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A former advisor to six U.S. secretaries of state called for a "measured" American response to the new era of "fierce unpredictability" in Middle East politics.
Aaron David Miller – a senior State Department advisor during much of the Oslo peace process, who until recently headed Seeds of Peace, an organization that promotes Israeli/Palestinian dialogue – said during a Feb. 2 talk at the Union League in Center City that America should take a wait-and-see approach to the new Palestinian government, noting that it could take months to really solidify.
He made his comments in the wake of Hamas' convincing victory in last month's Palestinian legislative elections and the earlier incapacitation of Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon.
Specifically, he told the 150 people gathered at the Foreign Policy Research Institute-sponsored lecture that the United States should not rush to cut off millions in annual Palestinian aid. A handful of bills have been introduced in both houses of Congress, including a nonbinding resolution passed by the Senate calling for a halt in all American aid to the Palestinian Authority until Hamas – which is designated a terrorist group by the State Department – recognizes Israel's right to exist.
"Do you punish the Palestinian people for exercising their right to vote?" queried Miller. "We will not cut aid. We have to find a way not to pinch the Palestinian public."
That doesn't mean he expects Hamas to change its tune; quite the contrary, Miller acknowledged that it may be decades before Hamas leaders decide to recognize the Jewish state.
"They have a belief system rooted in the condition that Palestine was never promised to the Jews; it was promised to the Muslims," said Miller, who holds a doctorate from the University of Michigan in American diplomatic and Middle East history.
But he said that despite the fact that Hamas won 74 of 132 seats in the Palestinian legislative council, he thinks that Hamas' leadership may decide to focus on social and economic issues, and cede international diplomacy to Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas, whose own Fatah Party won only 43 seats in the Palestinian parliament.
Miller did concede, however, that Hamas could indeed take a more aggressive stance.
Still, the speaker urged the United States to stick by its stated goal of promoting fair and free elections in the Arab and Muslim world, even if the results – as with the Palestinian polls last month – displease American policy-makers.
"It's very hard for us to push for fair and free elections, and then micromanage the outcome," said Miller.
And What of Iran?
In the question-and-answer period that followed Miller's talk, an audience member wanted to know what to expect from Iran – which is in the throes of developing nuclear weapons – and the relationship that could form between a Hamas-led Palestinian government and the fundamentalist anti-American regime in Tehran.
Miller answered that Iran does not have the financial capital to bankroll the P.A. should European and American aid dry up. He added that with the world focused on Iran's nuclear ambitions, that country's leadership would probably not want its "fingerprints" on terrorist attacks should Hamas decide to launch an all-out assault on Israeli civilians.
Does that mean America and Israel have no need to fear Iran?
Sounding a rather somber tone, Miller declared: "I cannot see how we are going to stop the Iranians from developing a deliverable atomic weapon."


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Mad Max: Fury Road trailer recalls that stunning Road Warrior vibe
My favourite action movie of all time has got to be Mad Max 2: The Road Warrior, or—as it was known in Canada when it first hit theatres in 1982—The Road Warrior. I remember walking out of the Granville strip moviehouse I saw it in—I think it was the Vogue—and feeling like everything I saw and heard around me seemed a little more vivid than it did two hours earlier.
It's the same sort of mental buzz I would get four years later from one of my all-time fave horror flicks, The Hitcher.
There's something about brilliantly shot, suspense-stoked chase films that just does that to me, I guess.
After getting so righteously blown away by Mel Gibson's heroic drifter Max in The Road Warrior I checked out the character's debut in 1979's lower-budget Mad Max, and was equally impressed. I wasn't so thrilled by his third appearance in 1985's overblown Mad Max Beyond Thunderdome, but maybe that had something do with that equally overblown Tina Turner tune.
Anyway, if you're the type of person who's been jonesing for a reboot of the thrills you got from Max back in '82, you may find them in the fourth installment, Mad Max: Fury Road, which is slated for release next year. It's directed by the same guy who did the first three, George Miller, who talked a little about Fury Road at the San Diego Comic-Con this weekend.
"I love chase movies; I think they're the purest form of cinema," he said, according to the Sydney Morning Herald. "That's where the film language started. I wanted to make one long, extended chase, and see what we could pick up about the characters along the way."
This time around, the Mad Max character is played by Tom Hardy, who played the villain Bane in the last Batman flick.
Whether he'll be able to bring the same amount of gritty charisma to the iconic role that Gibson did remains to be seen.
But we can always hope.

subset: commoncrawl


text:
Tiger Woods fired early then faltered, leaving England's Lee Westwood to seize the first-round lead in the US Masters at Augusta National today.
Westwood, 38, had said earlier in the week that it was crazy to promote the Masters as a two-man battle between Woods and Rory McIlroy. Today, he walked on to the sodden course and proved his point.
The Englishman roared through the front nine with four consecutive birdies and picked up shots on the 13th, 15th and 17th holes to card a first-round 67. He leads by a shot from South Africa's Louis Oosthuizen, who birdied four of the past five holes to card a 68, and Peter Hanson of Sweden.
A cluster of players are at three-under 69, but Woods (72) and McIlroy (71) were slightly subdued on the opening day.
Westwood is world No. 3, a winner of 33 international tournaments and a seven-time Ryder Cup team member for Europe, but he has never won a major. One of his several near-misses came here in 2010, when he was in contention until Phil Mickelson blew him away on the final day. He finished runner-up.
It is his 13th visit to Augusta, a fact that surprised him when he was told. ''Hopefully that's a lucky number for me.''
His caddie Billy Foster had texted him in the morning to say that the pins had been set up in wicked positions. He knew he would have to be patient. ''This is a golf course I love to play. It seems to suit my game. I hit pretty much every fairway and 16 greens in regulation, and I rolled a few nice putts in.''
Oosthuizen, the British Open champion in 2010, bombed a six-metre birdie putt at the last hole to card a four-under-par 68 for the outright lead on the opening day. The sweet-swinging South African had a magnificent back nine of 33, including birdies at the 14th, 15th, 17th and 18th, although he dunked his second shot at the par-five 13th into Rae's Creek.
Woods spent most of the day on the leaderboard but bogeys at the 17th and 18th holes left him, three back from the lead but certainly in the running. He started scratchily and said his motor patterns were out, even on the range. His round included two penalty drops -- one at the par-five second when he hooked into the woods, and at the par-four 18th when he again drove left into the magnolia trees.
''Today I squeezed a lot out of that round,'' he said. ''Didn't hit it very good at all. Warmed up bad, too, and it continued on the golf course.''
Augusta National took some revenge on the players notably Sweden's Henrik Stenson, who was leading the tournament at five-under when he stood on the 18th tee. A hooked tee shot, a chip-out, a duffed iron shot and three putts later Stenson had carded a quadruple-bogey eight to finish at one-under.
Aaron Baddeley's one-under-par 71 made him the best of the Australians on the opening day. But Geoff Ogilvy (74), Adam Scott (75) and Jason Day (76) all struggled.


text:
Chipper Jones just finished a final season for the ages.
Archives for October 2012
Postseason outlook, American League
Four flawed teams target the Yankees.
Postseason outlook, National League
With no 2011 division champs back, how do these five survivors look?
Card Corner: 1972 Topps: Ken Holtzman
Where else can you find Animal House and Charlie Finley in the same place?
Three-Finger Brown times two
Cast your Hall of Fame vote! (No, not that Hall)
The all-month team: October
October is the home of postseason heroics. Is it the birth of heroes on the field as well?
The daily grind: 10-3
Hail Mary, full of grace…
WPS and the postseason, part one
Looking back at the most exciting LDS games and series
Predictive FIP
Should home runs be considered a factor in predicting pitching statistics?
BOB: WBC news
The latest in the business of baseball.
The daily grind: 10-2
Is this the end?
The all-platoon team
What would a team look like if it always had the platoon advantage?
THT Awards
Jim Johnson gets two easy saves while Donnie Veal can't help but get a hold.
