text:
|Publication number
|Publication type
|Application number
|Publication date
|Dec 31, 2002
|Filing date
|Jun 5, 2002
|Priority date
|Jul 13, 1999
|Fee status
|Also published as
|Publication number
|Jacques H. Helot, Michael D. Derocher
|Original Assignee
|Hewlett-Packard Comopany
|Export Citation
|BiBTeX, EndNote, RefMan
|Patent Citations (9), Referenced by (6), Classifications (5), Legal Events (4)
|External Links: USPTO, USPTO Assignment, Espacenet
This is a divisional of copending application Ser. No. 09/351,661 filed on Jul. 13, 1999 which is hereby incorporated by reference herein.
The invention relates generally to fingerprint readers and more particularly to systems for properly positioning a finger for imaging by a stationary camera or other imaging device.
Passwords and personal identification numbers (PINs) have been used to provide security for financial transactions or to limit data accessibility. As one example, a person may be required to provide a PIN prior to a bank withdrawal from an automatic teller machine (ATM). As another example, access to a computer may require?a user to input a particular password. A concern is that passwords and PINs may be freely used by others who legally or illegally gain access to the passwords or PINs. Another concern is that passwords and PINs are sometimes forgotten, leaving a person unable to engage in an authorized transaction or unable to gain authorized access to data.
Biometrics may be used as a supplement or a substitute for providing security by means of passwords and PINS. Biometric-based security relates to verifying a person's identity by means of human features. The features may be facial features, such as the relative positions of eyes. Voiceprints may also be used to verify a person's identity. Fingerprints provide perhaps the most reliable biometric identification. An advantage of biometric identification is that the physical characteristics of a person cannot be taken by another.
The implementation of fingerprint security involves a number of alternatives. The image information that is stored and used as a reference may be a direct mapping of all of the physical characteristics of a finger. On the other hand, additional security is provided by converting the direct image information into a map of minutiae points that represent irregularities within the fingerprint. In this implementation, only the minutiae points are stored, rather than the actual fingerprint. Authorization to engage in a transaction or to gain access to protected data then requires a person to hold a finger to a reader, which provides the image information used to create a second map of minutiae points that is compared to the reference map.
Another difference among fingerprint readers relates to whether the finger is flattened or the Henry roll technique is used. The Henry roll technique is similar to that used in law enforcement to obtain a wider area of information than is obtained when the finger is flattened.
Yet another difference among fingerprint readers relates to the equipment for acquiring the fingerprint information. An imaging device may be sufficiently large to allow both the imaging device and the finger to remain stationary. The imaging device may be a charge coupled device (CCD) or an array of tiny capacitive sensors which capture the fingerprint information by measuring the differences in electrical charges between fields and ridges of the skin. However, the size of the array must be relatively large if the array and the finger are to remain in fixed positions. This may be cost prohibitive in many applications of biometric security. Consequently, many fingerprint readers require relative movement between imaging device and the finger to be imaged.
U.S. Pat. No. 4,553,837 to Marcus describes a Henry roll fingerprint processing apparatus that requires relative movement between the finger and the imaging hardware. The apparatus includes optical scanning equipment, an array of photoelectric transducers, lenses, and electrical scanning equipment. A cylindrical-segment platen provides a transparent surface for supporting a finger. A motor rotates the light source, the array, the lenses and an element of the electrical scanning equipment. The axis of rotation is substantially the same as the axis of the finger-supporting surface of the platen. As the rotation occurs, the physical characteristics of the finger modulate the light beam to provide a reflected light beam having the desired fingerprint information.
It is important that the finger remain properly positioned relative to the imaging equipment. Typically, the desired orientation is one in which the finger is generally parallel to an imaging plane. The curvature of the finger-supporting surface of the Marcus apparatus is designed to promote proper placement of the finger to be imaged. Another apparatus of interest is described in U.S. Pat. No. 3,804,524 to Jocoy et al. The Jocoy et al. apparatus directs and positions a finger for fingerprint identification. The finger is placed so as to abut a forward stop member. As the finger pushes the abutted forward stop member, the finger slides along the surface of a flat window. An imaging device is on a side of the window opposite to the finger. Lateral movement of the finger is retarded by providing a guide member that is straddled by two fingers as the hand is moved along the surface of the apparatus. The desired flatness of the finger (i.e., a generally parallel relationship between the finger and the imaging plane) is achieved by providing a palm guide member that is allowed to move in the direction of hand movement. In operation, the palm of the person is placed in contact with the palm guide member such that two fingers straddle the lateral guide member. As the stop member is pushed from covering the window, the fingerprint information is acquired.
While the prior art techniques for promoting proper finger positioning improve the likelihood that sufficient fingerprint information will be acquired, further improvements are desired. For example, in the Jocoy et al. apparatus, the device may easily be operated with the hand being cupped. The cup-shaped hand will still contact the palm guide member and will allow the person's finger to push the stop member from atop the window. However, the finger will be pointed toward the window as the finger travels over the imaging device. This adversely affects the likelihood that reliable fingerprint information will be acquired.
What is needed is a system that provides an increased reliability with respect to acquiring fingerprint information, with the increase being achieved as a consequence of promoting finger flatness during an imaging process.
A system for imaging a fingerprint includes providing a sliding finger guide that is restricted from following its established slide path, unless there is an applied force in the direction generally perpendicular to the slide path. The finger guide includes a finger-support region with an opening configured to expose a finger to an imaging device having a field of view that defines an interrogation region. In a preferred embodiment, the mechanism for restricting displacement of the finger guide is arranged to require pressure on opposite sides of the finger guide, with the opposite sides being aligned with the slide path. This alignment is intended to promote proper finger placement, since it requires finger contact at both the forward and rearward sides of the finger-supporting region.
In one embodiment, the finger guide is a carriage that is restricted from movement by a detent-and-notch arrangement in which at least one spring mechanism biases the finger guide into a locked position. In the locked position, detents rest in notches, so as to prevent sliding motion of the finger guide. However, by applying downward pressure onto the finger-supporting region of the guide, the detents are removed from the notches, allowing the guide to slide along a path that traverses the interrogation region of the imaging device. Typically, the imaging device is an optical arrangement, but this is not critical to the invention.
Preferably, the finger-support region has a central opening and has a contour designed to receive the finger to be imaged. For example, the contour may be the bottom portion of an elongated and truncated hemisphere. That is, the region may be cup-shaped, with an oval cross section that decreases in area as the cross section moves downwardly. Another preferred aspect of the finger guide is the use of raised bumps on the finger-support region in order to provide tactile feedback regarding finger positioning. For example, the-raised bumps may be on the forward and rearward sides of the finger-support region. Other tactile-feedback features may also be used.
In one embodiment, actuators extend from the surface of the finger-support region. Proper placement of a finger depresses the actuators and releases the finger guide for movement along its slide path. The actuators may be placed on the forward and rearward sides of the finger-support region, so that there is a strong likelihood that a finger is properly positioned when the guide is released from its locked position.
In another embodiment, proper finger positioning is promoted by using at least one roller that is locked unless certain conditions are met. For example, there may be a first roller on the forward side of an imaging window and a second roller on the rearward side of the imaging window, with the rollers being prevented from rotating unless pressure is applied to release members on the opposed lateral sides of the imaging window. The release members, rollers and imaging window should be sufficiently close to allow a single finger to contact all five components simultaneously. Consequently, when the finger is properly positioned, the two release members are depressed and the two rollers are allowed to rotate. In one application of this embodiment, the release members control the positions of projections which are aligned with teeth of gears at the ends of the rollers. Without pressure on the release members, the projections extend into the teeth and prevent gear rotation. However, when the release members are depressed, the projections are removed from contact with the gear teeth and the rollers rotate freely.
An advantage of the invention is that reliable fingerprint information is repeatedly acquired. The proper design of any one of the embodiments forces a user to properly position a finger to be imaged. The contour of the finger-support region and the raised bumps along that region provide tactile feedback for a user. Another advantage is that the locking mechanism reduces the likelihood of premature movement of the finger guide along its slide path. The user can adjust finger positioning prior to applying the pressure that releases the finger guide.
FIG. 1 is a perspective view of a sliding finger guide having a release condition and a lock condition that are determined by a detent-and-notch arrangement in accordance with one embodiment of the invention.
FIG. 2 is a side view of a fingerprint reader system having a detent-and-notch arrangement in accordance with a second embodiment of the invention.
FIG. 3 is a side view of a fingerprint reader system in accordance with a third embodiment of the invention, with a finger guide being shown in a lock condition.
FIG. 4 is a side view of the system of FIG. 3 shown in a release condition.
FIG. 5 is a perspective view of a fingerprint reader in accordance with another embodiment of the invention.
FIG. 6 is a side view of a release mechanism for the system of FIG. 5, with the release mechanism being shown in a lock condition.
FIG. 7 is a side view of the release mechanism of FIG. 6, shown in a release condition.
With reference to FIG. 1, a sliding finger guide 10 is shown as being positioned adjacent to a housing 12 having a pair of notches 14 and 16. The distance between the notches corresponds to the distance between a pair of detents 18 and 20 on one side of the guide 10. The upper portions of the detents have a configuration that corresponds to the dimensions of the notches, so that the detents easily rest within the notches. The finger guide 10 is in a rest position when the detents reside within the notches. A spring 23 is connected to a fixed region 25 of the housing 12 to bias the guide into the rest position. Preferably, there are third and fourth detents 22 and 24 that reside within third and fourth notches (not shown) when the guide is in the rest position.
