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Struggling Steelers dropped another notch by Giovani Bernard and the Bengals
The decline has been gradual at times, jarringly sudden at others. Ever since losing a wild-card playoff game to Denver two years ago, though, the Steelers have been stuck in neutral, a team hamstrung by myriad obstacles -- injuries, the salary cap, a tough division.
Pittsburgh has not so much been rebuilding on the fly as it has been stuck in the mud. Monday night, Bengals running back Giovani Bernard hammered that point home in a 20-10 win, with the help of some teammates.
Bernard scored the game's first touchdown, plowing up the middle from seven yards out after a 61-yard reception from fellow rookie Tyler Eifert. Later, with the game tied at 10 in the third quarter, Bernard took a short pass from Andy Dalton and outraced the Pittsburgh defense around the edge for his second TD.
The Bengals are far from a finished product. They have plenty of their own issues, right down to an inconsistent Dalton, who never really managed to find a rhythm Monday. But make no mistake: As things stand, after Week 2 of the 2013 season, Cincinnati is better set up to contend for a title than are the Steelers, both now and for the immediate future.
Most of that stems from what the Bengals have been able to do over the past four drafts, landing starter after starter. The latest examples come from Eifert, their first-round pick in 2013; and Bernard, their second-round add.
Where the Steelers looked weathered, Bernard especially put on display the spark that can come from youthful talent.
"He did a great job," Dalton told ESPN of Bernard, who made the most of his nine touches. "It's nice to be able to throw a little check-down and have him take it for a touchdown. He ran the ball well -- that's what we expect out of him."
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Before we throw dirt on the 2013 version of the Steelers, let's recall that this franchise was a Week 16 win over Cincinnati away from getting to the postseason in 2012. The talent, aging though it may be, remains ample enough to at least compete in the AFC North.
And yet, two weeks into the season, Pittsburgh has scored 19 points. The Steelers' offensive line was overmatched on Monday, a problem that failed to aid a stagnant running game. A dismal showing from Ben Roethlisberger only exacerbated the problems.
There is very little time to get all of that corrected, because teams like the defending champion Ravens and this deep, balanced Bengals squad are unlikely to implode.
"It starts with that acknowledgement that they were the better team tonight," Steelers coach Mike Tomlin said. "The margin of error was small ... We've got work to do. We don't hide from that. We accept that and embrace that."
Somewhere down the line, the Bengals may run into the same sort of conundrums that pushed Pittsburgh out of the playoffs last season and threaten to do the same again. Already, they have committed huge amounts of money to defensive stalwarts Geno Atkins and Carlos Dunlap. A.J. Green, Vontaze Burfict, Bernard, Eifert and all the rest of Cincinnati's young stars will need new deals eventually, if the Bengals wish to keep them.
Those are problems for another day. With 15 weeks left in the regular season, the Bengals and their fans ought to be excited about the foundation that has been laid.
FARRAR: Sizing up the key injuries from Week 2
"We did what we needed to win this game, and it's great to see that," Dalton said. "An all-around team victory."
The stats certainly bear that claim out. Though Bernard was this game's breakout star, he finished with 37 fewer rushing yards than starting running back BenJarvus Green-Ellis. In fact, it was Green-Ellis who helped ice the game late, breaking tackles on a 3rd-and-6 run to move the chains. Similarly, though Eifert's catch cranked the Bengals' offense into gear, three other teammates -- A.J. Green, Jermaine Gresham and Mohamed Sanu -- finished with more catches.
The Cincinnati defense more than held its own, too, despite Pittsburgh committing plenty of resources to (successfully) neutralizing Atkins. Instead, it was Burfict with 14 tackles, safety George Iloka with a huge third-down stop and Reggie Nelson providing a game-clinching pick.
The Steelers do not have the benefit of such depth at the moment. They did an admirable job in some facets of this game, namely in slowing Green, who was held to 41 yards receiving mostly by Ike Taylor. When they really needed a play, however, the well came up dry.
That is quite a different position for Pittsburgh to be in, three years removed from a Super Bowl bid. The Steelers are used to being the ones dictating the physical aspects of games, taking the punishment to Cincinnati. The shoe currently resides on the other foot, a nod both to what the Bengals have accomplished in turning their fortunes around and to the Steelers' slightly helpless situation.
The changing of the guard in this AFC North rivalry happened long before Monday night. Bernard, Eifert and the precocious Bengals merely offered Pittsburgh a reminder that it may be treading water.
"There's a certain amount of misery with the position that we're in," Tomlin said. "We'll wear it. We don't like it, but we'll wear it."


