transparent. They share silly gifts and while cute, I'm bored. We jump to dinner at the twins and Poppa Sal is the highlight of this family. The cooking looks great, the prayer from Sal is nice, Teresa's husband is the new Rich, and I am still on the fence with these new chicks.
It is Christmas morning and Tre and Juicy give the girls a dog. Dina is throwing rocks into a creek with Lexi, to encourage their wishes to come true. Nicole gets a wine bottle holder from her boyfriend Bobby. Not good. At Melissa's, she is struggling to put on a good face even though she is living in the squalor of a rental. She is so dumb. Joe feels pressure to build the house fast so his wife can stop bitching. They go to play in the snow and we are reminded Joe is the star of this family.
Tre and Juicy exchange cards and it is heartbreaking to watch them go through this. It was brought on by them of course, but one can still feel compassion. It is taking a long time for the sentencing in their case and it makes me wonder why. There is a clearly a plea deal happening and I can't tell if the show will help or hurt the outcome. Next week things are going to get ugly, which is the New Jersey way. Teresa reportedly got paid 700K for the season, so let's hope she can keep it real.


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By the time then-President George W. Bush made a nationally-televised address from the Oval Office on May 15, 2006, immigration was already one of the most divisive issues in American politics. The Minuteman Project had begun recruiting volunteers in 2004, and they began patrolling America's border with Mexico in April 2005. Although Bush was not able to secure passage of the comprehensive immigration reform legislation he desired, neither were opponents able to enact enforcement-based reform. Instead, the debate has continued, recently focusing upon Arizona's immigration enforcement law, the Supreme Court's review of that law, and President Barack Obama's order that the federal government to halt, under certain conditions, the deportation of certain young illegal immigrants.
Throughout these debates, supporters and opponents of various measures and actions have sought support from any available source. The works and words of America's Founding Fathers have been no exception, and those works and words have proven a fruitful field for partisans on all sides. Alex Nowrasteh of the Competitive Enterprise Institute recently wrote that the 1790 naturalization act "had zero restrictions on immigration. You read that right, the first immigration law in the United States, by the Founders themselves, supported open immigration." Nowrasteh concluded that, if America wanted to follow the Founders, America "would legalize almost all immigration, hearken back to our traditions of individual liberty, and confer vast wealth on Americans…. It is the right thing to do." Muhammad Ali Hasan, the founder of Constitutionalists for Gays and Immigrants and Muslims for Bush, claims that "I believe most Founding Fathers would actively encourage immigration, especially for those who arrived here as innocent minors."
Conversely, advocates or greater immigration controls have sought to appropriate the Founding Fathers for their own purposes. Thomas Woods, the author of Nullification: How to Resist Federal Tyranny in the 21st Century and The Politically Incorrect Guide to American History, writes that "in fact, the Founding Fathers were by and large skeptical of immigration," citing Jefferson, Hamilton, Washington and Rufus King. These conflicting assertions demand a resolution to the question of what America's Founding Fathers really thought about immigration. This article attempts to answer that question with a principled approach, examining their ideas and their actions together. It will examine the Founders' principles and assess how they relate to the immigration question. It will also assess the major legislative actions of the Founding era on immigration, so as to see how those actions were influenced by principles. Both truth and distortion are present in many efforts to enlist the Founding Fathers in the immigration debate; this article seeks to provide a more complete portrait of the Founding Fathers thought and actions on a complex, divisive issue.
The fundamental principles of the American Founding are espoused in numerous public and private documents, but perhaps nowhere more notably than in the Declaration of Independence. The authors and signers of that document assert that "all men are created equal" in their right and duties under "the laws of Nature and of nature's God." The political corollary of the principle of natural equality in the Declaration is the principle of consent. As Jefferson famously noted in the last extant letter of his life that if all men are created equal, then "the mass of mankind has not been born with saddles on their backs, nor a favored few booted and spurred, ready to ride them legitimately, by the grace of God." No one has an inherent right to rule, and no one has an indefeasible obligation to submit to rule. Political obligation is the consequence of the voluntary consent of individuals. The 1780 Massachusetts Constitution holds that "The body-politic is formed by a voluntary association of individuals: It is a social compact." The formation of political society is thus predicated on the assent of those, who will compose the society.
It is on the basis of the Declaration's understanding of consent that Jefferson formulated a radical new conception of the relationship between the British crown and her American colonies. In A Summary View of the Rights of British America, which was adopted by the First Continental Congress, he concluded his review of the founding of the colonies by stating
That settlements having been thus effected in the wilds of America, the emigrants thought proper to adopt that system of laws under which they had hitherto lived in the mother country, and to continue their union with her by submitting themselves to the same common sovereign, who was thereby made the central link connecting the several parts of the empire thus newly multiplied.
The British monarch does not have the right, according to Jefferson, to rule the American colonies by the grace of God, whatever he might claim. His power over them derives from the fact that the American colonists have consented to his rule. The corollary of Jefferson's logic is that, had the colonists not consented, not even the king would have a legitimate claim to rule. Instead of being God's representative on earth, the king is merely the first magistrate of the nation, placed in office and power by laws, which were made by the people. It also follows that, because the colonists have only consented to the rule of the British king, that Parliament has no rightful power over them. They had not given their consent to be ruled by Parliament, but have erected their own legislatures to make laws for them.
