text: Hi, from Invercargill, New Zealand and yes, I do live this far south. I've been a photographer for a long time, with a few lapses when other hobbies took priority. Now it's the Number One. I use a variety of cameras, with an equal variety of results. The range down from a cardboard 8x10 pinhole, through an RB67, on to a variety of Pentaxes and a Zorki 4K. I have my own darkroom, which I'll get back into when, if ever, spring warms up. What do I photograph? Almost anything And I dabble in some alternative processes.


text:
On the Side of the Angels:
This file is also available in Adobe Acrobat PDF format
An Appreciation of Parties and Partisanship
Antipartyism and its partner in negativity, antipartisanship, have a distinguished, even brilliant pedigree. On the Side of the Angels is my assessment of antipartyism, designed to map the field, to facilitate comparison among enduring aversions to political parties, to see whether contemporary antiparty thinkers echo orthodox arguments or are creative in their loathing. The materials I draw on to represent antipartyism are scholarly and literary, with added dollops of political commentary. From the furious railings of what I call the "glorious traditions of antipartyism" before democracy to the "postparty depression" that stretches to the present and shows few signs of lifting, antipartyism is one subject where the usual chasm between philosophy and common understanding is shrunk, closed really. I expect that my readers share the aversions I record, are frustrated with parties in practice, are quick to express antipathy, or are confirmed in their indifference. It is likely that any acceptance of parties is pragmatic, unexuberant, unphilosophical, grudging. I expect readers to be skeptical of a sympathetic theory of parties.
Yet that is my challenge: to rehabilitate parties and partisanship in readers' minds. From the long history of antipartyism, I retrieve rare moments of appreciation. I also propose my own. Parties are truly "the orphans of political philosophy, "1 and I show why democratic theorists should adopt them and take them in. Rehabilitation of parties in practice is another matter, deserving of whatever scrap of utopianism is in us.
Disregard: The Bad Attitude of Contemporary Political Theory
Parties and partisanship are indisputably orphans of political philosophy. The list of advocates of parties and partisanship in contemporary political theory is spare. The classic work on the concept of representation, for example, pays them scant attention.2 When they address the subject at all, political theorists reproduce the antiparty temper that dominates the history of political thought. In democratic theory today, parties either are the object of reflexive antipathy or suffer utter disregard.
It is hardly surprising that philosophers derogate partisanship. Whether their aspirational perspective is subversive Socratic questioning or Humean impartiality, a transcendent "view from nowhere" or stringent "public reason," it is the antithesis of a partisan perspective. That is expected. More remarkable is that contemporary democratic theorists who describe their work as "nonideal theory" have little to say. Democratic theorists refer to parties rarely or accusingly in passing. The problem is not that democratic theorists are inattentive to institutions generally. On the contrary, their interests extend to just about every institution for participation, representation, decision making, and political education except parties. Here is a brief rundown of the true objects of political theorists' affections: advocacy groups (selfstyled public interest groups chief among them) and social movements; direct democratic institutions such as referenda, and experiments such as "citizen juries" and "deliberative polls." Theorists of multiculturalism and the "politics of difference" value self-organized identity groups and arrangements for guaranteed representation.3 Democratic theorists of almost every stripe look to the associations of civil society to cultivate civic virtue and political engagement, and affirm that hope for democracy rests on "exploring the unrealized possibilities in . . . institutions such as schools, workplaces, churches and synagogues, trade unions and social movements."4 The exclusion of parties from exhaustive catalogues of the associations of civil society is particularly curious, given the foundational concern with mediating institutions that bridge society and government. Finally, for stern proponents of deliberative democracy for whom overcoming disagreement is a regulative ideal, partisanship is anathema. Even those who do not aim at consensus would assign disciplined deliberation a place of its own, removed from conventional political arenas, elections, and parties, such as specially created "mini-publics" with participants chosen to represent "lay citizens and nonpartisans."5 It would be too harsh to cast these dominant strains of democratic theory as antipolitical, but contemporary theorists write—sometimes expressly—as if democracy could and should do without parties and partisanship.