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Battle of Arras 13
The Film
Running Time
06 min 02 s
Topical Film Company
Fragmentary film of Canadian troops on the Western Front, probably during the Battle of Arras, April 1917. Sunrise over a battlefield. Canadians at a front line machinegun post open fire. Canadian wounded are brought through to the rear areas of a battle, with German prisoners helping as stretcher-bearers. At a first aid post the stretchers are loaded into a motor ambulance. German prisoners have been led back to a rear-area village, where Canadian soldiers pick up their packs and go back up the line. German prisoners, one in body-armour, sit by a tent and shake lice out of their clothing. Portrait shots of German prisoners showing various degrees of nervousness and fatigue. In a quarry in the rear troops eat and drink; a chaplain offers drinks to tired and wounded men. German and Canadian stretcher-bearers, - working together, share drinks and biscuits. In a trench one party of soldiers relieves another (one man deliberately shakes hands with another). A final view of a laughing soldier.
Pieces of History
Life in the Trenches
Tim Cook
Historian, Canadian War Museum
From Switzerland to the North Sea, some 500 kilometres long, soldiers on both sides carved out ditches in the ground that, over time, were expanded in complexity and depth. By 1915, vast underground cities housed the soldiers, as the opposing armies faced off against each other across no man's land. Along this continuous line of trenches, offensive operations degenerated into frontal assaults, which were usually stopped dead by concentrated fire.
The Western Front, as it was called, consisted of a series of trench systems in depth. The front lines were held in strength, but behind them, joined by a series of communication trenches that ran perpendicular to the front, were support and rear trenches. Deep protective dugouts were situated along the front and rear trenches to provide some degree of safety against all but direct hits from artillery fire. Saps and listening posts were pushed into no man's land, where soldiers were positioned to provide advance warnings of enemy attacks.
Despite the unsanitary nature of front line trenches, they were areas of safety. The trenches protected against small arms fire, shrapnel bursts and high explosive bombardments. Every day and night soldiers shored up the crumbling walls, filled sandbags, and rebuilt sections that had been damaged by artillery fire. It was not only a war of the machine gun and rifle, but also of the shovel.
Life in the trenches was filled with long periods of boredom interspersed with terror. Much of the time was spent in routine duty. At half an hour before dawn, the infantry was roused from their dugouts or funk holes (small spaces carved into the trench walls) and ordered to 'Stand-To.' At the alert, they waited for a possible attack with bayonet fixed. If nothing occurred, and it rarely did, since the infantry of both sides were always at their most prepared at this time, officers inspected the men. Rifles were examined for rust; feet were prodded to ensure that dry socks had been worn to protect against trench foot. The latter being a type of frostbite that occurred from prolonged standing in cold, slushy water, and could, in severe cases, require the amputation of toes or feet. After inspection, soldiers were often rewarded with a small dose of rum, which was much appreciated by the men, who saw it as a form of medicine to help withstand the daily deprivations.
Breakfast, like most meals, usually consisted of canned beef, jam and biscuits. It was a monotonous diet, but soldiers rarely went hungry. For lunch or dinner, soup or stew was brought up from rear areas to offer some variety and warmth. Care packages from home, filled with cheese, bread and sweets, augmented the bland food. During the day, though, the goal of most privates was to avoid the sergeant who assigned trench chores. Most were unsuccessful, with soldiers spending much of their time rebuilding the trenches or standing sentry.
Despite these duties, soldiers had much free time, during which they dreamed of home and of loved ones left behind; worried about children who were growing up without a father; of ailing parents with no caregivers; or of a wife who was trying to feed a family with insufficient funds. Literate soldiers might spend a few hours scribbling letters. Return mail from home was a welcomed treat, with letters read and reread. These exchanges back and forth remained an important life-line to Canada from the trenches. And while they were usually subject to two levels of censorship, by officers at the front and officials in England, soldiers nonetheless tried to share their thoughts with those at home. Civilians could not understand everything, nor could soldiers often capture the full range of their strange experiences in words, but letters remained an important avenue of expression.
Boredom could be kept at bay through gambling, and there was always some rake with dice or cards to fleece his mates. If a soldier had no money, he at least had cigarettes. Soldiers smoked all day long, and cigarettes, which were issued by the army, bought in rear areas, and begged from those at home, were a useful distraction. They helped to calm the nerves, or so soldiers said, and they certainly helped to mask the stench of unwashed bodies.
There were no baths in the front lines and, most soldiers went at least a week, usually longer, without changing their clothes. Dirt and mud were a part of life and, during the winter, helped to insulate soldiers. Far more trying was the infestation of parasitic body lice. The lice lived in the seams of clothing where they feasted on human blood. Soldiers scratched themselves raw to get at their infernal enemies. They learned to defeat their insect adversaries, at least for a time, by taking off their shirts and running a candle over the seams. This drew out the lice that were then squashed satisfactorily between finger and thumb. While soldiers did this, they would sit around, talk, complain and gossip. It was known as 'chatting,' and it is just one of many wartime phrases that would enter the English lexicon. But the lice always came back, tormenting the soldiers day and night.
Rats, too, were a constant plague, and because they lived off corpses, they could grow as big as cats. They bit soldiers and scurried over their faces while they slept. The rats were hunted by soldiers and their trench pets, usually fierce terrier dogs, but the rodents lived in and outside of the trenches and were always multiplying. Their squealing movement could be heard throughout the battlefield.
Amidst the mud and slush in the winter, or heat and flies in the summer, soldiers developed their own trench culture. New words sprang up, slang like 'napoo' for being killed, or 'blighty' that referred to England or home. Artistic soldiers could take spent ammunition and shape it into art. Some soldiers tried their hand at poetry. While most were not as skilled as John McCrae, Wilfrid Owen or Siegfried Sassoon, to name the best-known war poets, the trench poetry or doggerel provided much insight into the soldiers' front-line experiences. At the group level, some battalions printed trench newspapers. Drawing from their own soldiers in the ranks—men who in civilian life had been editors, journalists and cartoonists—these crude newspapers contained rough humour and wry commentary on the strange, subterranean world of the trenches.
But just as a soldier might be penning a letter or staring at the blue sky above, the crash of an artillery shell could bring sudden death. The enemy was always there to kill or maim. Snipers skulked into no man's land, camouflaged and ready to put a bullet through a man's head should it rise, even for a second, above the safety of the trench parapet. Poison gas was released in the form of gas clouds and artillery shells, and soldiers who could not put on their respirator quickly faced a lingering death as chemicals corrupted and ravaged lungs.
Machine-gun bullets raked the front lines day and night. Yet artillery shells were the greatest killer in the war, accounting for more than half of all deaths. High explosive shells blew deep holes in the ground or wrecked trenches; soldiers were atomized by direct hits. Equally deadly, shrapnel artillery shells rained hundreds of metal balls and jagged steel down on soldiers, shredding through flesh and bone. Steel helmets, introduced in early 1916, helped to reduce casualties, but a unit's tour in the front lines almost always resulted in a steady hemorrhage of casualties. It was clinically called wastage, and impersonal charts showed that each month the infantry would lose approximately 10% of its strength, even in quiet areas where no operations were carried out. While the snipers and artillerymen did their dirty work, the soldiers could look around and see their best friends killed and maimed.
Yet the soldiers struck back in the form of nighttime raids. Changing into dark clothes, equipping themselves with revolvers, grenades, daggers and clubs, small groups of men snuck past their wire and into no man's land. Raids were a form of organized mugging, and the goal was to gather intelligence, kill the enemy and grab a prisoner. Enemy sentries were usually the target, but sometimes large groups of raiders slipped into the opposite trenches to wreck mayhem. While Canadian troops acquired a reputation as fierce raiders, these operations were dangerous affairs, and in the confusion of night fighting, casualties were often heavy.
To help relieve the unending pressure on soldiers, they were rotated in and out of the front line. On roughly four- to six-day tours, filthy, verminous, exhausted soldiers passed from front to secondary lines and finally to the reserves. This rotation helped to relieve the strain, but soldiers always knew they would return to the trenches in this maddening cycle.
Endurance was the key to survival and soldiers learned to cope with the inhuman conditions. Some developed fatalistic attitudes, believing they would be killed 'when their number was up'; others lived in terror all the time; a few hoped for a blighty wound, a bullet through the hand or leg that would take them away from the horror and back to a clean hospital in England. Thousands suffered mental breakdowns, known as shell shock, but hundreds of thousands more of the 'poor bloody infantry,' as the soldiers liked to call themselves, learned to withstand the strain of the trenches. And it was these survivors who, after four years of bitter fighting, would finally break the static warfare on the Western Front and defeat the German forces.
Selected Bibliography
Bird, Will R. Ghosts Have Warm Hands: A Memoir of the Great War, 1916-1919. Ottawa: CEF Books, 1997 (1968).
Black, Ernest Garson. I Want One Volunteer. Toronto: Ryerson, 1965.
Canadian Bank of Commerce. Letters from the Front : Being a Partial Record of the Part Played by Officers of the Bank in the Great European War. 11 v. Toronto: Canadian Bank of Commerce, 1915-1919.
Cook, Tim. "`More a Medicine than a Beverage': 'Demon Rum' and the Canadian Trench Soldier of the First World War." Canadian Military History 9, 1 (Winter 2000) : 6-22.
Fraser, Donald. The Journal of Private Fraser, 1914-1918, Canadian Expeditionary Force. Reginald H. Roy, ed. Nepean, ON: CEF Books, 1998 (1985).
Granatstein, J.L. Hell's Corner: An Illustrated History of Canada's Great War, 1914-1918. Toronto: Douglas and McIntyre, 2004.
Litalien, Michel et Stéphane Thibault, Tranchées : le quotidien de la guerre 1914-1918, Outremont, Québec, Athena éditions, 2004.
Morrison, J. Clinton. Hell upon Earth: A Personal Account of Prince Edward Island Soldiers in the Great War, 1914-1918. Summerside, PEI.: J.C. Morrison, 1995.
Morton, Desmond. "A Canadian Soldier in the Great War: The Experience of Frank Maheux." Canadian Military History 1, nos 1 & 2 (1992) : 79-89.
---. When Your Number's Up: The Canadian Soldier in the First World War. Toronto: Random House, 1993.
Morton, Desmond and J.L. Granatstein. Marching to Armageddon: Canadians and the Great War, 1914- 1919. Toronto: Lester & Orpen, Dennys, 1989.
Winter, Denis. Death's Men: Soldiers of the Great War. Markam, ON: Penguin Books, 1985.
Battlefield Medicine
Bill Rawling
Historian, Department of National Defence
On the battlefield, stretcher bearers, who were selected from the infantry or detached from a Field Ambulance unit, determined if the soldier needed to be treated, required immediate evacuation, or a combination of the two. The same process was repeated at the Regimental Aid Post (which was part of an infantry battalion at the front), at the Advanced Dressing Station (a section of a Field Ambulance), the Main Dressing Station (another section of the Field Ambulance), the Casualty Clearing Station, and the various forms of hospital near the front or well behind it, in England or even Canada.
The need for triage was not limited to times when the Canadian Corps was fighting battles—far from it—for disease had caused more casualties than combat since time immemorial. Even after such developments as vaccination in the 18th century and the studies of germs in the 19th, the sick were still plentiful among Canadian soldiers. Many conditions still forced tens of thousands to seek treatment. Among them were influenza, with some 65,000 ill in 1918-19; gonorrhea with over 45,000 ill in the course of the war; tonsillitis and sore throat with about 20,000 ill; syphilis with approximately 18,000; trench fever (caused by a bacterium transmitted by fleas), though non fatal, struck 18,000; myalgia (muscle pain) made some 15,000 sick, as did intestinal disease.
The Canadian Expeditionary Force (CEF), however, was free of the kinds of epidemic diseases that had caused such ravages in the Crimea, the Spanish-American War and South Africa.
Near the end of the conflict the medical corps did find itself in the midst of one of the great pandemics of human history, the influenza scourge of 1918–19. Killing millions, it can be compared to the plague of Justinian in the 6th century or the Black Death in the 14th. Though 30–50,000 Canadians would succumb to the disease, the great majority were on the home front and not members of the expeditionary force. According to official history, 3825 of those who went overseas died of disease, 776 of influenza.
The CEF still had a problem on its hands, as the illness "flooded the rest station and camps with sick" in the summer of 1918, and "The ailment was peculiar in that, while exhibiting the symptoms of influenza, it ran its course in a week or eight days. It spread rapidly and necessitated the promulgation of extensive and stringent precautionary orders to prevent its spread. All public places such as Unit Entertainments, YMCA Cinema Shows, Estaminets [small French cafés serving alcohol] &c were closed for a time. In the latter places it was permitted to serve drinks at tables outside the buildings."1
Treating Wounds
Such illness was in addition to the medical challenges posed by the weapons of war and by the very ground being fought over. The conflict on the Western Front took place mainly on farmland that had been well-fertilized with manure, and its accompanying bacteria, for decades or centuries. The result, according to Canada's official medical historian of the conflict, was that nearly all wounds were infected. Sulpha drugs would not become available until the 1930s, and antibiotics would have to await another world war before coming into use, so infection was a serious challenge that could only be met by irrigating wounds with available chemicals and convalescence that could last months.
