text:
Canadian Journalists Visit France 3
The Film
Running Time
02 min 45 s
Patchy film of leading Canadian journalists visiting the Canadian Training Division at Bramshot and Witley, near Aldershot, July 1918.
The divisional commander, Brigadier- General F S Meighan, shows the journalists around the training area. The men are engaged in various kinds of training: a trench system, a boxing match, a battalion march past, making wire entanglements, Lewis machinegun exercises and bayonet practice. Very broken film, extremely hard to follow.
Pieces of History
Overseas Training in the Canadian Expeditionary Force
Andrew Iarocci
Postdoctoral Research Fellow, Wilfrid Laurier University, Waterloo
the sole object of training is to prepare our forces for war, success in battle being constantly held as the ultimate aim... It is the function of training to develop the mental, moral, and physical qualities as highly as possible in each individual, and also to inculcate by theory and practice the methods of employing the various arms in co-operation to the best advantage...1
As this passage demonstrates, military instruction consisted of two fundamental aspects: training of the individual soldier and training of formations. When new recruits joined the service, they first needed to learn the basic skills of soldiering—marching, drill and marksmanship. Once these were mastered, the soldier would continue to train for his specialized trade, whether it be infantry, artillery, engineering, signals, medical or supply. Then the individual would join a formation based on his trade, and training continued at the unit level on a regular basis. The ultimate objective was for each component of the army to function cooperatively as part of the whole; this was achieved through exercises at the battalion, brigade and divisional levels.
The first overseas contingent of Canadian troops was formed at Valcartier, Quebec, during August-September 1914. Much of the time at Valcartier was occupied with administrative details, and limited training was accomplished before the contingent—soon to be known as 1st Canadian Division—embarked for England in October. Upon arrival, the division was posted to Salisbury Plain, a large British training area, where it remained until February 1915.
The weather that winter was especially wet, and until recently, scholars have agreed that relatively little training was completed before the division moved to France. Recent research suggests, however, that despite inclement weather and other distractions, most elements of the division engaged in productive training on Salisbury Plain. The infantry learned to manoeuvre in conjunction with artillery and machine guns. Other divisional elements, such as engineers, artillery and signals, as well as mounted and transport troops carried out their own specialized programs. The engineers, for example, learned how to construct field fortifications, while the artillery brigades rehearsed their gun drills. The divisional transport and ammunition columns, meanwhile, discovered the intricacies of moving supplies around the battle zone.
The training of 1st Division did not cease after it crossed the English Channel in February 1915. Upon arrival at the front lines near the Franco-Belgian border, the Canadians were matched up with experienced British troops for orientation tours. The evidence suggests that this formative experience was overwhelmingly positive. As one soldier later recalled, "nothing could surpass the patience of" his British teachers "or their brotherly kindness to us as comrades in arms."2 The Canadians also learned about the costs of war, as they suffered their first casualties and witnessed the damage inflicted on the landscape.
In the summer of 1915, the 2nd Canadian Division arrived in England and began to train at Shorncliffe Camp. The open ground was ideal for company and battalion manoeuvres, and much of the instruction revolved around the challenges of trench warfare. Some of the officers attended British courses, while others went to France for short combat tours with 1st Division.3 With the expansion of the Canadian Corps to four divisions during 1915-16, additional training space was required for the new arrivals in England. A camp was opened at Bramshott in late 1915, and additional camps were added in 1916, including Crowborough, Hastings, New Shoreham, Seaford and Witley.4
As the war progressed, a broad selection of specialized schools was established—both in England and in France—covering everything from hand grenade training to field sanitation. Instructional programs were gradually standardized, while the British Army Printing and Stationery Depot produced a vast selection of training literature on every conceivable subject.
New technology appeared on the battlefield throughout the war and was reflected in training programs. In April 1915, for example, the German Army introduced chemical weapons to the Western Front. All soldiers were issued with respirators for the duration of the conflict and gas drill became an important component of basic training. Later in 1915, the .303 calibre Lewis gun, a portable automatic rifle, was issued to British and Dominion forces. Here again was a new piece of equipment to be mastered. In common with other types of military training, the correct procedure was subdivided into a simple series of component tasks.
Not all military instruction revolved around weapons systems and tactics. Sport and physical exercise were also important; peak fitness was vital if soldiers were to function under the strain of battle. As the British Army Manual of Physical Training explained:
a soldier should be well disciplined, a good marcher, intelligent, smart, active and quick, able to surmount obstacles in the field and capable of withstanding all the strains and hardships of active service...5
Fitness was achieved through physical drills, "Swedish" exercises and regular sporting events. Organized games and competitions not only fostered physical fitness, but also improved morale and encouraged teamwork. During the summer months, battalions, brigades and divisions organized their own sporting events in rear areas. After the war a veteran fondly recalled a sports day from the summer of 1918:
Who lives that does not remember the day of brigade sports at Izel-les-Hameaux? There were races and jumps and hurdles, something for everyone, a ring to box and wrestle in, baseball and football championships. The day was fine... everybody was there. It was a gay scene, the boys of four battalions and the airmen who joined us for the fun, all rollicking together...6
By late 1916 the Canadian Corps was a veteran formation, and had suffered heavy casualties in a series of costly battles, including Second Ypres, Festubert, St. Eloi Craters, Mount Sorrel and the Somme. In addition to formal training routines, this practical and bloody battle experience shaped the capabilities of the Corps. At the same time, the high casualty rates meant that large numbers of new recruits were constantly arriving in France and Belgium. Some Canadian commanders were dissatisfied with the level of basic training displayed by these reinforcements, and decided to establish their own courses at the battalion, brigade or divisional levels. These short refresher courses helped to ensure that new arrivals were familiar with the basics of soldiering before being thrust into the unforgiving front lines.
Training was an ongoing process throughout the First World War, as Canadian units were created, consumed in combat, reformed, and once again committed to battle. Under the challenging tactical and operational circumstances of 1914-18, nothing could have prevented high casualties, but effective training improved the chances that soldiers would succeed on the battlefield.
1Training and Manoeuvre Regulations, 1913. London: General Staff, War Office, 1913, p. 10-11.
2George Drillie Scott Fonds, LAC, MG 30, E 28.
3G.W.L. Nicholson. Canadian Expeditionary Force, 1914-1919. Ottawa: Queen's Printer, 1962, p. 113.
4David W. Love. "A Call to Arms": The Organization and Administration of Canada's Military in World War One. Winnipeg: Bunker to Bunker Books, 1999, p. 91.
5Manual of Physical Training, 1908. Rev. ed. London: His Majesty's Stationery Office, 1914, p. 7-8.
6James H. Pedley. Only This: A War Retrospect, 1917-1918. Ottawa: CEF Books, 1999, p. 175-176.
Military Logistics of the Canadian Expeditionary Force, 1914–1919
Michel Litalien
Canadian military logistics is a dimension of the history of the Canadian Expeditionary Force (CEF) that is often overlooked. Yet just a few days after Canada's entry into the First World War, it was obvious that there was no way of ignoring it. When huge numbers of military and civilian volunteers showed up at Valcartier, near Quebec City, in August 1914, logistical support services, which had only recently been established, were soon put to the test. Clothing and equipping the members of the first contingent turned out to be a real headache. Manufacturers had to be found and contracts drawn up in a hurry for the production of uniforms, boots, belts, weapons, vehicles and so on. From a logistical standpoint, mobilizing the first contingent destined for Europe was a nightmare.
Throughout the Great War, the Canadian Expeditionary Force's logistical support system was an immense, complex operation. Of all the support services, the Canadian Army Service Corps (CASC) was the most diversified. Its main responsibilities were transporting combat troops, delivering equipment and materials, and providing the troops with fresh supplies. In addition to these essential tasks, the CASC also evacuated the wounded (ambulance drivers belonged to the corps), salvaged equipment that had been captured from the enemy or left behind on the battlefield and delivered mail. The CASC worked closely with the Canadian Ordnance Corps, the Canadian Army Medical Corps, and the Canadian Artillery Corps for the transportation of specialized ordnance.
The CASC operated from seaports located hundreds of kilometres from the battlefield, all the way to just behind the front lines. Its replenishment system could supply not only small groups of just a few men but also formations the size of an infantry battalion (approximately 1,000 men).
Resupplying front-line units was a multistep process. From ports and depots, supplies were first taken by railway to railheads. From there, CASC units were responsible for moving the supplies by truck or light railway to supply dumps. These operations took place in the third line of supply. Thanks to their small size, light railways could run and reach areas closer to the front lines more easily. It was also harder for enemy artillery to pinpoint them. The administrative area behind the front lines was crisscrossed by light rail lines that were built and maintained by Canadian railway troops.
From the supply dumps, the CASC's divisional train and ammunition supply column, both of which were horse-drawn, were responsible for bringing supplies closer to the front lines, to their respective divisions or individual units. This was the second line of supply.
Lastly, operations to supply front-line units constituted the first line of supply. These units had to come back to the rear to get their own supplies of gear, ammunition, weapons, technical and communications equipment, water, medication and food. These supply expeditions were carried out chiefly at night so that the soldiers could not be seen by the enemy. But assigning combat troops to this task meant that a battalion's defensive positions at the front would be short of manpower for a time and so vulnerable to enemy attack.
Toward the end of the war, however, a Canadian officer from Montreal proposed using the tumpline system — the method that Canada's aboriginal people and coureurs de bois had used to carry large loads on foot. Before the introduction of this system, infantryman had to carry supplies in their arms, thus limiting the quantity of materials due to their size and weight. The tumpline system, which involved the use of a head strap, allowed the soldiers to carry more weight and freed up their arms, thus giving them more freedom of movement. With this system, each soldier was able to transport a greater quantity of supplies and so fewer men were required for the job, leaving more troops to ensure the defence of the front lines.
Besides regularly providing drivers and vehicles to other units, the CASC also maintained and repaired its vehicles. It also had to make sure that the troops were fed, which meant that fresh and hard rations had to be allocated and distributed properly; its military cooks oversaw the operation of field bakeries and butcheries.