The finger guide 10 also includes a finger-supporting region 26. Preferably, the region is concave, with a contour that is designed to comfortably receive a finger to be imaged. A central opening 28 exposes a sufficient portion of the finger to allow the identity of a person to be verified upon acquired fingerprint information.
The finger-supporting region 26 is shown as including a pair of raised bumps 30 and 32. The bump 30 will be described as being on a rearward side of the guide 10, since the guide moves in the direction indicated by arrow 34 when the system is in a fingerprint reading operation. The bump 32 is therefore identified as the forward bump. The function of the bumps is to provide tactile feedback for positioning of the finger relative to the central opening 28. Typically, there is an advantage to providing a generally parallel relationship between the finger and an imaging device (not shown) that is used to acquire the fingerprint information. By positioning the raised bumps 30 and 32 at the forward and rearward ends of the region 26 and by spacing the bumps sufficiently apart to ensure that an upright finger will not contact both bumps, the user is aided in determining when the finger has the desired orientation relative to an imaging plane and is aligned with the direction indicated by arrow 34.
In the operation of the system that includes the finger guide 10 and the housing 12 of FIG. 1, the detents 18, 20, 22 and 24 rest within corresponding notches 14 and 16 prior to contact of a finger with the finger-supporting region 26. If a finger is improperly positioned along the guide 10, the downward pressure applied by the finger may not unseat all of the detents from the notches. As a result, the guide will remain in its rest position. The preferred position of the finger is one in which both of the bumps 32 and 30 are contacted and the finger is pointed in the general direction of intended movement of the guide, i.e., the finger is pointed in the direction of arrow 34. In this desired position, downward pressure of the finger onto the guide 10 will unseat all of the detents from the corresponding notches and the guide will move in the direction of arrow 34. The arrow indicates the slide path that is followed in order to cause the central opening 28 to traverse an interrogation region of the imaging device. Following the reading process, the guide 10 is returned to the rest position by the force of the spring 23.
The finger guide 10 is biased upwardly by a spring mechanism (not shown) that supplies an upward bias to maintain the detents 18, 20, 22 and 24 within the notches 14 and 16 until finger pressure unseats the detents. Thus, the spring mechanism and the spring 23 cooperate to automatically return the guide to the rest position following a fingerprint reading operation. While the detents are shown as being formed on the guide 10 and the notches are shown as being formed on the housing 12, this is not critical. The system will operate in the same manner if the detents are on the housing and the notches are formed within the guide. Moreover, other arrangements for defining a rest position for the finger guide may be utilized.
Referring now to FIG. 2, another embodiment of a fingerprint reading system is shown. The device includes a housing 36 in which a pair of notches 38 and 40 are formed. A finger guide 42 having a finger-supporting region 44 is shown as being contacted by a finger 46. As will be readily understood by a person of ordinary skill in the art, the term "finger" as used herein includes a person's thumb. Thus, the finger 46 in FIG. 2 may be a thumb.
The guide 42 is shown in the rest position in FIG. 2. A spring 47 is connected to apply a rearward force, so that the guide is in the rest position when it is not in use. In this rest position, a spring member 48 biases the guide upwardly, with a pair of projections 50 and 52 extending into the notches 38 and 40. The structure of the spring member is not critical. The spring member can be a metallic or plastic leaf spring that easily returns to the condition shown in FIG. 2 after it is compressed. More than one spring member may be employed.
With the finger 46 properly positioned along the finger-supporting region 44, the finger is able to compress or deform the spring member 48 to remove the projections 50 and 52 from the notches 38 and 40. The guide 42 is then able to move in the direction indicated by arrow 54. While not shown in FIG. 2, the spring member 48 is configured to leave the fingerprint region of the finger 46 exposed to a camera 56 as the guide 42 moves in the direction of arrow 54. The type of camera used in the system of FIG. 2 is not critical to the invention. Any known device for acquiring fingerprint information may be used without diverging from the invention. Similarly, the circuitry 58 and the algorithm for performing digital signal processing (DSP) and the circuitry 60 for performing fingerprint verification are not critical to the invention.
In comparing the embodiments of FIGS. 1 and 2, the only significant difference is that the notch-and-detent arrangements of FIG. 1 are adjacent to the slide path of the guide 10, while the notch-and-detent arrangements of FIG. 2 are aligned with the slide path of the guide 42.
Referring now to FIG. 3, a third embodiment of a fingerprint reading system is shown as including a sliding finger carriage 62 resting atop a housing 64. The carriage 62 is in the rest position, since a pair of rods 66 and 68 extend into grooves 70 and 72 within the upper surface of the housing. A pair of actuators 74 and 76 extend above the surface of a finger-supporting region 78 of the carriage 62. As will be described more fully below, when the actuators 74 and 76 are depressed by proper positioning of a finger, the rods 66 and 68 are rotated about pivot axes 80 and 82 until the rods no longer reside within the grooves 70 and 72. In the rest position shown in FIG. 3, the sliding carriage 62 is adjacent to a camera 84. However, the release of the carriage by removing the rods 66 and 68 from the grooves 70 and 72 allows the carriage to move in the direction of a slide path indicated by arrow 86. As a result, the carriage moves over the field of view of the camera 84. The camera acquires fingerprint information that is used by DSP circuitry 88 and a fingerprint verifier 90. The operations of the camera, DSP circuitry and fingerprint verifier are not critical to the invention.
Similar to the embodiments of FIGS. 1 and 2, the carriage 62 is biased by a spring 91 into the rest position. While coil springs have been shown in the drawings, other types of biasing mechanisms may be substituted.
Referring now to FIG. 4, the sliding carriage 62 is shown in the release condition. A finger 92 is aligned generally parallel to the imaging plane of the camera 84 and is directed in alignment with the direction of travel 86 of the carriage. The downward pressure of the finger 92 onto the actuators 74 and 76 causes rotation of the rods 66 and 68 about the pivot axes 80 and 82. This rotation removes the rods from the grooves 70 and 72 within the upper surface of the housing 64. Following the downward pressure of the finger, forward pressure that is applied by the finger will overcome the force of a spring 93 and will cause the carriage and finger to move across the field of view of the camera 84. The camera is focused to provide sufficient resolution for reliably identifying the fingerprint.
FIG. 5 is an embodiment of the invention that does not include a carriage. In this embodiment, the finger is supported by a pair of rollers 94 and 96 that are positioned on opposite sides of an imaging window 98. The rotational axes of the rollers are parallel to the length of the imaging window. This embodiment also includes a pair of release members 100 and 102 that determine whether the rollers are allowed to rotate about their axes. The release members are depressable actuators that operate with the rollers to promote proper finger placement during a fingerprint reading operation.
The rollers 94 and 96 and the release members 100 and 102 are sufficiently close to allow a finger to contact all four components. Thus, a properly positioned finger contacts both of the release members 100 and 102, so as to free rotation of the rollers 94 and 96 which determine the direction of movement of the finger over the imaging window 98. As the rollers are free to rotate only when both of the release members are depressed, and since the axes of rotation of the rollers are perpendicular to the desired movement of the finger relative to the imaging window, the finger must be substantially centered over the window and must be moved in the proper direction. Moreover, as will be described with reference to FIGS. 6 and 7, both ends of both of the release members must be depressed during a fingerprint reading operation.
FIG. 6 is a side view of the release mechanism 100 and the rollers 94 and 96. The release member is coupled to a stationary member 104 which may be part of the housing of the fingerprint reading system. A spring 106 biases the release member upwardly relative to the stationary member. While the spring is shown as being a coil spring, this is not critical. Alternatively, the spring may be a leaf spring or any other type of mechanism for biasing the release member 100.
In the lock condition shown in FIG. 6, the rollers 94 and 96 are prevented from rotating, since projections 108 and 110 extend into gear teeth of gears 112 and 114. The gears are fixed to the rollers 94 and 96. Referring now to FIG. 7, the release member 100 is shown as being depressed, so that the projections 108 and 110 are removed from the gear teeth, thereby freeing rotation of the rollers. In the preferred embodiment, the coupling of the release member 100 to the stationary member 104 allows the two ends of the release member to be moved separately. That is, the release member can pivot about its center. As a result, the projection 108 can move independently of the projection 110.