Another danger of wounds on the battlefield was shock due to blood loss, which could be fatal. The simple solution, first attempted in 1916, was to replace the patient's blood with blood drawn from a donor; chemical preservatives and refrigeration allowed for the life-giving fluid to be stored for a period of time, and such blood was being transfused by the end of 1917. One practitioner was Norman Guiou, who recalled in April 1918:
We had our first opportunity to do several transfusions. The dressing station was set up in a Nissen hut, the stretchers were supported on trestles. There were a number of seriously wounded... One lad was brought in on a blood-soaked stretcher, with a shattered humerus - his upper arm swathed in copious blood-soaked dressings. A flicker of pulse was present. He was pale, "starey-eyed", and tossed about and pulled his wound tag off... We bled a donor about 750cc while the chaplain talked to him. If there is a dramatic procedure in medicine it is the blood transfusion. Color came into that lad's cheeks. He raised himself on his good elbow, drank tea, and ate some YMCA fancy biscuits, then was on to the casualty clearing station.2
Psychological Injuries
One final challenge is worthy of mention here, that of psychological injury. According to medical historian Tom Brown, the condition was "the storm centre of military medicine" at that time. Symptoms could include uncontrollable weeping, trembling, paralysis, deafness and other manifestations without known physical causes. At first it was called shell shock, as it was thought that it resulted from the shock wave of an exploding shell damaging the brain, but by the middle part of the war the condition was thought to be purely psychological in nature. The patient could be diagnosed as suffering from hysteria or neurasthenia and could receive shock
treatment, talk therapy or simple rest in a hospital out of earshot of artillery. Most of the Canadian soldiers who suffered from such injuries were sent to No 3 Canadian Stationary Hospital in France, which specialized in such care.
Hospitals serve as examples of just how complex the treatment of sick and wounded soldiers had become by the First World War. Institutions specialized in ear and eye conditions, rheumatism, psychological injury, tuberculosis, orthopaedics, and venereal disease, in addition to general, stationary and convalescent hospitals. In an industrialized war, hospitals could become battlefield targets. Many nursing sisters and patients were killed when a hospital was bombed in 1918. They were among the 504 medical practitioners killed on the battlefield serving with Canadian units; another 127 succumbed to disease.
1Library and Archives Canada, RG 9, III, v.4715, 107-20, Passchendaele to Gouy-en-Artois, June 1918
2Norman Guiou, Transfusion: A Canadian Surgeon's Story in War and Peace (Yarmouth, 1985), 34-35.
Selected Bibliography
McPhail, Andrew. Official History of the Canadian Forces in the Great War 1914-19: The Medical Services. Ottawa: Department of National Defense, 1925.
Nicholson, G.W.L. Canada's Nursing Sisters. Toronto: S. Stevens, 1975.
---. Seventy Years of Service: A History of the Royal Canadian Army Medical Corps. Ottawa: Borealis Press, 1977.
Rawling, Bill. Death their Enemy : Canadian Medical Practitioners and War. Ottawa: B. Rawling, 2001.
Gas Warfare
Tim Cook
Historian, Canadian War Museum
Desperate to find a solution to the deadlock of the trenches on the Western Front, the Germans turned to poison gas despite its banning at the 1899 and 1907 Hague Conventions. Tear gas had proven useless in several battlefield experiments in 1914 and early 1915. But when lethal chlorine gas was unleashed on April 22, 1915, its first victims, French and Algerian troops, were sent reeling in panic. A second gas cloud attack on April 24 against the Canadian Division was not so successful. Gagging and choking, the Canadians continued to fire into the cloud, effectively stopping the German advancing troops behind it. Nonetheless, the first two chlorine attacks had been stunning, and they forced Entente scientists to frantically prepare their own chemical retaliation. They did so while their propagandists proclaimed loudly the barbarity of the Hun, who had sunk to new levels in using chemicals to poison men.
While the Germans had initial success with gas cloud attacks on the Western Front in 1915 and continued success against the poorly equipped Russian troops in the east throughout the war, these gas clouds were never dependable. The chlorine was transported in metal canisters, opened and sent across no man's land with the aid of a strong breeze. Too often, however, operations had to be postponed due to poor weather, leaving commanders and soldiers mistrusting chemical warfare.
The first British gas cloud attack occurred at Loos on September 25, 1915, and although it was effective in incapacitating German defenders, it was remembered primarily for having turned on British troops when the wind reversed, resulting in 2,000 casualties. Thus, while poison gas had initially been offered as a solution to the deadlock of the trenches, the rapid introduction of respirators and the unstable nature of the delivery system ensured that poison gas would not be a war-winning weapon.
Yet scientists continued to experiment with new and deadlier gases. With their advanced prewar chemical and dye industry, the Germans, under the leadership of future Noble Prize winner Fritz Haber, proved to be the leaders throughout the war. In December 1915, the Germans introduced phosgene gas, which was eight times more lethal than chlorine. Although the British had been forewarned and were thus able to equip their soldiers with proper respirators – a chemically treated bag that fit over the head and tucked into the battle jerkin – phosgene was another lethal addition to the battlefield. Invisible and nearly impossible to smell, phosgene (and later diphosgene) inhibited the transfer of water in the lungs. Victims could be gassed without even knowing it; within hours, a seemingly healthy man would begin to choke and vomit up fluid. It was a painful and grisly way to die.
During the 1916 Battle of Verdun, the French introduced chemical artillery shells filled with lethal gas and the Germans perfected their use. This increased reliability also meant that fireplans could include a combination of high explosive, shrapnel and gas bombardments. Poison gas supported a number of tactical missions: to harass soldiers, to strangle the supply of logistics and to blanket opposing artillery-men beneath a gas cloud, thereby forcing the wearing of respirators that inhibited the rate of fire.
To respond to these chemical advancements, respirators were continually improved, and by mid 1916, most armies had developed an effective gas mask for their troops. However, equipping terrified soldiers with a flimsy respirator did not end casualties or suppress the fear. Soldiers had to be taught how to get their respirators on quickly, how to identify gases, how to establish efficient warning systems, and how to fight while wearing them.
With respirators and better anti-gas discipline saving most soldiers from chemical attacks, the Germans again changed the nature of the gas war by introducing mustard gas in July 1917. Mustard gas burned the lungs like conventional chemical agents, but also the skin. Even low doses of the vapour were enough to cause suppurating blisters and temporary blindness. Here was a terror weapon that seemed to negate all that soldiers had been told up to this point in the war: with a respirator you would be safe.
Unlike chlorine and phosgene that dissipated within minutes or hours depending on the weather conditions, mustard gas remained active, lying dormant in the mud and water of the battlefield. Days or weeks later, a soldier passing through the area, especially after the sun had warmed the ground and released the still-potent vapour, could fall victim, going blind, suffering burns or developing hacking coughs and subsequent bronchial infections. This chemical plague was particularly insidious against soldiers as they huddled together for warmth in their dugouts.
By 1918, all armies were employing gas with greater frequency. The German March Offensive was unleashed behind a thunderous barrage of high explosives and chemicals. Employing their refined infiltration tactics of moving around areas of resistance, the German infantry pushed deep into Entente territory. In the process, gas bombardments, with heavy concentrations of mustard gas, were employed to protect vulnerable flanks. When the Entente armies responded with their own multi-army offensive in the last half of 1918, all of the operations relied heavily on poison gas to lower the frontsoldatens' morale, sow confusion in the enemy's rear areas and disrupt gunners with chemical counter-battery fire. The Germans, in turn, employed gas bombardments to slow the Entente advance and reduce the fighting efficiency of the attacking troops. If the war had extended into 1919, as many expected, poison gas would have been employed even more frequently, further rendering the Western Front a chemical wasteland.
Soldiers had to be trained to survive in the chemical environment of the Great War. For the poor Russian infantry, who received desultory instruction at best, they were gassed to death in the tens of thousands; for the brash, inexperienced Americans, a full one-fourth of all their battlefield casualties came from poison gas. Although it is notoriously difficult to gauge gas casualties, as they were often lumped in with other wounds, the German, French and British armies suffered approximately 200,000 gas casualties each, while Canada's forces had 11,572 recorded cases. However, the death-rate was very low: about 3% in comparison to the 25% from more conventional weapons.
The steady trickle of gas-induced casualties aside, the wearing of a respirator – even under ideal conditions – was always debilitating. Respirators did not allow enough oxygen into the lungs so that men became exhausted from even minor exercise. Poison gas became an essential weapon against soldiers in a war that was based on a policy of attrition. Furthermore, poison gas was terrifying: men could at least understand the effects of bullets and shells, no matter how terrible they were, but a chemical agent that poisoned the very air that soldiers breathed, that blinded eyes or burned genitalia, and that damaged the lungs, was seen collectively as beyond the pale of civilized warfare.
Most soldiers did survive the scars and inhalations of poison gas. But the Great War soldier, wearing his respirator while going in for the attack or while huddled in his trench under a chemical deluge, well understood the terror of gas warfare.
Selected Bibliography
Cook, Tim. No Place to Run: The Canadian Corps and Gas Warfare in the First World War. Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press, 1999.
Dancocks, Daniel G. Welcome to Flanders Fields. Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1988.
Haber, Ludwig Fritz. The Poisonous Cloud. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1986.
Richter, Donald. Chemical Soldiers: British Gas Warfare in World War I. Kansas: University Press of Kansas, 1992.
Palazzo, Albert. Seeking Victory on the Western Front: The British Army and Chemical Warfare in World War. Lincoln, Nebraska: University of Nebraska Press, 2000).
Artillery: The Great Killer
Tim Cook
Historian, Canadian War Museum
In 1914 and 1915, artillery proved it was the great killer. For those caught in the open, shrapnel and high explosive shells wreacked havoc. Thousands were left rotting on the battlefields. However, artillery guns were vulnerable to small arms fire, and they could be driven away from the front. But the guns were soon firing indirectly from hidden positions several kilometeres to the rear, still causing terrible damage. Soldiers were forced to find safety in trenches, digging beneath the ground to escape the murderous fire.
As trenches were strengthened with barbed wire, deep dugouts, and machine -guns, an enormous weight of fire was needed to smash the enemy defences and support the infantry. But there were not always enough shells in the early years to feed the guns. And so the infantry were killed in the tens of thousands as they attacked undamaged enemy trenches in frontal assaults. As the war lengthened, artillerymen received nearly unlimited supplies of shells through the enormous production of munitions factories. New tactics were also developed to improve the accuracy of the guns.
Artillery shells contained high explosives, shrapnel, and, later in the war, poison gas and smoke. Both the high explosive and shrapnel shells were timed to detonate in the air above a target. High explosive shells blasted holes in the trenches and the concussion alone could kill, as lungs collapsed under the force of the explosion. Shrapnel shells were equally deadly, consisting of more than 300 rounded metal balls that exploded downward in a cone-shaped rain of whirling metal. As well, the casing of the shell was designed to explode outward, creating jagged, uneven shards of steel that tore through flesh.
By 1916, commanders believed that massive artillery shoots, involving hundreds of thousands of shells, would annihilate the enemy defenders. This would allow the infantry to punch a hole through enemy lines and restore mobility on the Western Front.
However, it was often hard to hit, and then destroy, the narrow and well-fortified trenches. The problem also lay in the shell fuses. Earlier types were not sensitive enough to explode on contact, especially with shells tasked to clear barbed wire. As a result, many of the shells exploded in the ground, killing very few of the enemy, leaving the infantry to fight their way through defences-in-depth. By the end of 1916, newer, sensitive fuses that exploded on the slightest contact harnessed the destructive power of the artillery and, equally important to the infantry, cleared barbed wire from in front of enemy trenches.
Tactics again changed during the later phases of the bloody battles of the Somme in the last half of 1916. The gunners would never be able to destroy all of the German defences, and even one machine -gunner could kill hundreds of attacking infantry. Instead, the artillery sought to suppress enemy fire through a "creeping barrage," and give their own attacking infantry enough time to cross the killing zone of nNo Mman's Lland.
Gunners fired their shells to create a "creeping" wall of fire that slowly moved forward over the enemy lines at fixed intervals: 50 yards (46 m) every couple of minutes, less for muddy ground, more for open warfare. In effect, it was a screen of fire and explosives. As this moving wall of shrapnel and high explosives chewed up the ground in its path, the infantry were told to "lean into the barrage" and stay as close as possible. Although friendly fire was expected and occurred, the casualties would still be lighter than if the creeping barrage moved off and allowed German machine -gunners, waiting in the safety of deep dugouts, to get to the top of their trenches before the infantry crossed nNo Mman's lLand.
At the Battle of Vimy Ridge in April 1917, the gunners had perfected the creeping barrage. Yet enemy gunners still took a fearful toll as they laid down their own counter-barrages to catch the follow-on waves of infantry. The enemy guns had to be stopped, or slowed, but it was exceedingly difficult to identify, target, and destroy camouflaged guns several kilometeres away.
Accurate intelligence was essential, and new and refined forms of science aided the gunners. The Canadian Corps was lucky to have Brigadier-General Andrew McNaughton, commander of the counter-battery office for much of the war, who embraced new technology and tactics. A prewar professor at McGill University, he turned to science to save his soldiers lives.