The CASC was not the only logistical support corps to play a key role in the CEF. The Canadian Ordnance Corps was responsible for procuring, storing and distributing uniforms, boots, equipment, weapons, ammunition and shells to combat troops. Specialized supply depots, located in the second line of supply, helped ensure more effective distribution.
The Canadian Ordnance Corps' other major role was to maintain equipment in the field. The repairmen in the specialized ordnance mobile workshops could get closer to the deployed units and repair their weapons, both light and heavy, as well as their equipment. If the mobile workshops were not able to do the repairs on site, the weapons and equipment were shipped to heavy or stationary workshops at the rear, where virtually anything could be reassembled or rebuilt. The small detachments of the Ordnance Corps worked closely with the various units of the Army Service Corps.
Despite the gradual mechanization of the war, horses remained a vital component of the CEF. The cavalry, the artillery and, of course, the Army Service Corps used huge numbers of horses right up to the end of the war. At one point, Canadians were using as many as 24,000 horses and mules in their overseas operations. Horses could often manage in places where motorized vehicles could make no headway! Inevitably, some horses suffered injuries or fell ill. The Canadian Veterinary Corps operated mobile sections to take care of horses; it also ran veterinary hospitals for horses, advanced remount depots and specialized basic provisions depots.
Other logistical support services also played a crucial role in enabling combat troops to get on with their job. The Canadian Postal Corps, for instance, helped maintain the morale of soldiers at the front, at the rear and also those convalescing in hospitals. Army chaplains, who constituted the smallest organized support group, provided religious services to Canadian soldiers of different faiths and offered moral support at difficult times. Lastly, despite the enemy's efforts to maintain a naval blockade by submarines, the Canadian Forestry Corps ensured that Great Britain, France and the Canadian Expeditionary Force obtained all the timber they needed to carry out their military operations.
Thousands of men served in these various organizations. The Army Service Corps, for example, counted over 17,000 officers and non-commissioned soldiers in its organization. Even if these units were not combat troops, many of them, including the Army Service Corps, played important roles in all military actions. One hundred and four members of the CASC were killed, and 363 were wounded.
Selected Bibliography
Brown, Ian Malcolm. British Logistics on the Western Front, 1914-1919. Westport: Praeger Publishers, 1998.
Canadian Army Service Corps, 2nd Divisional Train: Record of Service of Officers, 1914-1919. Brian Pontifex, comp. Toronto: Carswell, 1920.
Davies, W.J.K. Light Railways of the First World War: A History of Tactical Rail Communications on the British Fronts, 1914-18. Newton Abbot, UK: David & Charles, 1967.
French, Cecil. A History of the Canadian Army Veterinary Corps in the Great World War, 1914-1919. C.A.V. Barker and Ian K. Barker, eds. Guelph: Crest Books, 1999.
Jackson, H.M. The 127th Battalion, CEF; 2nd Battalion, Canadian Railway Troops. Montreal: Industrial Shops for the Deaf, 1957?.
Johnston, James Robert. Riding into War: The Memoir of a Horse Transport Driver, 1916-1919. Fredericton: Goose Lane Editions and The New Brunswick Military Heritage Project, 2004.
Love, David W. "A Call to Arms": The Organization and Administration of Canada's Military in World War One. Calgary: Bunker To Bunker Books, 1999.
Phelan, Frederick Ross. "Army Supplies in the Forward Area and the Tumpline System: A First World War Canadian Logistical Innovation." Canadian Military History 9, no 1 (Winter 2000): 31-45 [reprinted from the article published in the Canadian Defence Quarterly in October 1928].
To the Thunderer his Arms: The Royal Canadian Ordnance Corps. William F. Rannie, ed. Lincoln, ON: W.F. Rannie, 1984.
Warren, Arnold. Wait for the Waggon: The Story of the Royal Canadian Army Service Corps. Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1961.
Life in the Trenches
Tim Cook
Historian, Canadian War Museum
From Switzerland to the North Sea, some 500 kilometres long, soldiers on both sides carved out ditches in the ground that, over time, were expanded in complexity and depth. By 1915, vast underground cities housed the soldiers, as the opposing armies faced off against each other across no man's land. Along this continuous line of trenches, offensive operations degenerated into frontal assaults, which were usually stopped dead by concentrated fire.
The Western Front, as it was called, consisted of a series of trench systems in depth. The front lines were held in strength, but behind them, joined by a series of communication trenches that ran perpendicular to the front, were support and rear trenches. Deep protective dugouts were situated along the front and rear trenches to provide some degree of safety against all but direct hits from artillery fire. Saps and listening posts were pushed into no man's land, where soldiers were positioned to provide advance warnings of enemy attacks.
Despite the unsanitary nature of front line trenches, they were areas of safety. The trenches protected against small arms fire, shrapnel bursts and high explosive bombardments. Every day and night soldiers shored up the crumbling walls, filled sandbags, and rebuilt sections that had been damaged by artillery fire. It was not only a war of the machine gun and rifle, but also of the shovel.
Life in the trenches was filled with long periods of boredom interspersed with terror. Much of the time was spent in routine duty. At half an hour before dawn, the infantry was roused from their dugouts or funk holes (small spaces carved into the trench walls) and ordered to 'Stand-To.' At the alert, they waited for a possible attack with bayonet fixed. If nothing occurred, and it rarely did, since the infantry of both sides were always at their most prepared at this time, officers inspected the men. Rifles were examined for rust; feet were prodded to ensure that dry socks had been worn to protect against trench foot. The latter being a type of frostbite that occurred from prolonged standing in cold, slushy water, and could, in severe cases, require the amputation of toes or feet. After inspection, soldiers were often rewarded with a small dose of rum, which was much appreciated by the men, who saw it as a form of medicine to help withstand the daily deprivations.
Breakfast, like most meals, usually consisted of canned beef, jam and biscuits. It was a monotonous diet, but soldiers rarely went hungry. For lunch or dinner, soup or stew was brought up from rear areas to offer some variety and warmth. Care packages from home, filled with cheese, bread and sweets, augmented the bland food. During the day, though, the goal of most privates was to avoid the sergeant who assigned trench chores. Most were unsuccessful, with soldiers spending much of their time rebuilding the trenches or standing sentry.
Despite these duties, soldiers had much free time, during which they dreamed of home and of loved ones left behind; worried about children who were growing up without a father; of ailing parents with no caregivers; or of a wife who was trying to feed a family with insufficient funds. Literate soldiers might spend a few hours scribbling letters. Return mail from home was a welcomed treat, with letters read and reread. These exchanges back and forth remained an important life-line to Canada from the trenches. And while they were usually subject to two levels of censorship, by officers at the front and officials in England, soldiers nonetheless tried to share their thoughts with those at home. Civilians could not understand everything, nor could soldiers often capture the full range of their strange experiences in words, but letters remained an important avenue of expression.
Boredom could be kept at bay through gambling, and there was always some rake with dice or cards to fleece his mates. If a soldier had no money, he at least had cigarettes. Soldiers smoked all day long, and cigarettes, which were issued by the army, bought in rear areas, and begged from those at home, were a useful distraction. They helped to calm the nerves, or so soldiers said, and they certainly helped to mask the stench of unwashed bodies.
There were no baths in the front lines and, most soldiers went at least a week, usually longer, without changing their clothes. Dirt and mud were a part of life and, during the winter, helped to insulate soldiers. Far more trying was the infestation of parasitic body lice. The lice lived in the seams of clothing where they feasted on human blood. Soldiers scratched themselves raw to get at their infernal enemies. They learned to defeat their insect adversaries, at least for a time, by taking off their shirts and running a candle over the seams. This drew out the lice that were then squashed satisfactorily between finger and thumb. While soldiers did this, they would sit around, talk, complain and gossip. It was known as 'chatting,' and it is just one of many wartime phrases that would enter the English lexicon. But the lice always came back, tormenting the soldiers day and night.
Rats, too, were a constant plague, and because they lived off corpses, they could grow as big as cats. They bit soldiers and scurried over their faces while they slept. The rats were hunted by soldiers and their trench pets, usually fierce terrier dogs, but the rodents lived in and outside of the trenches and were always multiplying. Their squealing movement could be heard throughout the battlefield.
Amidst the mud and slush in the winter, or heat and flies in the summer, soldiers developed their own trench culture. New words sprang up, slang like 'napoo' for being killed, or 'blighty' that referred to England or home. Artistic soldiers could take spent ammunition and shape it into art. Some soldiers tried their hand at poetry. While most were not as skilled as John McCrae, Wilfrid Owen or Siegfried Sassoon, to name the best-known war poets, the trench poetry or doggerel provided much insight into the soldiers' front-line experiences. At the group level, some battalions printed trench newspapers. Drawing from their own soldiers in the ranks—men who in civilian life had been editors, journalists and cartoonists—these crude newspapers contained rough humour and wry commentary on the strange, subterranean world of the trenches.
But just as a soldier might be penning a letter or staring at the blue sky above, the crash of an artillery shell could bring sudden death. The enemy was always there to kill or maim. Snipers skulked into no man's land, camouflaged and ready to put a bullet through a man's head should it rise, even for a second, above the safety of the trench parapet. Poison gas was released in the form of gas clouds and artillery shells, and soldiers who could not put on their respirator quickly faced a lingering death as chemicals corrupted and ravaged lungs.
Machine-gun bullets raked the front lines day and night. Yet artillery shells were the greatest killer in the war, accounting for more than half of all deaths. High explosive shells blew deep holes in the ground or wrecked trenches; soldiers were atomized by direct hits. Equally deadly, shrapnel artillery shells rained hundreds of metal balls and jagged steel down on soldiers, shredding through flesh and bone. Steel helmets, introduced in early 1916, helped to reduce casualties, but a unit's tour in the front lines almost always resulted in a steady hemorrhage of casualties. It was clinically called wastage, and impersonal charts showed that each month the infantry would lose approximately 10% of its strength, even in quiet areas where no operations were carried out. While the snipers and artillerymen did their dirty work, the soldiers could look around and see their best friends killed and maimed.