Referring to FIGS. 5, 6 and 7, the fingerprint reading operation requires the finger to contact both of the release members 100 and 102. Initially, only the near ends of the release members are contacted, so that only the first roller 94 is able to rotate. As the finger is moved in the direction of the second roller 96, the downward pressure of the finger on the release members frees the second roller. The user continues to move the finger across the imaging window 98 until sufficient fingerprint information is acquired. While not shown in FIG. 5, the fingerprint reading system includes a camera having a field of view aligned with the imaging window. The system also includes the necessary circuitry for processing the fingerprint information.
|Cited Patent
|Filing date
|Publication date
|Aug 31, 1972
|Apr 16, 1974
|Jocoy K
|Apparatus for controlling fingerprint identification
|Dec 8, 1978
|Jan 20, 1981
|Peterson Vernon L
|Apparatus and method of personal identification by fingerprint comparison
|Oct 24, 1983
|Nov 19, 1985
|Fingermatrix, Inc.
|Roll fingerprint processing apparatus
|Mar 4, 1991
|Jan 5, 1993
|Sharp Kabushiki Kaisha
|Fingerprint input apparatus
|Sep 26, 1990
|Aug 3, 1993
|Oscan Electro Optics Inc.
|Optical scanning and recording apparatus for fingerprints
|Jun 7, 1995
|Aug 24, 1999
|Tuli; Raja Singh
|Enhancement methods and devices for reading a fingerprint image
|Jun 10, 1997
|May 16, 2000
|International Business Machines Corporation
|System and method for distortion control in live-scan inkless fingerprint images
|Apr 28, 1998
|Jan 23, 2001
|Cross Match Technologies, Inc.
|Individualized fingerprint scanner
|Aug 23, 1999
|Oct 9, 2001
|Becton, Dickinson And Company
|Method for making a safety shield assembly and related combinations thereof
|Citing Patent
|Filing date
|Publication date
|Apr 29, 2002
|Sep 26, 2006
|Laurence Hamid
|Swipe imager with improved sensing control features
|Dec 27, 2005
|Apr 21, 2009
|Li-Kuo Chiu
|Continuous fingerprint image retrieval device
|Apr 29, 2002
|Jan 2, 2003
|Laurence Hamid
|Swipe imager with improved sensing control features
|Dec 31, 2002
|May 27, 2004
|Stmicroelectronics, Inc.
|Imaging system with locator bar for accurate fingerprint recognition
|Dec 27, 2005
|Jun 28, 2007
|Li-Kuo Chiu
|Continuous fingerprint image retrieval device
|Jul 1, 2011
|Oct 27, 2011
|Fujitsu Limited
|Fingerprint reader device and electronic apparatus
|U.S. Classification
|382/126, 382/312
|International Classification
|Cooperative Classification
|European Classification
|Jul 31, 2003
Owner name: HEWLETT-PACKARD DEVELOPMENT COMPANY, L.P., TEXAS
Free format text: ASSIGNMENT OF ASSIGNORS INTEREST;ASSIGNOR:HEWLETT-PACKARD COMPANY;REEL/FRAME:013862/0623
Effective date: 20030728
|Jul 19, 2006
|Maintenance fee reminder mailed
|Dec 31, 2006
|Lapse for failure to pay maintenance fees
|Feb 27, 2007
|Expired due to failure to pay maintenance fee
Effective date: 20061231


text:
We read already in the Bible (Ruth 2:14) that the land-owner Boas invited the Moabite Ruth, who later became his wife, during her gleaning of grains: Come over here and eat some bread and dip your morsel into the vinegar-drink! And she sat down beside the reapers; and he reached her parched corn and she ate and was sufficed and left." This biblical report from around 1000 B.C. not only gives us a hint of their exemplary nutritional habits, although they were modest by our perspective, we see from it also that, even at that time, people prepared beverages with microorganisms of lactic acid and how they served the people for strength and refreshment during the hard work of harvesting.
During the fermentation and oxidation processes, the mushroom effects diverse complicated reactions In the tea-setting, either one after the other or side by side (these are assimilation-and dissimulation- processes). The tea-mushroom feeds on the sugar And, in exchange, produces other valuable substances which change into the drink: glucuron-acid, lactic acid, vitamins, amino acids, antibiotic substances, and other products. The tea-mushroom is, therefore, a real, tiny biochemical factory.
Numerous doctors and scientists have concerned themselves with the effects of the Kombucha-beverage as a home remedy. Many scientific works are at hand concerning Kombucha. They speak of its therapeutic effectiveness abased on glucon-acid, glucuron-acid, lactic acid, acetic acid, as well as the life-supporting vitamins C and the B-group. As has been proven especially by Russian researchers, many of its components have antibiotic and detoxifying characteristics, and they playa decisive role for the biochemical processes in the body.
In contrast to the many pharmaca with unpleasant side effects, the active substances of the Kombucha address themselves to the whole body system; through its friendly metabolistic properties, it can reestablish a normal condition in the cellular membranes without any side-effects and thus promote one swell-being. Let us use these natural powers for maintaining our vitality, activity, as well as our mental and physical capacities!
Professor S. Bazarewski brought forth a report in the "Correspondence for the Association of Nature Researchers in Riga, 1915, that among the Latvian population of the Baltic Russian Provinces of Livland and Kurland, they had a folk-remedy by name of "Brinum-Ssene" Verbally translated, it means "Wonder-mushroom". The Latvian population ascribed to this mushroom "a wonderful healing power for many diseases", according to Bazarewski. Some people asked by Bazarewski insisted that it helps fore head aches, but others assured him that "this mushroom is useful for all diseases.
Privy Councilor Prof. Dr. Rudolf Kobert(1917-18) recollects that an "unfailing remedy against joint rheumatism" was made with this mushroom.
Also Prof. Dr. Wilhelm Henneberg(1926) reports that a drink made with tea- mushroom was prepared, called "Teakwass" in Russia, being used in all those areas as a "remedy against all sorts of diseases, especially against constipation. "
According to Dr. Madaus in the "Biologic Healing Arts" (1927), the mushroom, and its metabolic products, has excellent influence on the regeneration of the cellular walls and is, therefore, an excellent remedy for arteriosclerosis.
Prof. Br. Lakowitz (1928) confirms Waldeck's statement that digestive disturbances are quickly removed by the mushroom-tea. Strong headaches and nervous disturbances also are removed experientially. Lakowitz comes to the conclusion: "An extensive spreading of the mushroom-tea for the production of such Tee-Kwasses, as a remedy against digestive disturbances is desirable for all types of people."
In the "White Flag" (1928) is reported: 'The refreshing taste of this tea-beverage is generally pleasing, and its effect is ... a very good one. The taste of the fermented tea is very pleasant, being reminiscent of light, sparkling wine or sweet Most (pear juice). The effect of the tea usually shows up very fast. Most of all, it works blood-cleansing and detoxifying and is said ... to give excellent services for facial skin rashes. Further, according to doctor's orders and evaluations, it is very effective for constant headaches, pain in the limbs, gout, rheumatism, and other aging problems. The general effect of the mushroom-tea shows already in a few weeks through an improved general condition and in one's raised performance capacity, which may be connected with the mushroom's high vitamin and hormone effect, which are also emphasized by doctors.
Further, the mushroom stimulates the metabolism ... excellently and, thereby, helps in clearing out the body, i.e. the elimination of all types of disease toxins.
Dr. Siegwart Hermann (1929) describes experiments with cats who had been poisoned with Vigantol (an anti-rickets Vitamin B-preparation). He noted a positive influence in their cholesterol level when the animals received Kombucha extracts. This is interesting because in cases of human arteriosclerosis there is also a raised cholesterol level. Hermann's resume based on these experiments is: "The observations by doctors at the sickbed, as also the animal experiments, showed that folk-wisdom quoted effects have been observed in general."
In 1961, Dr. med. Valentin Koehler stimulated a discussion on the therapeutic usage of Glucuronic acid through his article titled, "Glucuronic Acid Gives Courage to Cancer-Patients in the periodical "Medical Practice". Glucuronic acid is one of the products that are produced during the fermentation process in the Kombucha-tea. Dr. Koehler reported at that time about encouraging results in treating cancer patients with Glucuronic acid. The maximally long effect of Glucuronic acid is able to bring about an increase in the body's own defenses and, possibly, also of the Interferon-production.
The detoxifying function of Glucuronic acid goes hand-in-hand with an improvement in the general condition and in the oxidative metabolism.
Dr. Koehler also noted surprising successes in the treatment of sick trees. Various Institutions were doing scientific tests for resolving the problem of dying trees. By combining nutritious substances, trace- elements, and heavy metals ions a building process was activated or accelerated. The capacity of the Glucuronic acid to enter into combination with both foreign and endogenic toxic substances, effects protection for the plant cell. Over 200 substances can be made harmless by this way, including those which are contained in acidic and radioactive rain, as well as sulfur dioxide, nitrites, ozone.
According to Dr. Koehler's research, the protective activity connected with Glucuronic acid preserves also the genetics of the plant from growth disturbances or promotes their restoration in the further course of its growth. The insights arising from Dr. Koehler's examinations can be transferred onto all human cells. When the processes of growth and decomposition in the human metabolism are maintained on an optimal level through adding small dosages of Glucuronic acid, as contained in the Kombucha beverage, it presents a combination of scientific data and a product of nature which is currently still much preferred by the laity. Here is a possible aid for a humanity that is more and more threatened through toxic environmental substances. By Glucronic acid, the "disturbance products in the human body are disintegrated into end- products, eliminated and, thereby, made harmless. This detoxifying function of Glucuronic acid benefits the variety of cellular functions.
This shows up as increased endogenic capacity towards the toxic and environmental stresses batting us from many sides, as a revival. of damaged bodycells, and a restoration and firming upon our well-being. When many peoples say that they use Kombucha not to necessarily heal a particular disease, but they drink it as a beverage for supporting their well-being, we have in this a contact point where scientific insights and folk-wisdom can go hand in hand.
Dr. E. Arauner (1929) reports of diverse medical reports and evaluations and reaches the following conclusion:" In summary, one can say that the Kombucha mushroom or its extract, has proven itself as excellently prophylactic against diabetes, but especially against aging problems, such as arteriosclerosis, high blood pressure with its consequences such as dizziness, gout, hemorrhoids; for the very least it is a pleasant laxative." Dr. Arauner reports that in his home-country the tea- mushroom has been in usage for centuries by Asian people because of its surprising healing successes, being a most effective, natural home-remedy for tiredness, fatigue, nervousness, beginning aging problems, arteriosclerosis, intestinal lassitude, gout and rheumatism, hemorrhoids, and diabetes.