The idea that each individual must consent to the government, under which he lives, implies an entirely new relationship between government and the individual. The consent principle is an attack on the English understanding of political obligation, which was a legacy of European feudalism. This older view was clearly expressed by the English jurist Sir Edward Blackstone in his Commentaries on the Laws of England:
Allegiance, both express and implied, is however distinguished by the law into sorts or species, the one natural, the other local; the former being also perpetual, the latter temporary. Natural allegiance is such as is due from all men born within the king's dominions immediately upon their birth. For immediately upon their birth, they are under the king's protection; at a time too, when (during their infancy) they are incapable of protecting themselves. Natural allegiance is therefore a debt of gratitude; which cannot be forfeited, cancelled, or altered, by any change of time, place, or circumstance, nor by anything but the united concurrence of the legislature…. For it is a principle of universal law, that the natural-born subject of one prince cannot by any act of his own, no, not by swearing allegiance to another, put off or discharge his natural allegiance to the former…
Political obligation is derived from the place of one's birth; the individual has no choice in the matter. If one is born in a particular kingdom, one is automatically subject to that rule. He owes allegiance to his lord from birth, because the lord protects him when he is unable to protect himself. He cannot repay that debt in his minority; when he reaches adulthood, James Wilson explains, "he owes obedience, not only for the protection, which he then enjoys, but also for that, which, from his birth, he has enjoyed." The debt is so massive that "nothing but the performance of the duties of citizenship, during a whole life, will discharge." He is a subject for life, unless and until his ruler chooses to release him from his obligation.
The theory of the American Founding stands in direct opposition to the feudal notion of obligation. Jefferson again holds in the Summary View that it is the intent of the colonists
To remind [King George III] that our ancestors, before their emigration to America, were the free inhabitants of the British dominions in Europe, and possessed a right which nature has given to all men, of departing from the country in which chance, not choice, has placed them, of going in quest of new habitations, and of there establishing new societies, under such laws and regulations as to them shall seem most likely to promote public happiness.
Obligation, for Jefferson, is the result of free choice on the part of the individual. One is not bound to a ruler, to whom he has not given his free consent. Thus if an individual chooses to depart from the regime of his birth and to associate with a new one, he has an inherent right to do so. This is not a right of Englishmen under English law, but an inherent right under "the Laws of Nature and of Nature's God." It inheres in all individuals as individuals, simply by virtue of their humanity, and may not be rightfully curtailed and destroyed. The individual only owes allegiance to those, to whom he has freely given his consent.
Under the doctrine of feudal obligation, one is bound from birth to the place where he is born. He owes perpetual allegiance to the ruler of that place in gratitude for the protection he has been given. He is a subject, in the sense that he is involuntarily and perpetually subjected to a lord, and has no choice in the matter. The doctrine of feudal obligation, Wilson notes, leads to a variety of unjust and bizarre applications. Those who are born in one country yet live their entire lives in another, for instance, are treated as rebels by the former if captured by them in war, rather than as legitimate enemy combatants, "and are liable to the punishments ordinarily inflicted on rebels." It also results in the policy of holding certain persons to be permanent alien enemies, simply by virtue of their birth. If they are born to under a non-Christian ruler, for example, then they can never be anything but enemies. This is strange logic, condemning a man, not for his individual actions, but for the accident of his birth: "A man is deemed a dangerous enemy or a suspicious friend…because he is previously deemed an appurtenant or a slave to that country in which he chanced to be born." Feudal obligation condemns a man as an enemy because he was forced to serve an enemy master without his consent.
Under the natural law principle of consent, an individual has the right to choose the regime that will govern him, even if that means removing himself from the land of his birth. The consent principle means that the individual is not a subject but a citizen, with inherent rights that exist independently of his land or birth, and that as a citizen he cannot be involuntarily bound to any political rule. The liberty to choose one's regime and one's rulers separates subjects from citizens.
This concept of consent prevailed in the United States for many decades after the American Founding. In framing the Fourteenth Amendment, which guaranteed citizenship to "All persons born or naturalized in the United States, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof," the amendment's authors and sponsors believed that they were expunging a relic of European feudalism. The nature of political obligation under American chattel slavery very closely resembles European feudal obligation. Slaves were bound from birth to a master, and could only be released from their obligation with the master's assent. They sought to transform subjects, slaves in this case, into citizens. The author of the citizenship clause and its supporters consciously and vocally rejected the doctrine of feudal obligation. One representative "expressed the general sense of the Congress when he concluded that '[i]t is high time that feudalism were drive from our shores and eliminated from our law, and now is the time to declare it.'" The author of the citizenship clause, Senator Jacob Howard of Ohio, affirmed that "the right of expatriation…is inherent and natural in man as man."
The feudal concept of obligation did not return to American law until the Supreme Court's 1898 ruling in U.S. v. Wong Kim Ark. In this case the Supreme Court concluded that the Fourteenth Amendment conferred automatic citizenship on all persons born on American territory. This decision, both Erler and John C. Eastman persuasively argue, resurrected the feudal notion that citizenship is tied to the soil, and that one is automatically bound to the place of one's birth. Wong Kim Ark rejects the principle of consent and maintains that citizenship is the product of one's birth. The idea of "birthright citizenship" is now widely accepted as the proper interpretation of the Constitution. Citizenship in the United States is once again defined by the location of one's birth. Under the title of "birthright citizenship" the feudal concept of obligation has defined American citizenship ever since, but in defiance of the Founders' constitutionalism.