Yet the soldiers struck back in the form of nighttime raids. Changing into dark clothes, equipping themselves with revolvers, grenades, daggers and clubs, small groups of men snuck past their wire and into no man's land. Raids were a form of organized mugging, and the goal was to gather intelligence, kill the enemy and grab a prisoner. Enemy sentries were usually the target, but sometimes large groups of raiders slipped into the opposite trenches to wreck mayhem. While Canadian troops acquired a reputation as fierce raiders, these operations were dangerous affairs, and in the confusion of night fighting, casualties were often heavy.
To help relieve the unending pressure on soldiers, they were rotated in and out of the front line. On roughly four- to six-day tours, filthy, verminous, exhausted soldiers passed from front to secondary lines and finally to the reserves. This rotation helped to relieve the strain, but soldiers always knew they would return to the trenches in this maddening cycle.
Endurance was the key to survival and soldiers learned to cope with the inhuman conditions. Some developed fatalistic attitudes, believing they would be killed 'when their number was up'; others lived in terror all the time; a few hoped for a blighty wound, a bullet through the hand or leg that would take them away from the horror and back to a clean hospital in England. Thousands suffered mental breakdowns, known as shell shock, but hundreds of thousands more of the 'poor bloody infantry,' as the soldiers liked to call themselves, learned to withstand the strain of the trenches. And it was these survivors who, after four years of bitter fighting, would finally break the static warfare on the Western Front and defeat the German forces.
Selected Bibliography
Bird, Will R. Ghosts Have Warm Hands: A Memoir of the Great War, 1916-1919. Ottawa: CEF Books, 1997 (1968).
Black, Ernest Garson. I Want One Volunteer. Toronto: Ryerson, 1965.
Canadian Bank of Commerce. Letters from the Front : Being a Partial Record of the Part Played by Officers of the Bank in the Great European War. 11 v. Toronto: Canadian Bank of Commerce, 1915-1919.
Cook, Tim. "`More a Medicine than a Beverage': 'Demon Rum' and the Canadian Trench Soldier of the First World War." Canadian Military History 9, 1 (Winter 2000) : 6-22.
Fraser, Donald. The Journal of Private Fraser, 1914-1918, Canadian Expeditionary Force. Reginald H. Roy, ed. Nepean, ON: CEF Books, 1998 (1985).
Granatstein, J.L. Hell's Corner: An Illustrated History of Canada's Great War, 1914-1918. Toronto: Douglas and McIntyre, 2004.
Litalien, Michel et Stéphane Thibault, Tranchées : le quotidien de la guerre 1914-1918, Outremont, Québec, Athena éditions, 2004.
Morrison, J. Clinton. Hell upon Earth: A Personal Account of Prince Edward Island Soldiers in the Great War, 1914-1918. Summerside, PEI.: J.C. Morrison, 1995.
Morton, Desmond. "A Canadian Soldier in the Great War: The Experience of Frank Maheux." Canadian Military History 1, nos 1 & 2 (1992) : 79-89.
---. When Your Number's Up: The Canadian Soldier in the First World War. Toronto: Random House, 1993.
Morton, Desmond and J.L. Granatstein. Marching to Armageddon: Canadians and the Great War, 1914- 1919. Toronto: Lester & Orpen, Dennys, 1989.
Winter, Denis. Death's Men: Soldiers of the Great War. Markam, ON: Penguin Books, 1985.
Journalists and the War
Myriam Levert
Student at HEC, Montreal
The military soon understood that while the mass communication methods that had come into use in the 19th century made it possible to inform and mobilize entire populations, they also gave rise to new risks. Censorship became a fundamental component of military strategy very early in the war, with two specific objectives: keep the enemy wrapped in a fog of ignorance and protect the morale of the nation in order to promote the war effort. No one was free to say or write whatever they wanted, as Canadian journalists soon discovered after hostilities broke out in August 1914.
Although the press's primary objective when war was declared was to keep readers informed about developments on the battlefield, it proved to be an extremely difficult task. The British government banned journalists from the front until 1915. Even afterwards, the situation did not improve much. Military information was supplied by an "official eyewitness," appointed by the Canadian government, whose dispatches from London were so biased that no one took them seriously. Finally, in March 1917, in response to increasing complaints from journalists, the Canadian Press Association sent a real war correspondent, T. S. Lyon, editor of the Toronto Globe, to the front.
With a shortage of Canadian war correspondents during the Great War, journalists had to get their combat news from telegrams sent by their European colleagues. All news dispatches were carefully monitored, however: information and photographs that managed to get past the censors assigned to each group of correspondents were scrutinized and altered by the French and British censors prior to transmission across the Atlantic.
The tentacles of censorship did not stop there, however. One of the Government of Canada's first military initiatives was to impose censorship of the press under the War Measures Act. Yet this statute was not sufficient to stem the flow of information that might be harmful to national security. With war being a very lucrative subject for newspapers, and with censorship being voluntary, editors sometimes gave in to the temptation to boost sales by revealing risky information. The highest value was attached to any information that was supposed to be kept secret under the censorship rules: movements of troops or goods within Canada, departures of contingents for the front, locations of military industries, technical specifications of arsenals, espionage rumours and casualty lists.
In June 1915, in an effort to put an end to these leaks, the federal government established a censorship board and named Lt.-Colonel Ernest J. Chambers chief press censor. With over 30 years' experience in journalism, on top of a career in the military, Chambers enjoyed the respect of both the government and journalists. Under his surveillance, editors had to make sure that any information that might aid the enemy, endanger soldiers or discourage the war effort went into the waste basket. The definition was very broad. Besides details on military operations, it also blocked most information providing a realistic portrayal of the war. As Chambers saw it, Canadians might be shocked and demoralized by the horrors of the war. As a result, journalists were forced to use euphemistic language: a defeat became a reversal, a retreat a strategic withdrawal, a slight advance a tremendous victory. Soldiers' letters were censored, too. Only humorous and optimistic allusions to the war were allowed to be published in Canadian newspapers.
Most journalists deplored the situation. As some of them, including those at the Toronto World, saw it, preventing the publication of genuine news served no useful purpose, and in fact, had a negative impact on recruitment. Indeed, according to the daily, publishing the truth about the war would have served to underline the urgency of the situation on the front to the Canadian public and to encourage patriotic young men to join up. The image that was presented was one of a war effort that was going well enough and not really in need of new recruits. Another criticism levelled at censorship was that it protected the government from the scrutiny of public opinion. The Edmonton Bulletin drew its readers' attention to the fact that the censors had kept Canadians in the dark about the defects of the Ross rifle for almost two years. Many newspapers argued that if accurate information about the weapon's shortcomings had been known, the public outcry would have forced the military to switch to a better rifle and could well have prevented many deaths on the battlefield.
From 1917 on, freedom of the press came under even greater threat. Reflecting public opinion, newspapers became increasingly critical of the government's war policies and of the socio-economic conditions in Canada: national registration, rationing, increase in the cost of living, poor treatment of civilians by the military authorities, and conscription. Dissent was most vocal in Quebec. Newspapers — liberal, nationalist and Catholic — refused to back down in their opposition to conscription or any other measure deemed excessive. Not wanting to allow criticism of this sort to be disseminated, the government passed a new, more restrictive censorship act, specifically aimed at banning the publication of views hostile to the government. While mere threats of banning, imprisonment and fines were not enough to convince French-Canadian journalists to cease their attacks, the shutting down of the liberal newspapers Le Canada and Le Bulletin and of the ultra-Catholic La Croix, along with the censorship of the war news column of the weekly L'Action catholique in the spring of 1918, forced them to submit.
In many respects, censorship in Canada during the First World War was more severe than in other Allied countries. From the time hostilities broke out until censorship of the news was officially lifted on April 30, 1919, 253 publications were banned in Canada. Of this number, 164 were published in a language other than English or French. Journalists knew what was at stake. Yet while they resisted any efforts to set limits on their freedom of expression, they were still willing to aid the war effort.
In a way, journalists became informers, supplying the censors with all kinds of information useful to the authorities. At the same time, newspapers were turned into instruments of propaganda. In Quebec, for instance, La Presse and La Patrie played an active role in raising the Canadian 22nd Battalion. Newspapers also provided free space to the government for its advertising campaigns and published articles encouraging young men to enlist.
Throughout the war, Canadian journalists were torn between, on the one hand, not wanting to put the lives of young soldiers at risk or hinder "the successful prosecution of the war" and, on the other, not wanting to submit to the censorship imposed allegedly to protect the nation's morale and, indirectly, the government in power in Ottawa. An integral part of the war machine, but also a tool of political power, censorship rocked the foundations of Canadian journalism for over four years.
Selected Bibliography
Chambers, Ernest J. "Governing Principles of Censorship in Canada." The Printer and Publisher (October 1915) : 39-42.
—, « Rapport sur le service de la censure de la presse canadienne – Premičre Guerre mondiale », présenté dans Le Canada français et les conflits contemporains. [Actes du colloque tenu ŕ l'Université du Québec ŕ Montréal, le 27 aoűt 1995], Claude Beauregard, Robert Comeau et Jean-Pierre Gagnon, dirs., Cahiers d'histoire politique 2 (hiver 1996) : 185-288.
Comeau, Paul-André, dir., La démocratie en veilleuse, Montréal, Québec-Amérique, 1995.
Coutard, Jérôme, Des valeurs en guerre. Presse, propagande et culture de guerre au Québec. 1914-1918, [thčse de doctorat (histoire), Université Laval], 1999.
Desmond, Robert William. Windows on the World: The Information Process in a Changing Society : 1900-1920. Iowa City : University of Iowa Press, 1980.
Gagnon, Jean-Pierre, « Le rôle de la Presse dans la formation du 22e bataillon canadien-français », dans Conflits contemporains et médias, Claude Beauregard et Catherine Saouter, dirs.,Montréal, XYZ éditeur, 1997 : 55-59.
Kerr, George D. "Canadian Press Censorship in World War I." Journalism Quarterly 59, 2 (1982): 235-239.