If parties are the orphans of political philosophy, they are the darlings of political science. They are built into the standard definition of democratic government as "one chosen periodically by means of popular elections in which two or more parties compete for the votes of all adults."6 The touchstone of governments that call themselves democratic is frequent and fair elections, made meaningful by party competition.7 Political science puts parties at the core of its signature preoccupation with voting and elections. Democracy is "unthinkable save in terms of parties,"8 and "democratic deficit" typically cites their absence.
The disjuncture between political science and political theory is striking. Political theorists have abandoned the field, and the study of parties and partisanship is carried on in political science terms (or in terms set by constitutional and election law). I have gone on a scouting expedition into the territory of political science, off the usual paths of political theory. My discussion of contemporary antipartyism moves back and forth between political science and political theory, imagining a conversation, and using resources from both to assess the achievement parties represent and the moral distinctiveness of partisanship.
The Sounds of Silence
The plain disproportion between a record of relentless, ferocious opposition to parties and moral disdain for partisans, on the one hand, and reticence bordering on silence when it comes to defending parties, on the other, brings to mind classical writings on democracy. With the partial exception of Aristotle's Politics, the great Greek texts reveal their authors' hostility to democracy.9 They broadcast its failings. Philosophic arguments undermined democratic premises; Socrates' subversion of popular opinion is the most powerful instance. Why was there no corresponding philosophical defense of democracy?10 One thought is that Athenian democracy in the fourth and fifth centuries was so deeply entrenched as popular ideology and practice that it stimulated no theoretical justification. No wonder "it was much easier for John Adams to find a thousand quotations and historical examples from the ancients in support of mixed government than for any Anti-federalist to find even one endorsing simple democracy."11
Something similar may hold for political parties, at least after the consolidation of electoral democracy when parties competing in regular elections became a familiar feature of the political landscape. Today, parties are acknowledged as "convenient vehicles for conducting" elections,12 mechanisms for "reducing the transaction costs" of democracy.13 Further justification seems superfluous. The energy of thought is committed instead to identifying the pathologies of "the system" and devising correctives.
We might assume that partisanship itself is a defense of parties. Not so: when partisans had to justify organizing, they typically argued for the necessity of combining in their own particular case, not for the respectability of parties per se. ("When bad men conspire, the good must associate."14) Whether partisans adopt the standard historical defense that theirs is "a party to end parties" or simply affirm that theirs is on the side of the angels, they give little thought to the value of parties in general or to partisanship as a political identity.
Established party systems have not stopped antiparty political theorists from aspiring to democracy without parties and proposing designs to contain or circumvent or eliminate them. But entrenched parties do appear to inhibit theorists from challenging utopias in which all citizens are Independents, and from acknowledging the value of parties and partisanship. I take Bernard Crick's warning to heart; "boredom with established truths is the great enemy of free men."15
Speculating about silence is hazardous, of course. I will simply note that the absence of appreciation is not the result of disillusion. There was no initial enthusiasm for parties' promise followed by inevitable dashing of hopes. Disgust with parties as "unscrupulous power groups" and moral disdain for partisans as "little more than a Conspiracy of Self-Seekers"16 dominate the history of political thought, and contemporary thinkers have not dissented from that view. Canonical political theory from antiquity is studded with precursors and echoes of the philosopher Hume, who famously wrote: "As much as legislators and founders of states ought to be honored and respected among men, as much ought the founders of sects and factions to be detested and hated."17 And Jefferson, co-founder of the first popular political party, nonetheless contended, "If I could not go to heaven but with a party, I would not go there at all."18 There are few corresponding champions of political parties. Parties' positive contributions to regulating political conflict, governing, exciting political participation, and deliberating go mostly unacknowledged. Parties do have one classic defender, Edmund Burke, of whom William Goldsmith wrote in 1774, "Here lies our good Edmund. Who, born for the universe, narrowed his mind. And to party gave up what was meant for mankind."19
Political theory harbored no great political expectations parties could disappoint, then. Burke's positive definition—"a body of men united, for promoting by their joint endeavors the national interest, upon some particular principle in which they are all agreed"20—was rejected by dour detractors from the start. One writer juxtaposed a definition of party as a group held together by the "cohesive power of public plunder."21 In any case, the charge that parties and partisans have not lived up to Burke's principled concern for the national interest is only one thread of antipartyism, hardly the sole cause of universal antipathy. Simply, no aspiration for what parties could be or might do, and no account of the virtues of partisanship existed, or was sufficiently believed, to give rise to disillusion. Parties' failings were reported, and the reports mounted once parties took shape as permanent institutions for organizing elections and governing. But antipathy is not disappointment. As for partisans, they have always been mistrusted as blind loyalists or hacks, manipulated or bought. "Sounds of silence" refers to appreciation, not aversion.
