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The prehistoric cultures of Oklahoma may be divided into three classes as to time, namely; (1) Ancient, dating back two thousand
or more years; (2) Mediaeval, probably dating back from seven to fifteen centuries; and (3)Recent, dating back from the beginning
of the historical period to three or four centuries.
As yet, comparatively little has been accomplished in the determination of the scope and extent of the Ancient Period. Traces
of very ancient human occupancy and activities have been found in numerous parts of the state, though, as a rule, such discoveries
have been so rarely made and so remotely conected, if at all, as to afford small basis of correlation, and it is not possible
to draw much if any in the way of definite conclusions as to age or cultural identities. Among the most ancient of these might
be mentioned the discovery of certain mortars, or metates, from the lower levels of the extensive gravel pit at Frederick,
Tillman County, together with specimens of chipped chert. This gravel pit is pronounced by geologists to be an extinct river
bed, which, resisting the process of erosion, now appears in the form of a ridge, and which extends northward from the site
of Federick for many miles toward the Wichita range of mountains, which seems to have been partially included within the drainage
area of this ancient river. While no skeletal remains have been definitely identified as those of human beings, the presence
of the artifacts already mentioned seems to point to the possibility of the presence of man in southwestern Oklahoma, in Pleistocene
Numerous other instances of the discovery of artifacts so deeply embedded in the earth as to attest great antiquity, might
be cited. A few of these must suffice, however. In the eastern part of Washita County, near the village of Colony, a sand
pit was opened on the brow of a prairie hill. From this deposit of sand, several granite mortars, or metates were taken, the
granite evidently having been transported at least sixty miles from the nearest spurs
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of the Wichita Mountains. In Greer County, a metate was excavated from a point five feet beneath the surface of the prairie
loam in digging a basement. Near Oklahoma City, a stone arrow point was found beneath five feet of sand which, in turn, was
overlaid by three feet of red clay loam. In the northwestern part of Logan County, a very large earthenware jar, or urn, was
excavated from beneath several feet of sandy loam soil. This receptacle contained a number of bones, supposedly human. Unfortunately
this last find was not called to the attention of any one especially interested in such matters until after all specimens
had been lost or carried away.
Of the cultures of the Ancient Period which have been partially differentiated and separated, though not yet fully described,
or definitely identified as to classification, there are at least two, namely; (a) a Cave-Dwelling stock of the western portion
of the Ozark Uplift which occupied the caves and rock shelters of the Boone chert formation and, (b) the Basket-maker stock
whch occupied small caves in the Wingate sandstone, in the canyons of the Cimarron River region, in the western part of Cimarron
County. Some work has been done in the first mentioned of these two cultures and the caves and rock shelters of northeastern
Oklahoma and of Arkansas and southwestern Missouri. The writer has personally directed some work in Oklahoma and Arkansas.
The archaeological material of this culture was secured by excavating the accumulation of ancient kitchen refuse from the
floors of the caves. This kitchen refuse, consisting of wood ashes, charcoal, mussel and clam shells and broken bones, was
carefully sifted and searched for artifacts and other vestigia. On the first expedition into that field, numerous specimens
of bones, teeth and bivalve shells were gathered for examination and identification by competent biologists. These specimens
attested the fact that the bill of fare of these ancient Cave people was greatly varied. With twenty species of mammals, including
those from the size of a squirrel to those of the bison, or buffalo and the elk, with the bones of several species of game
birds and several species of fishes were identified, and, with these, no less than twenty-six species of bivalve mollusks.
In addition to these, the pres-
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ence of stationary mortars, in situ, for the grinding of grain and the finding of charred specimens of maize or Indian corn in the ear, corn cobs, beans, and
the seeds of pumpkins, melons, and gourds, gave further evidence of their habits and customs.
The artifacts of this Ozark cave-dwelling stock, included the sherds of well burned pottery (in some instances sufficiently
numerous to make possible the restoration of an entire utensil), implements and ornaments of shell, bone and stone. Shells
seem to have frequently been used for scrapers. The bone implements included needles, awls, and shuttles. The stone implements
included arrow, javelin, and spear points, knife blades, scrapers and ceremonial blades. Pipes, so far as found, were of burned
clay though of varying patterns. The most interesting pipe discovered was an almost exact imitation of a modern calabash pipe
in size, shape and color. Some of the bone needles were beautifully wrought and highly polished. Many of the flint blades
were also beautifully wrought. These included large numbers of bird points (blow-gun points), some of which are very minute,
though perfect in outline and finish. Many others are finished with a very accurately flaked saggitate edge on either side.
The work of Mr. Vernon C. Allison, being a determination of the age of a stalagmite which had protruded upward from the floor
through the deposit of prehistoric kitchen refuse, in Jacob's cavern, near Pineville, Missouri, was rather enlightening in
this connection, because of the evidence which it seemed to present as to the chronology of such human occupancy in that underground
retreat. This stalagmite, which was still in process of formation at the time of its removal, was found in an open-mouthed
cave, or rock shelter and, because of the dust accumulation during the windy season, in March and April, it showed a discolored
deposit in a series of annual rings, not unlike those of a tree, when a cross section was made. It is hoped that further work
may be done in this line, as opportunity is afforded, in the future.
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Probably the most ancient culture subject to identification in Oklahoma—older than that of the Ozark Cave-Dwellers and more
ancient than that of the Cliff-Dwellers of the Southwest—is that of the Basket-Makers, traces of whose occupancy are scattered
far and wide over Arizona, Nevada, New Mexico, Colorado and Utah. These primitive people were acquainted with the rudiments
of the textile arts, as they could weave baskets and spin cordage. They knew nothing of the art of fashioning and burning
earthenware pottery. neither did they make or use bows and arrows, nor were they acquainted with the use of polished stone
ornaments or implements. They were growing corn and pumpkins and squashes, however. And some of these ears of corn and pumpkin
seed and fragments of their baskets and neatly twisted twine are still to be found beneath the deposit of wood ashes and other
ancient kitchen refuse on the floors of certain small caves, caverns and rock-shelters in the Wingate sandstone of the upper
Cimarron River country, in Cimarron County.
The Mediaeval Period would indicate the eras of the Mound-Builders, proper, and those of other people, or peoples, of equal
or similar cultural development. They all tilled the soil, their implements of tillage usually being fashioned of stone, either
by flaking, pecking, or grinding by means of abrasive sandstone or by a combination of two of these processes. They were also
advanced, at least as far as the beginning of the Bronze Age, since they knew something of the art of working in copper.
The mounds of the true Mound-Builders occur sparingly along the valleys of the principal rivers of Eastern Oklahoma, including
those of the larger tributaries of the Red and Arkansas rivers. Whether each of these monuments to the constructive genius
of the inhabitants of Eastern Oklahoma and adjacent portions of neighboring states are
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all representative of a single culture, has not yet been determined. There is at least a possibility that these mounds may
represent two or three distinct cultures. This is a matter that can only be settled by very thorough and extensive investigation
and at a considerable outlay of expense and labor.
Mounds of this class and age vary greatly in size, form grouping, etc., as they probably also did in the various purposes
for which they were severally designed. Possibly most of them are conical in shape. Others are in the form of pyramids, either
square or oblong. In one case, near Muskogee, there is a very fine specimen of a mound in the form of a truncated pyramid,
approximately sixty feet square at the base and ten feet high, with the lines following the cardinal points very closely.
Others apparently were merely heaped up into an elevation without seeming regard to form.
The largest mound which has been inspected by the writer, in Oklahoma, was of the last mentioned type. It is located out in
the valley of the Neosho, or Grand River in the western part of Delaware County. Its extreme height is forty-eight feet and
its basic area probably covers a space of more than two acres. Its bulk is composed of material carried from a decomposing
bluff of the Boone chert formation situated half a mile from the location of the mound. The mound was completed by covering
this material with a foot or more of black river-valley loam soil, which now supports a rather dense growth of forest vegetation.
A mound even larger than this is reported to be located near the valley of the Illinois River, in the northern part of Adair
County. Of course, large mounds of the true Mound-Builder type are much more numerous in Arkansas than they are in Oklahoma.
The writer has only been privileged to be connected with the dissection of one mound of the true Mound-Builder type. This
mound was located at a point where the flood plain of the Elk, or Cowskin River merges with that of the Neosho, or Grand River,
on the boundary-line between Ottawa and Delaware counties. It was a small mound of the shapeless pattern just described. Its
original altitude was about fourteen feet and its basic diameter was
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approximately thirty-five feet. A party, operating under the direction tof the writer, dissected only about one-third of the
contents of this mound, for the reason that the poachers had broken into it at the instance of a commercial collector, and
this had been followed, later, by further work under the supervision of the owner. Consequently, many of the finished implements,
ornaments, and utensils were removed several years before the writer undertook to complete the dissection.
The purpose for which this mound had been erected is believed to have been ceremonial, this inference being drawn from the
fact that it contained numerous utensils, artifacts, and ornaments which were evidently deposited, during the course of its
construction, as votive offerings. What the poachers, already mentioned, secured is not known. The owner secured some very
fine specimens of earthenware pottery, including vases, urns, and water bottles, which are now in two of the large eastern
museums. The speciments secured by the expedition of the Oklahoma Historical Society in the spring and summer of 1925, included
similar ceramic products. Most of the pottery had been broken by the expansion or constriction of roots of the trees growing
on the surface of the mound, but all of the fragments were saved and eventually each of these works of art was restored. Other
items secured included ornamental sheet copper, partially decomposed beads of shell or pearl, and pulley-shaped, disk ear
ornaments, made of polished stone and partially encased in copper. These came in pairs and are similar to the disk-shaped
ear ornaments once commonly used in tropical America.