The daily grind: 10-1
Three days left and only two more Grinds. Hit me in the comments with specific needs.
Comparing marginal effects of offensive events upon wOBA and OPS
A mathematical takedown of OPs and wOBA
A stroll down Houston Astros memory lane
A look back at some of the stranger and more peculiar moments from the team about to leave the National League after 51 campaigns.


text:
BAGHDAD (AP) Iraqi soldiers rolled through a Shiite militia stronghold in Basra on Wednesday, drawing scattered bombs and bullets that wounded a camera operator for a U.S.-funded TV station and narrowly missed the commander of government troops in the city.
Followers of anti-American cleric Muqtada al-Sadr accused the army of violating an Iranian-brokered agreement that ended last week's fighting, which erupted in Basra and quickly engulfed Baghdad and major cities of the Shiite south.
Those complaints raised concern that fighting could flare again as the Iraqi government and Shiite militias maneuver for control of Basra — the country's oil capital 340 miles southeast of Baghdad and a major commercial center of 2 million people.
Iraqi troops met no significant resistance as a dozen-vehicle convoy drove Wednesday into the Hayaniyah district of central Basra, scene of fierce clashes last week with al-Sadr's Mahdi Army fighters.
Troops set up checkpoints and searched a few houses before leaving the neighborhood after a couple of hours, witnesses said.
An Iraqi cameraman working for the U.S.-funded Alhurra satellite television station was shot in the leg as he filmed the operation in Hayaniyah.
Later, the camera operator, Mazin al-Tayar, told Alhurra by telephone that the soldiers faced "many roadside bombs and mortar rounds" during the operation, although there were no reports of military casualties.
One of the bombs exploded near a vehicle carrying the local Iraqi army commander, Lt. Gen. Mohan al-Fireji, but caused no injuries, according to Defense Ministry spokesman Mohammed al-Askari, who was traveling with the general.
The Basra joint operations center announced that Iraqi soldiers had detained two suspected militia figures in the Qibla area. A gunbattle erupted during the raid and an Iraqi army vehicle was set on fire.
Nevertheless, Basra's provincial governor, Mohammed al-Waili, said the overall situation in the oil-rich city was "very calm and stable" and that normalcy was returning.
"We issued orders to all government employees to go to their offices starting from today and they will be obliged to work their full schedule," he said.
But Basra residents contacted by telephone said many people were fearful that the truce might not last.
A Mahdi Army spokesman in Basra, known as Abu Liqa al-Basri, said Wednesday that the militiamen were keeping a low profile on al-Sadr's orders. He accused Iraqi security forces of creating a "crisis of trust" by mounting "provocative raids" and arresting al-Sadr supporters.
"If the Iraqi army continues in its provocative raids, the consequences will be bad," he said.
Despite an end to heavy fighting, the Interior Ministry spokesman, Maj. Gen. Abdul-Karim Khalaf, said security operations were continuing and that an April 8 deadline for gunmen to surrender their weapons remained in effect.
Violence surged March 25 when Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki launched a major operation to wrest control of Basra from the militias, which had effectively ruled the city since 2005.
U.S. and Iraqi officials have maintained that the crackdown was directed at criminals and renegade militiamen but not the Sadrist political movement, which holds 30 of the 275 seats in the national parliament and is a major political force.
But the Sadrists believed the operation was aimed at weakening their movement before provincial elections this fall. Their armed wing, the Mahdi Army, mounted a fierce resistance, prompting the Iraqis to call in U.S. jets and British tanks and artillery to help in the battle.
The failure to gain a quick and decisive victory over the militias left al-Maliki politically battered, raising doubts about Iraqi military capability just a week before top U.S. commander Gen. David Petraeus briefs Congress about prospects for further American troop cuts.
In the wake of the fighting, Britain suspended plans to withdraw 1,500 soldiers from southern Iraq.
Adm. Mike Mullen, chairman of the U.S. Joint Chiefs of Staff, told reporters at the Pentagon on Wednesday that it will take a while to figure out who won and who lost in last week's fighting but he commended the government's desire to confront the militias in Basra.
In Baghdad, however, U.S. military spokesman Maj. Gen. Kevin Bergner conceded there were problems in the Basra operation.
"Overall the majority of the Iraqi security forces performed their mission though some were not up to the task," Bergner said at a news conference.
Also Wednesday, a roadside bomb targeting a U.S. convoy exploded near a restaurant in Baghdad's main Shiite district of Sadr City, killing at least three Iraqi civilians and wounding 13, police said.
A mortar shell slammed into a house in Sadr City late Wednesday, killing three members of one family, including two children and their grandmother, police said. Five people were injured.
Suspected al-Qaeda in Iraq insurgents, meanwhile, continued their campaign against fellow Sunnis who have joined forces with the Americans against the terror network.
Four of the U.S.-allied fighters were killed Wednesday and four others abducted at a fake checkpoint near Duluiyah, 45 miles north of Baghdad, police said.
Copyright 2008 The Associated Press. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed.
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Kentucky Falls at South Carolina, 72-67
March 01, 2014
Box Score | Notes | Photo Gallery | Box Score | Calipari Quotes | Player Quotes
COLUMBIA, S.C. (AP) - Brenton Williams scored 24 points for South Carolina, and Kentucky coach John Calipari was ejected midway through the second half as the Gamecocks held off the 17th-ranked Wildcats 72-67 on Saturday night.
South Carolina (11-18, 4-12 Southeastern Conference) led by three at halftime and hit six of its first eight shots in the second half to go up 48-32 with 14:13 left. Kentucky made a furious charge after Calipari was tossed, but came up short.
The Wildcats (21-8, 11-5) couldn't make a basket, going 15:38 with only one field goal - on a goaltending call. Calipari was ejected with his team down 12 after getting a second technical with 10:21 left. He walked out of the arena with his suit coat buttoned but his shirttail out. Kentucky assistant John Robic took over for Calipari, leading a team for the first time since he was fired from Youngstown State in 2005.
Calipari's team responded with a 28-17 run and, after a three-point play by Julius Randle, Kentucky trailed 68-67 with 22 seconds left. But freshman Sindarius Thornwell hit two free throws for South Carolina, and Alex Poythress' attempt at a tying 3-pointer fell short.
It was South Carolina's first win over a top 25 team in more than three years and pulled the Gamecocks out of last place in the SEC. Students ignored repeated warnings and stormed the court, likely incurring a hefty fine from the league.
The Wildcats shot just 26.9 percent (14-of-52) from the field. They only stayed in it thanks to 33-of-42 shooting from the foul line and outrebounding the Gamecocks 46-28.
Kentucky still was in it at the end. Andrew Harrison hit a 3-pointer with 3:11 left that cut the Gamecocks lead to 59-56. But Laimonas Chatkevicius pulled down an offensive rebound for South Carolina and was fouled. He hit both foul shots.
After two free throws by Kentucky cut the Gamecocks' lead to 62-58 with just under two minutes left, Chatkevicius dunked in a rebound. James Young hit a 3-pointer for Kentucky to put the Wildcats down three and Chatkevicius followed with a baby hook to put South Carolina ahead 66-61 with 44.3 seconds left.
Chatkevicius finished with eight points. Thornwell added 14 points, and 15 of Williams' 24 points came from the foul line. He made all four free throws on Calipari's technical and two more foul shot when assistant Orlando Antigua got another technical.
Aaron Harrison led Kentucky with 21 points. He made just four of his 16 shots, but shot 11-of-12 on free throws. James Young added 19 points and Julius Randle added 10 points and 15 rebounds.
Kentucky shot just 17.2 percent (5-of-29) in the first half and a frustrated Calipari picked up a technical as South Carolina pushed the ball up the floor. He was furious the rest of the half as shot after shot clanked off the rim. Kentucky missed its final 10 shots of the half, and at the buzzer. Calipari briefly stared down the referee who rang him up before walking off to the locker room. He wouldn't last 10 minutes in the second half.