Excoriation of politicians as power-hungry and treacherous, deformed by hypocrisy, tainted by personal and institutional corruption is as old as ruling and being ruled. It preceded party politics and will doubtless carry on after. I will show that distinctive moral and political pathologies are said to taint partisanship and parties: the very existence of parties signals a falling off from wholeness or original unity, for one, and the fatal divisiveness of party strife for another. If nothing else, parties make vivid the politics—the ceaseless strategies, collective efforts to exercise power and to deny its exercise to others, the arrant partiality of legislating and governing (and shaping public opinion). And there is the sheer indignity of partisanship.
One explanation for the loud and nearly ubiquitous sounds of antipartyism is that antipartyism is everywhere because parties are everywhere. In the words of one scholar, "parties are potential in every regime where they are not actual; and where they are actual, there are also potential parties lurking beneath every opinion taken for granted by the actual parties."22 And why are parties everywhere? One answer is, because politics is partisan. In saying politics is partisan, I am saying the obvious: politics is about disagreement that brings conflict. Politics exists only when the fact of pluralism is accepted and there is latitude for open agitation of groups with rival interests and opinions.23 In this respect, parties might be expected everywhere that they are not brutally repressed. The problem with this logic is that both historically and today, parties are not everywhere. They are not the only way to organize political conflict, and are seldom the favored way. Of course politics is partisan, but parties are not the only carriers of partisanship. (Partisans of a cause form caucuses, alliances, associations, and movements, to say nothing of subversive groups bent on revolutions, coups, and civil wars.) If political parties were inevitable, irrepressible, and ubiquitous, they would not be achievements.
Between carping and disapproval of parties and partisanship, on the one hand, and taking their uses for granted or utter disregard, on the other, we lose sight of the achievement of parties and partisanship. We miss the historical innovation of regular party rivalry, and the conceptual breakthroughs required to imagine and accept the political work parties do. Above all, we miss the creativity of party politics and the moral distinctiveness of partisanship. Parties create, not just reflect, political interests and opinions. They formulate "issues" and give them political relevance. Party antagonism "stages the battle"; parties create a system of conflict and draw the lines of division.24 Moving back and forth between metaphors of natural and artistic creation, Maurice Duverger tried to capture this shaping power: parties crystallize, coagulate, synthesize, smooth down, and mold. Creativity in politics is almost always identified with founding moments, constitutional design, transformative social movements, or revolution, not with "normal politics." Modern party politics is the ordinary, not (ordinarily) extraordinary locus of political creativity.
Partisanship warrants appreciation, too. We do not need to admit the virtues of partisanship or admire partisans even an iota to see that representative democracy benefits from them. Ardent partisans may not be deliberative personally and individually, but at the level of the polity partisanship fuels collective discussion of men and measures; partisans are the agents of "trial by discussion."25 Important as that is, I think partisanship deserves recognition on its own terms. I advocate for the moral distinctiveness of partisanship and propose reasons to elevate partisanship over its nemesis, the much vaunted pose of "Independence." Partisanship is the only political identity that does not see pluralism and political conflict as a bow to necessity, a pragmatic recognition of the inevitability of disagreement. It demands severe self-discipline to acknowledge that my party's status is just one part in a permanently pluralist politics, and hence the provisional nature of being the governing party and the charade of pretending to represent the whole. Partisanship, I argue, is the political identity of representative democracy. It may seem like an unsettling reversal of the common-sense view that partisans supports parties to argue, as I do, that one value of political parties is to serve as "carriers" of partisanship. Political theorists today do not connect the practice of democratic citizenship with partisanship, or the virtues of citizenship with the qualities of partisanship. I intend to repair this lapse.