The bulk of this mound was composed of clay with considerable gravel content, evidently excavated near at hand, but it had
been finished with a heavy covering of black river-valley loam soil. This clay content was compact and because of its contour,
very dry and hard to excavate. But few traces of human remains were found in the body of the mound and these seemed to indicate
at least partial incineration. Surface interments were much more numerous, however. These were all of a shallow nature, so
that the process of decay had been very nearly complete. From the number of these shallow, surface burials on the part of
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the mound dissected by the Oklahoma Historical Society's field party, it was inferred that there had been no less than fifty
such interments on the surface of the whole mound, before it was disturbed by the poachers. Such shallow burials indicated
the presence and mortuary visits of people of the Southern Division of the Siouan stock, presumably Osage or Quapaw, within
the past two or three centuries. That the intrusive burials thus made were of such origin was further evidenced by the finding
of stone pipes of the modern Siouan type.
At a point supposed to represent the exact center of the base of the mound, there was found a fragment of a very large clam
or mussel shell with concave side uppermost. In the hollow of this shell was found a group of three small stone pipes, one
of which was partially decomposed and the other two slightly so, as if it had been deposited with organic matter. These pipes
are similar to stone pipes which were found in the valleys of the Ohio and some of its principal tributaries. The writer inclines
to the belief that they are of proto-Siouan origin. If this conjecture is warranted, then it means that the people of the
whole Siouan stock passed through eastern Oklahoma, before they reached the valleys of the Mississippi and its eastern tributaries;
in the course of their migration to the Piedmont Plateau of Virginia and the Carolinas and several centuries before their
retrogressive migration to the West. In this connection, it seems an odd coincidence that the Osage or Quapaw people should
have found their way back to bury their dead upon the earthen pile that had been built by their own people, if not indeed,
by their own direct ancestors.
What the careful dissection of other mounds in eastern Oklahoma and Arkansas may disclose along similar lines, is still a
matter for conjecture. If, as has already been intimated, two or three distinct cultures should be found as representative
of as many separate Mound-Building stocks, then the separation and identification of each of these stocks would seem to be
in order.
One of the most important archaeological fields in the
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United States, and the most recent of the Mediaeval Period in the lower valleys of the Mississippi and its western tributaries,
the Red, Arkansas, and Missouri rivers, is that of the Caddoan peoples, who, while not Mound-Builders themselves, were on
a par of culture with the Mound-Building peoples, and who incidentally, but not intentionally, left more mounds to mark the
face of the land within limits of their prehistoric habitat, than all the mounds of all of the true Mound-Building peoples
Beginning at a point on the Gulf Coast at the mouth of the Colorado River of Texas, and extending eastwardly along the Coast
past Calcasieu Pass, in southwestern Louisiana; thence to a crossing of the Mississippi in the vicinity of Vicksburg; thence
extending northward, a few miles east of the course of the Mississippi, to a point approximately opposite the mouth of the
Missouri River; thence recrossing the Mississippi, and extending southwestward, past the corner of Kansas, to a point near
the mouth of the Cimarron River; thence southward to the mouth of the Washita River; and thence back to the point of beginning,
roughly marks the bounds of the prehistoric habitat of the Caddoan peoples. Throughout this region a very frequent, and, in
many places, an almost constant landscape feature consists of multitudes of low, circular mounds, about the shape or contour
of an ordinary saucer turned upside down. These low, circular, mounds vary in diameter from twenty to as much as one hundred
and forty feet in extreme cases, and in central height, from a barely perceptible swell of from four or five inches to as
much as five feet, in the case of the larger specimens. Most of them, however, are nearly of the average, or type size, which
is from forty to forty-five feet in diameter, and from twenty to twenty-four inches in height at the center.
Throughout the years since the first exploration and early settlements of the region in question, approximately two centuries
ago, there has been much puzzle and speculation as to the origin or contributing cause for the formation of these small circular
mounds, or tumuli. The laymen gave it up as an unsolvable problem long ago, but the world of science continued to puzzle over
the matter, and not of merely to puzzle over it but to dispute over it as well.
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The geologists, who profess to be more informed concerning the Earth's surface and its peculiar formations than the learned
men of any other profession, were almost unanimous in scouting every suggestion of human agency, and in agreeing to call these
small circular tumuli "natural mounds." Among the theories advanced for the purpose of accounting for such formations by the
operation of purely natural causes, were the following; erosion, glaciation, wind action, wave action, spring and gas vents,
earthquakes, animal burrows, ant hills and uprooted trees, with a number of others even more fantastic than any of these.
The archaeologists, on the other hand, were quite keen to claim these low, circular mounds to be the result of the work of
human hands, but most of them were utterly at a loss to offer any sort of a valid explanation to account for such a line of
construction. About the best theory advanced by any of the archaeologists was that each of these small mounds was a platform
or elevated building site to furnish good drainage for a lodge or hut. To this, the geologists rejoined with the question,
"but why so many of them and why were they built on hillsides, where natural drainage was good?"
The writer first became familiar with these small, circular mounds in eastern Oklahoma, in 1889, and his curiosity concerning
their origin led him to ask questions of many people, always with negative results, though occasionally someone would answer,
"I believe some prehistoric race was responsible for them, but I do not know why they were built." Personally, the writer
never formed any theory as to their origin. It was nearly twenty-three years later that, while riding through a section of
eastern Oklahoma, where the whole face of the country was dotted and pimpled with these low, circular mounds, at a rate varying
from three to five or six per acre, there suddenly dawned upon his imagination the idea that if the Pawnee or Arickara Indians
had built their timber-framed, domeshaped, earth-covered huts or lodges, without excavating the interior circle to a depth
of fifteen or eighteen inches, as they did, and without building a vestibuled entrance, also sodded over, as they did, the
fall of such a structure, due to the decay of its supporting posts and poles, would
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make just such a pile of earth or low circular mound, when the last of its posts had disappeared. It was not until some days
later that the writer met Dr. Charles N. Gould, the well known geologist (now director of the Oklahoma Geological Survey),
and discussed the matter with him. His concluding remark at the close of the interview was that the writer had advanced the
only human agency theory as to the possible origin of, these mounds that could be regarded as being at all tenable, and that
he would like to see a thorough investigation made. Within a year and a half, the writer was privileged to begin such an investigation
under the auspices of the University of Oklahoma. In the course of this investigation he carefully dissected not one, but
a number of these small, circular mounds. In each instance so undertaken, he found abundant proof of human origin. This investigation
was undertaken primarily for the purpose of determining whether or not these tumuli were due to human activities. At the time
there was little thought, and less intention, of attempting to determine the identity of the culture of the people who were
responsible for the formation of these peculiar landscape features. The work thus begun has been carried on at intervals with
some co-operation at the hands of the University of Oklahoma and the Oklahoma Historical Society but more largely by reason
of the generous co-operation of private individuals, who furnished means to defray the expense of such a line of investigations,
which the public institutions were not in a position to do.
In the dissection of one of these earth-lodge mounds, it was found that the structure had been destroyed as the result of
an internal fire, there being from two to three and a half inches of wood ashes over the entire floor, as if wood had been
piled into the but or lodge and deliberately set afire, either by an enemy or by the owner or his neighbors possibly for the
purpose of destroying some contagion or infection. Moreover, excavation beneath the floor of the but revealed the fact that
each of the supporting posts had been charred from ten to thirteen inches below the floor level, and that these charred sections
were still standing in place. In addition to this, there were found scattered throughout the ashes on the floor, burned brick-hard,
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ments of the clay plastering of a partitioned wall, with the parallel imprints of the woven cane or wattle lath very perfectly
preserved. Another mute evidence of the life of that time, that was very interesting, was found in the form of several of
the clay nests of the mud-dauber wasps, also burned brick-hard.
Another of these mounds that was excavated was much larger than the average, being seventy-five feet in diameter and forty-two
inches in height in the center. In walking over this mound, from which the timber had been cleared for cultivation only a
few years before, the writer was surprised to find chipped chert and potsherds. Remarking upon these to Mr. Leonard M. Logan,
a student of the University of Oklahoma, who was with him, the latter replied: "Yes, and see what I have found," and he handed
over a fragment of what had once been a pulleyshaped stone disk. Instantly there flashed through the writer's mind, that here
there had been a possible collapse of such a timber-framed, dome-shaped, earth-covered human habitation while it was still
occupied, and that this mound should furnish the proof of human origin. Several days later, he slipped back and excavated
a small pit at one side of the mound, which resulted in confirming the conjecture this formed. He then hunted up the owner
of the property and asked permission to excavate, with the result that he was directed to get off of the place and stay off.
Several years of negogtiation followed, and it was not until three years later—in the winter of 1917-18 that he finally secured
permission and with the full approbation of the owner, systematically dissected the whole mound, with the exception of a small
part which lay across the property line on the land of another owner, who refused to give consent. This mound was found on
what is known as the Fort Coffee Bottoms, about eight miles northeast of Spiro, in the northeastern part of Leflore County,
and is located on the flood plain of the Arkansas River.
The ground plan of the timber-frame for a Prehistoric Caddoan earth-lodge was practically identical with that of the people
of the Pawnee and Arickara tribes, since
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the beginning of the Historical Period, with the exception that the prehistoric Caddoan lodge contained no vestibule or frame
for the same. Four large, forked posts were selected to support the center of the dome-shaped frame. In the case of this lodge,
which had collapsed while occupied, the post holes were found to be from fourteen to fifteen inches in diameter. These four
posts occupied the four cardinal points. This has been found true in all other lodges excavated or dissected by the writer.