The Wildcats stayed in it thanks to free throws. They were 17-of-23 from the foul line in the first half. Kentucky also outrebounded South Carolina 30-15 in the first 20 minutes, with 16 offensive boards.
The Gamecocks played a clean first half with just one turnover. Thornwell scored nine points in the half, including two 3-pointers in the final five minutes.


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Im thinking it may be from the 81 sitting too high. Ive only had it for couple of weeks and its first time with active pups. All of the harmonics ring out thru 60, but when I select both pups they dont. Too be even more specific, the 4th fret on top two strings and 9th frets on bottom two are the open harmonics that are completely un-audible.
I dont have a digital tuner, so Im not completely sure, but the intonation seems fine.
I hate messing with sh!!, bc it becomes a never-ending process for me, lol. I'll drop the pup and see what happens.


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The liaison librarian program is the heart of all Miner's services. Every Medical Center department is partnered with a librarian who is that group's go-to person for any and all information needs. Some of the services your liaison can provide are:
• Free literature searches of PubMed, CINAHL, PsycINFO and other biomedical databases.
• EndNote, RefWorks or Mendeley instruction and troubleshooting.
• Group or one-on-one instruction on effectively using library resources.
• Answers to patient-care questions.
• Accurate, trustworthy information for your patients through Miner's Information Prescription program.
Go to Miner's Staff Directory to find your library liaison.
Miner's Bioinformatics Consulting and Education Service (BCES) offers one-on-one consulting and a variety of workshops for faculty, postdocs, and students on many bioinformatics topics, including experimental design, data analysis and interpretation, and training in the use of a variety of tools for high-throughput biological studies. Moreover, the BCES is part of a collaborative network of information and bioinformatics services at the University of Rochester, allowing us to refer patrons to other resources to meet their needs.
Whether you're just getting started with genomics and bioinformatics or you're an experienced user looking for a new perspective, sign up for a class, browse through our web-based resources on Bioinformatics and Molecular Biology or Biostatistics and Computational Biology or contact Helene McMurray, PhD at firstname.lastname@example.com or 275-6940 for one-on-one help.
The Institute of Medicine, PRIMSA, and the Cochrane Collaboration all recommend consulting with a librarian when developing a systematic review. Miner librarians are specially trained in developing search strategies and methodologies for systematic reviews and can collaborate with your research team to:
• Develop an appropriate search strategy for your question including identifying relevant terms.
• Conduct literature searches in multiple databases.
• Organize and maintain search results using tools such as EndNote, RefWorks and Excel.
• Write or co-author the methodology portion of any resulting manuscript.
Contact your liaison for a systematic review consultation.
NIH requires that all peer-reviewed papers based on NIH-funded research be submitted to PubMed Central within three months of publication. Miner librarians are experts on this policy, experienced with the NIH Manuscript Submission System, and have special tools to monitor each paper's status. We can make compliance easier for you and your research team.
See Miner's NIH Public Access Policy page for detailed information including publisher policies or contact your library liaison for assistance.
Miner's librarians can help you meet the literature search requirements of the Animal Welfare Act. Investigators doing their own literature search can consult with a librarian to develop relevant search strategies for their specific protocol. Alternatively, a librarian can perform the literature search for you. There is no charge for this service.
See Miner's Animal Testing Alternatives page for detailed information including several tip sheets.
Your liaison can troubleshoot problems with the EndNote, RefWorks, or Mendeley bibliographic citation management programs or arrange training either for groups or individuals.
Visit our Writing, Citing & Publishing Guide for more information.
An on-call professional librarian
is available 9 AM - 5 PM (Monday-Friday) to consult with you on any information need including literature searches, EndNote, RefWorks, Mendeley, and resource access problems. You can reach the on-call librarian at 275-2487, firstname.lastname@example.com, or by visiting Miner Library.
Miner provides group and one-on-one instruction for all library-supported databases and technologies including EndNote, RefWorks, Mendeley, PubMed, Web of Science, CINAHL, Blackboard, and bioinformatics tools. Contact your library liaison to arrange a consultation or visit Miner's Classes page to register for a session.
Journal articles and books not owned by Miner can be ordered from other libraries using the ILLiad system. In addition, if you are unable to come to Miner, you can order copies of articles from Miner's older print journals using ILLiad. See Interlibrary Loan & Copy Service for more information.
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text:
3433 S STATE ST S Salt Lake City, UT 84115
Hi, Blueroof .com.
My name is
and I have a question about 3433 S STATE ST S Salt Lake City
You can respond by either emailing me at
or call during
My Question Is:
Estimated Monthly Payment$5,051
- Photos
- Location
- Questions
- Share
- Mortgage Calculator
- Status: Active
Listing courtesy of RANLife Real Estate
Come check out this large commercial property. There are 6 Units, fully rented, plenty of Parking space. Definitely a 'must see'. Sq footage figures are provided as a courtesy estimate only. Buyer to verify all. Call for an appointment to see.
Interior Features Include:
Kitchen, Range/Oven, Refrigerator, Restroom: Private
Air Cond: Evap. Cooler Window
Heating: Gas: Natural
Floor Type: Tile
Exterior Features Include:
Paved Parking, Rv Parking
Acreage: 0.0000 Acres
Roof: Flat
Other Features Include:
Visibility See Remarks
Utilities Gas: Natural, Separate Meter: Gas, Separate Meter: Elec.
Taxes 3041
Information deemed reliable but not guaranteed accurate. Buyer to verify all information.The multiple listing information is provided by Wasatch Front Regional Multiple Listing Service, Inc. from a copyrighted compilation of listings. The compilation of listings and each individual listing are © 2014 Wasatch Front Regional Multiple Listing Service, Inc., All Rights Reserved. The information provided is for consumers, personal, non-commercial use and may not be used for any purpose other than to identify prospective properties consumers may be interested in purchasing.


text:
Welcome to Worting House serviced office space to let in Basingstoke, office space to rent Basingstoke
Set in extensive parkland in Basingstoke North Hampshire, Worting House is an exceptional location offering fully managed office space to rent.
From sole traders through to multi-nationals, all types of organisations have established their business amongst the landscaped grounds of Worting House. Clients that rent our Basingstoke office space are supported by a team of friendly and professional staff under a full time manager.
At Worting House, fully serviced office space is provided in the main house and the adjacent Coach House, both of which are imposing Grade II listed buildings.
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Contact us to find out more about our Basingstoke serviced office space...
tel: +44 (0) 1256 817640 fax: +44 (0) 1256 811876 email: email@example.com


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text:
Lucy is about 14 years old and has been to a few other homes before us. We've had her since December of 2010. We don't know much about her past, so there's no point speculating, I suppose. But she's always been kind of snappy and volatile since we've had her. Not a "shoulder pet". I can take her out for walks and she's fine. but in the house, if she gets scared by anything, I get nailed. If I sit down with her on my shoulder, she scoots down and bites my arm, pretty badly. We don't know how to train her out of this, so we just don't do it.
But long story short, she hates bathing and won't do it at all. If I try to pick her up by the sides, she bites. The only way to get her anywhere is if she will step up, and she won't do it to go in the shower and bathe. Our umbrella cockatoo Oz loves to bathe every 4 days regularly, and we have a 3rd bedroom with the shower rod down the middle of the tub, right next to the bird room. Lucy will watch Oz bathe but will never let me take her in there. On the few occasions when I have gotten her in, and on the perch, she flies off and won't go back on it.
I mist her some with a water bottle from time to time, but she smells and itches some, and she just won't bathe.
I've tried putting big pans of water out for her, etc., she just won't do it.
Any ideas on this?


text:
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Sales Reps
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Proudly representing Sutphen Corporation, SVI,
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When you do business with Stevens Fire Equipment, you are working with more than just a company, you are dealing with a family. We will always be here when you need us.
Welcome to Stevens Fire Equipment, Inc.
The Only Apparatus sales organization in the state of North Carolina that represented the same Apparatus manufacturer for the last 20 years.
The Sutphen Corporation.