In arguing that the principles of the American Founding conferred a right to emigrate from the land of one's birth, one should not make the mistake of assume that the principle of consent also conferred an inherent right to immigrate to any place of one's choosing. If "all men are created equal" then consent must be reciprocal among the parties involved. Return to the 1780 Massachusetts Constitution: "The body-politic is formed by a voluntary association of individuals: It is a social compact, by which the whole people covenants with each citizen, and each citizen with the whole people, that all shall be governed by certain laws for the common good." Every member of a political community must consent to live, not just with the laws of that political community, but with the other members of the community. Failure to do so would mean that no political community is formed between the parties.
Wilson describes the social contract as "an assemblage equal, in number, to the number of individuals who form the society; and that, to each of those agreements, a single individual is one party, and all the other individuals of the society are the other party." Just as the individual must consent to live within the community, the community must consent to the membership of each individual. Once this is accomplished, each of the contracting parties becomes a citizen. Wilson maintains that a citizens is one "who acts a personal or a represented part of the legislation of his country. He has other right; but his legislative I consider as his characteristick right." All human beings possess natural rights, but as a party to the social contract that forms a people, a citizen is distinguished by his power to participate in the political decision-making of that nation. He has a right to share in rule, but he obtains this share only by virtue of his consenting to the social contract, and the fact that the other parties to the contract have consented to his having a share in this rule.
It follows from this theory of consent that the whole people must consent to each individual's membership in that society. As Gouverneur Morris argued in the Convention, "every society from a great nation down to a club had the right of declaring the conditions on which new members should be admitted." The United States Constitution grants to Congress the power "to establish an uniform Rule of Naturalization." The people have delegated to Congress the power to fix the terms under which America will consent to an immigrant become a member of the American political community. If the immigrant wishes to become a citizen and chooses to abide by those conditions, then citizenship shall be conferred upon him. The American people are collectively represented by their government, which speaks for them, through the law, in deciding who shall be admitted as a new member of the political community.
Mutual or reciprocal consent is dictated by the principle of natural equality. If an immigrant can successfully impose himself on a political community, in violation of its laws, then the relation between the immigrant and the community is not a relationship of equals. The immigrant is establishing himself as the rightful superior, as he has the power to dictate, unilaterally, the terms of the contract between himself and the community, without the community's consent. It is the functional equivalent, to use a parallel example, of entering a stranger's home, handing him an arbitrary sum of money (or perhaps none at all), and moving into his home. If the home is to be sold, or the interloper permitted to lodge there, the owner must consent to the transaction. If he does not, there is no agreement, and the interloper has no right to remain. Legitimate political contracts, like business contracts (of which home purchases are an example), must be based on the free assent of all parties to the contract. They presume equality between the parties, and anything less than mutual consent is simply an act of force, not free consent.
Moreover, refusal to admit a person into a political community does not constitute a violation of his rights. A person who is denied entrance into a country is not denied any inherent natural right. He is perfectly free to go elsewhere, or even to form his own political community, and to take any necessary and proper measures to secure his own rights. Consider Madison's comments on the unusual situation created by the non-simultaneous ratification of the new Constitution by the several states in Federalist 43. What it one or more states refused to ratify? What would be the relationship between the nation under the Constitution and the refractory states? This was not a speculative question: at the time Federalist 43 was published two states, North Carolina and Rhode Island, had failed to ratify. Madison held that "although no political relation can subsist between the assenting and dissenting states, yet the moral relations will remain uncancelled. The claims of justice…must be fulfilled; the rights of humanity must in all cases be duly and mutually respected." The various parties, though not connected by contract, will still be bound by "the Laws of Nature and of nature's God," and must therefore respect each other's rights. There is no thought, however, of compelling any party to submit, or that any party's rights are violated by failure to enter into a contract. While the Founders' principles contain a right to emigrate from one's native country, those principles do not confer an inherent right to immigrate to any particular political community.
According to the Declaration consent is essential, but the purpose of government is "to secure these rights," that is, the rights of the people who are members of the community formed for that purpose. Madison asserted that "the great desideratum" of government is "To secure the public good, and private rights…and at the same time to preserve the spirit and form of popular government." Jefferson would concur, stating in his First Inaugural Address "that though the will of the majority is in all cases to prevail, that will to be rightful must be reasonable; that the minority possess their equal rights, which equal law must protect, and to violate would be oppression." Government must operate by the consent of the governed, but it must also secure the rights of all people. Under many of the state governments of the 1770s and 1780s, the Founders gained first-hand experience in consensual government that did not secure rights, and they meant not to repeat it under the Constitution.
Not only do the Founders' principles confer a right to restrict immigration, they also confer an obligation to do so under certain circumstances. As a self-governing regime, America must be particularly concerned about the character and beliefs of its citizens. As George Washington famously told the Hebrew Congregation of Newport, Rhode Island, citizenship is not a free gift of rights without responsibilities. In order to enjoy one's natural rights, "the United States…requires only that they who live under its protection should demean themselves as good citizens in giving it on all occasions their effectual support." Americans must support the regime and its principles. As Madison notes, however, "Public opinion sets bounds to every government, and is the real sovereign in every free one." Public opinion, that is, the beliefs of Americans, must be on the side of Founding principles. If they are not, then the government based on those principles cannot endure. Regardless of the language of the Constitution, if the American people do not believe in limited self-government and equal liberty, then they are unsustainable.