The Canadian Counter Battery Office (CCBO), established in February 1917, gathered intelligence and processed information on the enemy to assist in knocking out his guns. Aerial reconnaissance from the Royal Flying Corps (later Royal Air Force) was of great assistance as airmen photographed the front from great heights. Later in the war, observation aircraft circled the battlefield, passing real-time information to the gunners through letter drops and primitive wireless radio.
As the CCBO developed after April 1917, this information-gathering and target-selection became more sophisticated, with new technology, like sound-ranging and flash-spotting, assisting gunners to find and destroy enemy targets.
Flash-spotting involved the coordination of observers. At least three posts were needed, usually spread out along several kilometeres. When an enemy gun position was spotted by the revealing flash as the shell left the barrel, the observers were telephoned by headquarters to turn their attention to that spot. After studying the flash of the gun, the observers would hit a key that was connected to a lamp at headquarters. From the observers' bearings, and by triangulating their estimates, enemy guns could be located with high precision.
Sound-ranging worked on a similar principle. Listeners sat two kilometeres behind the line with their microphones. Additional posts were manned well ahead of these positions. As long as there was not more than one shell per second being fired, on hearing the crash of an enemy gun, the forward listening post pressed a key that started an oscillograph, an instrument that recorded on film the sound of the shell in flight as it reached each microphone in turn. The time-intervals between the microphones allowed the CCBO to analyse the information and, if conditions were optimal, pinpoint enemy guns to within twenty-five 25 yards (23 m). All available counter-battery guns would be aimed on that spot to deliver a destructive shoot of 50-100 shells. Chemical shells were also used to kill or force the enemy gunners to wear debilitating respirators that severely affected the rate of fire.
In the last year of the war, artillery had perfected the creeping barrage and was steadily improving its counter-battery work. Further tactical refinement allowed gunners to fire more complicated barrages, like a box barrage. The box barrages set up a wall of fire and explosives around an enemy position —-- usually a trench —-- which effectively isolated it from reinforcements. It allowed assaulting Canadian infantrymen to capture and consolidate a position without fear of immediate counterattack.
By war's end, 43,914 gunners had served in the Canadian artillery, and 2,565 had lost their lives from disease, injury, and battlefield wounds. They had fired tens of millions of shells, reducing the landscape to a desolate wasteland, and an estimated 60% of all wounds were inflicted by shell fire. The First World War was indeed a gunner's war.
Selected Bibliography
Cook, Tim. No Place to Run: The Canadian Corps and Gas Warfare in the First World War. Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press, 1999.
McNaughton, A.G.L. "Counter-Battery Work." Canadian Defence Quarterly 3, 4 (July, 1926).
McNaughton, A.G.L. "The Development of Artillery in the Great War." Canadian Defence Quarterly 4, 2 (January, 1929).
Nicholson, G.W.L. The Gunners of Canada: The History of the Royal Regiment of the Canadian Artillery, Vol. 1: 1534-1919 Toronto: McClelland & Stewart, 1967.
Rawling, William. Surviving Trench Warfare: Technology and the Canadian Corps, 1914-1918. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1992.
Swettenham, John. McNaughton, Volume I. Toronto: The Ryerson Press, 1968.
German Prisoners of War
Jonathan F. Vance
Professor and Canada Research Chair in Conflict and Culture, Department of History, University of Western Ontario
The emotion of fear probably came first since the moment of capture was the most dangerous time for a prisoner. It was a reality of the First World War that the protection given to prisoners under the 1907 Hague Convention was not always observed in the front lines. Throwing aside one's rifle and yelling "Kamarad" was no guarantee that the plea for mercy would be heeded, particularly if the approaching soldier had seen his unit decimated by enemy fire. By the same token, a platoon that was weakened by casualties and struggling to hold a hard-won position sometimes could not spare a couple of infantrymen to escort prisoners to the rear areas. In such cases, soldiers implicitly understood that the safest option for their unit was to shoot the prisoners and keep it to themselves.
And then there were the rumours that circulated through both sides of no man's land about a particular battalion that never took prisoners, or about captives who were killed rather than being sent to the safety of a prison camp. A soldier who had been fired up by such stories might well wave aside his enemy's pleas and pull the trigger instead. The faces you see in these films, then, represent the lucky ones, the soldiers who actually survived to become prisoners.
We should also be aware that there did exist a degree of sympathy between soldiers. Atrocities were committed on both sides, but often the sight of a cowering enemy soldier elicited a feeling of pity in the attacking soldier. This is not the demonic Hun depicted by the propagandists, he might think; this is a man like me, with a family, perhaps a wife and children. We are both caught in a war that is not our doing; I will treat him as I hope he would treat me, with kindness and consideration.
The exhausted Canadian sharing coffee and hardtack with a captured German became a stock propaganda image, as a way to demonstrate the kindness of our Canadian boys overseas. But just because they were propagandized does not mean such situations did not take place. On the contrary, many a soldier would share with his prisoner a water bottle, a packet of rations or a cigarette, because the fact that he was a fellow soldier was now more important than the fact that he was an enemy. There is genuine good humour in the image of the captor clowning with the captive by putting on his cap and pulling a face.
Once the new prisoner made it through the moment of capture and reached relative safety, his experiences in captivity became more typical. The First World War was a very labour-intensive conflict. It was the first truly mechanized war, but much of the heavy work was still done the old-fashioned way – by tens of thousands of men digging, carrying, lifting and moving. Neither side had any scruples about using prisoners as forced labour in or directly behind the front lines. We know that German units used their POWs to dig trenches, move ammunition and carry supplies – all tasks forbidden under international law – and Canadians may well have done the same. But such scenes would never have made it onto film. Instead, a much more common image is of German soldiers acting as stretcher bearers, bringing the wounded, Canadian and German alike, to safety. For the captors, this had the advantage of freeing up infantrymen who had been temporarily co-opted as stretcher bearers – every German prisoner who could carry a stretcher meant that one Canadian could go back to the firing line. But it also had value for the prisoners themselves. Many contemporary accounts tell of new prisoners who were almost pathetically keen to prove themselves useful by helping with the wounded. Carrying a stretcher, after all, was much better than being shot.
Prisoners were also a valuable source of information. They were searched for maps, papers or anything else that could have intelligence value (or even monetary value – Canadian soldiers were known as tireless souvenir hunters, and quickly stripped any item that could be sold to non-combatant troops in the rear areas. Rifles, canteens and other military equipment were confiscated and sent to salvage dumps. Then, German-speaking officers questioned the men about their unit and the defences on their side of the line. Probably, few POWs were as helpful as some of those who were filmed (including the one who is evidently hard of hearing, likely from artillery bombardment), but the evidence suggests that prisoners were actually forthcoming with information about what was going on in their own trenches.
Finally, the symbolic significance of prisoners should not be underestimated. It was important to depict German prisoners on film because they were very visible signs of success on the battlefield. In the bloodbaths of 1916 and 1917, when success was measured in yards of pulverized earth, scenes of a few bedraggled German soldiers proved that something concrete had been achieved. The Battle of the Somme, for example, was a notorious example of horrific casualties sustained for very little territorial gain, but footage of prisoners being marched away from the battlefield in this clip at least proved that there were a few enemy infantrymen who would never again fire on Canadian soldiers.
In the open campaigns that began in the summer of 1918, prisoners became even more dramatic evidence of success. Now, it was possible to show to Canadians images of long lines of Germans soldiers captured in battle as the Canadian Expeditionary Force swept across northern France. Scenes of POWs being marched away from the battle for Bourlon Wood in 1918, often combined with pictures of rows of captured artillery pieces, confirmed to people at home that the tide had finally turned. The Allies had the Germans on the run, and such images seemed to prove that they were just as happy to surrender as fight.
Statistics on German POWs captured by Canadian troops are far from complete. We know that over 4000 were captured at Vimy Ridge in April 1917; over 5000 on August 8, 1918, the first day of the Battle of Amiens; and roughly 6000 in the three-day battle for the Drocourt-Quéant line in September 1918. But these are only three of dozens of engagements fought by the Canadian divisions, and the total number of prisoners taken may never be known. In any case, the cold statistics tell us less about the experience of captivity than these moving images. The men we see remain nameless, but their faces speak volumes about the impact of war on the individual.
Selective bibliography :
Cochet, François. "Le traitement des prisonniers de guerre en 1914-1918 : le rčgne de la réciprocité ?", in 14-18, le Magazine de la Grande Guerre, n° 23, Décembre 2003 - Janvier 2004.
Jackson, Robert. The Prisoners, 1914-18. New York: Routledge, 1989.
Morton, Desmond. Silent battle : Canadian prisoners of war in Germany, 1914-1919. Toronto : Lester Pub., 1992.
Moynihan, Michael, ed. Black Bread and Barbed Wire: Prisoners in the First World War. London: Leo Cooper, 1978.
Speed, Richard. Prisoners, Diplomats and the Great War: A Study in the Diplomacy of Captivity. New York: Greenwood Press, 1990.
Vance, Jonathan F., ed. Encyclopedia of Prisoners of War and Internment. Denver, CO: ABC-Clio, 2000.
Vance, Jonathan F. Objects of Concern: Canadian Prisoners of War Through the Twentieth Century. Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press, 1994.
Williamson, Samuel R. and Peter Pastor, eds. Essays on World War I: Origins and Prisoners of War. NY: Brooklyn Coll, 1983.
Other Materials
Letter from Pete Flett to his sister, April 17, 1917
April 17th , [19]17
Dear sister Ann,
I wrote you the day before yesterday telling you we had one more big raid to pull off & I would be back to England on leave. Well it's all over little girl & I am O. K. I have a story to tell you would make your blood run cold. I had the luck of a Texas mule.
Well to begin with it was a raid on what we call an open town - that is the first reprisal of the wing for the sinking of a British hospital ship. You can realize what that would mean. The day broke clear as I predicted in my letter the night before, it was to be mailed to you if I did not come back.
After a long wait, we at last were sent off a strong [illegible] up top making it very hard for us to get back. You will see in the papers where it was to.
My flight going first the fighters going up first to get height. The first Lieut, Lieut-Colonel, a flight sub, myself with the fighters circling we soon were all in formation & off we went for the lines where we were very heavily shelled crossing but all came through all O. K. Then on for a long run to the objective away over the Rhine. Nothing happened all the Bombers let go there [sic] Bombs. My Gunlayer Kimberly let go a big package of pamphlets explaining in German what were doing this for. We turned home well all went well we came through very heavy shelling over the objective but no huns so far. I was just thinking well this is going to be [illegible] when crack crack crack went the machine guns & six Huns were at my tail. The Wing Commander Lieut Colonel ____ was on my left. The Huns came up from behind and under my right wing one went in a loop over my tail & a roar from my gunlayer's Lewises brought my head around to see a Rowland flash over not twenty feet off with our tracer? bullets pouring into the fuselage over went my machine in a bank towards my wing commander who was just in fly right. On doing this my tail showed up a Folker biplane under my tail down went the two Lewises into him at point blank range two of their [illegible] firing 500 per minute each. He simply crumpled up & went down, but not before he riddled me with bullets cutting my tail about off & cutting my elevator control wires. I was then practically helpless on we went & back came two huns and [illegible] went the machine guns again and Herr Hun came on no more on went little Willie fast holding my height & sogging along with a big blow against me bound for France. My gunlayer then tapped me on the shoulder again that [illegible] another Hun well I shook my head I had given up hope now of ever getting home 12200 feet around went my head. I could see a machine now diving for me. My flight was far off in the distance now. Well I gave up hope again but he did not come close. My gunlayer Kim got his glasses out he tapped me out went the [illegible] for a second he yelled French Newport [Nieuport]. I said Thank God. On we went then whoof whoof we were in shell fire again that meant the lines & I sogged through it getting some too near for my health.
Then came the job of landing with controls gone, its [illegible] improbable country all mountains & forests I spotted a little drove far below some 11000 feet then I started to come down not knowing where my tail would fall off that meant instant death. I yelled to my gunlayer what is that drove, he got his glasses out but the machine was rolling so he could not get [illegible]. Down we came I spotted the French marking on a plane again thank God. In we came & I landed her on part of me had gone through my tail plane.
Well that's two we were sure of I will tell you all the details later on. I got back to my [illegible] by car. The captain was very good to me & packed me off to England on special leave & I am not to go to the Front any more but stay in England. I think they figure I will never fly again & I am, so I am not putting up any argument.
I have just got a letter from the Admiralty to say my application for leave to Canada cannot be considered but all that will be changed now.
I was intending this letter for Eloise, sister but I think it is to strong and might upset her so will send it to you instead hence opening.
Well siss I am sure all tired out so will cut short now & try to get my mind off this kind of stuff or I will go dippy.
Lots of love, Pete just mail me to Admiralty after this I can't tell where I will be.
P.S. The three other fighters with me are all missing. Lieut. Col. Wing Commander, First Lieut. of the station.
Used with permission of the estate of Pete Flett, provided by The Canadian Letters and Images Project, Department of History, Malaspina University College.