There's nothin' like a Sutphen!


text:
But the problem with Baucus goes beyond his thralldom to special interests.
I come not here to talk,' as one of old said, 'for you know too well the story of our thralldom.'
The thralldom of natural living is, in contrast, set in a pace humiliating.
Only once did he emerge from the thralldom of the tale by his own will.
Not only must she be emancipated, but she must be emancipated from her present thralldom.
The time is not far distant, let us hope and pray, when agriculture will cast off the thralldom of the ages and assert her own.
But to talk about an ideal to a man under the thralldom of sin is a cruel mockery.
The Protestants, by this agency, are liberated from their thralldom, and conducted in triumph to the Elysium of the Catholics.
They come back convinced, that they have fortunately escaped from the thralldom of a debasing, cruel system.
"There is no reason why one should deliberately hasten the day of one's thralldom," said Yolanda, softly.


text:
JWN Visual Addictions Photographer
PFT CoutureClothing Designer Female Saint Paul, Minnesota, US
My Website: PFT CoutureMy MM URL: http://www.modelmayhem.com/pft
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About Me
Hi, my name is Pafoua Thao, but most people call me Pa for short. I am an experienced designer who has a passion for creating unique clothing that leaves a lasting impression. My main focus is to design couture quality bridal gowns but I will also offer my services to design gowns for evening, pageant, and ballroom dance. I do not confine myself to a design style because the objective of what I do is to help realize the inspiration of each individual. Each one of a kind dress is made with the highest quality materials and balanced with impeccable craftsmanship to ensure that you will be unforgettable.
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Through mayhem, I have met countless wonderful creative minds who have all contributed to creating these beautiful images....THANK YOU....I truly appreciate each of you for your talent, generosity, and friendship.
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JWN Visual Addictions Photographer
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Historical Perspectives
EUROPE´S MORAL ATTITUDES TOWARD THE HOLOCAUST IN LIGHT OF THE CURRENT DEFAMATION OF ISRAEL (JCPA-JERUSALEM CENTER PUBLIC AFFAIRS) By Manfred Gerstenfeld No. 475 04/01/02)
Source: http://www.jcpa.org/jl/vp475.htm
JCPA-Jerusalem Center Public Affairs
JCPA-Jerusalem Center Public Affairs Articles-Index-Top
From Weimar to Durban / The Nazis Started with Words / The Main Elements of Moral Attitudes / The Moral Restitution Debate / Recognition of Guilt / Psychological Rehabilitation / Postwar Europe: Not a Promising Setting / Negative Attitudes toward Returning Dutch Jews / Embellishing the Past / Moral Aspects of Financial Restitution / Justice / Holocaust Education / Current Defamation / The Future of Memory
From Weimar to Durban
The moral aspects of Western attitudes toward the Jews and the Holocaust since World War II have not yet been analyzed systematically. However, the current campaign of hatred against Israel and the Jewish people -- unprecedented since the end of the war -- recalls many elements of the prewar decades. Yet it is too easy to generalize and describe this as one more outburst of the ancient illness of anti-Semitism.
The current propaganda war reached a peak at the United Nations Anti- Racism Conference in Durban in September 2001, where the main defamers were Arab governments, supported by many Muslim countries and a considerable number of Western NGOs. Terms such as "genocide," "Holocaust," "ethnic cleansing," and even "anti- Semitism" have been hijacked by the defamers and are now being used against the Jews, who have been key victims of all these phenomena.
Several currents of the human rights movement have made common cause with countries who turn beheadings and amputations into public spectacles. At the November 2001 plenary assembly of the World Jewish Congress in Jerusalem, Canadian parliamentarian and leading human rights activist Irwin Cotler denounced a number of Western organizations for hijacking the human rights movement.
Several arguments used by the Arab defamers are similar in nature to those of the Holocaust deniers. A typical example is the claim that there was never a Jewish temple in Jerusalem. Both groups tell us much about the society in which we live. Deborah Lipstadt commented on this denial phenomenon: "It is important to understand that the deniers do not work in a vacuum. Part of their success can be traced to an intellectual climate that has made its mark in the scholarly world during the past two decades. The deniers are plying their trade at a time when much of history seems to be up for grabs and attacks on the Western rationalist tradition have become commonplace."1
The two groups might link up together. In November 2001, Michel Friedman, the German president-elect of the European Jewish Congress, told the German daily Die Welt that, among the main issues confronting his organization in the coming years, combating anti- Semitism will be in first place. This can no longer be done at a national level only. He expressed the fear that collaboration might develop between Islamic extremists and rightist radicals. In Germany, for example, the right-wing NPD party and many other rightist extremists viewed the attack on the U.S.A. favorably. He pointed out that, whereas hate propaganda is punishable in papers and other media, a lawless space has been created for it on the Internet.2
The Nazis Started with Words
In recent years, the European Union has frequently chosen to take pro- Arab positions in the Palestinian-Israeli conflict. The undemocratic character of the Arab world is intentionally ignored, as is support for terror among sizable sectors of Palestinian society. On the other hand, moral condemnation of Israel has often been stressed beyond all reason by European politicians and media. Although the Europeans are followers, rather than leaders, they have been playing an important role in the defamation process. Their attitudes are particularly hypocritical in view of the European past, not only during the Holocaust, but also before and after it.
In the context of this renewed defamation, one should remember that the Nazis started out with trying to "kill the Jews with words" in the days of the Weimar Republic. Their propaganda managed to instill a virulent anti-Semitism in much wider circles of European society than had been the case formerly. Even some of their opponents shared these attitudes toward the Jews. After the Nazis´ rise to power in 1933, the verbal attacks were followed by financial despoilment and, later, by the physical destruction of the Jews. Thus, assessing moral attitudes in Europe toward the Jews in the past decades has become an important Jewish public affairs issue.
The Main Elements of Moral Attitudes
After the Holocaust, the Jewish survivors who had been excluded from European societies wanted to be socially reintegrated. Whoever had been persecuted or tortured and had suffered, expected democratic justice to punish his persecutors for the crimes they had committed. Whoever had been robbed, wished to receive his property back or to be decently compensated for it. These issues now belong mainly to the past, although a few elderly war criminals are still facing trials and several issues of financial restitution are still being discussed.
A review of Europe´s moral attitudes toward the Jews will require a systematic analysis of the following questions:
What was the nature of the Jews´ social reintegration in the various European countries after the war? How were they received back into society when they returned from concentration camps or hiding? How were their rights restored?
How did European countries deal with the moral aspects of economic restitution? Did the general population show financial solidarity with those who were hardest hit? Did the Jews receive back what had been stolen? Did they receive compensation for property that was not recoverable? If there was economic restitution, how long did the process take? How bureaucratic was it, and how humane were its procedures? Did the Jews receive payment for non-material damage and suffering?
Was justice done? How much of an effort was made to arrest and try criminals? How were the Jews´ persecutors punished? Were crimes committed against Jews an important factor in trials? These are not only legal issues; they also have moral aspects.
How is the Holocaust remembered? Is Holocaust history recounted at all? If so, how truthfully is it told? This will become increasingly important as most Holocaust survivors pass away and the remaining witnesses are mainly child survivors. This leads to a further question: What will be the future of memory? Large parts of the battle on this issue are still before us.
What, if anything, do European countries recount about postwar history? How much do politicians embellish the often problematic role of government authorities in the process of the Jews´ reintegration after the war?
How is the present generation being educated about the Holocaust and its aftermath? How will Holocaust education be structured in the future? The answers to this will indicate what moral lessons have been drawn from the Holocaust era.
The Moral Restitution Debate
The general discourse concerning such moral attitudes is not entirely new, however. In the wake of the much publicized recent debate on supplementary financial restitution, the inexact phrase "moral restitution" was frequently mentioned. This concept has remained the vague, poor brother of material restitution. There was no agreement and little effort to define in detail what moral restitution means. Neither has its importance been properly assessed.