Arauner adds to this, that not only professors, doctors and biologists have confirmed the surprising healing successes but also those who have imbibed the mushroom-tea report about "entirely excellent effects on the general body functions.'
The med. doctor, Dr. Rudolf Sklenar of Lich, Oberhessen, reported in 1964 in the periodical "Experiential Healing Science" about his methods of diagnosis and therapy successes: "An outstanding natural remedy is the mushroom beverage named Combucha, which acts detoxifying in every regard and which dissolves microorganisms as well as cholesterol." Dr. Sklenar had developed a biologic cancer therapy in which Combucha, as well as other biologic remedies such as Coli-preparations, held an important place for the sanitization of the intestinal flora.
In a small publication of 8 pages, titled "Cancer Diagnosis Based on Blood and the Treatment of Cancer, Pre-cancerous Conditions, and other Metabolic Diseases with Kombucha and Coli-Preparations", Dr. Sklenar reports that vitamins, lactic acids and glucuronic acid are (viruses, bacteria, fungi)and to the dissolution of waste matter and toxic deposits (uric acid, cholesterol, etc.)". Kombucha effects "an outstanding detoxification of the organism". Through enjoying this beverage there is, additionally, a "noticeable invigoration of the entire glandular system and enhancement of the metabolism."
Dr. Sklenar reports that he was able to treat successfully with the mushroom-tea: gout, rheum, arteriosclerosis, arthritis, dysbacteria, constipation, impotence, nonspecific draining, obesity, furunculosis, kidney stones, cholesterol, cancer and especially its early stages, etc.
The Natural Healing specialist A.J.Lodewijkx of Ermelo, Netherlands, writes about Kombucha in his very recommendable book "Life Without Cancer" (obtainable in the Dutch and German languages): "The Kombucha mushroom has strongly antiseptic properties. The tea purifies the glandular system and promotes elimination; uric acid is neutralized and eliminated through Kombucha tea. Therefore, this tea is an excellent remedy against gout, rheum, arthritis, kidney stones, intestinal dysbacteria, but especially cancer and its early stages because the Kombucha mushroom exerts a mighty influence on the disease-causing endobionts. As we have seen, it is these endobionts which eliminate the red corpuscles when the pH changes unfavorably. In all metabolic diseases and cancer, Kombucha is a unique beverage for the detoxification of the body. Kombucha removes the metabolic dross and normalizes thereby the blood pH."
Gottfried Mueller, founder of the world-wide "Salem Children's and Youth Villages" praises the Kombucha tea-mushroom this way: "A gift from heaven, especially for health emergencies" (in "Salem-Help" 15, Nr. 3, August 1987, page 2).
Some of the health-promoting properties ascribed to Kombucha-tea require further research. However, other active mechanisms are entirely proven both by scientific testing and experientially, such as: regulation of the intestinal flora, cellular strengthening, detoxification and dross elimination, metabolic harmonization, antibiotic effect, facilitating pH- balance.
Nowadays, there are occasional warnings - mostly coming from ignorance or economic interests - not to make the Kombucha beverage by oneself. Such a warning is justified in so far as the know-how about the precise method, wherewith, and why, etc. had often been lost and people wrongly experimented instead of abiding with proven recipes.
However, when one works clean and abides by proven directions, then there is no hesitation in making the Kombucha drink, as in many generations past. Whoever has the necessary knowledge can deal successfully with the tea-mushroom - just as one deals with other "open" foodstuffs in one's household. When abiding by proven instructions, one can produce an impeccable, tasty, wholesome and effective Kombucha beverage. The mushroom will increase and accompany its owner lifelong and serve him or her well.
The Russian researcher I.N. Konovalow mentions in his report of 1959, that the intensive growth of the tea-mushroom leven and bacteria distinctly suppresses the spreading of other yeast and bacterial varieties.
Also the Russian Professor G.F. Barbancik(1958) reports In his book about the tea-mushroom based on laboratory tests which showed that the tea- mushroom bacteria drive out all other microbes energetically (antagonism).
In contrast to other reports. this mushroom is easy to multiply and part. Because It grows cheerfully and is parted willingly, all friends and acquaintances can soon benefit. It is a good custom to pass on the Kombucha mushroom to other people as a sign of friendship and mutual helpfulness.
Source: Guenther W. Frank, "Kombucha, Healthy beverage and Natural Remedy from Far East" Publishing House W. Ennsthaler, Steyr, Austria, 9th revised edition 1995
1.- Make tea in the ordinary way. Per litre (quart ) of water, infuse 2 teaspoonfuls (about 5 g = 0.2 oz) of black or green tea in freshly boiled water. You may also use tea bags. Let the tea leaves "soak" for 15 minutes. Green tea comes from the same plant as black tea and is distinguished from it principally by the way it is processed: it is not fermented. Japanese doctors found out that green tea prevents cancer growth. I would suggest to use green tea for the Kombucha beverage. If you don't want to use black or green tea you can also use herbal teas.
2 - Strain off the tea leaves through a sieve, or remove the tea bags from the water, as the case may be.
3 - Add about 70 - 100 g (2+ - 3 oz) of white sugar per litre (quart) of water into the filtered infusion before it has cooled. Stir the tea so that the sugar dissolves totally. 1 tablespoon of sugar is about 20 g (0.7 oz).
4 - Let the sugared tea cool down to a temperature not higher than 20 - 25 degrees Centigrade = about 68 - 77 degrees Fahrenheit (lukewarm). The culture dies when it has been placed in a hot nutrient solution.
5 - When the tea has cooled to room temperature, pour the solution into a glass, china, glazed earthenware or stainless steel container. Glass is best. Metal containers of other types than stainless steel are unsatisfactory and should never be used because the acids formed may react with the metal. You could also use a high-grade synthetic material of the polylefine group, e.g. polyethylene (PE) or polypropylene. Wine or cider is also kept in containers made of this food-grade material. However, you should avoid containers made of polyvinylchloride (PVC) or polystyrene.
6 - If you prepare your first Kombucha drink, add the liquid that you got with the culture. On all later batches, always keep enough Kombucha drink to add about one tenth (10%) of the quantity to your new batch as a "starter liquid".
7 - Place the live Kombucha culture in the liquid.
8 - Cover the mouth of the fermentation container with a cheesecloth, a tea towel, paper towel or similar light cloth to keep out fruit flies, dust, plant spores and other pollutants. Tie it down with a large rubber band to ensure that fruit flies can't get in. The cloth must be porous enough to allow air to circulate so the culture can breathe, but not so porous that tiny fruit flies can get in to lay their eggs.
9 - The fermentation should proceed for 8 - 12 days, depending on the temperature. The higher the room temperature, the faster the fermentation. The period of 8 - 12 days is given merely as a guide. The Kombucha culture needs a warm and quiet place and should on no account be moved. The temperature of the tea should not fall below 68 degrees F (= 20 degrees Centigrade) and not rise above 86 degrees F (=30 degrees Centigrade). The ideal temperature is about 74 to - 80 degrees F (=23 - 27 degrees C). Light is not necessary. The culture also works in darkness. The culture may be damaged by exposure to bright sunlight. Half shade is better. During the process of fermentation the sugar is broken down by the yeast and converted into a gas (CO2) and various organic acids and other compounds. It is the combination of these processes which gives the Kombucha beverage its characteristic flavor. The infusion is at first sweet but this sweetness disappears as the sugar is broken down. At the same time an acid flavor begins to develop as a result of the activities of the bacterium, so there is a transition from sweetness to sourness. If a slightly sweet drink is preferred, the fermentation has to be stopped earlier. For a dry or slightly acid flavor it has to be continued longer.
10 - When the tea has attained the right acid degree (pH 2,7 - 3,2), depending on individual taste, remove the culture with clean hands. Clean the culture under cold or lukewarm water. Fill new tea into the jar and add the culture immediately. Respect the right temperature of the tea. Pour the beverage into bottles, which should be filled to the brim. Keep about one tenth (10%) as starter for the next batch. Stopper the bottles securely. I don't think it necessary to strain the fermented beverage through a cloth. A certain amount of sediment is normal. It is due to the growth of yeasts, which produced the gas which aerates the beverage. The yeasts are said to have some desirable positive effects on the human organism.
12 - The drink has an agreeable taste. It is sparkling, slightly sour and refreshing. One normally drinks three glasses a day, one glass (4 to 6 ounces or more) on an empty stomach in the morning, the second glass after a meal in the course of the day, and the last glass a short time before going to bed.
13 - When you start a new fermentation process, never forget to add to the new tea at least 10 % of the liquid from a cultivation which has already fermented.
The Kombucha culture grows and covers the surface of the tea completely. While growing on the surface of the tea the culture thickens considerably. The thickened culture will be composed of easily separable superimposed layers. The layers can be peeled off one from another and each can be used as independent units for the production of Kombucha beverage.
If the culture should sink to the bottom of the vessel, a new culture will form on the surface of the tea. In this way each culture will continue to propagate itself until it gradually begins to turn a dark brown color. When it is dark and dirty brown discard it and replace it with one of its offspring. Thus this unique culture can provide you and your family with an ongoing supply of Kombucha tea at very low cost.