subset: commoncrawl


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Rupert Wyatt Flies Back To Birdsong
Apes man attached to direct again
With The Escapist and Rise Of The Planet Of The Apes under his belt, Rupert Wyatt has had his pick of projects, both stateside and here in the UK. But though he's flirted with a few – including Michael Fassbender project Londongrad and the chance to make the Apes sequel – he hasn't made up his mind. Now, though, it seems he's digging back into his own filmmaking history and reuniting with Birdsong.
Sebastian Faulks' novel was pounced upon when it was published in 1993, optioned quickly and trumpeted as the sort of period epic we Brits do so well. Except… It never got made. And, 16 years, several cast changes and a revolving door of big name actors and writers later, it seemed doomed for eternity in limbo when the Beeb made its TV adaptation last year.
But now Embankment Films thinks that the time is still right to get a film version made, and has Wyatt aboard to make it happen.
The book follows Stephen Wraysford, a young Englishman who lives in France in 1910, apprenticed into the textile industry. He falls for local married woman Isabelle Azaire, but though they elope, she eventually returns to her family. Faulks' story then leaps around in time, hopping between 1916 during Stephen's time fighting in the Battle of the Somme, and the 1970s, when his granddaughter investigates some family history.
Amongst the names attached at one time or another were Ewan McGregor, Ralph Fiennes, Eva Green and Jake Gyllenhaal, while Joe Wright, Michael Mann, Sam Mendes, Paul Greengrass and more have considered directing. It has been set up several times, even getting to the point of scouting locations. But it just kept stalling.
Embankment's executives will be hoping Wyatt – who was attached after he made The Escapist, and wrote at least one draft of the script before he chose to make Apes instead – will finally get it on screen. He may well, but given the history of this particular project, we won't count on it just yet.


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Arts and culture are alive at Wittenberg! Public talks, theatre productions, dance concerts, music recitals, ensemble concerts, art shows, and cultural festivals enliven the campus and the greater community.
The Wittenberg Series
All Wittenberg Series events are free admission. Doors open 30 minutes prior to the beginning of each lecture or performance. All facilities are accessible without climbing stairs.
A member of the National Association of Schools of Music for more than 80 years, Wittenberg's Department of Music is one of the university's most active departments. Students have the opportunity to perform in a wide variety of instrumental and vocal ensembles, as well musical theatre productions. Faculty and students perform regularly, in solo recitals and ensemble concerts. Get involved! Take lessons, perform in an ensemble, attend a concert. Come join us in making music and listening to music!
Theatre & Dance
One of only 23 institutions in the nation ranked by the Fiske Guide to Colleges for â€Small Colleges and Universities Strong in Drama,†Wittenberg consistently appears alongside such schools as Julliard, Vassar, Oberlin, Otterbein, and Princeton. Students regularly take advantage of the performance and production opportunities available.
Visual Arts
Students' creativity is unleashed in the university's spacious, well-lit studios, where students have access to equipment specifically designed for their chosen media area. Within short driving distance of some of Ohio's top metropolitan museums, Wittenberg also offers unique options for students to share their artistic talents with the community, including the annual fundraiser Empty Bowls, which raises more than $25,000 each year to fight hunger.
Arts in the Greater Community
Springfield has much to offer, in addition to own arts-rich environment: the annual CultureFest, the Summer Arts Festival, Springfield Symphony Orchestra, and The Springfield Center for the Arts at Wittenberg University, which houses the Springfield Museum of Art and Wittenberg's New Student Theatre and makes for a dynamic engagement with the arts close to campus. Admission is free to the Springfield Museum of Art for Wittenberg faculty, staff, alumni, and students and their families.