At a radius of twenty-two and one-half feet from the center, a circle of smaller forked posts had also been erected. The size
of the post holes for this circle of smaller posts was found to be from ten and one-half to eleven inches in diameter.
Heavy timbers were laid from fork to fork, on the four sides of the square formed by the large poles surrounding the center.
Heavy poles or small headlogs were then laid from fork to fork, around the circle of smaller posts. Heavy posts or slabs were
then laid at an angle of forty-five degrees or less, the tops resting on the head-logs, of the outer circle, the lower ends
probably being embeaded in the ground so that they would not slip or slide inward. Heavy poles or light logs, were then laid
from the interior square to the head-logs of the outer circle, to serve as rafters. Short length poles, the size of a man's
arm were then laid transversely from rafter to rafter, being tied securely in place with willows or withes. The whole top
thus completed was woven full of brush and this was covered with a layer of sedge or coarse grass. The rafters did not quite
join at the center of the dome, a small aperture being left to admit of light, ventilation, and the escape of smoke, the domestic
fire being built immediately under the same. Sod, or turf was cut where there was a natural growth of grass, with an abundance
of fibrous roots and these were carried to the frame of the new structure where they were used in building a wall that leaned
against the posts or slabs, slanting outwardly from the head-logs of the post circle. This wall was carried up over the head-walls
and the frame work for the roof, and was built sufficiently thick to afford good surface drainage, regardless of the sagging
of any rafter or rafters which might not have been straight. The only openings to this
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structure were the aperture at the center of the dome and the door, which was located on the east side. The wall was possibly
doubled and made very heavy, as the roof was also.
A structure thus erected was comparatively warm in winter and relatively cool in summer. It was secure against all but the
most violent storms, and it afforded fair opportunity for defense, in case of attack. Platforms, which could be used for seats
by day and as beds by night, could be constructed of sticks and poles, around the outer wall beneath the sloping slabs, posts,
or poles which supported the same. The width of this portion outside of the post circle was proportioned to the size of the
building, as was the height of the structure also. The location of these seats and beds, covered with mats, robes, etc., is
surmised from the fact that the Pawnee and Arickara peoples who did not excavate their floors between the post circle, and
the foot of the wall, used that space for seats in day-time and as beds at night. Moreover, the modern Wichita and Caddo Indians
who dwelt in timber-framed, dome-shaped, grass-thatched huts, or lodges, used such beds and seats made of stakes and poles
and covered with robes, skins and mats.
Beneath the floor of the structure, its occupants were wont to dig caches, or storage pits, into which they might place much
of their property, temporarily. Later, these pits were emptied of their contents and refilled with a mixture of surface earth,
sub-soil, wood ashes and debris from all parts of the camp. Incidentally, it is notable that all the rubbish in the camp was
collected—all its loose bones, clam-shells, flaked and broken chert, postherds, and other waste material—and thrown in the
bottom of such storage pits before refilling. This fact doubtless accounts for the utter absence of any sort of broken utensils
or artifacts in the village site of any average prehistoric Caddoan settlement. That the head men of the village knew how
to "police" camp as well as a modern military commander, is quite evident.
The careful dissection of this mound required several weeks of labor, even with an adequate force of assistants. During the
course of this work, it was discovered that, sub-
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sequent to the collapse of the earth-covered lodge, from the decay and disappearance of its supporting posts, people of another
stock had dwelt for a time in the vicinity and that they had used this mound-like lodge ruin as a place of burial for their
dead. These burials had been so shallow as to be just below the plow-level. As a result, the process of decay of the skeletal
remains had been so complete that but little was left except the enamel of the teeth, with occasional traces of chalky white
material that was evidently formed by the decomposition of bone. There had been twenty-two of these intrusive interments on
the surface of this mound. Because of the shallowness of these burials it was surmised that the same had been made by people
of one of the tribes of the Southern Division of Siouan stock. This conjecture was subsequently verified by the finding of
several ceremonial pipes of the modern Siouan type, which had been carved from a stone of a grayish-white color. One of these,
eighteen inches long, with a large bowl of perfectly cylindrical bore, is the largest Siouan ceremonial pipe which the writer
has ever seen. The only other artifacts found which were certainly identified with this Southern Siouan culture, were a number
of exquisitely flaked blades of chert or flint. Four of these, averaging about five inches in length, were found just as they
had been placed at the time of interment, lying with overlapping edges, like shingles on a roof. The presence of such vestigia,
so uniformly near the surface and so evidently Siouan of origin, was taken to be a certain indication of the intrusive mortuary
activities of more recent occupants of the region immediately surrounding the site and, in point of time, probably not more
than half as old as the mound itself.
No other traces of human remains were found until that part of the mound just inside the foot of the wall around the southwestern
segment of the interior circle was reached. Here, there were found the badly decomposed skeletons of six people who had perished
when the wall collapsed. Indeed, four of the six had their skulls crushed by the falling of the earth-covered timbers. The
bones of these skeletons were in such palpable condition that none of them could be removed without falling into fragments.
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Inasmuch as the inside diameter of this earth-lodge must have been not less than fifty-five or sixty feet, it is assumed that
there might have been several times as many people within the lodge at the time of its partial collapse but, since no traces
were found of the remains of any others, it seems not unlikely that the rest had succeeded in making an escape. If so, however,
their superstitious beliefs were probably such that they did not feel called upon to extricate the bodies of their deceased
friends or relatives, in order to accord to them the customary funeral rites.
The collection of artifacts, utensils, tools, implements, and ornaments which were secured in the dissection of this mound
was quite extensive and, from a scientific viewpoint, a very valuable one. Only one unbroken piece of ceramic ware was secured—a
beautifully decorated shallow bowl of about three-quarts capacity. Much broken earthenware pottery was found, however, and
the sherds were preserved for ultimate restoration, if possible. More than thirty-five of the pulley-shaped stone disk ear
ornaments were found, many of them with the larger, or outer flange encased in a thin sheet of copper. The diameter of these
ear ornaments varied from one and three-fourths to nearly two and one-half inches, the outer flange sometimes having a considerably
larger diameter than the inner flange. These occurred commonly in pairs, the two individual specimens being practically identical
in pattern, size and decoration. All of these were perforated in the center, the perforation being in the form of a smooth
cylindrical bore. With these there were also found and secured, three larger ornaments of the same sort, neither of which
was perforated, nor was there a duplicate to either, so it would seem not unlikely that these had been used as labrets rather
than ear ornaments.
Beads of several different kinds were found, the larger beads being made of the black Webber Falls argillite, running from
three-eighths to five-eighths of an inch in diameter and very highly polished. Several pearl beads were found in a very palpable
condition, as were also several unusually large shell beads. In some places, veins or layers of very small shell beads, about
the size of the modern glass bead used in beading buckskin, were found.
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From the fact that these were thus found in veins or layers, it was inferred that they had been used for the purpose of beading
belts, pipe pouches, quivers, etc. These beads are so small that they might well have furnished the model for the modern glass
beads used in beading buckskin.
A great deal of copper was found. Most of this was in thin plates and evidently had been used in the decoration of wearing
apparel, head dresses or shields. Some of this copper was beautifully corrugated, with evenly-sized small ridges and channels.
Evidence is not lacking that these people had the ability to either weld copper or, at least, to solder or braze it. One of
the most interesting finds made was that of a copper blow-pipe which had been made by hammering the native copper into a thin
sheet and then rolling it into a tube which, when completed, was not as large as an ordinary lead pencil. Another very interesting
specimen was a solid copper spindle, twelve inches long, tapering to almost a needle point at either end. There were also
found the ores and salts of lead, zinc, and iron. The finding of a few small particles of red lead indicated the possession
of some knowledge of chemistry. Red and yellow ochre were also found.
Several polished celts were found. These had been made of the black Webbers Falls argillite, which takes on a beautiful polish.
Two of the most interesting items in this class were celts which had been fashioned from a finely carved calcareous sandstone
almost suitable for use in sharpening steel tools. This rock, which occurs locally in thin veins or strata, has lines of cleavage
at right angles to the planes of stratification. One of these, twenty-two inches long, had been merely sharpened by grinding
one end into a chisel-like celt edge. It was about two inches wide by three-fourths of an inch thick. It is supposed to have
been used in excavating post holes for the erection of the timber frame-work of the earth-covered lodge and caches, or storage
pits under the floor of the same. Another one of the same material, thirteen inches long, did not have the lines of cleavage
exactly parallel, being wider at
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the cutting end than at the top. Other celts, presumably intended for use as hatchets or tomahawks, were found. No perfect
specimen of the grooved axe was found, though there was one fragmentary specimen of such an implement.
Very few arrow points were found. These were of both the hunting-point and the war-point types, the latter having a receding
base with no barbs. Of bird-points (blow-gun points), nearly two hundred were secured. Most of these averaged about one-half
inch in length, though some were even smaller. The material from which these miniature points had been flaked, included not
only chert and flint, but also jasper, quartz, chalcedony and some materials that approached the agate, or carnelian in consistency
and composition.
The people of the prehistoric Caddoan race were largely given to agriculture, as their descendants remain down to the present
time. Their implements of tillage are to be found scattered over many fields that were supposed to be still in the virgin
sod, when the white man first came, but which had really been broken up and reduced to cultivation some hundred years earlier,
by the people of this stock. Their implements of tillage consisted chiefly of spades and hoes made of stone. Throughout the
greater part of eastern Oklahoma, such implements were made of the black argillite, mostly secured from the ledge which causes
the riffle or rapid in the channel of the Arkansas River, in Muskogee County, that has long been known as Webbers Falls. This
material is as black as coal. In composition it is a combination of lime, clay, and silica. It flakes somewhat like chert
or flint, only much more coarsely. While it is quite hard, it is not nearly so hard as chert or flint, and it was, therefore,
worked also by pecking with a hammerstone and by grinding or polishing with an abrasive sandstone. Implements made of this
material are better adapted to tilling soil than those made of chert, for the reason that it is tougher and not so brittle.