Keshen, Jeffrey A. "All the News that Was Fit to Print: Ernest J. Chambers and Information Control in Canada, 1914-19." Canadian Historical Review 73, 3 (1992): 315-343.
—. Propaganda and Censorship During Canada's Great War. Edmonton: University of Alberta Press, 1996.
Kesterton, W. H. A History of Journalism in Canada. Ottawa: McClelland and Stewart, 1984.
Knightley, Philip. The First Casualty: The War Correspondent as Hero, Propagandist, and Myth Maker from the Crimea to Vietnam. London: Andre Deutsch, 1975.
Levert, Myriam, La censure de la presse d'expression française du Québec durant la Premičre Guerre mondiale, [mémoire de maîtrise (histoire), Université du Québec ŕ Montréal], 2001.
—, « Le Québec sous le rčgne d'Anastasie: l'expérience censoriale durant la Premičre Guerre mondiale », Revue d'histoire de l'Amérique française 57, 3 (hiver 2004): 333-364.
Levine, Allan. Scrum Wars. The Prime Ministers and the Media. Toronto: Dundurn Press, 1993.
Rutherford, Paul. "The People's Press: The Emergence of the New Journalism in Canada, 1869-99." The Canadian Historical Review 56, 2 (June 1975): 169-191.
Salmon, Lucy Maynard. The Newspaper and Authority. New York: Oxford University Press, 1923.
Smith, David Edward. "Emergency Government in Canada." Canadian Historical Review L (December, 1969): 429-448.
Vance, Jonathan F. W. Death so Noble: Memory, Meaning, and the First World War. Vancouver: UBC Press, 1997.
Canadian Small Arms of the First World War
Phil White
Historian, Canadian War Museum
Although the carnage of the First World War was unprecedented, there was nothing truly new about the small arms used during the fighting. The story behind these weapons and their terrible efficiency stem from the tremendous advances in science and technology made throughout the late 19th century.
By 1850, arms factories in Europe and the United States were making the most of advances in metallurgy and mass production, and were capable of manufacturing hundreds of rifles daily. Repeating rifles, which could fire several shots before being re-loaded, were used extensively during the American Civil War (1861-65), as were the first simple multi-barrelled machine guns. More powerful ammunition was available in the 1870s. The American inventor Hiram Maxim introduced the first true machine gun, capable of firing 450 rounds per minute, in 1884. The water-cooled barrel gave Maxim's machine gun the ability to fire for hours without stopping. By the turn of the century, most European and North American soldiers carried high-powered rifles that could fire 15 shots per minute at an effective range of 800 metres. The days of reloading a single-shot rifle, in the open, five or six times a minute, were long gone. The stage was set for the killing fields that were to come.
Two Rifles
Two late-19th-century inventions, the Lee-Enfield rifle and the Ross rifle, the first Canadian-made military rifle, are central to this story.
In the late 1870s, the British Army accepted Scottish-born Canadian James Paris Lee's rifle design for trials, ultimately resulting in the adoption of the Lee-Metford rifle, then later the Lee Enfield Mk 1 rifle. It was purchased by Canada and used in the South African War.
Sir Charles Ross designed his straight-pull bolt-action rifle and patented the design in 1897. The bolt mechanism, based on the Austrian Mannlicher rifle, also included Ross's own innovations. In theory, this type of bolt-action was very easy to use and could be reloaded very quickly. The more quickly a rifle can be re-loaded, the more firepower it provides. Its drawback was a complicated manufacturing process and its fragile loading mechanism. Ross revised his design, introducing it as the Model 1900, then later with an improved bolt mechanism in 1901, both of which were submitted to American trials as a potential service rifle.
After the South African War, Sir Fredrick Borden, Canada's Minister of Militia and Defence, lobbied unsuccessfully to have the Lee-Enfield rifle built by a British firm in Canada. When the British turned down Borden's request, the Canadian government turned to Ross and his rifle. After a series of modifications, Canada accepted the design, Ross built a factory at the Citadel in Quebec, and the rifle went into production. In 1904, the Royal North West Mounted Police received 1,000 rifles, the Department of Marine and Fisheries another 500. In the coming years, the rifle underwent continual modifications and developments to suit various requirements, including target shooting by the Canadian team at Bisley, where the Ross excelled. In August 1905, the militia received its first order of 1,000 Ross Mk 2 rifles. By 1911, the Mk 3 had been accepted and was being manufactured for the militia.
Britain tested the Ross rifle between 1900 and 1912, rejecting it because of problems with the design, including a propensity to jam.
The British Army continued to use the Lee-Enfield and in 1903, introduced the Short Magazine Lee-Enfield (S.M.L.E.) into service. The S.M.L.E., a shortened version of the Lee-Enfield Mk I, had been developed as a result of experience gained during the South African War. The design and construction were simple, if not crude, but also robust, functioning under less than ideal conditions.
Ross continued to develop and fine-tune his design, resulting in dozens of variations. Between 1903 and 1915, 419,130 Ross rifles were manufactured, with most going to Canadian troops, and some to Newfoundland and Britain.
The Canadian forces entered the First World War with the Ross rifle, Mk 2, Mk 3, and its subsequent variations. Almost immediately, its shortcomings became evident.
On March 10, 1915 the 1st Canadian Division went into battle at Neuve Chapelle, France. The Canadians were heavily engaged and, to the horror of the soldiers, their Ross rifles began to jam. The reasons for this were numerous: the ammunition provided was often inconsistent in size; muddy conditions allowed dirt to build up in the complicated loading mechanism, and the heat generated by rapid-firing caused the closely machined parts to expand and seize. A design flaw also made the bolt difficult to lock, if it had been assembled improperly, and some bolts were said to have blown back into the user's face. Canadian soldiers soon began discarding the Ross in favour of the British S.M.L.E. Mk 3*, when they could find them in the field. General E.A.H. Alderson, commander of the 1st Canadian Division, was forced to issue an order banning the use of the S.M.L.E by Canadian troops.
When the Canadians fought at the Second Battle of Ypres, in late April 1915, the Ross failed again. Outnumbered and facing the first gas attack of the war, the Canadians found their rifles jamming. Some reports had them "Clubbing furiously at their seized bolts with trenching tools and boot heels." By the end of the battle, hundreds had discarded their Ross rifles in favour of the trusted S.M.L.E.
By June 1915, British Field Marshal Sir John French ordered the Canadians under his command to be re-armed with the S.M.L.E. However, the 2nd and 3rd Canadian Divisions that soon arrived in Europe still carried the Ross.
In May 1916, a study into the Ross's problems confirmed the jamming and recommended modifications to the rifle's bolt-stops. Earlier tests had reported the Ross worked well with Canadian ammunition made at Dominion Arsenals in Quebec, but this ammunition was in short supply. New, poorly fitted stocks made from improperly seasoned birch were also causing problems as the wood warped and pressed against the metal frames. In light of the report, a few rifles were re-built with 26-inch barrels, trimmed stocks and larger bolt-stops. Although the rifles were reported to have worked "superbly," soldiers had lost all confidence in them. In mid July, Field Marshal Sir Douglas Haig re-armed Canadians with the S.M.L.E. and the Ross was officially withdrawn from front line service by the end of that year.
By this time Sir Charles Ross was running into other problems. Skilled labourers were finding better work in the United States, machinery ordered in 1914 had yet to arrive, and supplies were increasingly difficult to secure. Ross won a $22,500,000 contract to make one million rifles for Russia, but had to let it go to the United States due to inability to meet his deadline. A second order from Russia was cancelled after the Mk 3 was withdrawn from Canadian service. On March 28, 1917, the Canadian Government expropriated the Ross Rifle Company. Canada's first and only national rifle had failed as a battlefield weapon.
The Machine Gun
In 1912, the British Army adopted the water-cooled Vickers Mk 1machine gun, an improvement over the 1884 Maxim design, as its standard machine gun. The slightly lighter Vickers, like the Maxim, made use of an ammunition belt, and could fire 450 rounds per minute. Its water-cooled barrel could sustain this fire over very long periods of time, often for hours. Classified as a medium machine gun, the Vickers Mk 1 was used primarily on a tripod from defensive positions. It could be fired directly at a visible target, or indirectly, like artillery, at targets or positions at long range or behind obstacles.
In response to the need to provide quick-moving infantry with machine gun support, light machine guns appeared on the battlefield in 1914. The Lewis, the first light machine gun used by the British and Canadian forces, had been introduced into service with the Belgian army in 1913. It weighed about 18 kg and could be carried "over the top" like a rifle, to give advancing troops added firepower.
Due to a shortage of light machine guns, the British and Canadians also adopted the Hotchkiss machine gun in 1916. The Hotchkiss was based on the French medium machine gun the Mitrailleur Mle. 09, modified for use as a light machine gun. Although lighter than the Lewis, the Hotchkiss was more complicated and was used mainly by the cavalry. The Hotckhkiss remained in service for training and home guard use after the First World War and was not declared obsolete until 1946.
The decisions regarding when and how to deploy, or advance against small arms fire relate to the concept of the 'beaten zone' or 'killing zone' that existed between the lines, and the time-versus-lead equations; the idea that a storm of bullets and/or artillery shells poured into a given area made the task of 'advancing to contact' extremely difficult, if not impossible. This led to obvious challenges: crossing the zone more quickly (tanks) or by stealth (surprise attack, often without pre-shelling); better tactics to bypass resistance (storm troops, combined arms warfare); and heavier bombardments to keep enemy heads down, destroy obstacles, etc; and in the meantime, drove troops into the ground (trenches) to escape slaughter.
Close Combat
Most of the casualties during the war were inflicted by artillery or small arms fire coming from a distance. However, there was still some close and brutal fighting, often as part of larger operations, but particularly during trench raids.