The meaning of financial or material restitution is easy to understand: it concerns the return of money, securities, buildings, works of art, and other possessions stolen during World War II. Part of these have been given back, but many still need to be returned nearly 60 years after the war.
The use of the expression "moral restitution" causes very varied reactions. It has become a dividing -- rather than a uniting -- term. Part of the criticism is semantic: speaking of restitution is only appropriate for financial or material issues. Money, securities, and other assets can be returned to their rightful owners, and/or compensation can be paid.
The critics claim that restitution is impossible for immoral acts. They consider, for instance, punishment of the guilty to be a legal matter only. The survivor cannot return to what he was before injustice was done to him; his murdered family members cannot be brought back to life; his suffering cannot be undone; the resulting traumas will stay with him for his entire life. The critics are thus partly right: it would have been better to find an alternative expression to describe this subject.
In this dispersed and confused discussion, others say that moral restitution is achieved when rights to financial restitution are recognized. They argue that, because a financial wrong was committed, the receipt of money simultaneously symbolizes financial and moral rehabilitation. This concerns both material restitution and payments for non-material damages, such as suffering and damage caused to health. Several survivors have even refused to ask for payments they are legally entitled to. Some argue that this is "blood money," which would morally absolve their persecutors.
Still others claim that, if some Jews forego fighting for maximum payment, inter alia out of fear that it may create anti-Semitism, the fact that it is granted still amounts to moral restitution. To make matters even more complex, when Jews have to defend their interests, in almost every field there is a Jewish author of the Norman Finkelstein type who helps their enemies by blaming the Jews, in this specific case, by speaking about "the Holocaust industry."3
Recognition of Guilt
Another opinion holds that it is a sign of moral restitution that the Holocaust has become a sign of unrelinquishable guilt in European history. Others, such as Professor Yehuda Bauer, consider Europe´s support for the establishment of Israel the greatest moral rehabilitation of the Jews possible.4
Various apologies for what was done to the Jews during and after the war have been made either separately or have accompanied restitution settlements. Some observers claim that many apologies do not denote moral motivation; rather, they are the result of political pressure and fear of economic boycotts in the United States, especially with regard to apologies made by the Swiss and some Eastern European states.
Similarly, it is claimed that Germany could not have reentered the family of nations without paying restitution money to the persecuted Jews. From such a perspective, these disbursements have no moral aspects. As a further proof for this thesis, it is said that Germany misrepresented this process semantically by calling it Wiedergutmachung ("making good again").
Others state that Jews should not ask for apologies, because deciding whether to apologize should be left to the other side´s conscience. This is even more relevant since the apologies are not being made by either the criminals themselves or representatives of their generation, but by their children or grandchildren, which also makes them much less meaningful.
The opposing argument is that by obtaining apologies -- even forced ones -- a clear declaration of guilt from the counterpart will stand for future generations when all survivors will have passed away. There is much to be said for this, as such apologies can be quoted in future discussions with organizations with whom Jews or Israel seem to run into regular conflict, e.g., the Vatican and the Red Cross.
Psychological Rehabilitation
Should psychological rehabilitation be included in the assessment of Europe´s moral attitudes toward the Jews? Many of those who had suffered during the Holocaust were in need of psychological help. As one Swedish expert put it: "mental rehabilitation was conspicuous by its absence. No one took an interest in the traumatic experiences of the survivors, nor in their earlier history. As human beings with psychological problems they were often greeted with utter silence: people were afraid and probably also ashamed to be inquisitive and to become acquainted with them."5
However, these problems were hardly understood by professionals -- both Jewish and non-Jewish -- after the war, and many of the drugs now used in treatment were unknown at that time. The Dutch psychiatrist Jan Bastiaans, an international pioneer in dealing with the psychological problems of Holocaust survivors, wrote as late as the mid-1980s: "The outside world continues to regard much psychic suffering and mental illness with little tolerance. Where today is there sufficient tolerance and understanding for mentally disturbed beings, especially for those who are victims of man-made disasters? How many get proper psychotherapeutic help after having been in isolation, in war-time or in some other traumatizing situation?"6
The arrival in Western Europe of refugees and survivors of various cases of war and persecution in recent years highlights the problematic place of psychological rehabilitation in the Western world and also raises interest again in the way in which Jewish Holocaust survivors were integrated into society. Swedish psychiatrist Lilian Levin points out that, even in modern-day Sweden, "there is no inalienable right or compelling judicial law guaranteeing the rehabilitation of children traumatized and depressed by war and persecution."7
Levin notes that psychological assistance to survivors after the war was often a matter of intuition. She cites the case of one traumatized boy, put up at a hotel, who was unable to sleep for fear of terrifying nightmares. Each night he would speak in Polish to the Swedish night receptionist -- who understood not a word. The survivor later stated that the stranger´s empathy and simple willingness to listen had saved him from insanity.8
In light of this, it seems that "psychological rehabilitation" is not a valid criterion for the analysis of postwar moral attitudes toward the Jews in Europe.
Postwar Europe: Not a Promising Setting
Pieter Lagrou,9 who has studied various aspects of the reception of the Jews after the Holocaust, writes: "Post-war Europe was not a promising setting for the emergence of a multi-cultural, tolerant and cosmopolitan society, very much to the contrary. The emigration of hundreds of thousands of Jews from Europe during these years, including in the miserable conditions of a protracted period of transit in DP camps where emigrants constituted themselves hostage to the political arm-twisting between Britain and the United States about emigration quotas to Palestine and America respectively, are a powerful illustration of this."10
As so little research has been done on the issue of moral restitution and even less comparative study, its specific elements cannot yet be analyzed Europe-wide. It seems thus best to look first at countries individually. As none is typical, it is difficult to achieve an overview by taking one as a paradigm. Some elements concerning specific countries do, however, give us indications of broader relevance.
Philosopher Jean-Paul Sartre already wrote about the reintegration of Jews in French society in 1944:
Today those Jews whom the Germans did not deport or murder are coming back to their homes. Many were among the first members of the Resistance; others had sons or cousins in Leclerc´s army. Now all France rejoices and fraternizes in the streets; social conflict seems temporarily forgotten; the newspapers devote whole columns to stories of prisoners of war and deportees. Do we say anything about the Jews? Do we give a thought to those who died in the gas chambers at Lublin? Not a word. Not a line in the newspapers. That is because we must not irritate the anti-Semites; more than ever, we need unity. Well- meaning journalists will tell you: "In the interest of the Jews themselves, it would not do to talk too much about them just now." For four years French society has lived without them; it is just as well not to emphasize too vigorously the fact that they have reappeared.11
Sartre adds that the Jews "have made a clandestine return, and their joy at being liberated is not part of the nation´s joy."12 He continues: "In my Lettres Francaises without thinking about it particularly, and simply for the sake of completeness, I wrote something or other about the sufferings of the prisoners of war, the deportees, the political prisoners, and the Jews. Several Jews thanked me in a most touching manner. How completely must they have felt themselves abandoned, to think of thanking an author for merely have written the word ´Jew´ in an article!"13
Over the past decades, France has attempted both to hide and to come to grips with its Vichy past. While this case is far too complicated to help us understand better the general complexities of moral restitution,14 it is worth noting that the French authorities were forced to acknowledge the Vichy regime´s racist actions because a few Jews continued to struggle for a public presentation of the truth. President Chirac finally admitted to this, in contrast to his predecessor Mitterrand, who had been too busy hiding the truth about himself.
Poland is an important case for study, even if few of the findings in its regard are applicable to Western European countries. The murder of more than 1,000 Jews in postwar Poland -- between the end of the war and the middle of 1946 -- tells us much about the way in which the returning Jews were received. More recently, a battle developed about moving the Carmelite convent which had been set up within the perimeter of the Auschwitz camp. In 2001, information about the Poles´ massacre of Jews in Jedwabne during the war was made public.15
In many Eastern European cities of which the Jews were either a substantial minority or even a majority before the war, their memory is excluded from local history. Last year, Jerusalem Post journalist Haim Shapiro visited Tarnopol in the Ukraine, where one-third of the population before the war had been Jewish: "we went to the local museum, which has a series of exhibits on the history of the city. It is well-planned and laid out, with a combination of dioramas with scenes of daily life, objects from the past, photographs, and other illustrative material....There is just one problem...there is no mention of the Jews. It is as if they had never existed."16 This example, among many similar ones, teaches us how Jewish history in Europe will continue to be falsified if nobody fights the battle for memory.