Most Caddoan spades were oblong or almost rectangular blades, from two and one-half to four inches wide and from seven to
twelve inches long, and from one-half to three-fourths of an inch thick, thinner at the edges and sharpened at each end. Whether
these were mounted on handle or haft and, if so,
Page 228
how, is not known. Some of the spades were much narrower and thicker than those just described. These are believed to have
been used also in excavating post holes for building purposes and in digging caches, or storage pits, beneath the floors of
the lodges.
The Caddoan stone hoe was double bitted and, in that region, almost uniformly made of black argillite. It is quite thin on
the cutting edges but averages about an inch thick in the narrow center, between the broader blades. Locally, these hoes are
commonly called "battle axes," for which purpose they would doubtless have served effectively. These people also used a very
large and somewhat heavy turf cutter, approximately five by twelve inches in size and nearly, if not quite, one inch thick,
with carefully ground cutting edges at each end. These were doubtless used in cutting out turf for the covering of earth lodges,
as well as for breaking up ground for cultivation.
It is believed that the Caddoan people must have cleared up extensive areas of fertile land on river and creek flood plains,
removing all timber, brush, and canebrake growths therefrom; such lands, however, being selected with a view to the fact that
they were seldom or never, subject to overflow. They also reduced to cultivation certain areas on the upland prairie, where
the surface was sufficiently level to resist erosion, or soil washing. It is comparatively easy to recognize some of these
ancient cornfield sites to this day, for the reason that, later when the village site encroached upon the cornfield, there
was not to be found, near at hand, any grassy turf, bound together with fibrous roots, which was not only suitable but necessary
for the covering of the earth lodges. Consequently, the builders either had to go on higher ground, or along the edges of
brakes and ravines, or even to the lowland swales where the soil was of a tough gumbo consistency, in order to find such needed
turf for roofing purposes. Therefore, when mounds of light colored clay, or heavy, black gumbo are found superimposed on a
field having a black or dark brown surface loam, it seems reasonable to conclude that it had been under cultivation before
these sods or turfs containing a different soil, had been transported thither, for building purposes.
Page 229
The early Caddoan people buried practically all of their dead in the sandy sub-soil of some of their valley land cornfields,
usually from three and one-half to four and one-half feet below the surface. An average of one piece of burned earthenware
pottery was buried with each interment. From the fact that bones of game animals and birds have been found in some of the
pottery vessels thus buried with the dead, it may be inferred that some of these, at least, contained food and drink to sustain
the departed on the journey to the spirit realm. Occasionally a skeleton may be found with no pottery-near; on the other hand,
instances have been noted wherein interments have been found in which two or more specimens of pottery have been buried, supposedly
that of some member of the community of more than ordinary prominence. In rare instances as many as eight or ten specimens
of ceramic ware may be found with such burials. The surplus pieces of pottery accompanying such burials are almost always
not only better burned, but also artistic in design or decoration, or both. It is believed that burial in the valley lands,
where a sandy sub-soil could be readily found beneath a cultivated surface, was generally resorted to for the reason that
such an operation could be much more expeditiously carried out than if attempts were made to excavate graves in the heavy
clay sub-soil of the uplands, with their crude stone excavating tools. The presence of large clam or mussel shells in some
graves leads to the inference that most of these valley-land graves were excavated in a mere fraction of the time that would
have been required to excavate a grave of like size and depth in the heavy clay sub-soil of the uplands, by the use of such
crude stone tools.
There has been much excavation in these ancient burial grounds of the Caddoan Province, especially in the states of Arkansas
and Missouri, for the purpose of securing the pottery. As a result, many hundreds of specimens of Caddoan ceramic ware are
to be found in the more important anthropological museums of the country, much if not most of it credited to the "Mound-Builders"
Page 230
out distinction as to which Mound-Builder culture, as if there were but one), with no mention of Caddoan fabrication or origin.
Mr. Clarence B. Moore, of the Philadelphia Academy of Natural Sciences, made especially fine collections of this ware in the
valleys of the Arkansas, Ouachita and Red rivers. The results of his investigations and excavations were presented in considerable
detail in three of his volumes, namely: "Certain Mounds of Arkansas and of Mississippi," 1908; "Antiquities of the Ouachita
Valley," 1909, and "Some Aboriginal Sites on Red River," 1912. While he was very careful in his working operations and accurate
in his descriptions, it is evident that he did not do much in the way of differentiation as to origin or distinction between
Caddoan and pre-Caddoan, or Mound-Builder cultures.
In 1916-7, Mr. M. R. Harrington, of the Museum of the American Indian, Heye Foundation, spent twenty months at work in the
archaeological fields of the valleys of the Red and Ouachita rivers, in Arkansas. The results of his explorations and investigations
were published in a volume entitled "Certain Caddo Sites in Arkansas," by the Museum, in 1920. This report presents in more
or less detail, accurate descriptions of the work done and of the discoveries made; it is copiously illustrated. In the Red
River Valley, the work done was in fields located in Hempstead and Howard counties, in the southwestern part of the state,
while, in the valley of the Ouachita, the fields worked were located in the vicinity of Hot Springs, in the central part of
the state.
In the foreword, by the director of the Museum, and in the introductory chapter, by the author, statements are made to the
effect that the expedition was originally organized to work in that quarter, because of the representations and recommendations
of Mr. Clarence B. Moore, of Philadelphia, whose own explorations in neighboring areas have already been mentioned. From Director
Heye's statement, it does not appear that the expedition had been organized for the investigation or study of any particular
prehistoric stock or its culture but, rather, that it was undertaken, primarily, because of the known abundance of prehistoric
remains in that region. As Mr. Moore had not
Page 231
been greatly interested in cultural differentiation and identifications and as Director Heye did mention the Caddoan culture,
it is to be inferred that the attempt to identify most if not all of the implements, tools, weapons, ornaments, utensils and
other artifacts discovered as being of Caddoan origin must have been a matter of subsequent determination.
Like his predecessor, Mr. Moore, it appears that Mr. Harrington worked indiscriminately in whatsoever ruins that might appear
to be most convenient or promising. That a large proportion of these—possibly a majority of them—were of Caddoan origin, is
not improbable. That many of the mounds were not Caddoan, is evident from his own descriptions. That many of the burials which
he described were not Caddoan, is likewise evident. Much of the pottery which is illustrated in the book, and especially that
which is depicted on plates XLVII, LV, LVI, LX, LXI and LXII, could be more readily identified with that of one of the eastern
Mound-Builder cultures than with the ceramic art of the Caddoan culture. Some of the clay pipes which he discovered and depicted,
notably those illustrated on plates CI and CII, were not Caddoan pipes and the disk ear ornaments of copper-encased stone,
illustrated on plates CXXVIII and CXXIX, are not of the Caddoan type. While he describes the domiciliary mounds as of Caddoan
origin, it does not appear that he thoroughly explored the subsoil beneath the floor for traces of all of the supporting posts,
neither do his descriptions include the details of subterranean caches, or storage pits. That he worked extensively and, so
far as the securing of representative collections of vestigia of at least one of the two important cultures is concerned,
successfully, is evident, but that these should have been differentiated, distinguished and identified, is very plain. That
he may have worked into one or two equally distinct cultures of less abundant occurrence, is neither impossible or improbable.
While Mr. Harrington is generally recognized as one of the ablest and most accomplished field archaeologists in America, he
could have made a much better showing in a field which is remarkable for its mixture or intermingling of cultures, some of
which are much more ancient then others,
Page 232
if there could have been a careful preliminary study of type artifacts of each of the several cultures represented therein.
The pottery of the Caddoan peoples is distinguished for its great range in material design, finish and decoration. A museum
collection of this ware, to be thoroughly representative, should contain many hundreds of specimens. Practically all of that
which was designed for domestic purposes was shell-tempered (i. e., the clay, from which the utensils were made, having been mixed with pulverized clam, or mussel shells, to give it a proper
consistency.) It is noticeable that, where burials were numerous, much pottery is found to have been tempered with pulverized
vegetable matter, as if formed by grinding or macerating decayed wood. In the burning processes, this pulverized tempering
material was merely charred. Such pottery is never found except with the burials and it is believed that it was made especially
for such a ceremonial purpose. Indeed, the writer found traces of a pit in which the ancient potter had plied his craft adjoining
a Caddoan burial ground (several miles north of Spiro, in LeFlore County), much as a modern marble cutter, monument dealer
or florist erects his place of business adjacent to the entrance of a modern cemetery. In the range of artistic skill and
varied forms of design and decoration, the ceramic products of the ancient Caddoan peoples were unsurpassed, if indeed, they
could be equaled by the ceramic art of any other prehistoric people in the United States.
In form, the Caddoan pottery presents a great variety, including vases, urns, bowls, cups, water bottles and jars of many
shapes, in addition to which there are numerous effigies of animals, birds, fish, reptiles, amphibians, and even of human
beings. Decorations include incised lines, (made before burning), relief designs and superimposed figures, such as that of
an animal or bird attached to the top of the handle of a bowl. Farther east, in Arkansas, the decorations include designs
in color, as reported by Mr. Moore, but these are not in evidence as far west as Okla-
Page 233
homa. The incised folds with etched filigree fillings, are so common as to be typical.