Not only must Americans share a common set of fundamental political principles, they must also be possessed of a certain character. Madison asserts in Federalist 55 that "As there is a degree of depravity in mankind, which requires a certain degree of circumspection and distrust, so there are other qualities in human nature, which justify a certain portion of esteem and confidence. Republican government presupposes the existence of these qualities in a higher degree than any other form." Political self-government is impossible in the absence of personal self-government. Americans must possess the characteristics of self-governing citizens. The 1776 Virginia Declaration of Rights, itself a model for the Declaration of Independence and a representative sample of the Founders' thinking, proclaimed "That no free government, or the blessings of liberty, can be preserved to any people but by a firm adherence to justice, moderation, temperance, frugality, and virtue, and by frequent recurrence to fundamental principles." Among these are self-control, or respect for the rights of others, and self-assertion, or the willingness to assert and defend one's own rights. A people, which does not have these characteristics will be incapable of correctly identifying their own rights, incapable of living with others in peace, and unwilling to protect their rights from encroachment.
To promote proper beliefs and moral character, the Founding Fathers place an enormous emphasis on the education of children. The Northwest Ordinance actively sought to promote education, declaring that "Religion, morality, and knowledge, being necessary to good government and the happiness of mankind, schools and the means of education shall forever be encouraged." Some states, like Massachusetts and New Hampshire, made provision in their constitutions for moral and religious instruction. The commissioners appointed to fix the site of the University of Virginia, among them Jefferson and Madison, reported that among the purposes of even the most basic education were "To improve by reading, his morals and faculties; To understand his duties to his neighbors and country…; To know his rights; to exercise with order and justice those he retains; to choose with discretion the fiduciary of those he delegates, and to notice their conduct with diligence, with candor, and judgment." The education of youth was essential to the republican project. The republic had, and has, an active interest in developing citizens who are capable of political self-government.
Immigrants present a different, yet related challenge. Many immigrants will come to the United States as adults, with fully-formed ideas about politics, which were decisively shaped by their native regimes. Jefferson states that we have "peculiar" principles, by which he means "a combination of the freest principles of the English constitution, with other derived from natural right and natural reason. To these nothing can be more opposed than the maxims of absolute monarchies." Many will come to the United States as refugees from tyranny, but tyranny will have shaped their ideas about politics. They are unlikely to have learned either how to live peaceably, respecting the rights of others, or how to be vigilant in the assertion and defense of their own rights. They are unlikely even to have a clear idea about the meaning and content of rights themselves.
Admitting persons who are not prepared poses a fundamental problem for the American experiment. Jefferson continues: "They will bring with them the principles of the governments they leave, imbibed in their early youth; or, if able to throw them off, it will be in exchange for an unbounded licentiousness, passing, as is usual, from one extreme to another. It would be a miracle were they to stop precisely at the point of temperate liberty." Having no experience with, or understanding of, liberty, it will be difficult for immigrants to conduct themselves in a manner befitting a free citizen of a republic. They will either continue to be servile, lacking in self-assertion or, freed from the shackles of tyranny for the first time, will exceed the proper bounds of republican liberty and act licentiously, lacking in self-control. If they are admitted as citizens, "they will share with us the legislation." In sufficient quantities, they could undermine the free character of the republic, thereby endangering the rights of all. In such a situation, the government would be derelict in its primary responsibility, "to secure these rights."
The problem of the potential effects of large-scale immigration was a concrete problem, with which the Founders had actual experience. For instance, during the 1750s, Benjamin Franklin expressed great concern regarding the massive influx of German immigrants into Pennsylvania. Franklin laments that Pennsylvania "will in a few Years become a German Colony. Instead of their Learning our Language, we must learn theirs, or live as in a foreign country." Washington was also concerned about the isolation that differences of language bred. He told his Vice President that "the advantage of [immigration and settlement] taking place in a body (I mean the settling of them in a body) may be much questioned; for, by so doing, they retain the Language, habits, and principles (good or bad) which they bring with them." The Founders worried that large numbers of immigrants, isolated by linguistic differences, would have a dangerous effect on policy and the character of the regime. They could exercise of controlling influence in policymaking, and use it to the detriment of the Founders' principles of public good and individual rights.
Concern about the character and beliefs of immigrants was not, however, the sole factor governing the Founders' minds on immigration. America's perception of herself as an asylum for the oppressed of the world did not being with "The New Colossus" the famous poem by Emma Lazarus that adorns the Statue of Liberty. Thomas Paine depicted America as a refuge in his popular and influential pamphlet Common Sense. The poet-turned-Jeffersonian editor Philip Freneau waxed poetic about the subject in 1784, writing
From Europe's proud, despotic shoresHither the stranger takes his way,And in our new found world exploresA happier soil, a milder sway,Where no proud despot holds him down,No slaves insult him with a crown.
Americans believed that a land of free men, with no kings and no slaves, would be a beacon to all who longed for freedom. Perhaps no one held this view more prominently than George Washington, who repeatedly described America in these terms. Washington told a group of Irish refugees that "The bosom of America is open to receive not only the Opulent and respectable Stranger, but the oppressed and persecuted of all Nations and Religions." To an immigrant Mennonite minister he declared that he "had always hoped that this land might become a safe and agreeable Asylum to the virtuous and persecuted part of mankind, to whatever nation they might belong." Jefferson articulated a nearly identical theme in 1795. These men sought to portray America as a refuge where the oppressed of the world could go and live in freedom.