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BenQ has launched its new L-Series LED TV to the Middle East.
General Manager of BenQ for the Middle East and Africa, Manish Bakshi said, "Our new L-Series LED TV comes in a simple yet elegant design with its high-gloss, crystal black display. It is power-packed with industry-leading technologies, including a Reflection Defense Panel that reduces reflections caused by other light sources in the room and Senseye - a BenQ-exclusive lifelike digital image enhancement technology that delivers 28 independent color calibrations. Together these two innovative features provide viewers with high definition visuals that are deeper, richer and truer to life while making the viewing experience more comfortable to the eyes."
The L-Series LED TV also provides 27.3% more contrast in comparison to other TVs and the special coating of the Reflection Defense Panel creates deeper blacks - enhancing the contrast performance of the L- Series to give viewers more vibrant colors.
- Wireless broadband developments in Southeast Asia markets
As of 2013, the 10 ASEAN nations had a total of over 700 million mobile subscriptions, with the CAGR from 2003-2013 reaching 24%. This Digitimes Research Special Report analyzes the various mobile broadband markets in ASEAN and looks at the respective trends in 4G LTE development for those markets.
- 2015 global tablet demand forecast
This Digitimes Research Special Report provides a 2015 forecast for the global tablet market and analyzes the strategies of key market players such as Google, Apple, Intel, and Microsoft.
- 2015 China smartphone panel trend forecast
This Digitimes Research Special Report analyzes the strategies of key China-based major panel makers BOE, Tianma and IVO for attacking the different market segments through technology and pricing, and their relationship to local vendors Huawei, Lenovo, ZTE, Xiaomi and Coolpad.


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Substantially all City employees are eligible to participate in pension plans offered by California Public Employees Retirement System (CALPERS) an agent multiple employer defined benefit pension plan which acts as a common investment and administrative agent for its participating member employers. CALPERS provides retirement and disability benefits, annual cost of living adjustments and death benefits to plan members, who must be public employees and beneficiaries. The City's employees participate in the separate Safety (Police and Fire) and Miscellaneous (all other) Employee Plans. Benefit provisions under both Plans are established by State statute and City resolution. Benefits are based on years of credited service, equal to one year of full time employment. Funding contributions for both Plans are determined annually on an actuarial basis as of June 3 0 by CALPERS; the City must contribute these amounts. The Plans' provisions and benefits in effect at June 30, 2013, are summarized as follows:
CALPERS determines contribution requirements using a modification of the Entry Age Normal Method. Under this method, the City's total normal benefit cost for each employee from date of hire to date of retirement is expressed as a level percentage of the related total payroll cost. Normal benefit cost under this Method is the level amount the employer must pay annually to fund an employee' s projected retirement benefit. This level percentage of payroll method is used to amortize any unfunded actuarial liabilities. The actuarial assumptions used to compute contribution requirements are also used to compute the actuarially accrued liability. The City uses the actuarially determined percentages of payroll to calculate and pay contributions to CALPERS. This results in no net pension obligations or unpaid contributions. Annual Pension Costs, representing the payment of all contributions required by CALPERS, for the years ended June 30 as follows:
PERS 2008 Actuarial Valuation Miscellaneous Sections 1 and 2
PERS 2008 Actuarial Valuation Police Section 1
PERS 2008 Actuarial Valuation Fire Section 1
PERS 2008 Actuarial Valuation Safety (Police and Fire Combined) Section 2
A PowerPoint presentation summarizing the 2012 Actuarial Valuation can be downloaded here.
Copyright © 2003- 2013 City of Sausalito
420 Litho Street, Sausalito, CA 94965
(415) 289-4100
Website Created by Vision Internet
Contact Us
Sausalito Chamber of Commerce


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You guys know how I love to sweetly bait you all with a little giveaway love after a long absence. Pardon the silence, two relatives from the same side in sad separate ways just happened to pass away on the same day early this week. I was quiet before that took place but it extended my absence even longer. So just before we begin our beauty journey once again I thought this time I'd turn on the cuteness with these miniatures in a giveaway. Five of my high end skincare favorites all in mini form for one of you to own, aren't they adorbs? This giveaway is open until May 26th 12am (start of that day) and is nationwide only.
VMV Hypoallergenics Armada Sport 70 Sunscreen, Estee Lauder Advanced Night Repair, Pixi Glow Tonic (exfoliating toner), Nuxe Huile Prodigieuse Multi-Purpose Dry Oil, and Aveda Botanical Kinetics Intense Hydrating Soft Creme
If I was going to use these products in order, for an evening session, I'd begin with the Nuxe Huile Prodigieuse Oil all over my face to use as a cleanser/remover at the same time (note it doesn't emulsify) and clear the makeup muck and residue off my face with a small wet, or very damp, flannel or towel (with excess water wrung out), making sure to remove any oily residue. Mascara comes off so easily this way with the NUXE oil and it doesn't sting my eyes. Then next I'd go in with Pixi's Glow Tonic exfoliating toner, do a quick sweep, leave it on for then apply a serum suited for sensitive skin like Estee Lauder's Advanced Night repair which I've been using more regularly than any other serum for almost 3 years now. If I'm feeling like I need a bit more plumping I'll finish off with the Aveda Intense Hydrating Soft Creme moisturizer in the evening or the VMV Armada sunscreen (Sport 70 or Face Cover) instead during the daytime since it's a sunscreen that feels like a light moisturizer anyway.
To join this Nationwide giveaway enter via the Rafflecopter widget below.


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A documentation about the daily life of Buddhist Monks in the traditional christian countryside of German.
Forest monastery Muttodaya
(even it is in German language, it might be give some expression for those who don't speak the language - also very touching are the people who, even they have no idea of Buddhism, love their (!) monastery and support those Monks)
Published on: theravada-dhamma.org (which has also an English and many other language sections)


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By Mike Capshaw
Special to the Citizen
Chiefland is one of 16 teams that remain in Class 1A. In other area games, Trenton hammered out 14 hits to defeat Bronson by a 9-0 mercy rule in the District 6-1A title game on Friday. It was Trentonís 24th consecutive win against opponents in its district.
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He woukdnt even fight someone else and turn up so I could call him out hahaha so I doubt it
He woukdnt even fight someone else and turn up so I could call him out hahaha so I doubt it
lol James, I just liked his fighting style and put it as my cw name without that much thought really.
KSW have him under contract so they decide. I'm forgot about all this but Pudz than started giving it the big one
I find James' stories on Facebook entertaining PORN IN THE GYM FTW
http://www.facebook.com/craig.st.clair666 ME
"That was how i got my first soapy titwank!
Listening is cool and shit." BlackdogMMA
Hi James. I think we both know that Mariusz is not going to come here to the UK anytime soon and allow a "home advantage" like he had. It's a cold fact that he's media protected as a national hero and must be spoon fed. I can't imagine for one minute that he would have jumped in to Pride or Strikeforce - or take on Alistair Overeem for that matter.
Keep calling him out and he MIGHT respond. You have the support of my Polish wife so keep doing what you're doing
Solid supporter of: Tomasz Adamek. Maurício Rua. Daniel Ghiţă


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Alcohol and drug counselors work in treatment settings to professionally help chemically dependent clients. The Alcohol and Drug Counselor Program helps prepare students for the Oregon Certified Alcohol and Drug Counselor examination.
Restricted admission courses are limited to students officially accepted into the program, after all requirements are met. Please visit the AD program website, www.pcc.edu/programs/alcohol-counseling for more information, requirements, orientation dates and application process.
This page includes online classes only, you may also view all available courses for this topic.


text: In Touch is not pulling any punches when it comes to their latest issue and the Kardashians and according to the article they wrote, Kris was not pulling any punches either when she kicked and beat Kim Kardashian when Kim was a kid. The magazine got hold of Robert Kardashian's diaries and basically in 1989, Kris Jenner was beating her kids, leaving them for days at a time so she could go have sex with a guy and was on something so bad that she could not gather herself enough to even join the kids for Christmas and Robert spent it with them alone. So, probably the worst mom in the world. I don't think she has done much since to change that opinion. She is way more concerned with how much money can be made rather than her daughters personally.


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August 25, 2004
Welcome to the new Families of September 11 companion webpage, Children of September 11. This page provides relevant information for parents, caregivers and advocates of children affected by 9/11, including resources, articles, and a platform for discussion.
Resources include emotional support websites such as the National Association of School Psychologists, which offers tips for parents, teachers and adolescents for coping with the anniversary of 9/11. Other resources, like FEMA for Kids, include games and information geared specifically to children. Parents and caregivers will also find helpful links to scholarships, including the September 11 Scholarship Alliance, which gives an overview of funds available to attend two- or four-year institutions of higher learning.
In addition, you'll find events of special interest to families and educators. Events such as Comfort Zone Camp, a special weekend camp to be held in October in Blairstown, NJ, for children ages 7-17 affected by 9/11. Other upcoming events include the Forum on Teaching 9-11 in Washington, DC, which will explore how key cultural institutions shape Americans' memories of September 11.
Children of September 11 will also feature original articles like Helping Teens with Depression and PTSD, written by Sally Farr, R.N., M.Ed. Look for more contributions soon from the Families of September 11 Advisory Board, which includes many experts in the childcare field.
Please visit www.childrenofseptember11.org and don't forget to post your thoughts on the new Children of September 11 Bulletin Board. As always, please email your questions, comments, photos, or drawings to email@example.com.