As before stated, the culture of the early Caddoan peoples was nearly, if not actually on a plane of equality with that of
the Mound-Builders, proper. Like the Mound-Builders, their culture was subject to great deterioration after their once dense
population became scattered. As already intimated, it has been the privilege of the writer to have directed considerable work
in a Caddoan village site which existed at the beginning of the historical period, where the evidence of a primary contact
with European culture was plain. That great changes had taken place in the course of three or four centuries, was evident.
The pottery had lost much of its ancient refinement in design, finish and artistic decoration. The people were using the "turtle
back," or "snub-nose" skin-dressing pick, with which their ancestors of a few centuries earlier had not been familiar. While
they still used the double-bitted stone hoe, they were using more hoes, which had been finished by grinding to a sharp edge
the shoulder-blades of the buffalo and elk. They still used the "double-cone" clay pipe, and the broadly elliptical shallow
corn mortar, or metate, but it was evident that their hands had lost much of the cunning that had been possessed by those
of their ancestors.
The Caddoan people must have been a very numerous race at the time of their first settlement in the United States, to have
covered such a wide area and to have left so many definite memorials and monuments of their presence, occupancy, and activities.
Whether the decrease in population was due to losses sustained as the result of wars with tribes of neighboring stocks or,
whether a large part of them were swept away by some epidemic disease may never be known. They were still a numerous people
when the first white man came, though they were even then but a mere fraction of what their ancestral stock had been, three
or four centuries earlier. As a race, they have quite generally been peaceably disposed toward the white people but, even
so, they disappeared much more rapidly than the peoples of some of the other stocks with whom the white people were more or
less frequently engaged in bitter warfare. Seemingly, they could not resist that white man's
Page 234
vices or the white man's diseases, with the result that the surviving Caddoan peoples of to-day are but a mere handful as
compared with their numbers, even as late as two centuries ago.
When the writer first dug a small pit near the edge of the large Caddoan domiciliary mound in the northern part of LeFlore
County, in January, 1914, and found pulley-shaped disk ear-ornaments, he immediately recognized in them an indication of a
possible kinship with the cultures of the tropical end of the continent. However, since one such instance could not prove
a theory any more than "one swallow makes a summer," discretion suggested that he remain silent on the subject. This he did
for eleven and one-half years, until in the summer of 1925, when he, was privileged to superintend the dissection of what
was left of a mound of the true Mound-Builder type, near the Delaware-Ottawa county boundary line, as previously described.
There, with the finding of similar pulley-shaped disk ear-ornaments, though differing somewhat in details of construction,
he realized that, at last, he might announce an hypothesis concerning the possibility that the eastern half of the United
States and Eastern Canada had been largely peopled as a result of a series of successive waves of mass-movement migration
from racial swarming-grounds in the southern part of the North American Continent. That such an hypothesis would have to assume
that the Mound-Builder cultures, and that of the Caddoan people as well, were of exotic origin, instead of local development,
was equally plain. Down to that time, so far as the writer was aware, American archaeology had not given much attention to
the element of racial swarming-grounds, in population and cultural development, though the native American race was as surely
as much entitled to have this element considered in the problem of development as are any of the races of Europe or Asia.
Plainly, the natural conditions of Northwestern America did not make for racial swarming-grounds. On the other hand, there
were areas in Yucatan, Southern Mexico, and Central America which, though of limited extent were pos-
Page 235
sessed of happy combinations of fertile soil and humid climate, thus offering opportunities for the production of such vast
quantities of human food, by agricultural means, and at such low economic cost, as to lead first, to the development of a
dense population and that, in turn, to that of a high degree of culture in the arts and crafts. Then, when the capacity or
saturation point was reached in population, either a real or prospective shortage of food, imperial colonization, or political
discontent, might have led to the removal of considerable elements of such overcrowded population. When such culture was brought
into the midst of a new and sparsely settled region which was teeming with game and fish, and where the climate made possible
an introduction of the cultivation of maize, pumpkins, squashes, melons and gourds, it would have been but natural that there
should be a scattering of such an immigrant population and, with that dispersion, an almost certain and comparatively early
deterioration in culture.*
That the Caddoan stock was subdivided into well defined tribe groups in prehistoric times, as it was during the early Historical
Period, seems altogether probable. One of these, divided into a number of tribes, occupied the Valley of the Arkansas, from
the mouth of the Cimarron to point below the Arkansas boundary. For some reason or reasons not known, those below the mouths
of the Neosho, or Grand, and the Verdigris, migrated northward, nearly, if not quite, five hundred years ago, possibly settling
along what is now known as the Osage River, in western Missouri and eastern Kansas. Then came the westward advance of the
Southern Siouan Osage-Kaw-Omaha peoples, which forced these recently immigrant Caddoan tribes over into the Upper Kansas,
or Kaw, and Lower Smoky Hill valleys. Thus they came into contact and trading relations with one of the Algonquian tribes,
presumably the Ojibwa, before the westward advance of the main body of the Northern
Page 236
Sioux forced the latter farther northward. From these Algonquian people, these Northern Caddoan peoples of the Upper Kaw and
Lower Smoky Hill valleys learned to use the small stone pipe and discontinued the use of the clay pipes of their ancestors.
The Caddoan people of these two conected valleys in the North, subdivided into two closely allied groups or confederacies—the
Harahay, who occupied the valley of the Kansas or Kaw, above Topeka, and the Quivira, who ranged the valley of the Smoky Hill
to a point out on the edge of the High Plains and thence southward toward the great bend of the Arkansas. The hostile pressure
of the Osage-Kaw people finally forced the Harahay to move up the valleys of the Blue and Republican rivers, whence, finally,
most of them moved over to the valley of the Platte. Thence, one tribe—the Arickara—drifted on northward to the valley of
the Missouri River, in Dakota, where their descendants live to this day, while the remaining tribes became known as the Pawnee
Confederacy. Within a century after the visit of the Coronado expedition, the Shoshonean Comanche ceased to fish for salmon
and to hunt for grizzly bear and Rocky Mountain sheep and, drifting out upon the Great Plains, they began to range behind
the buffalo herds instead. Before their southward advance, the Caddoan Quivira retired, first across the Arkansas, then across
the Cimarron and on southward to and beyond the valleys of the two Canadians and the Washita, to that of Red River, where
they settled in new villages and opened up new fields to be planted with maize, and where they become known to the Spanish-American
people as the Taovayas and to the early French explorers and traders as the Towiache, or Pani Pique, i e., "Tattooed Pawnee"). Ever since the English-speaking Americans began to come westward across the Mississippi and learned
the story of Coronado and his expedition, out across the Great Plains, to Quivira, they have been puzzled as to what had become
of the Quiviran people. Only recently, an investigation by the writer revealed the fact, that the little stone pipes of the
Northern Algonquin type had been in common use by the Taovayas or Pani Pique—Red Rive Pawnee—just as it had been in the village
of the Quivira,
Page 237
so the little stone pipe, of the type that had been borrowed from the Ojibwa, by the Northern Caddoan peoples, more than four
hundred years ago, helped to verify the identification of the Quiviran people with the Taovayas or Red River Pawnees.
Meanwhile the Caddoan tribes of the Arkansas River region in northeastern Oklahoma were still there when the first French
explorers and traders came among them, two centuries ago, and called them the Panioussa (i. e., "Lower" or "Southern Pawnee"),
and they still smoked the "double-cone" clay pipes of their ancestors. But the rum and the smallpox and other vices and diseases
which came in with the French traders, decimated the numbers of the Paniouassa, on the Arkansas, and those of their kinsmen,
the Towiache or Pani Pique, on Red River. So, sometime during the latter part of the 18th century, the remnants of these two
peoples merged and their descendants are now known as the Wichita.
As previously stated, traces of the Siouan culture are to be found in numerous places in the northeastern part of Oklahoma,
some of them coming down to the beginning of Historic Period. The oldest of these are believed to have been made by the present
Osage and Quapaw people. They are easily distinguished from the cultural remains from other stocks by such type artifacts
as the tobacco pipe, the stone hoe and the mortar, or metate, with which they ground grain. Their occupancy of Oklahoma probably
was but temporary from time to time, during the Prehistoric Period. They were among the first tribes to come under French
influence in the Mississippi Valley, two centuries ago. Their cultural remains are interesting for comparative reasons. If,
as the writer has suggested, the Siouan peoples were in the procession of great migrations from the far South, that movement
must have taken place at least a thousand years ago, as they are known to have lived in the region east of the Alleghenies
and south of the Potomac for several centuries before their retrogressive migration to the West. If such be the case, the
highly developed culture which was abundantly and well exemplified
Page 238
in the contents of the mound in northwestern Oklahoma has had a long time in which to deteriorate, and this deterioration
is very manifest in the crude pottery and rather coarse work in their other arts, as found existing in the village sites and
burials of the Siouan (Osage-Quapaw), which date from just before the beginning of the Historical Period.
Scattered over western Oklahoma and adjacent portions of the Texas Panhandle, western Kansas, and southeastern Colorado, are
to be found traces of the culture of a, people whose occupancy antedated the later arrival of the Comanche, the Kiowa, the
Cheyenne and the Arapahoe. From the early Spanish archives of New Mexico, it is evident that the region of the Great Plains,
extending southward from the valley of the Republican River to that of Red River, was included within the range of that great
branch of the Athapascan stock, which is known collectively as the Apache people, and which includes quite a number of tribes.
Hitherto, these have always been regarded, as have their distant kinsmen of the Navajo tribe also, as having migrated from
the far Northwest, and as being a proof of the theory that all of the Indian Tribes of the Eastern United States, had migrated
from the same region. As yet, comparatively little has been done in the way of identifying the remains of any prehistoric
culture of the region in question as belonging to the Athapascan-Apache people.