All rifles were fitted with bayonets, which took the form of a long knife or spike that could be attached to the muzzle of the rifle, effectively forming a spear. By the First World War, British, and Canadian soldiers had been training to use bayonets for 200 years and were very efficient in its use. The bayonet also had an enormous psychological impact. Hundreds or thousands of enemy troops running towards you firing their rifles, screaming and brandishing long blades or spikes, was a terrifying and demoralizing sight. Despite the psychological advantage, many officers considered the bayonet perfectly useless, even in the 19th century. Firepower and broken terrain could keep cavalry at bay from c1860 onwards in most battles, thereby removing the bayonet's one real advantage – warding off cavalry. When fighting in the confined spaces of the trenches, the length of a bayonet fixed to the muzzle of a rifle could be a great disadvantage. To this end, many soldiers equipped themselves with other weapons, both standard and non-standard issue. These weapons were especially important for trench raids.
Usually conducted at night, trench raiding was extremely brutal, tending to resemble medieval warfare. Soldiers made use of pistols, grenades, clubs, axes, morning stars, knives and even sharpened shovels. As a defensive measure, body armour was brought back into use and worn openly by infantry for the first time since the 17th century.
Pistols were issued officially to officers and NCOs exclusively, but they were also occasionally picked up or traded by soldiers and used for close fighting.
At the beginning of the First World War, Sam Hughes, Minister of Militia and Defence, ordered 5,000 semi-automatic .45 ACP calibre Colt model 1911 (Government Model) pistols through one of his "Honorary Colonels," causing a short-lived political scandal. The pistols were issued to non-commissioned officers and made available to officers for purchase, along with some older Colt revolvers left over from the South African War. Canadian officers serving with the Royal Canadian Horse Artillery, or other units assigned to British formations, were issued with Webley revolvers of various marks.
With the forces rapid expansion, the military needed more pistols by mid 1915. Due to shortcomings found with the Colt Model 1911, the government purchased 1,500 Smith & Wesson .455 Hand Ejector Second Model revolvers on August 21, with later orders for 13,000 between 1915 and 1917. Revolvers were considered more reliable in harsh conditions.
Immediately after the ceasefire of November 11, 1918, many First World War small arms developments were shelved. Advances had been made in designing lighter, more efficient machine guns and submachine guns, but, in the debt-ridden postwar years the last thing most governments wanted to spend money on was small arms.
The Department of Militia and Defence was now faced with the disposal of the unwanted Ross rifles. Some 120,000 Mk 2 and Mk 3 rifles were taken overseas and turned over to the British, and 20,000 were sold to the United States for training. Of the rifles sent overseas, 9,334 were later returned to Canada. The Ross continued in use as a sniper rifle throughout the war, and well into the Second World War, making use of its initial design as a sporting and target rifle. Many Ross rifles were also re-issued during the Second World War for training and Home Guard use and eventually made their way into the hands of the armies of China, Chile, the Baltic states, Spain, New Zealand, Holland, India, Indonesia and the Soviet Union.
The S.M.L.E. remained in service well into the Second World War and was replaced in 1942 by the Lee-Enfield No. 4. James Paris Lee's basic rifle design is still in limited service with the Canadian Forces in the 21st century with the Canadian Rangers and Cadets.
The machine gun continues to be a vital part of the arsenals of all armies. The Vickers machine gun was used in the Second World War, the Korean War, and was not officially declared obsolete until the 1960s. The Lewis gun saw limited service in the Canadian Army during the Second World War, notably at Hong Kong.
The bayonet is stilled issued and used as a standard attachment to most military rifles worldwide.
The small arms designs that were rooted in the late 19th century and used during the First World War evolved very little throughout the first half of the 20th century. Although infantry tactics evolved considerably and the casualty figures of the First World War seem incomprehensible today, killing over open sights remains the foot soldier's basic role.
Selected Bibliography
Edgecombe, David W. Defending the Dominion, Canadian Military Rifles 1855-1955. Ottawa: Service Publications, 2003.
---. Small Arms of the World: A Basic Manual of Small Arms. 12th rev. ed. Harrisburg, PA: Stackpole Books, 1983.
Ezell, Edward C. Handguns of the World: Military Revolvers and Self-Loaders from 1870-1945. Harrisburg, PA: Stackpole Books, 1981.
Hogg, Ian V. The Illustrated Encyclopedia of Firearms. London: New Burlington Books, 1978.
---. Military Small Arms of the 20th Century. 7th ed. Iola: Krause Publications, 2000.
Law, Clive M. Canadian Military Handguns, 1855-1985. Bloomfield, ON: Museum Restoration Services, 1994.
---. Without Warning: Canadian Sniper Equipment in the 20th Century. Ottawa: Service Publications, 2004.
Maze, Robert J. Howdah to High Power: A Century of British Breechloading Service Pistols (1867-1967). Tucson: Excalibur Publications, 2002.
Meek, John F. Over the Top: The Canadian Infantry in the First World War. Orangeville, ON: John F. Meek, 1971.
Morton, Desmond. A Military History of Canada. Edmonton: Hurtig Publishers, 1985
Nelson, Thomas B. The World's Submachine Guns. Cologne, Germany: International Small Arms Publishers, 1963.
Phillips, Roger. The Ross Rifle Story. Sydney, NS: John A. Chadwick, 1984.
Rawling, Bill. Surviving Trench Warfare: Technology and the Canadian Corps 1914-1918. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1992.
Saunders, Anthony. Weapons of the Trench War, 1914-1918. Phoenix Mill: Alan Sutton, 1999
Skennerton, Ian D. The British Service Lee, Lee-Metford and Lee-Enfield Rifles and Carbines 1880-1980. London: Arms and Armour Press, 1982.
---. The Lee-Enfield Story. Piqua: I.D.S.A. Books, 1993.
Other Materials
The Ross Rifle and other Small Arms in World War I
During the South African War, Canada requested that Great Britain supply the Canadian force with the British Lee-Enfield rifle but Britain refused. Since no manufacturer could be persuaded to establish a Canadian production facility, Canada would have to produce its own. Sir Charles Ross, a British aristocrat and inventor, offered to build a plant in Canada. He developed a 5-clip rifle model for the Canadian militia trials during August 1901 and this rifle became the Mark 1 Ross rifle which began production in 1903. In Mar 1903 the Canadian government signed a contract with Ross for 12 000 rifles to be supplied by the end of 1903.
Sir Sam Hughes, the future minister of militia and member of the 1901 militia committee, was a supporter of the Ross rifle. The Mark 1 Ross rifle was not delivered until 1905 and 1000 units were supplied to the RNWMP but various problems plagued this model of rifle and it was eventually recalled in 1906. Changes were made to the production model until 1910 when the various models of the Mark 2 were produced. Great Britain at that time was strongly urging Canada to adopt the Lee-Enfield rifle for its armed forces so as to have consistency within the Empire regarding weaponry, and because Canada refused to halt production of the Ross rifle, strains developed over imperial defence. The Mark 2 rifle was adopted by the Canadian armed forces in 1911, and in that year work was begun on the Mark 3, although few were produced before 1914. In the first years of WWI the Ross rifle received a bad reputation. It was seen as unsuitable for the "trench-and-charge" tactics employed during that war because of its weight, 9 lbs 14 ozs (c 4.5 kg), its overall length, 60˝ inches (c 1.5 m) with bayonet fixed, and the continual jamming problem plus the occasional "blowback." The cause of the jamming was eventually corrected but came too late for the rifle to maintain its use. In the summer of 1916 the rifle was withdrawn from service and by mid-Sept Canadian troops had been rearmed with the British-made Lee-Enfield. The Canadian government expropriated the Ross Rifle Co in March 1917 after paying Ross $2 million. The total production of the Ross rifle was approximately 420,000 with 342,040 units being purchased by the British. During WWII, the Mark 3 Ross rifle was given to the Royal Canadian Navy, the Veteran's Guard of Canada, coastal units, training depôts, the British Home Guard and the Soviets.
Reproduced with permission from The Canadian Encyclopaedia, Historica Foundation of Canada
Sir Sam Hughes, the future minister of militia and member of the 1901 militia committee, was a supporter of the Ross rifle. The Mark 1 Ross rifle was not delivered until 1905 and 1000 units were supplied to the RNWMP but various problems plagued this model of rifle and it was eventually recalled in 1906. Changes were made to the production model until 1910 when the various models of the Mark 2 were produced. Great Britain at that time was strongly urging Canada to adopt the Lee-Enfield rifle for its armed forces so as to have consistency within the Empire regarding weaponry, and because Canada refused to halt production of the Ross rifle, strains developed over imperial defence. The Mark 2 rifle was adopted by the Canadian armed forces in 1911, and in that year work was begun on the Mark 3, although few were produced before 1914. In the first years of WWI the Ross rifle received a bad reputation. It was seen as unsuitable for the "trench-and-charge" tactics employed during that war because of its weight, 9 lbs 14 ozs (c 4.5 kg), its overall length, 60˝ inches (c 1.5 m) with bayonet fixed, and the continual jamming problem plus the occasional "blowback." The cause of the jamming was eventually corrected but came too late for the rifle to maintain its use. In the summer of 1916 the rifle was withdrawn from service and by mid-Sept Canadian troops had been rearmed with the British-made Lee-Enfield. The Canadian government expropriated the Ross Rifle Co in March 1917 after paying Ross $2 million. The total production of the Ross rifle was approximately 420,000 with 342,040 units being purchased by the British. During WWII, the Mark 3 Ross rifle was given to the Royal Canadian Navy, the Veteran's Guard of Canada, coastal units, training depôts, the British Home Guard and the Soviets.
Reproduced with permission from The Canadian Encyclopaedia, Historica Foundation of Canada


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E63 / E64 6 Series (2004 - 2010)
The E63/E64 BMW 6 Series builds on BMW's sporty heritage with aggressive lines and an incredible motor to back the design up. Available in coupe and convertible trims with a standard 4.8 liter engine producing 360 horsepower and 360 lb-ft of torque, the 6-series is a popular choice that exceeds expectations.
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Odd rough idle / rough drive
Hiya All,
I have an issue with my '04 645ci.