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Tuesday August 6th, 2013 1:14am
CHAPEL HILL, N.C. — R.G. Keenan had a stellar game at the X and UNC's attack continued its potent performance as seventh-ranked North Carolina beat 20th-ranked Brown 18-12 Wednesday night before 1,145 fans at Fetzer Field an a national TV audience on ESPNU.
Joey Sankey scored four goals for the third straight game, Jimmy Bitter had a six-point night and Marcus Holman had eight points, including six assists, matching his career high in the latter category. Carolina finished the 2013 regular-season 3-0 against the Ivy League. The 30 goals in Wednesday's game fell one short of the combined total in Carolina's 16-15 win over Princeton on March 9. The 18 goals were also a season high total for the Tar Heels and the most since beating Michigan 19-5 on May 5, 2012.
Carolina won for the third straight game and improved to 6-3. Seven of Carolina's first nine games this season have come against Top 20 teams and its next three opponents are also ranked. Brown saw its five-game winning streak end. The Bears are 5-2 on the year.
R.G. Keenan was a key factor in the game for Carolina as he helped keep the ball away from the potent Bears' offense. He won 19 of 31 face-offs, had 11 ground balls and also assisted on two goals. He was one short of his career highs in both face-off victories and ground balls and matched his career best for assists and points in a contest.
Carolina needed to be good offensively to overcome some difficulties in the clearing game and its turnovers total. And good it was with the ball in the attacking end. UNC's shooting accuracy was top shelf with 18 goals on 38 shots, a shooting percentage of 47.4 for the game. The Bears used two goalies against the Tar Heels with freshman Jack Kelly making nine saves and allowing 15 goals in three quarters while Will Round played the last 15 minutes and made two saves while allowing three goals.
Kieran Burke started for the Tar Heels and went all the way in goal, making 14 saves, just one short of his career high, and allowing 12 goals. He also had four ground balls.
Carolina's starting attack combined for 19 points with Marcus Holman scoring two goals and passing for six assists, Jimmy Bitter scoring three goals and adding three assists and Joey Sankey scoring four goals and adding an assist. Holman's six assists equaled his career high set against Air Force in the season opener and his eight points were two short of his personal best. Bitter matched his career high of three assists for the fourth time this year and he was one short of his career high for points. Sankey scored four goals for the third straight game as he has set and now twice matched his career high in the past nine days.
A pair of Brown attackmen had monster games for the Bears as Henry Blynn scored five goals, all in the second half, and Nick Piroli scored four times. Seven different Brown players recorded assists in the game.
For Carolina, Davey Emala had a hat trick, the 11th of his career, as he matched his season high goal total after scoring thrice against Princeton. Sankey's hat trick was the eighth of his career and Bitter now has six career hat tricks. Also scoring for the Tar Heels were attackman Patrick Kelly, midfielders Chad Tutton, Pat Foster, Ryan Creighton and Jake Matthai and defenseman Kieran McDonald.
Sankey now has 46 career goals and Bitter has recorded 45 career tallies. They shortly will become the 49th and 50th players in UNC history to score 50 or more times in their careers.
Holman's eight points give him 176 for his career as be moved past Billy Bitter, Mac Ford and Jed Prossner on Wednesday night into seventh place in all-time scoring at Carolina. His six assists give him 70 for his career, the ninth highest UNC total. His 106 career goals are sixth best in Tar Heel lore.
The teams traded goals through the first 21:40 before the Tar Heels ran off four goals in a row to take an 8-4 lead late in the second period. After Marcus Holman scored an unassisted goal at 7:39 of the period to give the Tar Heels the lead for good, Davey Emala, Jimmy Bitter and Joey Sankey scored in succession to make it 8-4 with 3:21 left in the half. Holman assisted on both Emala's and Bitter's goals to give the Tar Heels separation.
Brown notched the final goal of the first half and then scored again on Henry Blynn's first of five goals to make it 8-6 with 13:47 left in the third quarter. The Bears then got an extra-man opportunity with a chance to cut it to one and won the ensuing face-off but Kieran McDonald intercepted a pass by Johnny DePeters 36 seconds into the one-minute opportunity for the Bears. That proved a key play as Carolina then ran off three straight goals, five of the next six and seven of the next nine as momentum shifted decidedly to the Heels. McDonald finished the game with six ground ball and four caused turnovers as well as his first career goal. The four caused turnovers matched his career high in a game and he was one short of his career high in ground balls.
After McDonald caused the turnover, the Tar Heel offense went into high gear. In the third quarter, UNC scored seven goals on eight shots, failing to score only when a Marcus Holman shot went wide with 6:51 left in the period.
Leading 8-6, the Heels ran off three goals in 1:17 five minutes into the quarter. Pat Foster scored on the EMO from Holman at 10:18. Bitter scored at 9:07 off Sankey's assist and six seconds later the Stowe, Vt., attackman scored again, reaping the rewards of a R.G. Keenan assist. After a Brown goal, Chad Tutton scored on an outside shot at 7:21. Then with 4:30 left and Brown in a 10-man ride, Kieran McDonald scored on a 60-yard bounce shot into the empty net giving the Tar Heels their biggest lead of the game to that point at 13-7.
From then on, each team would score five times. Each time Brown would seem to gain some momentum with back-to-back goals, the Tar Heels would answer. Sankey's successive tallies late in the third quarter made it 15-8 but Blynn then scored twice in a row for Brown to cut its deficit back to five. Eventually, the Tar Heels sealed the deal with goals from Ryan Creighton, off Keenan's second assist, and Jake Matthai, on a high, hard, howitzer at 9:38. The Bears fought back with two more of their own before Davey Emala rounded out the scoring with a timer-on goal at 4:16 of the final period.
For the game, UNC outshot the Bears 38-37 and had a 47-40 edge in ground balls, including a career high seven by Marcus Holman. UNC finished with a 20-14 edge at the X and a 14-11 advantage in saves. Brown committed 19 turnovers and Carolina had 18, including seven in the fourth quarter for the second straight game. Brown's high pressure ride forced Carolina into six failed clears (20 of 26 for the game) while the Bears were 21 of 25 in the clearing game.
The Tar Heels return to action Saturday when they host 10th-ranked Johns Hopkins at Kenan Stadium at 12 noon. The game will be nationally televised on ESPNU.


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Just have to say thats the worst commentry I've heard on the UFC, I think both guys are good, Ariel is great when with Kenny and you know you cant beat the duo of Joe and Mike. But Joe and Ariel seemed like they was 2 guys doing a one person job. Not the usual good banter you hear between the two.
wicked fights though!