In the summer of 1920, the writer spent several weeks with Dr. Warren K. Moorehead, who was then engaged on an archaeological
survey of the drainage area of the Arkansas River, accompanied by a small field party, along the Canadian River in the Texas
Panhandle. Incidentally, in company with Doctor Moorehead, the writer visited on ancient irrigation canal in Meade and Clark
counties, in southwestern Kansas. The writer has since revisited that section several times and has made considerable further
investigation of these remarkable traces of an ancient culture. He has also located traces of similar irrigation works in
Oklahoma and the Texas Panhandle, and several mounds, besides one mound group, all of which are be-
Page 239
lieved to be the ruins of pueblo-like structures with earthen walls and earth-covered roofs. That these people grew corn has
been definitely determined; that they still continue to make and use pottery is likewise proven; that they might have learned
the art of growing corn or that of making pottery in the far Northwest, or at any point between the far Northwest and the
Great Plains south of the Republican River, is highly improbable; that they had once lived much farther east, where they had
grown corn under naturally humid conditions, is not unlikely; that they had been driven out upon the High Plains where they
still sought to practice agriculture, but where their crops were blasted by the hot winds and destroyed by the big buffalo
herds, seems altogether likely; that some of their hunters may have made their way to the Pueblo settlements on the Mora,
the Upper Pecos and the Rio Grande, in New Mexico, where they found corn and other field crops being grown by irrigation,
is wholly within the bounds of possibility; that they attempted to avail themselves of Pueblo irrigation engineering talent,
and that they attempted to adopt and to adapt to their purpose the irrigation husbandry and the architecture of the Pueblo
peoples, seems evident.
The writer believes that by means of type artifacts, it may be possible to trace the Athapascan occupancy much farther east
than it was at the time of the first exploration and settlements in New Mexico. He is planning to do some systematic work
in this very interesting field which, down to this time has been almost a sealed book.
Scattered over various portions of Oklahoma are to be found numerous ancient village sites and shop sites which, while plainly
distinguished, are as yet unidentified. This is especially true of the central part of the state, where the remains of most
of the identified cultures are scarce or lacking altogther. Such vestigia include implements and projectile points of chert
and flint, potsherds, mortars, mullers, hoes, spades, hatchets, cells and occasionally, even grooved axes. Careful study will
probably be necessary to identify these and find the type artifacts of the same. This is not of more importance locally than
it will be in its
Page 240
relationships in the final study of prehistoric migrations and movements.
Ancient quarries, from which the Stone Age man secured chert, flint and other siliceous materials for the chipping or flaking
of projectile points, knives, scrapers, skin-dressing picks and other implements, tools and weapons fabricated in like manner,
are to be found in several portions of Oklahoma. One of the most interesting of these is the group adjoining the site of the
village of Peoria, in Ottawa County. Many acres are covered with the debris which was thrown out from shallow, circular pits.
Many reject and unfinished stock blades are to be found. The material is a light grayish-white with occasional shades of blue
and light pink. It was suitable for the flaking of blades of every type, from small arrow-points to axes, spades and hoes.
Careful investigation will doubtless reveal the fact it was the resort of a number of successive stocks of people, from that
of the Cave Dwelling people, down to the most recent (Siouan-Osage) prehistoric era.
Another interesting group of quarries line the escarpments of certain "flint hills" in the northeastern part of Kay County,
near the village of Hardy. The chert secured from the quarries (others of which may be found across the state boundary line
in southern Kansas) occurs in the form of nodules embedded in a lower stratum of limestone, thus necessitating considerable
digging. As elsewhere stated, Otto Spring found that these quarries had been worked as late as the beginning of the Historical
Period. The material from these quarries is greatly varied in color, some of it being beautifully banded, or striped.
In the extreme northwestern part of Oklahoma, in Cimarron County, there are several quarries. One of these, which the writer
visited and inspected in 1913, is in the form of a ledge of flint nearly as white as porcelain. From it, during ages past,
there had evidently been hundreds of tons of material removed. Other quarries in the same vicinity, show varied colors, with
iron stains and many specimens approaching the quality and composition of agate. In the same region, considerable quartzite
was se-
Page 241
cured in the form of nodules found in ledges of metamorphosed Dakota sandstone, which had weathered away, leaving the quartzite
nodules exposed and easily detachable.
In addition to workable material from regular quarries such as those just enumerated, it is believed that pebbles, nodules
and other forms of suitable siliceous rocks, were utilized wherever found-in stream beds, eroded from hillsides, in sand and
gravel pits, etc.
In concluding this paper the writer wishes to acknowledge his obligation to Doctor Moorehead for the kind privilege of contributing
to its contents. His friendship, advice and counsel, throughout the years has been of real inspiration to one who has had
to pioneer the investigation of the archaeological fields of Oklahoma, with meager preparation and a minimum of support and
cooperation. No one realizes better than he, the incompleteness and possible crudities of his own work. The helpful encouragement
and ready collaboration of Doctor Moorehead has naturally meant much, under the circumstances. Under no conditions would the
writer unduly magnify the importance of the work which he is trying to do. No one can realize better than he, that the fields
which he has discussed in the foregoing paper should be worked out thoroughly, not under the auspices of but a single institution
but rather under those of several—not by one man but by many.
—Joseph B. Thoburn.
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40. Aniachak Volcano and Surprise Lake, Alaska, USA
The summit cone of Aniachak stands 1353 meters (4450 feet) high. Surprise Lake is ponded within the great caldera, which is some 10 kilometers (6 miles) in diameter. The volcano was only discovered in 1923 and was believed extinct until it erupted on May 1, 1931. In many respects, Aniachak closely resembles the much better known Crater Lake caldera, which was produced by a massive eruption some 6000 years ago. It is not certain when Aniachak's caldera formed, but it was undoubtedly produced by the eruption of tens of cubic kilometers of pumiceous pyroclastic flow and fall ashes, and the subsequent foundering of part of the ancestral volcano into the magma chamber. The Crater Lake caldera is now filled with water; at Aniachak we can see what the caldera might look like if it were drained.
The similarity is strengthened by the small young cone in the caldera; Crater Lake has an almost identical (slightly smaller) feature that now forms Wizard Island.
STS-41G. October 1984. Picture #17-33-043.
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Mike Paulus, whose brother, Greg, plays basketball at Duke, made it publicly known he wants assistants Frank Cignetti Jr. and Dave Brock to stay, and he told athletics director Dick Baddour as much Monday. "It seemed like it really did matter to him," Paulus said. "He understands I'm the ringleader, and if I de-commit, others might step back." (Greensboro News & Record)
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Tomatoes Restaurant is a Margate icon, says owner Karen Rone. The eatery is known as the beach-town bar and restaurant that stays open - and busy - all year long.
Rone and her husband, Carmen, opened Tomatoes in 1993, first located on Ventnor Avenue, just three blocks from its current location on Amherst Avenue, where it has been for the past 13 years.
"We've been around a long time," Rone says, adding that she and her husband have Tomatoes' countless loyal customers to thank for its years of success, some of whom frequent the restaurant on a weekly basis, if not more often.
"You can definitely count on certain people, in certain seats, on certain nights," she says.
From young to old, folks looking for a good meal or a good time with drinks and dancing, Tomatoes offers an "across-the-board appeal" and serves a "diversified clienete," Rone says.
Its menu focuses on "California cuisine" or "Pacific Rim cooking," she says, which she describes as an infusion of many cultural and culinary influences including Latin, Asian and European.
Rock + Roll Sushi Night
Tomatoes also has a full sushi bar which is "a huge part" of what they do, and is the focus of its busiest night of week, Wednesdays, also known as Rock + Roll Sushi Night.
Rock + Roll Sushi is set for 9 p.m. to midnight Wednesdays and is a "very big locals nights" at Tomatoes, Rone says. The night includes discounted drinks and a select discounted sushi menu at the bar, as well as live entertainment and dancing with DJ Steve O.
Daily happy hour at Tomatoes is 5 to 6:30 p.m. every night of the week, but it just rolls right on through the night until close on Rock + Roll Wednesdays.
Tomatoes hosts live entertainment every night of the week during the summer and every night except Sundays in the offseason.
Performing on Mondays are the Bodesa Brothers, from 8 to 11 p.m., " a live trio that is just terrific," Rone says. On Tuesdays and Thursdays it's DJ Sparkles, and on Fridays and Saturdays it's DJ Steve O.
"DJ Sparkles has an eclectic musical background that's really worthy of a good listen," she says, "and DJ Steve O just brings the party."
NYE 2013 Celebration:
Tomatoes is a great place to celebrate New Year's Eve, with a special menu set for after 6:30 p.m. (see website for menu) and live entertainment.
Call ASAP to reserve your spot.


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Anniversary Sale
adidas Originals Trefoil Logo Relaxed Fit Tank
Sale: $21.90
After Sale: $30.00
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CATHERINE CATHERINE MALANDRINO Herd Slipdress
Asymmetrical tiers of airy georgette bring fluttery drama to this racerback slipdress that stands out in a rich jewel tone. Color(s): beet sap purple. Brand: CATHERINE CATHERINE MALANDRINO. Style Name:Catherine Catherine Malandrino Herd Slipdress. Style Number: 5355817. Available in stores. Learn More
EILEEN FISHER Boxy Organic Linen Shell
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text: tommytrojan1 May 04, 2014 7:18 PM RaceRoad: You dont know why you feel so good? go see a doctor, btw ask to take of the fake smile over and over again. I know why you won, and because of the faultles electronics hoda has. To bad acting like a clown mm As has been carefully pointed out to you, the electronics have nothing to do with his dominance - otherwise all the Honda riders would be doing the same thing. And there's no 'fake' smile, either. Why shouldn't he be pleased for his accomplishments? He's an extraordinary rider, no matter what he has underneath him, not to mention a class act and respectful of his fellow competitors. Your anti-Marquez comments are becoming tiresome to read. And by the way, you might learn to spell before you post another petty observation. Reply Report abuse 37 agree 4 disagree


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This mean little sucker is state of the art in kickin' ass! Send in a nice warm sound and out comes a thunderstorm you've never witnessed before.