I would appreciate any exchange of information, experience and research results.
Gunther W. Frank Genossensch. -Str. 10
75217 Birkenfeld, Germany Fax (+49) 7231-485046
The book: "Kombucha - Healthy Beverage and Natural Remedy from the Far East"
Webloader Webloader Health Kombucha Kombucha Questions

subset: commoncrawl


text:
by Staff Writers
Washington (AFP) Jan 20, 2014
Air pollution from China blows across the Pacific Ocean and ends up over the US west coast -- and American consumerism is to blame for a portion of it, said a study Monday.
On some days, nearly a quarter of the pollutants in the air over California, Oregon, Washington and Portland were initially spewed into the air in China, during the making of televisions, toys, cellphones and other products for export.
"We've outsourced our manufacturing and much of our pollution, but some of it is blowing back across the Pacific to haunt us," said co-author Steve Davis, a scientist at the University of California, Irvine.
"Given the complaints about how Chinese pollution is corrupting other countries' air, this paper shows that there may be plenty of blame to go around," he added.
The research was led by Jintai Lin of Beijing's Peking University, along with co-authors from the United States and Britain.
The study found that 22 percent of carbon monoxide and 17 percent of black carbon emitted in China were associated with the production of goods for export.
Black carbon is a concern because it lingers in the atmosphere, doesn't wash away with rain and can travel long distances. Exposure can raise the risk of cancer, heart and lung disease and asthma.
The study also examined sulfur dioxide and nitrogen oxide.
"For each of these pollutants, about 21 percent of export-related Chinese emissions were attributed to China-to-US export," said the study, which appears in the Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences.
Related Links
Our Polluted World and Cleaning It Up
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text: It may seem like we're overly focused on Northeastern U.S. political scandals here at The Frisky, but if Northeastern politicians would stop indulging in such pervy personal business, we would stop. The latest from the region that was proud to call Eliot Spitzer "The Love Gov"? That other dilly-dallying Governor — former NJ Governor Jim McGreevey — has even more skeletons in his closet…though it seems to be more of a strike against his ex-wife Dina Matos. McGreevey famously resigned from his post a couple of years ago because a former aide accused him of sexual harassment — he later came out as a homosexual. His ex-wife Matos (whose fashion sense we admired only a few days ago) wrote a book about her "sham" of a marriage and said she was totally blind-sighted by her husband's admitting that he was gay (he claims she knew all along). Well now the former driver for the couple says that he used to have threesomes with the pair every Friday night — and McGreevey has backed up the claim as TRUE. Might Matos' tell-all be as big a sham as her marriage? Hope she still has that powder blue suit and pearls — this scandal is far from over. [Yahoo! News]


text:
Effects of Right to Work Laws on
Employees, Unions and Businesses
John W. Cooper
Available online as a PDF
Available online as a PDF
Available online at: http://www.johnwcooper.com
© 2004 John W. Cooper
I would like to thank my parents for being there for me while I was writing
this paper. Father, your involvement with
the legal profession sparked my interest in the law. You are an inspiration to me and inspired me
to take on this legal topic. Mother,
thank you for supporting me while I wrote this paper. Without your support and guidance I would not
be where I am today. I would also like
to thank those who have contributed so much to the study of Right to Work laws,
including Baird, Dinlersoz, Ellwood, Fine, Greer,
Holmes, Mishel,
Should a state adopt a Right to Work law? This question has been and continues to be hotly contested. In brief, Right to Work laws prohibit unions from including certain types of union security clauses in their contracts with companies that effectively force the company to make their employees either join the union or at least pay a proportion of their union dues as a condition of employment. Proponents of Right to Work laws point to research that says Right to Work laws have a positive effect on states that adopt them while opponents of Right to Work laws do just the opposite.
The purpose of this paper is to sift through the great deal of research currently available to decide whether a state should adopt a Right to Work law. To make this decision, this paper primarily focuses on how Right to Work laws affect a state's people: their wages, their employment levels, their morality, their unions, and their wealth. In examining the moral issues associated with Right to Work laws, this paper looks at both the "forced union dues" problem and the "free rider" problem.
After weighing the pros and cons of Right to Work laws this paper finally concludes that Right to Work laws are a net benefit to a state and should be adopted because the benefits to a state's people outweigh the costs: Right to Work laws create jobs and spur economic activity.
Foreword 01
Introduction 02
Background 04
Employees and Right to Work Laws:
Wages 09
Employment Levels 19
Union Dues 26
Unions and Right to Work Laws:
Union Membership 33
Free Rider Problem 36
Companies and Right to Work Laws:
Stockholder Wealth 40
Conclusion 42
Works Cited 44
Figures and Case Examples
Figure 1: Right to Work Law Adoption Timeline 6
Figure 2: Right to
Figure 3: Full Text of Actual Right
Case Examples
Many brilliant studies have been done on the topic of Right to Work laws. This paper's goal is not to provide new groundbreaking research, but to provide someone unfamiliar with the Right to Work issue with all of the most current information in an accessible and easy to read format.
a resident of
In order to make it easier for the reader to understand the important concepts a key points learning box found at the end of each section summarizes the main points of that particular section. Additionally, case examples of Right to Work law implementation are included sporadically throughout to provide real world examples of Right to Work laws in action.
· Congressperson: This paper will provide you with the background necessary to understand Right to Work legislation. It will objectively examine the mounds of evidence provided by both proponents and opponents of Right to Work laws, and will conclude with some recommendations and suggestions for your state's future.
· Union Member: This paper will inform you of the rights you have in both Right to Work and non-Right to Work states.
· Business Owner: This paper will provide you with all the information you need to better understand how your relationship with a union and the relationship of your employees with a union changes when your business is in a Right to Work state.
Right to Work laws, sometimes referred to as Right to Work for less laws, are a hot topic (Clay and Larson). Congress is even considering a national Right to Work bill. The bill, H.R. 391, has over a hundred co-sponsors as of December 2003 ("The Welch"). Congress considered another national Right to Work law in 1996, which was defeated by a filibuster in the senate (Baird, Right to Work Before). The purpose of this paper is to examine whether a state level Right to Work law, is right for your state: "A Right to Work law guarantees that no person can be compelled, as a condition of employment, to join or… to pay dues to a labor union" ("The Right to Work Principle").
Proponents of Right to Work laws contend that these laws lead to higher wages, create jobs by attracting businesses, improve union accountability, and are morally right because they stop people from having to support a cause in which they do not believe. Opponents of Right to Work laws contend the laws lead to lower wages, hurt unions, lower people's standards of living, and are morally wrong, because they allow people to receive union representation without paying for it.
of Right to Work laws quote
Organization of Paper:
· Background Section: To fully understand this issue one needs to understand the historical context in which Right to Work laws originated. This section also shows what they look like and how union's power for exclusive bargaining relates to these laws.
· Employee Section: This section focuses on how Right to Work laws affect workers. First this section examines the effect that Right to Work laws have on worker's wages. Then it focuses on whether these laws attract businesses and create jobs. After that it will shift its attention to the issue of union dues being used for political purposes.
· Union Section: Here we will look at how Right to Work laws affect unions. We will scrutinize the free rider problem for unions, and will consequently pay particular attention to any changes in union membership and union representation that these laws cause. We will also look at how these laws affect unions' bargaining power with employers.
· Stockholder Section: This part will examine how Wall Street reacts to Right to Work legislation, which in turn affects people's net wealth.
· Conclusion Section: In this section we draw upon the analysis from the previous three sections to make a final recommendation about whether or not a state should adopt a Right to Work law.
Most of the 22 states that have Right to Work laws adopted them in the 1940's and 1950's after the passage of the Taft-Hartley Act of 1947. The Taft-Hartley Act, which allows states to make Right to Work laws, was enacted in response to the belief that the pro-union Wagner Act of 1935 gave unions too much power ("Taft-Hartley Act"). The Wagner Act gave and still gives unions the power of exclusive representation, which allows them to act as the voice of all of a company's employees if the union can get more than fifty percent of the employees to vote for a union: "Thus, if 100 employees are in the collective bargaining unit and only ten decide to vote, then the union only needs to get six votes in order to represent all 100 employees" (Court and Hunter). After a union gains the power of exclusive representation they will often persuade employers to include union security clauses in their collective bargaining agreements. Prior to the Taft-Hartley Act union security clauses could come in three different forms. Each form would make the employer one of the following types of shops (Court and Hunter):
· Agency Shop: The union's contract does not mandate that all employees join the union, but it does mandate that the employees pay union dues.
· Union Shop: The union's contract requires that all employees join the union within a specified amount of time of becoming employed.
· Closed Shop: The union's contract mandates that the employer only hire union members.
The Taft-Hartley Act of 1947 outlawed the closed shop arrangement. Moreover, section 14(b) of this Act made Right to Work laws legal and gave states the power to pass laws to outlaw both agency and union shops: "Nothing in this Act shall be construed as authorizing the execution… of agreements requiring membership in a labor organization as a condition of employment in any State…in which such execution or application is prohibited by State or Territorial law" (Court and Hunter).
If one lives in a state without Right to Work laws and one's employer is unionized as an agency or union shop, one would be required to join the union or at least pay union dues. The employee would also be represented by the union, and bound by the union's contract. On the other hand, if one lives in a Right to Work state, and one's workplace is unionized, one would generally still be represented by the union and bound by the union contract, but would not be required to join the union or pay union dues.