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As the business climate continues to change, adapting to new models and uncovering market niches are more important than ever.
As the business climate continues to change, adapting to new models and uncovering market niches are more important than ever.
Interior design is not the only profession in a state of flux today, and as the economy slowly recovers, one cannot help but wonder about the long-term impacts on the overall business world. The traditional business models have already shifted, adapted and gone by the wayside in favor of more innovative, dynamic and collaborative approaches. With the influence of globalization and technology, entirely new business models have emerged, forcing a paradigm shift in the way we think about conducting business and opportunities in new markets.
On a recent trip to Guangzhou, China, I witnessed first-hand the effect of the global economy through the energy of its business environment. In the last decade, the Chinese people have embraced new lifestyles as a result of exponential economic growth and globalization—and this trend is far from over over. The Harvard Business Review predicts 70 percent growth in international markets over the next few years, and approximately 40 percent growth in India and China alone.
Learning to adapt and develop our business models to succeed in these burgeoning markets is imperative for designers today. To be sure, communicating the value of interior design is more important than ever.
Emerging economies around the world require an open-minded and strategic approach to conducting business. As an example, the old adage "business as usual" could not be further from the truth today. The companies most successful at globalizing do not conduct business as usual, but employ creative thinking to develop new business models with language, culture and differing perspectives in mind. Interior designers have the propensity for creative thinking and can lead the development of new models that can influence practice and communicate the impact of design.
Developing new business models requires a flexible approach in dealing with varying markets and potential customers. Broadly stated, consumers of interior design services tend to be increasingly knowledgeable about products and resources. The value in hiring a designer evolves through the decision-making process, during which designers educate clients about the overall impact of design solutions.
For this reason, designers need to not only have command of the trade, but also consumer behaviors in targeted markets, purchasing patterns and other trends that may impact their business. Maintaining relevant market information is key to developing and responding to business shifts. The ASID State of the Industry report is a great resource to start; designers can supplement this with focused and targeted business information to expand into new areas.
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The business world is changing at a rapid pace; you'll need creative thinking, collaboration and a team management approach to generate new business models and innovative concepts. Focusing on the socio-cultural, technical, economic, environmental and political influences is critical in the process. Interior designers are positioned to deconstruct their current model of doing business and reinvent it in order to be successful in today's market. There are many opportunities for the profession and maximizing the potential today and into the future is critical, given that fixed business models no longer exist.
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try install .tar.gz file. choose 32bit package.
HP Compaq 6715b laptop with dual boot win7 and Backtrack 5r3,
I have been all over the wiki and other posts trying to get these installed but have no idea what I am doing wrong. I have the package:
both sitting on my desktop, I would like to get some help configuring/installing these so Firefox can use them, can anyone help. I am very new to command line, very limited in ability but I want to learn, I have tried so many different things I think I screwed up any dir these might need to go into. I have no idea where to go from here. I also have the:
Sitting on my desktop. Can anyone help me?
try install .tar.gz file. choose 32bit package.
.rpms are for Red Hat based OSs, and Backtrack is Debian based. Packages for Backtrack will be .deb.
Adobe is done making Flash for linux, and I don't recommend it. If you only want flash for youtube, go to youtube.com/html5 join in, and use a browser like Midori to view html5 videos.
For Java, look up installing Java on Ubuntu without using apt-get.
How would I do that, this is what I got when I tried. I have no clue as to what the destination would be, how do I tell it "program file folder"
root@bt:~# install .tar.gz
install: missing destination file operand after `.tar.gz'
Try `install --help' for more information.
First : rpm packages are for red Hat distros or Red Hat based distros (who uses the rpm packages)..This BT5 is based on Debian packages (.deb)..
Second: If you try to use any rmp package, you need to alien them..Use command alien..Ex. alien --to-deb jre-7u10-linux-i586.rpm
Third: Limited on command line?..That is a major problem, and consider it "Major"..This is not windows or a "mouse and click OS"..All linux OS are powerfull due to the Command line (CLI) and not the GUI. I strongly recommend you to read about CLI for linux.
Fourth: To install any package with .tar.gz you need to unpack and expand the file: Use command tar: tar xzvf jre-7u10-linux-i586.tar.gz.
Fifth: If file is .deb you have to install using dpkg command : dpkg -i "my file".
if file is rmp, need to alienize it first and then once in .deb, install it.
The following guide is from BT5R2 but worked for me on R3 32bit:
Adobe recommends that all users upgrade to the latest version of Adobe Flash
Player for the most recent features, bug fixes, and security fixes. For
more information on the new features in Flash Player 9, please visit
http://www.adobe.com/products/flashplayer/. For more information on system
requirements, fixed issues, and known issues, see the release notes at
To confirm which version of Flash Player you have currently installed, see
http://www.adobe.com/software/flash/about/. Users should only install
Players that have been downloaded from trusted sources, such as
Your use of this player is governed by the Adobe End User License Agreement
found at http://www.adobe.com/products/eulas/players/flash/.
Installation instructions
Installing using the plugin tar.gz:
o Unpack the plugin tar.gz and copy the files to the appropriate location.
o Save the plugin tar.gz locally and note the location the file was saved to.
o Launch terminal and change directories to the location the file was saved to.
o Unpack the tar.gz file. Once unpacked you will see the following:
+ libflashplayer.so
+ /usr
o Identify the location of the browser plugins directory, based on your Linux distribution and Firefox version
o Copy libflashplayer.so to the appropriate browser plugins directory. At the prompt type:
+ cp libflashlayer.so <BrowserPluginsLocation>
o Copy the Flash Player Local Settings configurations files to the /usr directory. At the prompt type:
+ sudo cp -r usr/* /usr
Installing the plugin using RPM:
o As root, enter in terminal:
+ # rpm -Uvh <rpm_package_file>
+ Click Enter key and follow prompts
Installing the standalone player:
o Unpack the tar.gz file
o To execute the standalone player,
+ Double-click, or
+ Enter in terminal: ./flashplayer
Uninstallation instructions
Manual uninstallation (for users who installed the plugin via Install script):
o Delete libflashplayer.so binary and flashplayer.xpt file in
directory /home/<user>/.mozilla/plugins/
RPM uninstallation:
o As root, enter in terminal:
+ # rpm -e flash-plugin
+ Click Enter key and follow prompts
I managed to get flash and java applets working on my Backtrack 5 R2 KDE 64bit on Thinkpad T420 laptop I'll describe what I did:
1) For firefox flash plugin, go to http://get.adobe.com/flashplayer/otherversions/ and choose Linux(32 bit) as operating system, tar.gz version of the installation package, and download the tar.gz file. Download it to a temporary folder that you create (eg /root/flash_install_kit), unpack it and copy the libflashplayer.so file to a location where firefox looks for plugins. Here's how the commands sequence should be (commands executed as root or with sudo):
Now restart firefox and your flash should be working, check in Tools -> Addons -> Plugins and ... check youtube.Code:~# cd /root/flash_install_kit ~# tar xzvf install_flash_player_11_linux.i386.tar.gz ~# mkdir -p /usr/lib/mozilla/plugins/ ~# cp libflashplayer.so /usr/lib/mozilla/plugins/
NOTE: choose 32 bit version of the Flash Player even if your BT is 64bit, I noticed that at least Firefox 14 cannot use the 64bit version of the flash..
2) For enabling Java applets, install icedtea-6-plugin, the description is clear:
Now, a note on Java: Firefox on BT5 comes with NoScript extension enabled and configured to block Java applets. To workaround this, you have some options: either find a way to configure NoScript to allow Java (I couldn't figure it out), or disable NoScript (not recommended, in my opinion), or...install a second browser(I installed Chromium, so I'll just write my approach).icedtea-6-plugin - web browser plugin based on OpenJDK and IcedTea to execute Java applets
Now start Chromium (btw, to run the Chromium the BT-way, ie as root, call it from terminal like this "chromium-browser --user-data-dir /opt/chrom/"), and your Java applet plugin should be loaded and working. You can test if Java works for you at this link: http://www.java.com/en/download/testjava.jspCode:~# apt-get install icedtea-6-plugin ~# apt-get install chromium-browser
That's it. Hope it helps..
I'm still new to this but you can try this as it did work for me.
cd flash
tar xzvf (drag your package here)
cp -f libflashplayer.so ~/.mozilla/plugins/
root@bt:~# mkdir -p ~/.mozilla/plugins
root@bt:~# mkdir flash
root@bt:~# mv -f (drag your package here)
root@bt:~# cd flash/
root@bt:~/flash# tar xvfz (drag your package here as well)
root@bt:~/flash# cp -f libflashplayer.so ~/.mozilla/plugins/
Good Luck


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Congratulations to all the new-again mommies!!!
This thread is for all the 40ww graduates and anyone who has had a recent addition to your family. In this thread, we'll talk about all things babies, family and post-pardum recovery, as well as anything else related to large family life.
Enjoy and congrats on all the new babies!


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Tuesday, April 12 2011 - Legal Response to 9/11
Evidence against 9/11 plotters revealed
By Agence France-Presse
WASHINGTON -- US prosecutors compiled lots of evidence against the five men accused of having organized the September 11 attacks on the United States, but not until this week have details been fully revealed.
The views expressed in this article are the sole responsibility of the author, who is solely responsible for its content, and do not necessarily reflect those of 911Truth.org. 911Truth.org will not be responsible or liable for any inaccurate or incorrect statements contained in this article.
Fair Use Notice
This page contains copyrighted material, the use of which has not always been specifically authorized by the copyright owner. We are making such material available in our efforts to advance understanding of political issues relating to alternative views of the 9/11 events, etc. We believe this constitutes a "fair use" of any such copyrighted material as provided for in section 107 of the US Copyright Law. In accordance with Title 17 U.S.C. Section 107, the material on this site is distributed without profit to those who have expressed a prior interest in receiving the included information for research and educational purposes. For more information go to: http://www.law.cornell.edu/uscode/17/107.shtml. If you wish to use copyrighted material from this site for purposes of your own that go beyond "fair use", you must obtain permission from the copyright owner.


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This Forum has been archivedVisit the new Forums
|Forums: Index → Narutopedia Discussion → Itachi
do you guys think we should still count itachi as deciesed? i mean hes sorta technically alive and he can actually control himself. what do you guys think?—This unsigned comment was made by Tris0928 (talk • contribs) .
- "Sorta" doesn't count — dead is dead. He died during the battle with Sasuke and his body was either slung into the ground or else eaten by Zetsu.--Cerez365™ 16:35, March 12, 2012 (UTC)
Dead is dead he is gone once the jutsu is over —This unsigned comment was made by Salil dabholkar (talk • contribs) .
Yes Itachi will be gone once the jutsu is over but until then he is alive. And a deceased person cant come back to life, mentally as well as physically, but Itachi does. Physically because of the jutsu but he's mentally conscious as well. So I guess you could consider Itachi as alive instead of deceased, at least for the time being.--Beautyandbrains (talk) 12:28, March 13, 2012 (UTC)
but kabuto said that even if he dies, the jutsu wont stop. so...?—This unsigned comment was made by Tris0928 (talk • contribs) .
- But he can be forced to end the technique. Also, please remember to sign your posts. Just use four tilde (~~~~) at the end of your messages or click the 10th icon at the top of the page ↑ But that still doesn't mean Itachi's not dead.--Cerez365™ 09:34, March 14, 2012 (UTC)
cerez, does that mean your thinking about itachi being deceased?Tris0928 (talk) 10:49, March 14, 2012 (UTC)
- You mean do I consider him to be dead? Yeah I do. He died after fighting his brother. His body is somewhere decaying (or being digested by Zetsu xD) What was brought back was just a soul bound to the earth by a technique. Itachi's currently "undead" in a sense, deceased but not alive.--Cerez365™ 11:02, March 14, 2012 (UTC)
alright then thanks guys :DTris0928 (talk) 12:23, March 14, 2012 (UTC)