After getting to know the little yellow fellow you'll most likely treat him like a baby. You've to turn the knobs gently and avoid hectic moves, otherwise he'll start crying and screaming immediately. The TM-7 Scrotum Smasher is tube distortion at its' finest!


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Google faces record 3 billion euro EU antitrust fine: Telegraph
The Telegraph cited sources close to the situation as saying officials planned to announce the fine as early as next month, but that the bill had not yet been finalised.
New York cop "assassin" telegraphed intentions on Instagram
Posted just hours before Ismaaiyl Brinsley allegedly walked up to two officers in...
Repeal law related to telegraph wire possession: Law panel
In its fourth interim report to the Law Ministry on obsolete laws, the law panel has recommended a total of 30 statutes which can be repealed as they have lost significance.
Department of Telecom suggests amendment in Telegraph rules for mobile phones
Bureau of India Standards is also working on safety standards for mobile handsets along with the Telecom Engineering Centre (TEC), technical arm of DoT.
Jitan Ram Manjhi: A journey from clerk in Posts and Telegraph department to Bihar's CM
Once a clerk in Posts and Telegraph dept, Jitan Ram Manjhi, who was picked by Nitish to lead Bihar, is an old hand in state's politics with stints as minister in Congress, RJD & JD(U) govts.
DoT to amend Indian Telegraph Rules to locally screen imported mobile phones, BIS to frame mobile phone standards
DoT plans to tweak ITR, 1951, by including 'mobile phones' within definition of the word 'telegraph' to ensure mobile operators only deploy cellphones deemed safe.
Lawmin okays Indian Telegraph Act change to pave way for BSNL mobile coverage in Naxal zones
DoT can award the contract to BSNL on a "nomination basis" since the project has been tagged "security sensitive" by the home ministry.


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Lucas Oil returns for 9th Season
as presenting sponsor
of Saturday
and Tuesday Night Venues
With the Awards Banquets about to officially close out the 2013 Season at Merrittville Speedway, Officials from the Thorold facility are thrilled to announce that Lucas Oil Products will return in 2014.
"We are pleased to be the presenting sponsor of events at Merrittville," said Lucas Oil Canada's Matthew Irvine, "it's a great partnership that allows us to market our brand and high performance products to a large audience while providing hospitality for our local retailers and distributors."
"Globally, Lucas Oil has a real passion for auto racing as can be seen at our facilities and others and with quite a roster of drivers as well," added (Merrittville GM) Erica Bicknell-Jones, "we are excited that the leading manufacturer of high quality petroleum additives and oils will be a big part of our fan and driver experience once again … since 2006 their support has been a strong testament to the quality and professionalism of our race teams."
Once again at each 2013 Lucas Oil Weekly Racing Series Event beginning with April 26th's Annual Spring Sizzler, race fans will again be invited to visit the Lucas Oil Display inside the Grandstand Front Gates to learn more about Lucas Oil and fill out a ballot for a chance to win an assortment of products.
Lucas Oil will continue to assist not only the 63rd consecutive Saturday Night Stock Car Schedule portion while being an integral part of the 21st season of Tuesday Night Kart Racing as well. "We use our strong involvement in motor racing to research, develop, test and then market our products," Forrest Lucas reported during last year's International Motorsports Industry Show in Indianapolis.
Lucas Oil Products were introduced to Canada in 1996 and since 2006 have flourished – gaining increasing exposure in the marketplace through its racing involvement while growing its product assortment and availability. Lucas Oil is becoming a truly national company with representation and sponsorship in every province. Lucas's success is built upon hard work, an unparalleled line of premium products and an unwavering commitment to customer satisfaction.
Lucas Oil's problem solving and preventative maintenance products provide the ultimate protection for your engine. Whether your vehicle requires conventional or synthetic oils - Lucas premium oils and additives meet or exceed all OEM specifications. Lucas Oil's extensive product line is divided into four categories and offers something for everyone – from Automotive to Heavy Duty Industrial and Agricultural to High Performance, Motor Cycle and Power Sports applications. The Lucas Oil Slick Mist family of products outperforms the competition and will leave your finish slicker and shinier than any product on the market.
Race Fans and Race Teams looking for further information on Lucas Oil Products can visit www.lucasoil.ca or www.lucasoil.com or follow Lucas Oil on social media outlets at https://www.facebook.com/OfficialLucasOil?fref=ts or https://twitter.com/LucasOil
For the latest breaking news about Merrittville Speedway including the 2014 Lucas Oil Weekly Racing Series visit the official website at www.merrittvillespeedway.com. If you have any questions, contact the Winter Office at (905) 685-7223 or you can email Erica Bicknell-Jones at email@example.com.
Race Fans and Race Teams can follow Merrittville Speedway on the social media outlets at https://www.facebook.com/groups/merrittvillespeedway/ and https://twitter.com/Merrittville
Join us next season on a Saturday Night for a LUCAS OIL WEEKLY RACING SERIES EVENT featuring FIVE Divisions with local heroes and up and coming new stars. Make your plans … call your friends and enjoy a staycation at the speedway with plenty of free parking and camping spots – a night at the races is so much fun and so close to home! Your Local Dirt Track is where it's at and the countdown to the 2014 Season has begun at Merrittville Speedway - the Best Family Entertainment in Niagara!
MERRITTVILLE SPEEDWAY SPONSORS The 2013 62nd Anniversary Lucas
Oil Weekly Racing Series for Merrittville Speedway's 5 Divisions
is brought to race fans and racers by division sponsors – Bobcat
of Hamilton, Rick's Delivery, J&S Heating and Air Conditioning,
Hoosier Tire Canada and Turn 4 Collision in addition to many
marketing partners Visit them at .
http://www.merrittvillespeedway.com/sponsors.htm and visit
them when you require their products and/or services. Lucas
Oil Products is one the fastest growing additive lines in the
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selling additive in the industry. Look for Lucas Oil Products
at your favorite automotive retailer or maintenance centre
including B&C Truck Centre, Drummond Home Hardware, KC Auto
Parts, RCM Racing Equipment and Tim Phillips Garage


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Have Medical Questions? Ask a Doctor Online!
salicylate i read, is an NSAID and pepto-bismal has never caused me to have black stool before.my stool is the same black color that it was before i started using the pepto there is just more of it which i thought would only mean that i am bleeding more. i am also feeling very tired which i read is a symptom of bleeding. i am in the u.s. and i don't have any insurance and i don't have a primary care physician so i don't really know where to go. the hospital that i went to has financial assistance which i may or may not be able to get. my main concern is that i will bleed out and die or that it might be a perforated ulcer. should i go back to the emergency room or just wait and get a referral to a gastroenterologist sometime later this week. and i don't know if i should keep taking the pepto if it is just going to cause me to bleed more.


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Contraindications: Dr. Jayam Krishna-Iyer
April 19, 2009
Those of us lucky enough to attend New York Medicaid Inspector General Jim Sheehan's talk Saturday at the Association of Health Care Journalists conference in Seattle heard him make reference to Dr. Jayam Krishna-Iyer. I was curious about the back story. Here it is:
Krishna-Iyer of Clearwater, Florida, had her DEA certificate, which allows her to prescribe controlled substances like painkillers and anti-psychotic medications, revoked in September 2006. The DEA gave the doctor three chances to do the right thing. It sent three undercover officers to her to request painkillers. In all three cases, the DEA said, the agents told her that they were not actually in pain and that they already had scored some painkillers from other sources, including their friends. Krishna-Iyer did not examine the patients but marked in her records that she did.
"Moreover, during each of the visits, Respondent made statements that indicated that she knew the patients were seeking the drugs to abuse them and not to treat a legitimate medical condition," wrote Michele M. Leonhart, DEA deputy administrator.
The story then takes a legal turn, and the DEA does a nice job of compiling the records for you. Krishna-Iyer appealed the decision. And the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Eleventh Judicial Circuit vacated the DEA's decision in September 2007.
"In considering Petitioner's experience in dispensing controlled substances under factor 2, the DEA identified only four visits by three undercover 'patients,' who were all attempting to make a case against her. The DEA failed to consider Petitioner's experience with twelve patients whose medical charts were seized by the DEA, or with thousands of other patients. In short, the DEA did not consider any of Petitioner's positive experience in dispensing controlled substances."
This would make for an interesting story. Because a doctor has done a good job treating the pain for most of her patients, does that negate the finding that she, according to the DEA, knowingly gave drugs to patients who were clearly just trying to get drugs any way they could? How often are the courts preventing the drug agency from shutting these diversion pipelines down? And are there particular judges who seem averse to stopping bad prescribing practices?
Because of the court's ruling, the DEA had to take another look at her case. After monitoring her practice, the agency found that, after being warned by the DEA about what she was doing, the doctor, perhaps not surprisingly, started to shape up. In December 2008, she was able to start prescribing drugs again but was required to provide monthly reports to the DEA.