Partisanship is separable from parties, and in the sense of advocacy for an interest or cause is always with us. Partiality and disagreement are universal and irrepressible too, as are political groups organized in opposition to one another. But once again political parties in representative democracy are not, and neither is partisanship tied to parties, "party ID." I will show why we should recognize them as achievements.26
I argue that on their own terms democratic theorists' inattention or antipathy to parties is indefensible—or demands a defense that is not offered. We should charge parties with carrying some of the heavy moral water of democracy, including for example deliberation, which has become the academic touchstone for democratic legitimacy; indeed, for some theorists deliberation defines representative democracy. Parties do a lot of this work already, even if that is no partisan's noble intention. And no other institution, actual or imagined, is positioned to do more. Although I respond directly to antipartyism in political theory, I do not mean to say that philosophical standards such as deliberation are the only standards that apply to parties, or that every failing of party politics can be repaired by making partisans more deliberative. Still less that every deviation from deliberation (or any other regulative ideal) is damning. Rescuing politics from the unreasonable is unreasonable. I have kept this caution in mind: "no recipe can be given for founding an enduring political party . . . that will contain the exact dosages required for satisfying every human sentiment," for there will always be a fusion of lofty sentiments and low passions, of precious metal and base metal—"otherwise the alloy will not stand the wear and tear."27 Valuing parties entails accepting this alloy. In this spirit, Duverger introduced his "general theory of parties" by advising that the subject is one where "high feeling and special pleading are the rule."28 High feeling and special pleading are perfectly appropriate for partisans, certain they are on the side of the angels. High feeling and special pleading on behalf of parties in general are defensible, too. There is no way to rally the ideas and energy needed to make a crack in the great wall of antipartyism without sentiments as strong as arguments. That is the temper appreciation demands.
A dispassionate, outside views of parties was seldom attempted, at least not until political science made parties and elections its signature subject. Only a few philosophers have assumed a detached perspective. Hume examined parties from the standpoint of the impartial observer, and Mill envisioned parties engaged in "a serious conflict of opposing reasons,"29 each party "deriving its utility from the deficiencies of the other,"30 providing a dynamic of mutual correction, even progress. Neither philosophical standpoint offers a satisfactory view of parties, I argue, and neither pose is appropriate for partisans. Nonetheless, these philosophical moments of appreciation are significant, and I mention them here at the outset as indicative of the stern rejection of high feeling and special pleading by those few theorists who entertain the subject. Contemporary political philosophers may concede that "the clash of political beliefs, and of the interests and attitudes that are likely to influence them, are . . . a normal condition of human life," but they still rue that "much political debate betrays the marks of warfare . . . rallying the troops and intimidating the other side."31 Nothing could arouse revulsion more dependably than Teddy Roosevelt's urging that fearless criticism and high principles are not enough, that thoughtful men should not be too delicate for party politics and must "show them that one is able to give and to receive heavy punishment without flinching."32 Contemporary philosophers are averse to "high feeling and special pleading" by partisans or on their behalf.
Readers may judge that I go too far in the direction of appreciation, or that I apologize for parties without sufficient attention to their content, or that I am inadequately appalled by partisans' characteristic intemperateness, or "extremism," or, equally likely, their blind loyalty or passive acquiescence to "leading strings." So I have made it my aim, along with assessing antipartyism and retrieving grounds for appreciating parties, to suggest elements of an ethic of partisanship. My goal is to chip away at the moral high ground claimed by partisans' adversaries, Independents, and to provide partisanship with at least an iota of dignity.