Similarly, it was the Jewish struggle to correct history which ultimately forced Austria to change its position. Austrian Prime Minister Vranitzky was left with little choice but to admit -- as late as the 1990s -- that his country had promoted a false image of itself as a victim of Nazism. This was followed a few years later by a substantial resurgence of anti-Semitic propaganda in Austria in response to the international campaign against Kurt Waldheim. In his autobiography, the President of Austria had hidden the fact that, for several years, he had served as a Nazi officer in an area where crimes against the Jews had been committed.17
One of the worst cases of falsification of history concerns Latvia. The Letts played an important role in many of the anti-Jewish atrocities carried out there during the war. At the Stockholm International Forum on the Holocaust in 2000, President Vaira Vike- Freiberga rejected her country´s responsibility for the fate of its Jewish citizens: "Latvia as a country having ceased to exist at the time, the Nazi German occupying powers bear the ultimate responsibility for the crimes they committed or instigated on Latvian soil." If Jews give up the battle for memory, Latvia will be able to get away with its lies forever.
The Croatian case illustrates particularly well that, by not giving up, the truth may be admitted, even if half a century has passed. Croatia was the only country in which a local government -- that of the Ustasha -- operated a concentration camp independent of German assistance. Jasenovac has been called "one of the lesser-known but most brutal concentration camps of World War II."18 Close to 100,000 Serbs, Jews, and Gypsies are estimated to have been murdered there.19
In late 2001, 56 years after the end of the war, President Stipe Mesic told President Katzav and the Knesset: "I profoundly and sincerely deplore the crimes committed against the Jews in the area controlled during Second World War by the collaborationist regime which, unfortunately, carried the Croatian name....I take every opportunity to ask forgiveness from those who were hurt by Croatians any time and any place, but first of all from the Jews." Croatia has also helped to open the archives which provide information on its criminal past.
Also in late 2001, the United States Holocaust Museum announced its discovery and preservation of decaying documents and artifacts from Jasenovac. Peter Black, the chief historian of the museum, stated there were neither gas chambers nor crematoria in the camp; rather, the inmates were "murdered one by one with axes, guns, knives or prolonged torture. Bodies were buried or thrown into the adjacent Sava River."20 Mate Maras, a Croatian diplomat, objected to some of the assertions made by the museum staff, but agreed that it was "a good day for Croatia to open up these sad pages of our history."21
The Vatican
The wartime and immediate postwar history of the Vatican´s attitude toward the Jews is similarly very specific. The Vatican´s position is very ambivalent. The British historian John Cornwell, himself a Catholic, began to research Pius XII´s pontificate with the conviction that the late pope would be vindicated. He experienced deep moral shock when he found that the material he had uncovered should lead to a wider indictment -- rather than exoneration -- of Pius XII.
Against this background, one understands why Prof. Robert Wistrich and Prof. Bernard Suchecky have resigned from the Catholic-Jewish commission studying the role of the Vatican during the Holocaust. The commission suspended its activities in July 2001, after the Vatican failed to answer several dozen preliminary questions, and refused to allow the scholars access to unpublished materials in its archives.22
Under public pressure the Vatican has recently announced that it will gradually open its secret archives from before, during, and after the war; this is in order to confront the accusations about the role of Pope Pius XII. It has been promised that archives covering the period to 1939, when he was still Vatican ambassador to Germany, will become accessible in 2003.23 As far as the postwar period is concerned, it would be very interesting, for instance, to have more detailed information about the way in which high-ranking Vatican officials helped Croatian war criminals to flee through Italy after the war and thus escape punishment.
Denmark, Sweden, Iceland
Even Denmark has a more checkered Holocaust history toward the Jews than many believe. Only two years ago, it was revealed by historian Vilhjalmur Orn Vilhjamsson that Denmark had deported 21 German Jews back to Nazi Germany, where they perished or disappeared. Efraim Zuroff, director of the Israel Office of the Simon Wiesenthal Center, wrote in the daily Berlingske Tidende: "The articles published recently in this paper reveal that Denmark implemented a restrictive anti-Jewish refugee policy in the 30s and in the 40s and, on its own initiative, sent German Jewish refugees back into the Nazi inferno. We also know now that at least one Danish company exploited slave labor in Estonia and that the negative attitude toward stateless Jews persisted even after World War II. If we add the decades-long cover- up of these issues, the refusal of some agencies to allow research into these questions, and the failure of the Danish authorities to prosecute Danes who committed Nazi war crimes, the picture is far bleaker than we ever imagined."24
Zuroff mentions that Sweden did not investigate Swedish war criminals and that Baltic war criminals found refuge there from 1944 onward, with the knowledge of the Swedish government. Swedish archives on these matters remain closed.25 He adds that Iceland´s national soccer coach Atli Edvaldsson is "using his prominence as a sports hero to rewrite the history of his Estonian Nazi war criminal father."26
The Netherlands
Although all national cases are atypical with regard to the general European situation, studying the moral restitution process in The Netherlands is among the more meaningful. There is substantial information available on several elements of moral restitution, although no full overview can yet be given. Before the war, public anti-Semitism was limited there and its violent form was absent. Yet, after the occupation, while it was the Germans who ordered the deportation of the Jewish population, this was mainly carried out by the Dutch authorities. The percentage of Jews from The Netherlands killed during the war was higher than for any other Western European country: of approximately 140,000, about 35,000 survived.
One reason why The Netherlands is so apt a case study is that Dutch wartime history is particularly well-documented. There is a persistent myth that the Dutch generally behaved courageously and helped Jews during the war. The main contributing factor to this is Anne Frank´s diary, which ended before she could mention that, while she and her family were hidden by good Dutchmen, they were probably betrayed by bad ones.
This myth seems to be indestructible. For instance, in early 1986, Claude Lanzmann visited The Netherlands for the television screening of his film Shoah. He stated that, while he was not doing that for other countries, he was coming to The Netherlands in view of "the impeccable wartime record of the Dutch toward the Jews."27 Even as recently as 2001, the Jewish Travel Guide wrote in its introduction to The Netherlands: "the Germans transported 100,000 to various death camps in Poland, but the local Dutch population tended to behave sympathetically toward their Jewish neighbors, hiding many."28 The discrepancy between the wartime image and reality is probably still greater for The Netherlands than for any other country.
Negative Attitudes toward Returning Dutch Jews
It is not the fault of Dutch historians that the myth persists. The government institute NIOD has researched the country´s wartime history in great detail. Prof. Hans Blom, its present director, described in 1986 the Dutch wartime attitude towards the Jews: "The population and the bureaucracy were equally cooperative and deferential, especially in the first years of the occupation. The immediate and strictly enforced segregation policies of the Germans were not only accepted but even willingly and efficiently assisted. With few exceptions, opposition to the occupation and sabotage of the Germans´ measures came relatively late and had little to do with the persecution of the Jews. By the time there was a large-scale underground, it was too late for the Jews."