"The reports shall list all controlled substances prescribed by the patient's name, the date, the name of the drug, its strength, the quantity prescribed, and the number of refills authorized," the DEA demanded. "The reports shall be due no later than the tenth day of the subsequent month and shall list all patients in alphabetical order. Failure to comply with the terms of this Order shall be grounds for the suspension or revocation of Respondent's registration."
New York, Florida,United States, Florida, pain, Seattle,Washington,United States, Seattle, Association of Health Care Journalists, Jim Sheehan, deputy administrator, Medicaid Inspector General, Michele M. Leonhart, Clearwater, U.S. Court of Appeals (Show more tags)
WOW-This is shocking, I have
Posted by Paying The Pric... (not verified) | Thu, 2011-08-11
WOW-This is shocking, I have now read two of these articles today as a result of a Google search. I have been a patient of Dr. Iyer for 11 years now and I flat out KNOW BETTER. I just know that she would NEVER write an RX for someone coming in saying, I just want to get buzzed on pain pills. Was this recorded,? Of course not. It was a DEA Vendetta. If it were not for Dr. Iyer and all of her health care professionalism over the years, I would probably be in a wheelchair right now. It scares me that an article like this can potentially ruin someone's life's work and excellent care and serving they have given to their community. She is very strict and serious about pain meds, how sad, what a slaughter.
Posted by emily (not verified) | Thu, 2013-10-03
I completely agree. I've been a patient for over 8 years and would be bedridden or simply not able to have any quality of life in my condition. She is against all those who seek it for recreation. She always asked questions and charts everything, she does NOT NEED to examine me every time because I see her every 30 days due to dea ruling that pain medicine ONLY CAN FILL 30 days w/us disabled and very in pain and sick patients must run to office,sit and wait , see dr, drive to pharmacy wait hr or more,and all on DAY we are due for meds. Dr. Iyer is kind, compassion and efficient. She is very fast and she thinks very fast because she is brilliant, therfor sometimes can cover more than most can in same time. SHe makes sure MY WHOLE SELF is being treated, she does injections w/ lidocain, nerve blocks, and more for pain. She also does ayurveda,traditional indian medicine, talks about yoga, meditation, healing, relaxing right, making sure I am excercising, making sure I do right things for type of pain and illnesses I have, she is amazing! I am 38 and have been dealing w/chronic pain and illness since I was 15 yrs old. It took me over 15 years to find her, theres is not anyone even LIKE her.She has saved my life. And I've been to every Pain dr in florida, none want you when you are young, look fine and have odd, incurable diseases they can't blame on spine injury and car accident and do some chiropractic and a few pain meds. They don't want a YOUNG CHRONIC pain patient, they popped me around like a ping pong ball, all treated me as if I was doing something wrong. I never drank or did drugs recreationally but I have had to pay the price for those who have. Dr. Iyer is the ONLY dr who understood and took over and saved me.
There are two sides to every story and then the truth. Its the news and papers that made her out to be some evil person drug dealer when here she is an angel and a blessing. Why would she have so many patients , clearly pain patients if it was a pill mil. And its NOT just about pain medicine. I take a number of meds, only 2 are considered pain medicines. she manages ALL my other symptoms and care. Its just the bad people have ruined it for the TRUE honest people in need. Its such a shame. Its needed, its medicine. Just as heart meds to heart patient, insulin to diabetic.Its now illegal for primary, gyn, rheumatologist and many other specialist to prescribe pain medicine, hence pain management doctors, they are trained and the ONLY ones legally allowed to prescribe it.
Imagine your worst back pain, now imagine getting hit by a car, now have the flu no, have mono on top of that, now sprain your wrist and break your leg and have 4 herniated discs and be told you CAN NOT HAVE the very medicine invented to HELP the body deal with pain. Chronic pain is an illness in itself as the nerves are constantly over firing pain signals to tell brain theres something wrong, but because its chronic and not say, a hand on fire,the brain already knows and it goes back and forth, pain meds and other meds are neeed to calm these nerve signals down, like LYRICA and NORTRIPTYLINE...which works on neorotransmitters in brain. Lyrica works directly on nerves. All these meds are given as well....but the pain is still debilitating and pain relief is simply needed in an ongoing basis for some of us unfortunate to have to battle it daily. It has taken our lives, our plans, our jobs, our future, our past times, our friends, our family. It has taken nearly everything from us, can we at least have some relief so we can LIVE in our own skin?
Dr. Iyer
Posted by Paula R Herman (not verified) | Thu, 2017-02-02
What is not in the story is that those 3 informants were straight out of jail and were addicts themselves. They let them keep the drugs prescribed. Most know that addicts will say anything to get their fix. This is why she won on appeal. She is a great doctor who does her best to kick out any patient that abuses their meds or doesn't follow the rules which are many to try to weed out the abuser. Pain meds are critical need for those in chronic pain and the drug users have made it difficult for those in real need.


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Spanky is 14 weeks old, 14 lbs, spectacularly colored and is the sweetest boy you could find. Healthy, happy, well socialized, just had last series of…$600
Spanky looks Shih Tzu and 14 lbs and Moochie looks Yorkie and is 7 lbs. 14 weeks old, have all shots, socialized, happy, healthy babies. Both are adorable…$600
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Beautiful healthy happy blue-eyed Husky puppies they have their shots have been deworm and come off registration papers.$600
Los Angeles, CA


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Pro Mujer is an organizations that has impacted the lives of many women in South and Central America. This organization has informed and enabled women to support themselves and their children. The organization has also spearheaded a movement to better inform women of preventative health care for themselves and their children.
Previous Stories
I was fortunate enough to visit a center in Argentina when the women were coming together to discuss their progress in their businesses. I particularly remember one woman who quietly sat through the meeting and said nothing at first. When she finally spoke up,she had stated that her husband and mother had strongly discouraged her from participating in the program and offered her no support. She persisted because the staff and women at Pro Mujer had supported and encouraged her to keep working at her little business. She said that without this kind of support, she would not have been able to do this. She has now shown her mother and husband the benefits and the profits, and now they have begun to support her efforts, but she feels that if it hadn't been for Pro Mujer, she would not have been able to accomplish all of this. She moved many in the group to tears. It is this kind of impact that ProMujer has on its women, and I strongly suggest that this work be continued in support of women and their children. They are our future, and Pro Mujer has hand in shaping a better world.
I have been a donor for over 10 years. I have seen the effectiveness of microfinancing and the professionalism of this organization. An excellent way of fighting poverty in these countries is to empower the people to create their own businesses.
One clear measurement of the effectiveness of Pro Mujer as an NGO is the ratio of employees working in country versus headquarter staff. With most of Pro Mujer employees being in Latin America and having a small HQ staff indicates a well-run and efficient organization.
I am impressed by Pro Mujer's mission to provide poor women in latin America with the tools to create small business income for themselves and more opportunities for their families. The combination of microfinance, business training, and healthcare support gives the women so much more than funds; the focus is on long term success and independence. I plan to donate and or volunteer in the future.
we are a ngo in india doing micro finance to yhe poor women dev elopmental activities. my self has attended the 30 th international dailoug program org by grameen trust and grameen bank in dhaka , bangladeh, with prof. younusji,, we have lot of experience in micro finance to make shgs and how to get loans and to re pay all we will teach them in advance. one month with prof. younas on micro finance training. my name is mr. b.babu rao secretary sgss, ngo./
I am a donor and former volunteer. I have given a huge amount of my time to this organization because of its vision, mission and execution. Not only has Pro Mujer helped over a million women and their families to find dignity through being able to build a livelihood but they always share their learnings and have been a role model for other NGOs throughout the world. Microfinance, Health services, Training all done at a local level by dedicated and fantastic staff is a winning model to change the face of poverty for this generation and the next.
I would have loved to write a positive review because I am sure that the Pro Mujer is doing a great job! but you asked us to write about our personal experience and my personal experience with this organization is very negative. I wrote to them on many occasions asking them to help me help the women of the VRAE, women who are suffering unimaginable hardships, women teachers, women in the fields, women mothers who would love to have the opportunity for a micro impresa loan. Not once were my emails answered. Maybe I do not know how to write or express myself but I expected a helping hand letter at least of encouragement when I by myself am trying to do the work the Pro Mujer is doing with so many administration hands and so much donated dollars. As the hungry Lazzrus said in the Bible, 'Can I sit underneath the table to at least eat the crumbs which fall down?'
I worked in Nicaragua with another NGO dealing with impoverished populations and education that was located across the street from Pro Mujer in Masaya and had the wonderful opportunity to PERSONALLY meet many wonderful women (often on that street) positively affected by the role Pro Mujer played in their lives. I have heard directly from the mouth's of these women! This organization is so COMPLETELY NECESSARY in the lives of these women so unfairly plunged into an environment that often neglects, disenfranchises, and oppresses them simply for their gender. Beyond that, this organization is improving the plight of women everywhere, and thus the world at large. This is a truly GREAT NONPROFIT and deserves to be recognized as such. Thank you.
Pro Mujer 's slogan is "Where your word counts". I love that! The women who borrow money know that other women are relying on them to work hard and repay their loans. This is the first step in the empowerment that Pro Mujer engenders.
By now, everyone knows that women are the foundation of successful micro economies (family, home, community). Pro Mujer puts this truth at the center of its programs. Working in Latin America, it provides 250,000 low-income women with business training, small loans and preventative health care, thus helping women with virtually no resources to upgrade their income and their well-being and the well-being of their children.
This is Pro Mujer's mission - to provide the supports that enable women to transform their lives by their own work and diligence. It has pursued this mission with discipline, skill, compassion, and transparency for 22 years, making it one of the most profoundly proven women-focused sustainable development organizations in Latin America.