Many foreigners came to a similar conclusion about America's potential. Those that emigrated often wrote of their experiences for European audiences. The French-born immigrant J. Hector St. John de Crèvecoeur, in his Letters from an American Farmer, praised the political liberty and economic prosperity of America, saying
Europe contains hardly any other distinctions but lords and tenants; this fair country alone is settled by freeholders, the possessors of the soil they cultivate, members of the government they obey, and the framers of their own laws, by means of their reprsentatives…. It is here that the idle may be employed, the useless become useful, and the poor become rich.
The English expatriate Joseph Priestley wrote to a friend in 1796 that "Every account I have from England makes me think myself happy in this peaceful retirement, where I enjoy almost everything I can wish in this life, and where I hope to close it…. The advantages we enjoy in this country are very great." Works like these and numerous others fueled the perception that America was a desirable destination for political, as well as economic reasons.
The willingness to admit foreigners into the country is reflected in the laws enacted during the Founding era. The Articles of Confederation made no provision immigration and naturalization, except to declare that "the free inhabitants of each of these states…shall be entitled to all privileges and immunities of free citizens of the several states." Immigration and naturalization were thus left to the states. In Notes on the State of Virginia, Jefferson reports that, in order to become a citizen of Virginia in the 1780s, one only needed to be a resident and swear an oath of loyalty. The legal commentator St. George Tucker notes that Virginia, Vermont and Pennsylvania affirmed the right of emigration.
The aforementioned arrangement in the Articles of Confederation, however, created a serious problem. Each state had its own naturalization laws, but each state was also required to extend the privileges and immunities of their own state to any citizen of any other state. The result, Madison lamented, was that "An alien therefore legally incapacitated for certain rights in [one state], may by previous residence in [a second state], elude his incapacity; and thus the law of one State, be preposterously rendered paramount to the law of another, within the jurisdiction of the other." The solution, Madison argued, was the provision in the Constitution giving Congress power "to establish an uniform Rule of Naturalization." One uniform rule would prevent abuses of state laws whereby people might become citizens of a state with liberal naturalization laws, and then move to a more desirable state which had stricter naturalization laws. This clause was included in the Constitution without any debate in the Convention.
No federal law enacted under the Constitution placed any restriction on who could migrate to the United States; restrictions were only codified when it came to the question of citizenship. The Founders sought to define the terms under which one would be permitted to become a full member of the political community. Even then the standards varied. The first federal naturalization law passed by Congress under the Constitution required two years' residency in the United States, one year's residency in the state, wherein he is applying for citizenship, an oath of loyalty, and that the applicant be a "free white person." Subsequent statutes increased the length of time to as much as 14 years, but by 1802 Congress settled on the five year residency requirement that persists to this day. No other restrictions were imposed.
The most important policy pursued by the Founding Fathers was absence of an affirmative policy. The failure of the immigrant settlement at Gallipolis in the Scioto River valley "ended all hopes of large-scale land promotion in Europe…as a promising method of peopling the vacant West." Whatever Hamilton may have mused in his Report on Manufactures, America offered no incentives to particular professions for immigration. Washington believed that such persons would need no positive encouragement, and therefore saw no need to provide it. Franklin told prospective European immigrants that "With Regard to Encouragements for Strangers from Government, they are really only what are derived from good Laws & Liberty." America is a place where noble birth is not regarded and where government jobs do not abound. "In short," he concluded, "America is the Land of Labour." This policy would discourage those who would come to America hoping to live a life of ease at public expense, while encouraging those who wanted to work. This was crucial, for according to Franklin "Industry and constant Employment are great Preservatives of the Morals and Virtue of a Nation." The opportunity to labor freely, in a land where honest labor is honorable, would be incentive enough for the type of immigrant America hoped to attract: industrious and virtuous.
The near-total lack of restrictions on immigration, coupled with the lack of affirmative incentive to immigrate, meant that actual immigration was largely driven by events and policies beyond America's shores. For instance, the abatement of hostilities culminating in the Treaty of Amiens in 1802 was coupled with crop failures and the attempt to manage those failures, "and as a result the summer of 1801 beheld a phenomenally heavy immigration." Conversely, Britain in 1803 passed the Passenger Act passed a law restricting the number of migrants that could be carried on one vessel, which slowed immigration rates. So too did the British efforts to prevent skilled artisans from leaving the British Isles in order to protect Britain's industrial superiority. The War of 1812 effectively ended all immigration from Europe for the duration of the war.
The one event that had the most dramatic effect on immigration, and on American attitudes toward immigration and naturalization was the French Revolution. The Revolution, which had initially drawn the approbation of almost all prominent Americans, eventually became a litmus test for party affiliation, with Republicans supportive and Federalists suspicious of events in France. By 1793 the majority Federalists began to express grave doubts about the French Revolution. Gouverneur Morris, then in France, noted in his diary on October 21, 1789 that "Paris is perhaps as wicked a spot as exists. Incest, murder, bestiality, fraud, rapine, oppression, baseness, cruelty; and yet this is the city which has stepped forward in the sacred cause of liberty." Hamilton described revolutionary France in 1793 as "a state of things the most cruel sanguinary and violent that ever stained the annuals of mankind" and lamented the "gloomy persecuting and desolating atheism" of the revolution. These concerns materialized in the 1795 naturalization law, which increased the residency requirement from two years to five. As America moved rapidly toward open war with France in 1798, Congress again raised the residency requirement, this time to fourteen years. When President Jefferson called for the elimination of the residency requirement in 1802 Congress demurred. The requirement was returned to five years, but it was retained.