Key Points – Introduction
Figure 1: Right to Work Law Adoption
Note: Delaware (1947), New Hampshire (1949), and Indiana (1965) all enacted Right to Work laws in the years within the parentheses, but are not listed above, because they have since repealed these laws.
Figure 2: Right to
Source: http://www.nrtw.org/rtws.htm
Figure 3
Employees and Right to Work Laws: Wages
Theoretical Effect on Wages:
The effect of
Right to Work laws on wage levels is ambiguous from an economic point of view (
Unions have an effect on the wages paid to both the union employees and the non-union employees in an economy, but their net effect is unclear, because while they increase the wages of the union workers, they decrease the wages of the non-union workers, because it is not known which effect dominates: "In the usual equilibrium models of the supply and demand for union services, increases in the union wage reduce employment in the union sector causing spillover increases in employment and decreases in wages in the nonunion sector" (Moore).
Nominal Wages evidence:
Opponents of Right to Work like to point out that the average wage in Right to Work states is lower than the average wage in non-RTW states. For example, on the issue section of AFL-CIO's website, they cite the Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2001: "The average worker in a 'right to work' state earns about $5,333 less a year than workers in other states" ("RTW States Are"). Proponents of Right to Work do not dispute the above statistic, but suggest that the statistic is overly simplistic, manipulative and misleading.
On a nominal basis, wages are lower in Right to Work states, but proponents argue, and this paper confirms, that once the above statistic is adjusted for cost of living, real spending power is at least the same and perhaps higher in Right to Work states. For example, when the National Institute for Labor Relations Research used The Economist Magazine's data to adjust the poverty rate in 2001 for cost of living they found that this adjusted rate was 10.8% in states with Right to Work laws as compared to 12.9% for non-RTW states ("Independent Study"). Now we will turn out attention to other studies of the 1970's, 1980's and 1990's which look at the wage issue and adjust for differences in cost of living.
Jefferson Moore, chaired economics professor from
He does critique the methodology of Carroll and Malhotra studies, which used simultaneous equation models, as being extremely complicated models which make it "impossible to compare their results with the other studies" and he particularly critiqued Wessel's study as being very "sensitive to model specification" (Moore).
After his
exhaustive review of Right to Work literature (his paper cites over 90 sources)
he concludes: "The empirical evidence accumulated in the 1970s and 1980s
indicates that Right to Work laws do not have strong lasting effects on wages.
Most researchers find that Right to Work laws have no impact on union wages,
nonunion wages, or average wages" (
Review of Recent Studies:
Most Recent Study Unfavorable to Right to Work Laws: Mishel 2001
Lawrence Mishel, president of the Economic Policy Institute, completed a study in 2001 which found that the mean nominal "effect of working in a right-to-work state results in a 6% to 8% reduction in wages" with the average reduction being 6.5%, and that even after controlling for cost of living differences, there is still a 3.8% wage penalty for living in a Right to Work state (Mishel). (Note: The Economic Policy Institute receives their funding from unions, mainly the AFL-CIO.)
Mishel's study was based on a sample of approximately 150,000 salaried workers between the ages of 18-64, with average hourly wages of $15.54 and median hourly wages of $12.25 (Mishel). What made this analysis unique is that it used a regression model to pair and then compare the wages earned by similarly situated workers in Right to Work and non-RTW states. The study used the workers' industry, occupation, and demographic information to group workers into comparable groups.
Problems with Mishel's Study:
Firstly, the author of the study conceded that his adjustments for cost of living were at best questionable: "Estimates from this… regression model [controlling for cost of living] are suspect given the lack of an established series for controlling for regional, interstate, or intra-state costs of living" (Mishel). If the adjustments for cost of living were biased one way or another, it could drastically skew the results of his study.
Additionally, trying to match workers based on their professions may inherently bias the results of the study when trying to ascertain the effect that Right to Work laws have on wages. Doing this ignores the fact that becoming a Right to Work state may in and of itself have an effect on the composition of the jobs in a state (Greer, Senior Research).
It is easier to understand this point if we imagine two towns, Town Right to Work and Town Non-RTW. We will assume for the sake of analysis that at Time 0 both towns have only four residents, and that neither town has Right to Work laws. In each town one person is unemployed, two people are machine workers ("machine worker new" has two years experience, "machine worker experienced" has ten years experience), and one person is a manager. The unemployed person makes no money, machine worker new makes $3, machine worker experienced makes $6, and the manager makes $8. The results at time 0 are summarized below:
Town Right to Work @ Time 0 Town Non-RTW @ Time 0
Now at Time 1, Town Right to Work decides to pass a Right to Work law. Passing the Right to Work law affects the composition of the job market in Town RTW. The Right to Work law convinces a company to come into town RTW, and 1 new Machine Worker New job is created in Town RTW. Everything else remains unchanged.
Town Right to Work @ Time 1 (Passed Right to Work law) Town Non-RTW @ Time 1
Note, at time 1, Town non-RTW did not decide to implement a Right to Work law so their employment remains unchanged.
Look at the table above. Town RTW's law changed the composition of the jobs in its economy, increased the total wages earned in its town, got one new person a job, and did not decrease anyone's wages. Town non-RTW has not increased the wages earned by its town or created any new jobs. However, if you compare the average wages earned by machine workers between towns—as does Mishel's study—it appears that town Non-RTW is doing better than town RTW: Town RTW's average machine wages are $4.0 whereas Town non-RTW's average machine wages are $4.5.
This example is simplistic, but it reveals a fundamental problem with trying to match workers based on their industry. In doing so, one misses the effects that Right to Work laws can have on the composition of jobs within a particular state. Next this paper will examine recent studies which are favorable towards Right to Work laws. (Note: no other recent studies characterize Right to Work laws effect on wages as negative.)
Recent Study Favorable to Right to Work Laws: Kendrick 2001
One recent 2001
study by David Kendrick
compared the after-tax wages people earn in Midwestern Right to Work states
(IA, KS, NE, ND) to the after-tax wages people earn in Midwestern non-RTW
states (IL, IN, MN, MO, WI), and found after-tax wages "to be $1,145 higher in
Right to Work states" (Wilson). There
are two problems, however, with this study.
Firstly, one could contend that the studies choice of non-RTW states
could be suspect. It is probably not
just a coincidence that the study does not include the state of
Note that this paper ignores the fact that Right to Work states have, on average, lower personal state tax rates, and the fact that non-RTW states, on average, have better government provided social services because these differences are a result of tax rate differences and not Right to Work laws (Greer, Senior Research).
Recent Study Favorable to Right to Work Laws: Wilson 2001
William Wilson, PhD
from the
Recent Study Favorable to Right to Work Laws: Greer 2004
A recent study by Stan Greer, Senior Research Associate of the National Institute for Labor Relations Research, is of particular interest because of the credibility and apparently unbiased nature of the sources the study used. The study took the Bureau of National Affairs' full-time wage employees earnings for all 50 states and adjusted this wage data for cost of living with Dr. Nelson's Interstate 2001 Cost-of-Living Index. The study concluded that "when the 2001 mean weekly earnings for full-time wage and salary employees… are adjusted for differences in living costs… employees in Right to Work states earned a mean of $675 a week… compared to $660 in non-Right to Work states" (Greer, Real Earnings).
What makes this study so interesting is that Dr. Nelson's Interstate 2001 Cost-of-Living Index is created by top researchers for the American Federation of Teachers (AFT), allies of the AFL-CIO (Greer, Real Earnings). The AFT would, if anything, be biased towards unions and against Right to Work laws. Similarly, the Bureau of National Affairs is an unbiased, objective government agency so its data would also seem to be beyond reproach. Nevertheless, this study finds only a relatively small, 2% advantage for Right to Work states in terms of weekly-adjusted real earnings.
Employees and Right to Work Laws: Employment Levels
job Creation:
The effect of Right to Work laws on levels of an employment in a state is a particularly salient issue, and deserves a great deal of attention. This section examines unemployment rates, poverty levels, overall job creation, and manufacturing job creation.
Unemployment and Poverty Levels:
The Mackinac Center for
Public Policy's 2001 Right to Work study, which compared the employment rates
in Right to Work and non-RTW states, found that "from 1978 through 2000, average
annual unemployment was 0.5 percent lower in Right to Work states"
(Wilson). Moreover, they found that
"unemployment in
General and Manufacturing Job Creation:
Just by looking at the raw aggregate numbers from the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics it is quite clear that more jobs have been created in Right to Work states than in non-RTW states over the past twenty years: "Between 1982 and 2002 the average right-to-work state increased its job rolls by 62 percent. By contrast, the average non-right-to-work states increased jobs by only 42 percent" (Kersey). Only looking at the most recent information, data from 1992 to 2002, the trend continues: Right to Work states' job creation was 26% whereas non-RTW states' job creation was only 18% (Kersey).
Results from approximately the same twenty-year period for manufacturing jobs paints an even more negative picture for non-RTW states because, instead of a net increase in jobs, non-RTW states have been experiencing a net decrease in jobs. On the other hand, Right to Work states have been experiencing a net increase in jobs: "Right-to-work states created 1.43 million manufacturing jobs, while non-RTW states lost 2.18 million manufacturing jobs [and] Michigan lost more than 100,000 manufacturing jobs" (Wilson).