Another motif that merits study is how the present Dutch government skillfully embellishes history with respect to postwar attitudes toward the Jews in their country. The way in which the Jews were received after the war was given attention by the Jewish historian Jacques Presser: "There is little doubt that, certainly in the initial period after the liberation in The Netherlands -- and not only in The Netherlands -- there have been significant phenomena of -- let´s put it neutrally -- a negative attitude towards the returning Jews."29
Among other examples, Presser relates the experience of a Jewish school teacher returning to Dutch society: "´The good Jews are dead. The bad Jews have returned.´ That´s what a colleague of mine, a teacher, had to listen to from his boss in front of a full hall, when he returned from horrible experiences." The boss in question was a generally respected personality.30 Later analyses of anti-Semitism in The Netherlands after liberation were carried out by historians Dienke Hondius31 and Michal Citroen.32
One of the most painful elements of the period immediately after the war was the Dutch authorities´ attitude toward Jewish children, and particularly orphans. A struggle for custody of these children ensued between the remnants of the Jewish community and Christian members of the committee dealing with the issue. Israeli historian Joel Fishman states: "Upon examining the administrative development and ideological basis of the Commission for War Foster Children, one may observe that, from its inception, its spirit and structure were inherently offensive to the Jewish minority, and, of necessity, predicated an adversary relationship."33
The most poignant definition of the Jews´ position in postwar Holland has been given by the contemporary historian Isaac Lipschits, who called his book about that period The Little Shoah. He explains its title by saying: "In the liberated Netherlands, the Jews were not physically threatened. However, we do find other symptoms of the Shoah. Verbal anti-Semitism became sharper; the despoilment of the Jews continued....Deportation and extermination had come to an end, but the...isolation of Jews continued....The [postwar] reception was so cold, bureaucratic, hostile, humiliating, so disappointing that I call the post-war period ´the time of the Little Shoah.´"34
One example: Th.S.G.J.M.van Schaik, the Catholic Minister of Transport and Energy, praised railway men who went on strike toward the end of the war, because they had not gone on strike while transporting the Jews: that would have been bad for the economy.35
Embellishing the Past
The report of the main Dutch commission of inquiry into supplementary financial restitution -- named after its chairman, van Kemenade -- was published immediately after the Stockholm Forum in 2000. In anticipation of this document, Prime Minister Kok´s speech at that gathering was submitted to more than usual scrutiny. One of his claims was that "the restoration of legal rights in the impoverished postwar Netherlands was basically correct from a legal and formal point of view."36
Kok, the leader of the Labor party, should have known that even the van Kemenade report would hardly support this conclusion. The commission writes: "In retrospect, a special arrangement for the Jewish victims of persecution would have been justified."37
Embellishment of the past is not an isolated phenomenon. The present Dutch government does not want its political predecessors to be judged according to their deeds. Distortion of history is a moral, not a financial, matter. The Dutch Jewish community is too weak, too indifferent, too ignorant, and probably also too frightened to fight against this.
Moral Aspects of Financial Restitution
The debate over financial restitution also has other important moral aspects. Should a society share the burden which has hit some of its members particularly hard? In 2001, the Dutch state paid compensation to those farmers whose animals had to be burned because they were -- or might be -- infected with foot-and-mouth disease. In times of serious floods after the war, the burden was usually not left to be shouldered alone by those who had irretrievably lost possessions. Already in 1953 large amounts of Dutch government money were paid to victims of a flood. Showing solidarity is a moral choice, of which laws are only an expression.
The democratic Dutch government made a different moral choice after the Second World War: Jews had been unfairly discriminated against and excluded by the Nazis, so, from now on, they should not be treated differently. The restitution legislation did not speak about solidarity: it spoke about restitution of what could be found.
There is a second moral aspect to the restitution process: the way in which it is executed. Is its purpose to return goods to those from whom they were stolen in times of conflict, or does it protect those in whose possession the goods are found, even if that is through malfeasance? There is little doubt today that the Dutch democratic authorities discriminated against the Jews in the postwar restitution process. When the latter went to court, however, the judicial system supported them in several important cases.38
Recently, much attention has been given to the Dutch attitude with regard to restitution of art. De Stichting Nederlands Kunstbezit (SNK) was created after the war to recover Dutch-owned art sold voluntarily or under pressure to the Germans. When facing claims from the original owners, it decided too often that a sale was voluntary and thus the art recovered belonged to the Dutch state. "It fitted its aims to enrich The Netherlands with a significant collection of art."39 Obviously, such an attitude has a moral aspect beyond one of policies for material restitution.
The third moral aspect to the restitution process is: how did the bureaucracy behave toward those who had been despoiled? How humane was their attitude? Lipschits relates how one Jewish survivor complained that the official dealing with his restitution application asked him detailed questions about the composition, quantity, and quality of the underwear of his wife, who had been gassed.40
Justice After the war, the Dutch did not judge severely the German war criminals caught or the substantial group of people in The Netherlands who had, in one way or another, helped or collaborated with the Germans. The historian Ido de Haan writes: "Many were condemned but almost all were freed within a short time. Of the 152 who were condemned to death, in 100 cases the punishment was converted to a life sentence. Eleven people were judged in absentia; one committed suicide, and 40 were executed."41
This forgiving approach toward those who had harmed the Jews was true at many levels. So, for instance, during the war notary services were frequently needed for the liquidation of Jewish possessions. After the war, active collaboration was considered punishable with either dismissal or a rebuke. The Dutch Ministry of Justice found that the behavior of several hundred notaries required detailed investigation. By November 1946, however, only 13 had been dismissed and 7 had received a private rebuke.42
Holocaust Education
The issue of Holocaust education in The Netherlands was dealt with in detail in the annual report for 2000 of the largest Dutch Jewish community organization, the Ashkenazi Orthodox NIK. The report states: "In non-Jewish society, understanding of the Holocaust is notably declining. In the younger generations, there is less and less knowledge of the fact that six million Jews were murdered in the Second World War....This fact raises the question whether this is the natural result of the passage of time, which leads to distance from the Holocaust, or whether this is the result of government policy."43
The NIK concludes: "The Dutch policy with respect to teaching about the Holocaust can be described as insufficient....The Netherlands does not provide Holocaust education, but in its curriculum puts emphasis on the occupation of The Netherlands. Although it is good to place the Holocaust in the context of the Dutch occupation, through this it loses attention. This attention is particularly necessary in The Netherlands, where a relatively large number of Jews were deported, where Jews have made and are making major, identifiable contributions to society; but where the Jewish community, after 1945, has barely been visible."44
The report also mentions that the Committee of the Jewish Resistance During the Second World War cancelled its public memorial meeting in 2000, as they were afraid of disturbances by Arab youngsters. As a reaction, the Amsterdam Municipality supported an important memorial meeting commemorating Kristallnacht. Against the wishes of the Jewish organizers, however, the municipality invited an Arab speaker who used the occasion to attack Israel.
The NIK thus reaches the conclusion that, due to poor Holocaust education, its unique aspects do not figure in the awareness of large parts of the Dutch population. For many of them, the Cold War, the Gulf War, and the Second World War are more or less the same.45
Current Defamation
In The Netherlands, extreme defamation of the Jews and Israel is mainly confined to some Islamic circles. In 2001, at the Muslim elementary school, Bilal, in the city of Amersfoort, pupils were shown a violent -- and probably anti-Semitic -- video movie which showed how Palestinians are maltreated and killed by Israeli soldiers.46 This school is considered one of the most liberal Muslim schools in The Netherlands.
When the Palestinian uprising started in autumn 2000, Islamic extremists at a demonstration in the Netherlands shouted "Death to the Jews," and the police disbanded the gathering. Such calls were unheard of in postwar Holland, with the exception of one place: several football stadiums. This has been particularly noted with regard to many fans of one of the country´s leading soccer clubs, Feyenoord of Rotterdam. They identify their competitors, Ajax, as a "Jewish" club. Thousands of Feyenoord´s fans sing from their stands: "Gas the Jews."47
One of the former Jewish board members of Ajax is quoted as saying: "I have seen things that, if they were filmed, could be compared to Hitler´s Germany at the beginning of the 1930s:...you arrive by bus at Feyenoord or at The Hague; hundreds of people with hatred in their eyes call out "Jews," hiss [as an indication of the gas in Auschwitz] and make the [Nazi] salute."48 In its 1999-2000 Annual Report, Tel Aviv University´s Stephen Roth Institute of Anti- Semitism and Racism reports: "Anti-Semitic slurs have long become the norm at football matches in the Netherlands. Hissing, slogans and chants such as ´Hamas, Hamas, Jews to the gas´ are often heard during games. The spokesperson of CIV (Center for Information on Football Vandalism) warned that ´in football arenas things are accepted which would not be tolerated elsewhere.´ Even though the authorities, the judiciary and politicians agree that hissing and anti-Semitic chanting are unacceptable behaviour, the law is not being enforced and games are not stopped."49
The Future of Memory
The above analysis indicates that the moral restitution discourse is not only part of the past but also of the future. It offers a number of indications of those elements which require a much deeper assessment. In order to be able to act to protect our future, we need to understand the past much better. Historians must prepare an infrastructure of knowledge which will permit an analysis of the present anti-Jewish delegitimization campaign against the background of similar Nazi propaganda in the days before they came to power.