This is not to say that America did nothing to restrict immigration by law. The Constitution permitted Congress to abolish the slave trade effective January 1, 1808, a power which Congress exercised to the fullest. The indentured servant trade, which had survived Revolution and the War of 1812, was devastated when Congress passed its own Passenger Act in 1819 and never recovered. Third, the Immigration Act of 1790 restricted naturalization to "free white" persons. The clause was not debated by the First Congress, nor did subsequent Congresses consider the issue when they repealed or amended American naturalization law. There is thus no direct evidence in the legislative history to support the conclusion that mere animus, or any other factor, motivated their action. It is possible, however to consider this provision through the arguments elaborated herein. Americans had no experience with African regimes, could not determine with certainty those regimes, like many European despotisms, were incompatible with liberty. Finally, the same prudential need for accommodation that drove the Constitution's compromises over slavery may have induced Congress to compromise on this subject. Some Americans harbored doubts about the capacity of blacks for self-government, and were unwilling to risk their own liberty in what they would have considered an experiment. Moreover, new African immigrants would be surrounded by enslaved Africans, whose loyalty was (justifiably) suspect. Southerners lived in perpetual fear of slave revolt in general, and, in particular, of slave revolts led by free blacks. Finally, as West notes, "nothing in the Founders' principles had to be changed for blacks to be admitted to full citizenship, as they were after the Civil War." The "free white person" language of the 1790 was a prudential response to the particular situation that faced America at that time. The Civil War overcame that situation, and made it possible for America to bring their policy more closely into line with their principles, which they did with the Fourteenth Amendment.
The United States government did not keep record of immigration statistics before 1820, so it is difficult to ascertain the results of these policies with precision. In 1872 the U.S. Bureau of Statistics concluded that immigration to the United States from 1790 to 1815 was slightly less than a quarter of a million. The immigration historian Maldwyn Allen Jones uses the 250,000 number for the period 1783-1815, and no new evidence has materialized to challenge these claims. The U.S. Census for 1790 holds that America's population at that time was 3,929,326, so that the crudest of calculations reveals that immigrants for the quarter-century beginning in 1790 represented approximately 6-7% of America's 1790 population. The primary sources of immigration to the United States during this period were Great Britain, Ireland, France, Holland, Germany, and Switzerland. This data suggests, first, that Americans were willing to act on their principles, allowing foreigners to migrate and become citizens. Second, it reveals that, relative to the total population of the United States in 1790, a fairly significant number did so.
With all of this information, it would be intellectually dishonest simply to appropriate the Founding Fathers for either the restrictionist or open-borders positions. Jefferson, while worried about the character of the regime, held that "If they come of themselves, they are entitled to all the rights of citizenship." Franklin, concerned about mass immigration in Pennsylvania, nevertheless admitted that
Yet I am not for refusing entirely to admit them into our Colonies: all that seems to be necessary is, to distribute them more equally, mix them with the English, establish English schools where they are now too thick settled, and take some care to prevent the practice lately fallen into by some of the Ship Owners, of sweeping the German Goals to make up the number of their Passengers. I say I am not against the Admission of Germans in general, for they have their Virtues, their industry and frugality are exemplary; They are excellent husbandmen and contribute greatly to the improvement of the Country.
Washington adopted a similar position. In the same paragraph that he voiced concerns about mass immigration, he concluded that "Whereas by an intermixture with our people, they, or their descendants, get assimilated to our customs, measures, and laws: in a word, soon become one people." The Founders' general position on immigration was one of assimilation, facilitated by dispersion of immigrants among the general population and adoption of the English language.
Symbolic of the Founders' belief in assimilation was the requirement in all the naturalization legislation passed in the first years of the Constitution, that naturalized citizens swear an oath to support the Constitution of the United States. This requirement was strengthened in the 1795 naturalization law, so that a naturalized citizen must declare in court that "he doth absolutely and entirely renounce and abjure all allegiance and fidelity to every foreign prince, potentate, state or sovereignty whatever, and particularly by name, the prince, potentate, state or sovereignty, whereof he was before a citizen or subject." This absolute renunciation had to be preceded by a declaration in a court of competent jurisdiction, at least three years previous to becoming of citizen, making the same renunciation. The requirement of absolute renunciation of all other loyalties was retained in the 1798 and 1802 naturalization laws.
The Founders would seem to reject the modern concept of "dual citizenship"; one can only be a citizen of one regime. One's entire loyalty must be placed in a single regime, to the exclusion of all others. The Founders policy was a substantial success. As the immigration historian Robert Feer notes, "The German immigrants and their descendants were tenacious of their native language, but their intransigence can be and has been exaggerated." Despite Franklin and Washington's concerns about immigrants, it soon became clear that assimilation was proceeding with acceptable, though not uniform speed. Jones reports that "The decline of the French, Swedish, and Welsh tongues was already far advanced before the Revolution…. [B]y 1815 the public use of Dutch and German was decidedly on the wane." Over time, politics, economics, and distance separated groups like the Germans from the homelands, clearing the way for full assimilation.