Some may argue that there is a correlation, but not causation. They might also argue that there has been a gradual population shift from non-RTW states to Right to Work states and that the change in manufacturing jobs just mirrors the gradual regional shift in the U.S. population or that even without Right to Work laws, Right to Work states are relatively anti-union, and would consequently be more appealing to firms hoping to prevent unionization (Holmes). When studying something retrospectively it is almost always impossible to definitively say that variable X is the cause of variable Y. Therefore it is important to note that there are other factors, which may in part have contributed to Right to Work states' apparent superior performance compared to non-RTW states' in terms of job creation. However, given the overwhelming amounts of available evidence linking Right to Work laws with job creation it appears likely that Right to Work laws do to a certain extent affect job creation, unemployment levels, and poverty levels in a state. This is especially true because it appears that a company's decision on where to locate is affected by the presence of Right to Work laws.
Companies' site selection affected by Right to Work Laws:
The above data on job creation and unemployment rates is interesting, and it does appear that a state's decision to adopt a Right to Work law may bring jobs and companies to the state. The question is why is this the case. This section focuses on whether businesses consider Right to Work laws as a factor when deciding where to locate.
Automaker Plant Locations:
According to The Industrial Outlook (2003) all new
auto plants built in the
This limited example is supported by the findings of the important researchers on Right to Work laws—Tannenwald 1997, Moore 1998, and Holmes 1998—who collectively suggest that "RTW has been positively related to plant location, the rate of business formation, manufacturing employment, and other dimensions of state economic development"(Reed, How Right to Work Laws Affect).
Holmes Study Findings:
Holmes 1998 study examined changes in the levels of manufacturing activity when one crosses state lines between Right to Work and non-RTW states. He found that "relative manufacturing employment declines by one-third as one moves from within 25 miles of the border in the Right to Work state to within 25 miles of the border in the non-RTW state" (Wilson). He also found that "eight of the 10 states with the highest manufacturing employment growth rates are [RTW] states. All 10 states with the lowest growth rates are not [RTW] states" (Reed, Does Right to Work Boost).
Tannenwald Study Findings:
Tannenwald is an economist at the Federal Reserve Bank of
I identified 11 studies that estimate the impact of right-to-work laws on either plant location, the rate of business formation, employment, or some other manifestation of economic development…Eight of them find that the existence of a right-to-work law exerts a positive, statistically significant impact on economic activity. (Reed, Does Right to Work Boost).
In summary, all the available data and research suggest that Right to Work laws do affect business location decisions. The next question is "why do they affect the decisions?" One reason is that it appears that Right to Work states employees' are more efficient and productive. The next section explores this idea further.
Labor Productivity Theoretical:
Proponents of Right to
Work laws argue that one of the positive effects of these laws for companies is
that they increase labor productivity by increasing unions' accountability to
their members. They contend that in
Right to Work states' unions can no longer take their members for granted
because no one has to pay union dues. In
order to survive, unions in Right to Work states must become "more responsive
to their members and more reasonable in their wage and work rule demands" (
Labor Productivity Actual:
Concrete data does support proponents of RTW's claim
that Right to Work states have higher productivity. For example, the
Employees and Right to Work Laws: Forced Union Dues
Unions Political spending and activism:
Some proponents of Right to Work laws argue that states should pass Right to Work laws not only for the financial implications, but also for the ideological implications. These proponents contend that in non-RTW states many union members are forced (or tricked) into paying their full union dues, and that these dues are in part used to support political candidates and ideologies which they do not agree with. To a certain extent, proponents of Right to Work laws do have a point here, especially when one looks at unions' political campaign contributions and support versus the political affiliation of union members.
Union Members Political Affiliation vs. Union Political Activism:
Unions are active political organizations. For example, in the previous presidential campaign the AFL-CIO distributed more than 31 million pro-Democratic leaflets, and made nearly 12 million phone calls to Union members ("The Union Difference"). They did nothing of the sort for Republican organizations. However, according to the AFL-CIO's own research, in the past presidential election union members only supported Democrats over Republicans "by a margin of 63 percent to 32 percent" ("The Union Difference").
Some proponents of Right to Work argue that this means that nearly 1 out of 3 union members who were paying full union dues could have their money being used for political purposes which they do not agree with. They argue this is still true today even after campaign finance reform, and that this is wrong.
Even after campaign finance reform unions can still be active political players. There are numerous loopholes that allow unions to bypass campaign finance reform and donate money to "independent" issue organizations called 527 organizations. However, many unions do have a policy whereby the only union fees directly used for political purposes are the fees from union members who want this done. For example, the political portion of the AFL-CIO's site is not supported by general union dues but only by union members who wish to support the union's political ideology. Moreover, as a result of the Beck decision it is difficult, if not nearly impossible, to argue that in non-RTW states union members forced union dues are all being used for political purposes.
The beck decision:
The Beck decision was a landmark 1988 Supreme Court decision (Communications Workers v. Beck) in which the Court found that union security agreements do not "permit a union, over the objections of dues-paying nonmember employees, to expend funds so collected [pursuant to a union-security clause] on activities unrelated to collective bargaining, contract administration or grievance adjustment" (Page). Note that when one becomes a "Beck Objector" and does not pay full union dues, one effectively quits the union, becomes a financial-core represented worker, and gives up the right to vote in union elections. The chart below highlights some activities for which Beck Objectors must pay ("Legislative").
In plain English, the court found that even in non-RTW states, people cannot be forced to pay the proportion of union dues being used for political purposes. For example, if a person were a member of the UAW and wanted to become an objector he or she could do so by following the UAW's instructions reprinted below:
comply with the Beck decision, the UAW honors objections by nonmembers of the
At first the Beck Decision seems simple enough with clear implications but word games complicate matters. The Beck decision is problematical because many union members are not aware of their rights to become Beck Objectors. For example, a 1997 national voter survey found that 67% of union members were not aware of their Beck rights (Boehm). To date it appears that unions are still fighting hard to keep their members in the dark about these rights.
Unions' desire to keep workers in the dark about their Beck rights in the 21st century became apparent in 2001 when President George W. Bush signed Executive Order 13201, which required all "companies with federal contracts to inform [their 12 million workers] of their rights" under the Beck Decision ("Bush Urged"). The UAW Labor Employment and Training Corporation then challenged and successfully won an injunction against the order "on the grounds that the action was preempted by Congress" ("Bush Urged"). One might question the motives of the UAW for wanting to keep their members in the dark about their Beck rights. Additionally, one could logically conclude that the union would not have cared about this executive order unless many union employees were not aware of their rights. In short, the union's behavior suggests that many workers are still unaware of their rights.
Ambiguous Wording in Union Contracts:
It is not hard to imagine that many workers might be confused about their Beck rights when one examines the ambiguous wording used in some employees' contracts. For example, the United Paperworkers International Union "have a union security clause that requires all present maintenance and production employees to 'become and remain members of the union in good standing' as a condition of continued employment" (Baird, The Myth). The fact that the contract states that employees must "remain members of the union in good standing" as a condition of employment would make it seem as if one could not quit the union as a Beck Objector and only pay partial union dues, even though one can do just that.
The issue as to
the legality of the ambiguous contract wording was brought to the Sixth Circuit
Court of Appeals on September 8, 1997. (The Sixth Circuit of Appeals serves
However, in 1998 the U.S. Supreme Court overturned the Sixth Circuit Court of Appeals decision with their ruling in Marquez v. Screen Actors Guild, when a unanimous Court ruled that "collective bargaining contracts do not have to spell out what it means to be 'in good standing' because requiring membership to be specified in a contract would force all terms to be specified. There would be no limit" (Marquez v. Screen). Therefore, as the law currently stands unions can still legally use ambiguous wording in their contracts to make it appear as if one must remain a member of a union to keep one's job.
This issue is only relevant in non-RTW states in which unions are allowed to use these ambiguous security clauses. If a state has a Right to Work law these ambiguous clauses are illegal and cannot be included in union contracts. Consequently, one added benefit of Right to Work laws is that they ensure that employees are not tricked into paying union dues by semantics.
In theory the Beck decision lets union employees easily avoid paying the proportion of union dues that are being used for political purposes. Unfortunately, becoming a Beck Objector is not always easy. There have been documented cases in which Beck Objectors have faced harassment and have been given misinformation. Consequently, proponents of Right to Work suggest this is another reason to adopt a Right to Work law. With a Right to Work law a state's citizens do not have to go through the ordeal associated with becoming Beck Objectors.
Harassment & Unions:
William Goodling, past chair of the House Education and the Workforce Committee, held a number of hearings on "problems encountered by workers trying to assert their rights in the workplace" (Boehm). After his investigation in 1999 he concluded: "We heard worker after worker testify about the incredible burdens they have faced trying to exercise their rights under current law" (Boehm). The quote that follows is the testimony of Kerry Gipe. It is provided as an example of the difficulties people faced when trying to exercise their rights:
The union began an almost immediate smear campaign against us...portraying us as scabs and freeloaders….We had our names posted repeatedly on both union property and company property accusing us of being scabs. We were accosted at work, we were accosted on the street. We were harassed, intimidated, and threatened. We were told our names were being circulated among all union officials in order to prevent us from ever being hired into any other union shop at any location. (Boehm)
Now the above case is an extreme and inflammatory example that may not be reflective of the general experience most people have when they try to exercise their Beck rights. The above example is from the Congressional Record, but should be taken with a grain of salt as it was highlighted by an organization that is arguably quite anti-union. They most likely searched through the entire congressional record to find the most egregious case possible. Most unions do not behave in this manner. The UAW makes it very clear and very easy to become a Beck Objector.