After a prolonged period of not having driven it, say overnight, or following a day's work, I'll get in the car and start it up. The idle can be very rough (sometimes I am shaking in my seat), and the engine fault / catalytic converter error message comes up. I usually then drive the car (and it is rough) for a minute or two, then at a roundabout or traffic light I turn off the car, then turn it on again, after which it is a hell of a lot smoother. Odd that the engine restart would make such a difference. Then again I know little about cars. There are times however I am pushing it on the motorway and it still feels a bit rough and once I had the engine fault / cat error whilst going at the speed limit if you know what I mean.
Given that I am a newbie at maintaining my own car, could anyone give me a list of simple things I could check first before I hand over the PIN to my bank account to BMW...?
So advice appreciated!
(The other issues I have are an oil leak but I keep it topped up regularly until I am going to get it fixed, a slow coolant leak which I also keep topped up regularly until I get it fixed, and a gear 5 slippage when I keep the accelerator pressed down through gear changes which isn't a priority. So none of these should be related. Also a new battery was fitted recently and I had a new alternator put in not too long ago, so I think the power situation is in good order.)
P.S. Michael UK could you pls get in touch?
Have your battery tested is first thing to do. Weird things happen when battery is weak.
These cars drain the battery sitting still. You need to go for a good long drive on a regular basis or hook the car to a battery tender.
If you replace the battery, it has to be "registered" to the car. If not the car will not know a new battery is in and it will overcharge the new battery resulting in potential damage and early replacement.
If only that were the case!
...Also a new battery was fitted recently and I had a new alternator put in not too long ago, so I think the power situation is in good order....
New battery was just fitted. Also I drive the beast around 30,000 miles per year, and usually to the speed limit on motorways if you know what I mean.
Since the new battery, there has been no change in the issue. But over time it is noticeably getting worst...
You could try disconnecting the battery for 30 minutes or longer, to see if this might help reboot all systems. Another thing to do to find hidden codes, is have someone run BMW diagnostics for codes that will not show up on handheld OBD2 code readers! A canister purge valve could be causing your problems, among other things.
Good Luck!
Hi All,
To give you an update, the car is booked in next week to a specialist, so we'll see what is up.
The rough idle / rough running is so bad now, that even turning the car off / on again doesn't help as much as it used to. Oddly when it is running up to 60mph after engine restart it is generally smooth, but between 60-80mph very rough, and then 80+mph smooth again.
There is also a serious oil leak that needs fixing that will probably require engine removal.
The specialist said they may be related but who knows until he has had a look.
One thing is for sure, if I am going to keep this baby, I better learn how to do more myself, otherwise it will bankrupt me.
Actually I am slowly learning stuff. I just read my codes using a code reader:
From Peake Research R5 code reader Table 22 :-
278d - Temp sensor coolant temp
274e - Misfire detection checksum failure
2748 - Misfire detection cylinder 7
2749 - Misfire detection cylinder 2
coupled with the symptoms right now:
a. Rough idle, rough running at certain speeds / times. Engine switch off/on again usually helps to smoothen it a bit but not completely
b. Oil leak (requiring stripping engine down, say BMW)
c. Slow coolant leak apparently, (from inside engine say BMW)
Next steps anyone, which a newbie like me might be able to perform?
I would start with coils and plugs as possible causes of the misfires.
If you've never replaced your plugs, they should probably be done. There are plenty of DIY's if you want to give it a shot yourself. Not too difficult, but the rear two are supposed to be a bit of a challenge.
For the coils, just figure out which cylinders are 7 and 2 (quick search online). Then swap the coils from other (no error) cylinders, clear the codes and drive till the codes come back. If the misfires move to the cylinders where the suspect coils are, then you've solve your problem (or at least one of them). This should be very easy and cost you nothing. Probably the first thing to do. If the codes remain on the same cylinder then replace (at least) those two plugs, clear codes and drive till they come back. This will elliminate some potential problems that are related to basic maintainance anyway.
Hope this helps...
'07 650i Coupe - Black Sapphire Metallic
M6 bumpers, skirts & wheels
BMW M Cross Spoke Composite 101 Rims 20"
HUD, Comfort Access
Last edited by Mulchman; 11-29-2012 at 08:12 AM.
Thanks Mulchman! I had discussed doing that very procedure (swapping coils around) to see if the issue follows potentially bad coils. I'll give this a go first. I'll do it this weekend and report how I get on.
One thing is for sure, if I can save $$$ by doing something myself, my wife will start talking to me again. The car has become a major source of contention!
In the meantime I will see what else I can glean from the forum by searching further.
For that matter you could also swap some plugs to save $$$ during your diagnostics. Might help you buy only what is needed now.
'07 650i Coupe - Black Sapphire Metallic
M6 bumpers, skirts & wheels
BMW M Cross Spoke Composite 101 Rims 20"
HUD, Comfort Access
I know this may be dismissed but this is a 99% certainty here, maybe more, and i'm afraid its not good news at all
On these engines the intermediate levers for the valvetronic system are prone to wearing out
This means that you won't get the full travel of the levers which in turn affects the valve lift and therefore running of the engine. It seems to cause more issues at idle from stone cold than anything else.
Any cars with an issue or starting to have an issue will run very poor from a cold start and more often than not throw a management light. Code reading will show up multiple misfires on each cylinder as has happened with yourself.
Usually with cars that are just starting to exhibit these symptoms, after about 30 seconds or so, the idle will smooth out and the car will run fine for the remainder of the day and at subsequent starts. Cars that are experiencing more severe wear of the levers may very well not get better to the point you don't notice misfires or poor running.
A lot of the time the problem can be masked by simply unplugging one of the vanos solenoids which renders the vanos and valvetronic in a static state. You won't see or feel any of the symptoms and the code thrown will be stored although not flagged up as a management light. However the downside to this, although it is certainly the lesser of 2 evils is you will more than likely notice lack of power through disabled vanos.
The levers were changed by BMW to a different type from about late 2005 or so (build date), and the whole debacle is coverd under service bulletin SI B 11 02 05. In North America they would do something about it but not here in Europe (as per usual).
Its a very big job to correct and you need a special jig for the cylinder heads so its not really a DIY.
Rather than have you spend oodles of cash on the problem replacing myriads of coil packs, plugs, vanos solenoids etc it may be better to go into a dealership forearmed and with a copy of the service bulletin to have them test in the same way it describes for a proper diagnosis.
I have the same issue on my 645i and i first noticed it as a frien and myself saw one of the solenoid plug wires to a vanos solenoid looked broken or even cut. We found out by reading the codes with INPA and decided we had found an issue and would repair the wiring. Upon repair the car ran fine until the next morning whereupon i experienced many of the symptoms you described.
After extensive misdiagnosis by a main dealer much to my repeated explanations to them and chargrin i found the issue myself through investigation on the internet.
It seems my plug was cut on purpose in order to mask the issue prior to my purchase of the car.
If you do want to pursue a repair may i recommend Steve at Mr Vanos over here in the UK. Whilst not the most insignificant amount of money ever spent it is certainly the cheapest option to remedy the car PROPERLY and he is well versed with the valvetronic system, has carried out the procedure before, and has all of the special tools required.
I hope this is of some help.
Mine did this and it turned out to just be a bad coil connection. The coil itself was fine, just needed to be reseated. The Variation you have with it running then restarting and running fine sounds about right too. Heat causes expansion and this coudl cause the coil to become seated better and run better, but means there is not enough connection to maintain a solid connection. I had a misfire on Cylinder 8 went down to BMW picked up a new coil, then thought, I'll just push this on better and see what happenes before I actually replace it. Syre enough. She fired up smoothly and ran great.
Hope this helps and this is just some bad connections for you, rather than what gebhardt is describing.
Hopefully it will be. But as my dad always said, **** in one hand and wish in the other, and see which one fills up first.
Usually its better to be prepared for the worst and hope for the best.
Given this car is driven about 30k per year it would explain that the symptoms have become increasingly worse in a relatively short amount of time.]
Like i said, usually by disabling the vanos by unplugging a solenoid is an easy way to mask this problem.
Given that this example is particularly rough running and is so more often even when warm, i could not guarantee that unplugging a solenoid would eradicate problems completely (as in rough running and idle issues) although its certainly easier than removing coils about the place and if it did improve, would point to the issues i describe.
I am not here to make rash assumptions or be a happy bearer of bad news, but rather to put people in the picture about a well documented issue by BMW themselves that manifests itself in exactly the way and symptoms you are describing.
Sure, it may be that if this is the issue you do not want to pursue a repair, but to know that AFTER spending another £700 in so called repairs by techs even at the dealership replacing parts that are not needed, is another kick in the stones.
If it were me i would try and unplug a vanos solenoid first to see if the symptoms reduce or dissapear. If not, you can swap out coils and plugs from the cylinders giving you errors and see if the codes jump over to the cylinders you swap into as described above.
Failing that, i think a proper diagnosis to confirm by Mr Vanos etc, but i would say its a 99% certainty its the levers.
Oh BTW, your cat codes are symptomatic of unburnt fuel entering the cat and being picked up by the 02 sensors due to your misfires not igniting the mixture.
Have you looked at the link i provided or indeed the service bulletin (just copy and paste it into google or similar) to see if any of these symptoms correspond with yours?
Last edited by gebhardt; 12-02-2012 at 10:25 AM.
Hi Herb, Gebhardt,
Thank very much both for contributing, I really do appreciate it.
I have noticed that piece on the intermediate levers in the past, but, given that only 2 of my cylinders have been misfiring consistently, I am hoping that this is symptomatic of a smaller issue, rather than the intermediate levers affecting potentially all of the cylinders?
It has got dark out here early, coz we're in UK winter, so I am pondering going outside and unplugging the vanos first as you suggest gebhardt, to see if that helps. If not, then I'll have to reseat coils if it doesnt when its light out, then its off to see mr vanos I suppose.
OR who wants to place bets on the outcome? If enough people in the forum place and I take a %age of the winnings it'll fund my fix heh heh zzz ok just kidding.
As much as I hate BMW I love the car so even at risk of a divorce, I wanna fix it. But its very important I try and do as much as I can myself, so let's see what I can find out.