Matthew Spalding, in an excellent essay in Policy Review, makes precisely this argument. Spalding asserts that the Founders were "torn" between their belief in America as a refuge for the oppressed and their concern for the character of immigrants. He asserts that "The Founders resolved this problem by insisting on the rapid assimilation of newcomers. Men and women would be free to come to America from every country in the world, but only if they became Americans." They had to adopt American virtues and political principles, so that they truly became part of the American regime. By becoming one with America in principles, differences of national origin and ethnicity would be overcome.
This was the policy of the Founders, but is it appropriate for our time? In considering this question, two factors must be considered. First, immigration to America during the Founding era was fairly small, and was interrupted by periods in which little to no immigration took place. Maldwyn Allen Jones notes that "The limited scale of immigration during the first generation of national independence enabled those immigrants who had still been imperfectly assimilated at the time of the Revolution to take a long stride toward Americanization." The old customs and loyalties were not refreshed by new arrivals from the Old World, so immigrants began to lose their connection to that world. Americans principles and practices would fill that void. American immigration policy assumed its current contours in 1965; since then, large-scale immigration has proceeded almost apace. The country has undergone no periods of light immigration that would put some distance between recent immigrants and their homelands, the kind of distance that might facilitate assimilation. Constant infusions of new immigrants have served to maintain connections and contact with those homelands.
More importantly, the American Founding was a time when the great body of the populace was united upon, and strongly devoted to, Founding principles. New arrivals in the United States would be immersed in an environment where Founding principles were pervasive and widely accepted. America's commitment to those principles today is tenuous at best. As Ron Lipsman very aptly observes
It is not that the new immigrant is from Latin America or Asia or the Middle East instead of Europe; it is not that he speaks Spanish instead of German or French; it is not that his work ethic is weaker than those of previous immigrants – it's not; and it is not that she is not steeped in American history – my grandmothers couldn't distinguish John Adams from Samuel Adams. It is that we the people, or at least a sizeable segment of us, have lost faith in our own ideals. You cannot inculcate newcomers into your way of life if you no longer subscribe to its tenets.
America's immigration problem is not with immigrants, but with Americans. In order for the Founders' policies to be intelligible and effective, America must return to the Founders' principles of justice. If America is not based on those principles, then it is like the other nations, and the idea of America as an asylum becomes muddled and incoherent. If we accept feudal obligation and its modern incarnation, birthright citizenship, then the ideas of government by consent and the right to emigrate become obscured. If we forget that consent is reciprocal and that the purpose of government is to protect the inalienable natural rights of its citizens, then the right and duty to restrict immigration and naturalization becomes nothing an expression of racism and nativism. If we forget our heritage as a refused for the virtuous and oppressed of the world, then we lose a significant part of what makes America exceptional. If we deny all these things, then the very idea of assimilation becomes incomprehensible.
America cannot be a refuge for the oppressed if it refuses to allow for immigration, but America today cannot effectively absorb new immigrants and retain those characteristics that make it exceptional. The elements of America's original understanding of immigration have been brought into conflict. There is only one way for America to reconcile American exceptionalism with the preservation of that exceptionalism. The key to resolving the immigration problem is for Americans to re-adopt the principles of the American Founding as their first principles and as the best practical guide for their politics and policy.
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Maher: 'You Have to Really Be Smart' to Get On My Show
Bill Maher may have said one of the dumbest – and therefore funniest! – things ever to come out of his mouth Friday.
Appearing on CNN's Stroumboulopoulos, Maher said, "You have to really be smart" to get on his HBO Real Time show (video follows with transcript and commentary):
BILL MAHER: Politically Incorrect was fun for what it was, but it was a designed train wreck.
GEORGE STROUMBOULOPOULOS, HOST: How do you mean?
MAHER: First of all, it was on five nights a week, four guests. That's 20 people who are talking about politics. Well, there aren't 20 people in America who know about politics let alone that I could get on my show.
The show we do now is once a week. It's truly for smart people, not just the ones who are like "Oh, I could fake it if I watch Politically Incorrect." This is a real A-list kind of panel that's really smart, and, you know, there's many fewer celebrities. We used to have a lot of celebrities. All you had to do to get on Politically Incorrect was be breathing and have some sort of fame. Real Time you have to really be smart.
Obviously, Maher must be excluding himself considering some of the really dumb things he's said:
Bill Maher: Reagan Is 'The Man Most Responsible For Our Decline'
Maher: 'The Pope's an Atheist'
Maher: 'If You're Rich You Should be Begging the Government to Redistribute Your Wealth'
Maher: Rapists Go Into the Military For Same Reason Predators Go Into the Catholic Church
Maher: Benghazi Was a 'Riot' Possibly Sparked by an Anti-Muslim Movie
Readers are advised that those are from just the last five weeks, one of which he was off!
You were saying, Bill!


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Eric shares his feelings with his new muse.
Brooke can't shake memories of the rape.
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She acts, she sings, she composes, she rocks!
One Life to Live's Ilene Kristen and I go way back. She debuted as Roxy Balsom, the loveable, outlandish, salon stylist and mom to Rex and Natalie in 2001, and she graciously granted us an interview shortly thereafter.We've since kept in touch, either by phone or email over the years. Soapdom is always delighted to share news
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This article is to serve two purposes:
1. Update the timeline of events surrounding Longwei Petroleum for investors and readers.
2. Update outlook on the company's future.
I first wrote about Longwei Petroleum (LPH) right after The GeoInvesting team posted an article here on Seeking Alpha comprised of some of the most furious DD this author has ever seen. GeoInvesting started by introducing Longwei to the public:
Longwei is reportedly engaged in the wholesale distribution of finished petroleum products in the People's Republic of China (the "PRC"). LPH's headquarters are located in Taiyuan, Shanxi Province, adjacent to and overlooking its Taiyuan fuel storage facility. LPH has a reported fuel storage capacity of 220,000 metric tons located at three storage facilities within Shanxi: Taiyuan, Gujiao and Huajie, which it claims have individual storage capacities of approximately 50,000 metric tons ("mt"), 70,000mt, and 100,000mt, respectively.