There is a need to examine developments from one defamation to the other through the lens of historical continuity: defamation, the reintegration into society of the survivors and moral restitution, then defamation again. This will provide the infrastructure for the establishment of ways in which to confront the propaganda war against Israel and world Jewry.
Other elements identified above are the ongoing struggle for the opening of archives; the fight to have the history of the Jews recorded in the various European locations in which their memory scarcely remains, and the need to focus on the role of Holocaust museums and other institutions. The example of Croatia shows that Israel has an important role to play in the fight for the truthful recording of the past. The Jews are a small people with a big public agenda, but there is no choice: with all due respect to the many potential allies scattered all over Europe, if the Jews do not lead this fight for the future of memory, it is lost in advance.
1. Deborah E. Lipstadt, Denying the Holocaust: The Growing Assault on Truth and Memory (New York: Plume, 1994), p. 17.
2. "Es droht ein Bund von Rechtsradikalen und islamischen Extremisten," Die Welt, November 9, 2001 (German).
3. Norman G. Finkelstein, The Holocaust Industry: Reflections on the Exploitation of Jewish Suffering (London: Verso, 2000).
4. Professor Bauer expressed this position at the First Herbert Berman Memorial Symposium on "Delegitimization and Moral Compensation: The Holocaust and Today," Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs, November 22, 2001.
5. H. Fried, "Cafe 84. Experiences from Ten Years´ Activity with Survivors from the Holocaust and Their Children," Socialmedicinsk tidskrift 73 (1996):408-11 (Swedish), as quoted in Lilian Levin, "Traumatized Refugee Children: A Challenge for Mental Rehabilitation," Medicine, Conflict and Survival 15 (1999):343.
6. Jan Bastiaans, "Isolation and Liberation," in Jozeph Michman, ed., Dutch Jewish History, vol. 2. Proceedings of the Fourth Symposium on the History of the Jews in the Netherlands, December 7-10, 1986, Tel Aviv-Jerusalem.(Jerusalem: Institute for Research on Dutch Jewry, Hebrew University of Jerusalem/Maastricht: Van Gorcum, Assen), pp. 296-97.
7. Levin, op. cit., p. 346.
8. Ibid., p. 344.
9. Pieter Lagrou, The Legacy of Nazi Occupation: Patriotic Memory and National Recovery in Western Europe, 1945-1965 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000).
10. Pieter Lagrou, "Return to a Vanished World: European Societies and the Remnants of their Jewish Communities, 1945-1947," background paper for Yad Vashem Symposium, 2000.
11. Jean-Paul Sartre, Anti-Semite and Jew (New York: Schocken, 1965), p. 71.
12. Ibid., p. 72.
13. Ibid.
14. See Shmuel Trigano, "France and the Burdens of Vichy," in Avi Beker, ed., The Plunder of Jewish Property During the Holocaust: Confronting European History (Basingstoke: Palgrave, 2001), pp. 177- 192.
15. Laurence Weinbaum, The Struggle for Memory in Poland: Auschwitz, Jedwabne and Beyond, Institute of the World Jewish Congress, Policy Study No. 22, 2001.
16. Haim Shapiro, "Uncle Sumer´s Shop," Jerusalem Post Magazine, November 9, 2001.
17. Avi Beker, ed., Plunder of Jewish Property, p. 21. 18. Neil A. Lewis, "Documenting a Death Camp in Nazi Croatia," New York Times, November 14, 2001.
19. Ibid.
20. Ibid.
21. Ibid.
22. Jerusalem Post, November 2, 2001.
23. Guardian, February 16, 2002.
24. Efraim Zuroff, "Aerligt opgør giver hab," Berlingske Tidende, February 16, 2000 (Danish).
25. Efraim Zuroff, "Vi har dissuntal okanda namn," Aftonbladet, February 23, 2000 (Swedish).
26. Zuroff, "Aerligt opgor giver hab."
27. Quoted in Henriette Boas, "Commemorating the Holocaust in Holland: Positive and Negative Aspects," in Michman, op. cit., p. 320.
28. Michael Zaidner, ed., Jewish Travel Guide 2001, international edition (London: Vallentine Mitchell, in association with the Jewish Chronicle, 2001), p. 154.
29. Jacques Presser, Ondergang. De vervolging en verdelging van het Nederlandse jodendom, part 2 (The Hague: Staatsuitgeverij, 1965), p. 515 (Dutch).
30. H.W.J. Sannes, Onze Joden en Duitsland´s greep naar de wereldmacht (Amsterdam, 1946), pp. 6-7 (Dutch), as quoted in ibid., p. 516. 31. Dienke Hondius, Terugkeer. [Return] Antisemitisme in Nederland rond de bevrijding, 2nd ed. (The Hague: Uitgevers, 1998) (Dutch).
32. Michal Citroen, U Wordt Door Niemand Verwacht. Nederlandse joden na kampen en onderduik. [Nobody Is Expecting You] (Utrecht: Spectrum, 1999), p. 9 (Dutch).
33. Joel S. Fishman, "The War Orphan Controversy," in "The Netherlands: Majority-Minority Relations," in Jozeph Michman and Tirtsah Levie, eds., Dutch Jewish History, vol. 1: Proceedings of the Symposium on the History of the Jews in The Netherlands, November 28- December 3, 1982, Tel Aviv-Jerusalem (Jerusalem: Tel-Aviv University/Hebrew University of Jerusalem/ Institute for Research on Dutch Jewry, 1984), p. 431.
34. Isaac Lipschits, De kleine sjoa: Joden in naoorlogs Nederland (Amsterdam: Mets & Schilt, 2001), p. 10 (Dutch).
35. Ibid., p. 164.
36. Speech of Prime Minister Wim Kok, International Forum on the Holocaust. Stockholm, January 26, 2000.
37. Commissie Van Kemenade, Tweede Wereldoorlog: Roof en Rechtsherstel. Eindrapport van de Contactgroep Tegoeden WO II, Amsterdam, January 27, 2000, p. 102 (Dutch).
38. Gerard Aalders, Berooid: De beroofde joden en het Nederlandse restitutiebeleid sinds 1945 (Amsterdam: Boom, 2001), p. 194ff (Dutch).
39. "Er viel niet veel te willen," NRC Handelsblad, November 14, 1997 (Dutch).
40. Lipschits, op. cit., p. 97.
41. Ido De Haan, Na de ondergang: De herinnering aan de Jodenvervolging in Nederland 1945-1995 (The Hague: Sdu Uitgevers, 1997), p. 104 (Dutch).
42. Aalders, op. cit., p. 196.
43. Nederlands-Israëlitisch Kerkgenootschap, Jaarverslag 2000: Het morele boek gaat nooit dicht (Dutch).
44. Ibid.
45. Ibid.
46. "Vertoning anti-Israelfilm op islamitische basisschool," De Volkskrant, February 5, 2001 (Dutch).
47. Simon Kuper, "Ajax, de joden, Nederland," Hard Gras 22 (Amsterdam), March 2000, p. 141 (Dutch).
48. Ibid.
49. 1999-2000 Annual Report, Stephen Roth Institute on Anti-Semitism and Racism, Tel Aviv University, 2000. See also http://www.tau.ac.il/Anti-Semitism/asw99-2000/netherlands.htm.
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