Some of the answers will surely be provided by Wednesday this week on the vanos and coils, as I actually have it booked into a BMW specialist (ex-BMW). But if I can check a couple of these things first myself perhaps I'll save myself a visit (although that nasty oil leak still needs fixing...).
i really do hope it is a smaller issue such as coils etc. I really do not want to pee on your parade but my suggestion is in line with trying at least to save you as much money as possible during the diagnosis phase.
I can diagnose issues myself and had already come to the conclusion at least that the vanos solenoids were not at issue, nor coils or plugs, as i had already swapped over parts from the offending cylinders with known good ones, and had even swapped vanos solenoids over to be confronted with the same fault codes and issues.
However, when taking it to a main dealer for further advice and asking for tests on GT1 i was stonewalled and told they would carry out there own diagnosis, which i reluctantly accepted. On my return they had swapped out the 2 coils and a vanos solenoid for new parts against my wishes and i was faced with a bill for around £500 to have my car back in the same condition as i took it in with.
I was very dissapointed to be firstly ignored regarding my diagnosis wishes and secondly to have so called techs simply read a code and swap parts out without trying to read deeper into the problem, so much the case with todays techs who think fault codes automatically point them to the problem rather than interpret codes.
I digress. With no access to GT1 i know that Steve from Mr Vanos does have access to this and can tell with a simple test through the diagnostic port if viewed from stone cold, which may save you a few quid rather than sending it to many a specialist or dealer. Perhaps if you suggest the lever issue to your specialist and look at his face when asking, it will give you a good idea if he's heard of it and inspire you with confidence.
The best outcome would be you yourself swapping parts over and finding a fault follows a part, saving you a great deal of heartache and time
Also i was (and still am) experiencing a misfire issue on only 2 cylinders if i reconnect my vanos solenoid, as although the levers are wearing out, it will virtually never do so across 8 cylinders simultaneously. My car has had the issue for the last 12000 miles or so, from about 82K.
Have you checked the tube that runs from the front of the engine to the rear inside the "vee" of the engine for signs of coolant leakage regarding your other issue?
Last edited by gebhardt; 12-02-2012 at 11:25 PM.
Hi Gebhardt,
This is also my main fear. I have spent so much on it, I don't want to throw money away unnecessarily now. I understand totally where you are coming from. I'll have some diagnosis done on Wed by an independent (without jumping into fixes) of the oil leak, coolant leak, rough idle, and rough running and see where that all leads. And hopefully before Wed I can complete the basic checks myself. Depending on the outcomes, I might contact Mr. Vanos.
Any news or idea on location of the leaks (oil and water)?
As in, which side of the engine is it coming from as you look at it, if its traceable at all.
Hi Gebhardt,
Apparently the coolant leak is within the engine (needing cap with seal repair / expanding coolant pipe fix required possibly) but I'll have to go back and check what BMW last told me. Thanks for reminding me, I'll have to check that before Wed. The leak isn't so noticeable as prior leaks I have had i.e. once every 2 weeks I have to top up the coolant a little bit.
Oil leak - apparently was leaking in 3 places (somewhere near alternator, oil filter and oil plug was loose (how does that get magically loose?) ). Oil filter / plug have been taken care of, the major oil leak however being apparently somewhere in the region of the alternator and needs engine removal apparently. So left side of the engine. I have to fill up with 1 to 2 L of engine oil every few days now, so it is pretty severe. I say apparently a lot because at the moment I am relying on everyone else to tell me whats up, hence its time I pay more attention to diagnosing what I can myself from now on.
I had gearbox sump replaced a year and a half ago and topped up. I don't think that is a problem for now.
I'd like to buy some kind of blocks to raise my car up so I can get dirty and start inspecting this stuff, or rent a thing with a pit for half a day. But I really need to be educated about this stuff first, I am a complete newbie. I did download the N62 manual, am reading that, and I do know more than before, but if I walk into any garage, I am like a deer in the headlights if thats the right expression.
Hello people, got two problems which I have been told are common on 2005 bmw 6 series (E63).
1. Seat restraint waning and airbag from now where after the car wash people disconnected the socket, I tried clearing from the garage computer. but eventually comes on. : (
2. Vanos intake problem. been told its common too. my 6 has now done 103000 and now all of a sudden making knocking noise and feels like its gonna cut off while driving.
tried asking some of the so called BMW specialists all they talk is £1000s and now it has put me off even touching the car,
any suggestions fellows???
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subset: commoncrawl


text:
The clock is ticking on "Bubbles" Bernanke. Come June 30, his latest "quantitative easing" program (QE2) is scheduled to end. The big question on everyone's mind is: what happens after June 30? Will government bond yields explode?
A number of respected commentators, including bond king Bill Gross of PIMCO, are bracing for the worst—and it's not hard to see why. Certainly, the Federal Reserve's behavior in the wake of the 2008 financial crisis has exceeded, in sheer recklessness, anything attempted by any senior central bank in history.
First, the Fed stuffed its balance sheet with more than $1 trillion of dodgy mortgages (purchased with money created out of thin air). Then last November, well over a year after the economy supposedly pulled out of recession, Bernanke's crew voted to buy another $600 billion of Treasury paper.
This massive money printing has undermined global confidence in the dollar's purchasing power. One result: A sharp jump in commodity prices, including gold, oil and—most recently—foodstuffs. Is Bernanke happy with things? You have to wonder.
But as the Federal Reserve chairman takes the podium tomorrow in the central banks first-ever press conference, there are far more direct questions on my mind for Ben Bernanke. Here are five that I would like the answer to:
1. How much "quantitative easing" is enough?
Abe Lincoln supposedly said, "You can't fool all the people all the time." I might add: "You don't have to — a majority will do." And sure enough, markets have moved about 12% higher since the announcement of QE2 almost six months ago.
But wait, this wasn't supposed to happen: When the Federal Reserve launched its latest bond-buying program (QE2) on November 4, the yield on the 10-year T-note stood at 2.48%. By February, the benchmark yield had soared as high as 3.72%, a whopping 50% increase. If QE2 was supposed to keep rates down (as you promised), it has been a flop.
Mr. Bernanke, your $600 billion QE2 program clearly smacks of a desperation tactic, ill grounded in economic theory or historical experience. Over the past 10 years, Japan has repeatedly failed to spark its moribund economy by monetizing government debt. Why should the same gimmick work here?
2. What do gold at $1,500 and oil at $112 say about confidence in the Fed?
In an op-ed last November, Mr. Bernanke, you wrote that concerns about quantitative easing were "overstated." You went on to say that it did not "result in higher inflation. We have made all necessary preparations, and we are confident that we have the tools to unwind these policies at the appropriate time. The Fed is committed to both parts of its dual mandate and will take all measures necessary to keep inflation low and stable."
But if that's the case, then why is gold hitting new all-time highs over $1,500 an ounce? Why did oil close Monday at $112 per barrel? Does gas at a national average of $3.88, just 23 cents shy of its all-time high, strike you as the "price stability" described in the Fed's announcement of QE2?
Already, according to MasterCard SpendingPulse, gasoline sales in the United States have tumbled for five straight weeks. Consumers are cutting back, and businesses will soon feel the pinch. How can we have confidence amid your comments and these trends?


text:
Welcome to the sizzling sci-fi world of The Baconing! You are DeathSpank, the ultimate Dispenser of Justice. Destroy the Anti-Spank and his Cyborques, before they cast an evil shadow over Spanktopia. Explore unique locations like The Forbidden Zone and Rainbow's End in a pop-up book adventure. Over 100 quests, exciting boss fights and puzzles. Control the battles with the Weapons of Justice, Shield Bash and Perfect Reflect. Play co-op and choose from four amazing sidekicks.
Buy Xbox content on Xbox.com. Your Xbox 360 console will automatically download the content next time you turn it on and connect to Xbox Live.Learn More
Click to create and send a link using your email application


text:
HA! My my we have all had several of those through the doors ! Whos your best one to date? mine is a guy who actually said "I cant work technique due to a learning disorder, but i have won all my UFC bouts...."
"In order to be truly great, all you must do is get back up, dust your self off and go one more round" - Benny "The Jet" Urquidez
"I'm (insert rank) level in bjj but our instructor is super strict"
When the only tool you have is a hammer, every problem begins to resemble a nail.
lol I know people like this
I've just dealt with two massive "blaggers" one guy who wanted money up front to fly in a 77kg pro fighter from the states for the princely sum of £150 all in!!! And the ultimate blagger who after numerous attempts to contact the lad pulled out of the fight at short notice with a "dislocated pelvis"!!!!
thats me all over lol hire me ^^
In the middle of sparring last year -
Shit fighter - "oh wait a minute, can you just show me how to do that"
Me - "what?"
Shit fighter - "that thing you did with your hand when i tried to punch"
Me - "Parry?"
Me - "fuck off"
You know when you've been gripped


text:
Herald staff
EDMONDS — An Edmonds woman was taken into custody Tuesday for reportedly having too many dogs under city codes after police and animal control officers began investigating allegations of animal cruelty.
Fourteen dogs were found in and around the home in the 23600 block of 76th Avenue W. City law allows five dogs.
"Initial investigation by the animal control officers showed that only five dogs were properly licensed," Edmonds police Sgt. Mark Marsh said.
All 14 dogs were impounded until the five that are properly licensed can be identified.
Edmonds police were made aware of a video depicting possible animal cruelty, Marsh said.
Based on the video, they began an investigation with city animal control officers.
Detectives worked with the Snohomish County Prosecutor's Office to apply for a search warrant.
A YouTube video showed several dogs on the property appearing to gang up on one dog, Marsh said.
Two dogs, including the one observed in the video, were taken to a local veterinarian for treatment. The dog observed in the video suffered numerous dog bites and the second dog had an injured leg.
The impounded dogs will be kept at a local kennel during the completion of the investigation.
The Edmonds woman, 44, was expected to be booked into the Snohomish County Jail Tuesday evening.


text:
Charlie Toque
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Full Feature List
- Six dart construction
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- Hand wash.
- Do not dry clean.
- Hang to dry.
- Do not use a top loading washing machine.