They concluded through their due diligence that Longwei was fraudulent on almost every aspect of their business and wrote:
Unfortunately for owners of LPH stock, we have determined that the company's purported business operations are massively overstated and a brazen fraud, on an order of magnitude unmatched before by any China-based companies we have seen.
At the time, LPH stock had been trading at some of its highest points as a company, near $2.50/share. After the article was posted, the stock made a beeline to $0.62/share, where it has sat, halted, since then:
The Timeline of Events
December 3, 2012 - Longwei hits an all-time high of $2.85/share.
January 3, 2013 - GeoInvesting releases their initial article, systematically dismantling LPH from the inside out. LPH subsequently halted at $0.62/share.
January 11, 2013 - Longwei releases their own copy of security video, that I comment on in my first article:
Emerging from their seven day silence, with their King Solomon-like first-response to the real first response, Longwei released yesterday what they claim to be their security videos of the same area that GeoInvesting claims to have had cameras on, and -- guess what -- it shows a completely different number of tankers in and around the area at the time in question. Both of these videos, provided by Longwei, show workers in and around tankers pulling up to a docking station. They show workers pointing to things in the docking station, milling around the tankers while they're stopped, and sticking the tankers to take measurements.
January 17, 2013 - My first article, pondering which of these two parties has been brazenly disingenuous, is published.
What Has Happened Since My Last Article
January 11-19th - Class action lawyers smell blood and start to fire off multiple PR's fishing for investors that lost significant amounts of money in LPH.
January 30th, 2013 - GeoInvesting releases another article with China Central Television investigating the action at the Longwei plant. The results they find align with the fraud claims put forth by The Geo Team. The video includes them touring the facility, noting the growth of weeds on their rail spur, and speaking with locals who claim they don't see much going on on-site.
February 1, 2013 - LPH files Form 8-K announcing two Board of Directors resigning.
February 26, 2013 - The company receives a non-compliance notice from NYSE and continues to half-assedly defend itself by saying:
As previously stated, Longwei believes the Geo Investing report dated January 3, 2013 contains numerous errors of facts, misleading speculations and malicious interpretations of events. Nevertheless, in order to provide the highest level of transparency to its shareholders, the Company and its legal counsel in the U.S. and the PRC, as well as its auditor are reviewing the allegations and management is cooperating with the review process. The Company intends to take further action to defend itself.
March 11, 2013 - Longwei PR announcing a delist from NYSE with the same defense as listed above.
It is looking less and less like the timed silence by Longwei executives is going to be for something like a full scale 3rd party audit; which could really be about the only thing that could save this company at this point. It becomes harder and harder to mount a defense for the company without something like an objective outside audit of production and staff.
It has now been over three full months since the original article was published and nary a word has been muttered by Longwei executives. Two Directors have resigned and class action suits loom. No 3rd party audits of production have been performed. If the chance presents itself and there are shares to borrow, a short upon re-trading could be extremely lucrative.
If you're new to China-based US stock scams, this has the potential to serve as the mother of all cases - so review the facts and pay close attention to how it's done. In the rare event that LPH trade again, presumably it will be on the OTC Market, where corruption and fraud are brazen. Tons of questions still loom here and aside from having a show to watch, it is in the opinion of this investor to stay as far away from LPH as possible.
Disclosure: I have no positions in any stocks mentioned, and no plans to initiate any positions within the next 72 hours. I wrote this article myself, and it expresses my own opinions. I am not receiving compensation for it (other than from Seeking Alpha). I have no business relationship with any company whose stock is mentioned in this article.


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F. H. Batacan
F. H. Batacan or Maria Felisa H. Batacan is a writer and journalist who has won various literary awards for her first novel "Smaller and Smaller Circles." She is currently based in Singapore.
F. H. Batacan worked for the academe before moving to journalistic work. Since that turning-point, she has proceeded to a career in mass media, serving as producer and writer for current affairs shows in television networks.
In 1996, she was chosen as a fellow to the Dumaguete National Writers Workshop.
She won her first Palanca Award in 1998, a Third Prize for Short Story for "Door 59." In 1999, her novel "Smaller and Smaller Circles" won the Palanca Awards Grand Prize for a Novel. The novel was published by UP Press in 2002.
After winning a Palanca Award for her novel, she moved to Singapore and has been working there ever since; first, as a business journalist for a major daily, and currently, as the news editor of a radio station. She joined the Singapore Writers' Festival in 2005 as Philippine representative.
- Palanca Award Third Prize for Short Story, 1998- "Door 59"
- Palanca Awards Grand Prize for Novel in English, 1999 - "Smaller and Smaller Circles"
- Manila Critics Circle National Book Award, 2002 - "Smaller and Smaller Circles"
- Madrigal-Gonzales Best First Book Award, 2003 - "Smaller and Smaller Circles"
External Links
- Palanca Awards Archive (Accessed May 15, 2008)
- Palanca Awards Archive 1999 (Accessed May 15, 2008)