That being said, an added benefit of having Right to Work laws is that they make it harder to isolate and harass people for deciding not to pay union dues. In a Right to Work state, not paying any union dues is more mainstream, which makes harassment of non-paying members more difficult.
More recently, in 2001 the House Committee on Education and the Workforce's Subcommittee on Workforce Protections heard a case on Mark Simpson's experience with attempting to exercise his Beck rights. Mr. Simpson tells a very compelling tale. He starts out by saying he "used to be a union loyalist" and "was even a union shop steward" (Simpson). He then found out that some of his union dues were being used to support causes he did not believe in, so he tried to exercise his Beck rights. He gave notice to his union in June 2000 that he wanted to exercise his rights, and it took his union six months to respond to his request. Mr. Simpson testified that "Their response said that only 1.3% of their spending was eligible to be rebated. The other 98.7% were bargaining expenses, chargeable to me as agency shop fees even after my exercising my Beck rights. And if I didn't pay them, I was fired" (Simpson).
Eventually Mr. Simpson's situation was resolved, but his situation demonstrates the procedural hurdles people can face when they attempt to exercise their Beck rights. First and foremost, they have to get their unions to respond to them, and then they have to make sure that they are getting a large enough refund and that the union is not overcharging them for the services they provide. The only way to perfectly ensure that people do not face these procedural hurdles and that allocation percentage used by the union is not too high is for a state to adopt a Right to Work law that would make the aforementioned points moot.
Unions and Right to Work Laws: Union Membership
STUDIES OF THE EFFECTS OF Right to Work LAWS ON UNIONIZATION RATES
The most current
information on Right to Work laws' effect on unionization rates is at best
The latest
studies by Hunt & White 1983, Moore 1986, and Koeller 1985-1992-1994, which
adjust for taste factors "such as congressional voting [records] or public
sector bargaining laws," have actually found that Right to Work laws usually
have no effect on the extent of unionization within a state (Moore). A
caveat to these studies, however, is that there is the possibility the Right to
Work variable in these studies mirror the taste variables mentioned above,
which would make their results meaningless (
In summary, the evidence on Right to Work laws affect on unionization within a state is unclear. Many studies have been done on this topic (Wessels 1981, Farber 1984, Moore 1986, Fines & Ellwood 1987, Koeller 1985-1992-1994). Some used stock models; some examined organizing success while others adjusted for taste variables. However, one can be fairly confident that Right to Work laws either have no effect on the proportion of union membership within a state or decrease it by somewhere between zero and eight percent.
I. Okalahoma Union Membership and Representation rates from 2000 through 2003
II. Okalahoma percentage change in union membership rates relative to 2000
III. National average percentage change in union membership relative to 2000
FREE RIDERS AND Unions:
One of the AFL-CIO's main philosophical complaints about Right to Work laws is stated on their website: "A 'right to work' law would allow nonmember workers to get all the benefits of union membership and pay nothing, while forcing unions and their members to foot the bill for those not willing to pay their share" ("RTW States Are Rest.") This argument appeals to one's common sense: It does not seem fair to require unions to provide benefits for free to nonpaying member or "free riders."
Proponents of
Right to Work laws and Moore as well suggest that the above statistics
overstate the positive impact of Right to Work laws on true free riding,
because the above analysis treated "all covered nonunion members as free
riders" (Moore).
Exclusive Representation:
Now we will turn our attention to the question of whether unions even have to represent free riders at all. On the PAA-AFL-CIO's website, there is an area containing a question and answer section about Right to Work laws. In this section the union asks, and then replies to a question about whether or not unions are required to represent all workers, even free riders:
Question: Is the union required to represent all employees—members as well as nonmembers—in a company with a union contract?
Answer: Yes. Federal law requires a union to represent all employees where the union has a contract with the employer. [In] 'right-to-work' states, where many nonmembers often pay nothing, the union must still represent them just the same as they represent dues-paying members.("The Big Lie About RTW").
Now the above statement is partially true and partially misleading. The above question and answer would be totally true if the question included the words "exclusive representation" before the word "contract." Federal law allows unions the special power to create "exclusive representation" agreements with employers. If they choose to create these exclusive representation agreements, they are indeed required to represent all members, both dues paying members and free riding members alike. However, it does not appear that unions are actually required to set up these exclusive agreements (Greer, Union Representation).
Some proponents of Right to Work laws rightfully argue: "Nothing in federal law prevents union officials and employers from negotiating contracts in which the employer recognizes the union for its members only" (Greer, Union Representation). As support for this claim these proponents point to the fact that Roberts' Dictionary of Industrial Relations has an entry for Bargaining Agent, for Members Only, including a sample members-only contract clause (Greer, Union Representation). They also cite William Gould's 1993 book, Agenda For Reform, as evidence. Gould, a former union lawyer, Stanford law professor, and former Chairman of the National Labor Relations Board, wrote in his book "[that federal] law permits 'members-only' bargaining without regard to majority rule or an appropriate unit and without regard to exclusivity" (Greer, Union Representation).
Lastly, and most persuasively, these proponents of Right to Work cite Justice William Brennan's 1962 opinion for the unanimous U.S. Supreme Court in Retail Clerks v. Lion Dry Goods which acknowledged not only exclusive contracts representing all of the workers but also the possibility of members-only contracts representing some of the workers: (Greer, Union Representation)
Section 301(a) of the Labor Management Relations [Taft-Hartley] Act, 1947, which confers on federal district courts jurisdiction over suits "for violation of contracts between an employer and a labor organization representing employees in an industry affecting" interstate commerce, applies to a suit to enforce a strike settlement agreement between an employer in an industry affecting interstate commerce and local labor unions representing some, but not a majority, of its employees. (Greer, Union Representation)
The term "labor organization representing employees," as used in 301(a), is not limited to labor organizations which are entitled to recognition as exclusive bargaining agents of employees. (Greer, Union Representation)
Therefore, it appears that unions are not required by law to enter into exclusive bargaining agreements with their employers, and that if they wanted to they could form member-only bargaining agreements in which they only represent their members, only their members are required to pay union dues, their contracts only pertain to their members, and other people are allowed to work for the employer independent of the union.
By creating member-only bargaining agreements, unions would be able to eliminate their free rider problem. However, by creating member-only bargaining agreements unions may feel that they lose some of their bargaining leverage. The question as to why unions are not choosing to do so is an interesting one, which goes beyond the scope of this paper. In summary, if unions were willing to bargain for member-only agreements they could avoid the free rider problems associated with Right to Work laws.
Companies and Right to Work Laws: Stockholder Wealth
RTW laws and STOCKHOLDER wealth:
The stock market is no longer a place where just the rich invest their money. In the 21st century more and more Americans are counting on stock performance to fund their retirements: In 2003 half of all Americans are invested in the stock market ("Politics as Warfare"). Therefore, if the stocks of companies in a state benefit from adopting Right to Work laws, a state's citizens—who invest a disproportionate amount of their money within their own state—also benefit from the adoption of Right to Work laws. For this reason, this paper now focuses on a unique and fascinating study of this topic published by the Southern Economic Journal in 2000.
The study looked at the stocks of businesses from
In order to
quantify their results they made three test date ranges. Test 1 for
above results suggest that as a direct result of
the study's results for
This paper has finally reached the end of its long journey into the world of Right to Work laws, and is now ready to answer the question: Should a state adopt a Right to Work law? In analyzing that question this paper has primarily focused on how adopting a Right to Work law impacts what matters most to a state: its people. And as unions and companies affect people indirectly it has analyzed them as well.
The main reasons people claim a state should not adopt Right to Work laws are that they lead to lower wages, are damaging to unions, and are morally wrong because they allow people to receive union services without paying for them. This paper's critical analysis of Right to Work literature has provided strong evidence that the first two potential drawbacks of Right to Work laws are red herrings. Numerous credible studies have shown that real wages in Right to Work and non-RTW states are about the same, and if anything Right to Work states have slightly higher real wages. Additionally, although Right to Work laws do make it easier for people to free ride or receive union services without paying for them, the best estimate available suggests the proportion of people who are truly taking advantage of unions in this way is insignificant. As to how Right to Work laws affect union membership, the jury is still out. Most research suggests that total union membership within a state could decrease by between zero and eight percent after a state adopts a Right to Work law. This would be the most significant negative effect to a state of adopting Right to Work laws. However, it seems fairly safe to say that the possible reduction in union size does not negatively affect workers' wages.
The main reason to
adopt Right to Work laws is that Right to Work laws spur a state's economic
activity, lead to lower unemployment and higher job growth, and make a state
more attractive to business. The aforementioned benefits are supported by the
preponderance of available research on this topic, and by the experiences of
the two most recent adopters of Right to Work laws,
When one weighs the benefits of Right to Work laws, mainly stronger economic growth and new job creation, against the negative effects of Right to Work laws, mainly the possibility of somewhat weakened unions, the choice is clear. In either case the real wages people earn are the same, but the economic growth and job creation are different. States wanting to be well positioned for success in the 21st century should adopt a Right to Work law.
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text:
Subscribe for ad free access & additional features for teachers. Authors: 267, Books: 3,607, Poems & Short Stories: 4,435, Forum Members: 71,154, Forum Posts: 1,238,602, Quizzes: 344
1 Not the soft sighs of vernal gales,
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