- Do not iron.


text:
Health Care: What Do You Know?
Please Note: By clicking a link to any resource listed on this page, you will be leaving this site.
American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists (ACOG)
This site offers information on numerous health issues. The women's health section includes readings on pregnancy, labor, delivery, postpartum care, breast health, menopause, contraception, and more.
CDC: Preteen and Teen Vaccines
CDC site provides materials in English and Spanish for parents, teens, preteens, and health care providers about vaccines and the diseases they prevent.
The Health Insurance Marketplace
Consumers can learn about, compare, buy, and enroll in health insurance at HealthCare.gov, the official site for the Health Insurance Marketplace.
National Association of Free & Charitable Clinics
The National Association of Free and Charitable Clinics (NAFC) is the only nonprofit 501c(3) organization whose mission is solely focused on the issues and needs of the more than 1,200 Free and Charitable Clinics and the people they serve in the United States.
American Medical Association (AMA)
The AMA has made a commitment to medicine by making doctors more accessible to their patients. Contact the AMA at: American Medical Association 515 N. State St. Chicago, IL 60610 (312) 464-5000
Adolescent Health Transition Project
This is a health and transition resource for adolescents with special health care needs, chronic illnesses, and physical or developmental disabilities.


text: Imagine it's a Friday night like any other. Your husband, sick from a cold, went to bed early. So you decide to spend some time alone. You pick out a good bottle of wine and some scrap-booking supplies, and spend a quiet evening enjoying some Riesling, being with your thoughts, and reminiscing on family times [Read More…]


text:
Great post! It's very nicẹ Thank you so much for your post
Hi all,
I've seen several people raising this issue, but so far none of the suggested solutions have resolved it for me, so I'm opening this thread in the hope of getting this resolved. Any help would be much appreciated.
Sqlmap on BT5 produced an error so I removed it, deleted the sqlmap folder and reinstalled it. Whenever I run an update, via either svn up or the excellent script by sickness (0.6) it starts to update then provides the following error:
svn: OPTIONS of 'https://svn.sqlmap.org/sqlmap': authorization failed: Could not authenticate to server: rejected Digest challenge (https://svn.sqlmap.org)
[>] Failed to update SQLmap.
If I then try and run sqlmap.py I get the following error, that I can only clear if I remove and reinstall (and don't attempt to update it):
Traceback (most recent call last):
File "./sqlmap.py", line 27, in <module>
from lib.controller.controller import start
File "/pentest/database/sqlmap/lib/controller/controller.py", line 13, in <module>
from lib.controller.action import action
File "/pentest/database/sqlmap/lib/controller/action.py", line 10, in <module>
from lib.controller.handler import setHandler
File "/pentest/database/sqlmap/lib/controller/handler.py", line 27, in <module>
from plugins.dbms.mssqlserver import MSSQLServerMap
File "/pentest/database/sqlmap/plugins/dbms/mssqlserver/__init__.py", line 14, in <module>
from plugins.dbms.mssqlserver.enumeration import Enumeration
File "/pentest/database/sqlmap/plugins/dbms/mssqlserver/enumeration.py", line 28, in <module>
from plugins.generic.enumeration import Enumeration as GenericEnumeration
File "/pentest/database/sqlmap/plugins/generic/enumeration.py", line 34, in <module>
from lib.core.common import singleTimeWarnMessage
ImportError: cannot import name singleTimeWarnMessage
Again, any help would be appreciated and sorry if this is 'yet another thread' but I can't find a solution so far.
Great post! It's very nicẹ Thank you so much for your post
I did not look at other solutions suggested in other threads, but I was able to replicate your problem and easily fix it on my own local system. I had not yet used sickness' v 0.6 script revision and had not noticed this error. i updated the script (from v0.4) and encountered exactly the same result you have posted. i did not attempt using svn, so i am not in any way ungratefully suggesting it is a problem within the script; as you already tried it both ways. i also did not check if sickness' script at v0.6 attempts to update to some higher version number than sqlmap 0.9.
that being said...an easy fix. download the tar.gz of sqlmap 0.9 from http://sqlmap.sourceforge.net
tar -zxvf it onto the desktop. copy the sqlmap folder into correct pentest dirs and overwrite/merge the files.
voila. works again
sqlmap/0.9 - automatic SQL injection and database takeover tool
Usage: python ./sqlmap.py [options]
--version show program's version number and exit
-h, --help show this help message and exit
-v VERBOSE Verbosity level: 0-6 (default 1)
At least one of these options has to be specified to set the source to
get target urls from.
-d DIRECT Direct connection to the database
-u URL, --url=URL Target url
-l LIST Parse targets from Burp or WebScarab proxy logs
-r REQUESTFILE Load HTTP request from a file
-g GOOGLEDORK Process Google dork results as target urls
-c CONFIGFILE Load options from a configuration INI file
etc. hope this helps you.
Thanks for the update.
I've 'worked around' it in that I can put a fresh install on and use it. However I'd like to be able to update it every few days, and can't as any attempt results in the authentication realm error and a corrupt sqlmap.
I had the same issue. I removed the BT5 version on sqlmap and downloaded the 0.9 from sourceforge.
Issue the commandupdates without issue.HTML Code:python sqlmap.py --update


text:
I've been reading the forums and wiki and I still can't get the newest version of Rapier to even show up on XBMC on my pc.
I have a pc with windows 7 and I've tried installing within XBMC using the "install form zip file" option. Didn't work. When I click on it it literally does nothing. No indication of a successful or unsuccessful install. Then I restarted XBMC. Its still not there. I've tried re-downloading it. Didn't make a difference and I even tried just putting the files in the Addons folder unzipped in a folder named "Rapier.skin".
I've only been able to get the skins that I can download through XBMC's repo to work but I want to try others that aren't on there like Rapier. What the hell do I have to do to get one of these damn skins working?? :confused2:
Rapier will NOT install on my PC
Junior Member
Posts: 2
Joined: Apr 2011
Reputation: 0
2011-04-03 00:56 Rapier will NOT install on my PC Post: #1
|find quote
Posting Freak
Posts: 1,221
Joined: Oct 2006
Reputation: 3
Location: Kansas
2011-04-03 00:57 Post: #2
have you tried to install from zip?
I feel sorry for people who don't drink. When they wake up in the morning, that's as good as they're going to feel all day.
Frank Sinatra
If I managed to help you in any way, please add to my reputation.
|find quote
Team-Kodi Member
Posts: 13,173
Joined: Jan 2009
Reputation: 392
2011-04-03 01:15 Post: #3
@mrdude42: please don't double post.
your question has already been answered here ;-)
Do not PM or e-mail Team-Kodi members directly asking for support.
Always read the Forum rules, Kodi online-manual, FAQ and Search the forum before posting.
For troubleshooting and bug reporting please make sure you read this first.
|find quote
Senior Member
Posts: 292
Joined: Mar 2011
Reputation: 0
Location: Belgium
2011-05-08 07:39 Post: #4
i just extracted the zip to addon directory in XBMC dir and it worked
|find quote


text:
|This article uses material from the Nadare Rōga article on the Naruto wiki at Wikia and is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-Share Alike License.
|Nadare Rōga
Rōga Nadare
|Personal Info
|Current Status
|Nature Type
|Professional Status
Ice Release: One Horned White Whale
|Voice Actor(s)
|Japanese Voice Actor(s)
|English Voice Actor(s)
Nadare Rōga (狼牙ナダレ, Rōga Nadare) was a Yukigakure ninja who worked for Dotō Kazahana alongside Fubuki Kakuyoku and Mizore Fuyukuma.
His face is similar to Akahoshi with a similar haircut and eye shape, except that he has a purple mark below both of his eyes similar to those Jiraiya had when he was young and his eyes were teal and pupilless. Furthermore his eyebrows are shaped like small thick purple dots similar to Kimimaro. Nadare also wears a mask-style forehead protector that frames his face similar to Kisame Hoshigaki, Yamato and Tobirama Senju.
He seemed to be overly arrogant, even naming one of his techniques after himself; however, his name did describe the technique rather accurately. He was also overconfident in his Chakra Armour, relying on it entirely too much in battle. This caused him to neglect taijutsu training, which ultimately proved to be his downfall. He also frequently mocked Kakashi Hatake after their reunion for running away during their last encounter. This didn't keep him from praising Kakashi's slyness. He also admitted Naruto was quite a handful to deal with.
Nadare frequently showed great respect towards Dotō Kazahana, apologising for making mistakes and quickly trying to remedy such failures.
A decade prior to the plot of the movie, Nadare participated in overthrowing Sōsetsu Kazahana at the orders of the daimyō's brother Dotō.
Plot Overview
He met and fought Kakashi Hatake prior to his appearance in the first Naruto movie, when Kakashi was forced to retreat since he could not defeat all the Yukigakure ninja alone while he was rescuing young Koyuki Kazahana. Nadare frequently mocked Kakashi because of this years later. Due to his chakra armour, he was able to counter Kakashi's Lightning Cutter during their final fight. Kakashi however grabbed Nadare while he was in the air and used taijutsu to slam him headfirst into the rocks below, breaking his neck and killing him.
Given his position as Dotō's apparent righthand man, Nadare was a competent and skilled shinobi. Despite it not being his strong point, Nadare proved capable in taijutsu, sparring with Kakashi in short clashes, though he eventualy was defeated in a longer battle.
Nature Transformation
Nadare could use Ice Release techniques, even though Ice Release is supposed to be a kekkei genkai. However, there was a difference between his Ice Release and Haku's. He did not show the ability of simultaneous use of wind and water, therefore becoming a nature that was learned and not inherited as a kekkei genkai. Furthermore, he merely manipulates preexisting ice and snow around the area, rather than creating it with his chakra.
- His facial appearance was incredibly similar to Akahoshi's, the main villain of the Hoshigakure Arc.
- "Nadare" (雪崩) means "avalanche" while "Rōga" (狼牙) means "wolf's fang".
|This article is a stub. You can help Anime And Manga Universe Wiki by expanding it.