In 1880 Henry Adams, the historian and heir of two presidents, published a novel, Democracy.33 Adams's heroine is a New York socialite, Madeline Lightfoot Lee. Mrs. Lee suffers from ennui. She has lost interest in salons, in philanthropy, in business. "She had resorted to desperate measures," Adams writes: "she had read philosophy in the original German, and the more she read, the more she was disheartened that so much culture should lead to nothing—nothing." Desperate, Mrs. Lee transplants herself in Washington, where enthralled by "the clash of interests" of forty million people, she is revived. The human interest of politics attracted her: the personalities and ambition, the indignities and betrayals, the occasional heroic successes of poet Alan Dugan's "winner," whom people bet on and bet against. Party politics is a dramatic agonistic contest, and not surprisingly a favorite subject for literature (and American musical theater34). Every writer on democratic politics, no matter how severely analytic or social scientific, was once gripped by "the great game of politics,"35 the high stakes waged by those who believe they are on the side of the angels. I will try not to lose sight of the game entirely.
Plan of the Book
Readers who want to go directly to my appreciation of parties and partisanship can make their way to chapter 3, "Moments of Appreciation," chapter 7, "The Moral Distinctiveness of 'Party ID,' " and chapter 8, "Centrism and Extremism and an Ethic of Partisanship." These set out my account of the achievement parties represent and their worth as a subject for political theory. Be advised, however, that the surrounding chapters on historical and contemporary antipartyism provide more than context and setup for this work of reclamation. They hold independent interest, bringing to light antipartyism as a significant, understudied element of the history of political thought. These chapters also reveal the striking lapse in contemporary democratic theory, where parties are the objects of antipathy or studied neglect. As this plan of the book explains, my challenge is to create a typology that makes the ceaseless story of antipartyism manageable and to assess in some detail attempts to circumscribe, circumvent, or eliminate parties and to transform errant partisans into judicious Independents.
My objective in part 1 is to introduce two of the high points on my map of the terrain of antipartyism. The two "glorious traditions of antipartysim" that are the subjects of chapters 1 and 2 derive from the etymology and literal meaning of the term "party." Parties are parts. And in Latin partire means to divide. The two traditions can be thought of in terms of abhorrence of parties as "unwholesome parts" and abhorrence of parties as literally "divisive." From the standpoint of what I call "holism," all social and political groups threaten the unity and integrity of political order. Because parties have partiality and opposition as their aim, they stand out among parts as the most morally, politically, and aesthetically unabidable. The second high point on the antiparty terrain accepts social and political parts and partiality but sees parties as fatally divisive. These two antiparty traditions held sway from antiquity, losing their dominance only in the late nineteenth century. This discussion is historical but it will be apparent that my inquiry is from the standpoint of the present. I invite readers to consider how much contemporary antipartyism rests on either the latent appeal of holism or antipathy to the divisiveness that is the necessary work of political parties.
Apart from its intrinsic importance and centrality to the story of antipartyism, holism is not safely in the past. Partisans of holism exploit electoral politics in order to erase pluralism and impose an ideal, undivided order. A party to end parties is the pose of utopian and revolutionary parties—Puritan Levelers, Jacobins, Communists; it is the pose of parties of virtue, of national unity, of ethnic purity. I look at several living variations of holism: parties of virtue, "onepartyism" (why one party instead of no party?36), and majoritarianism when it assumes the form I call "shadow holism." Resistance to parties and partisanship in the holist tradition rests on ideas that are widely rejected today as antipluralist and antidemocratic. Rejection is not total, however. When parties claim the moral ascendancy that comes from earning the approval of "the great body of the people," represent the minority as a sinister interest opposed to the people, and invoke a majority (a moral majority, a silent majority) as if it were the whole, we recognize the semblance of holism.
Holists cast parties as parts against rather than parts of the whole. In contrast, the second "glorious tradition" of antipartyism accepts pluralism but does not follow the logic of pluralism to parties. The objection to parties here is not to their partiality per se but to the fact that they are dangerously divisive, and there are myriad historical expressions of the view that parties are wantonly selfish and sinister factions, engines of destructive partiality. In chapter 2 I try to make this array of charges manageable by identifying several major themes: the Roman archetype, "the irrepressiblehydra," and the classification of parties as a way of taming by categorization. The distinguishing mark of this glorious tradition of antipartyism is that parts and partiality are acceptable, but parties are not. They impede balance or harmony among recognized social parts. The mixed constitution is the most important and enduring example of the recognition and representation of pluralism without parties. After its decline, thinkers struggled to conceive how to organize government and manage political pluralism without parties. I illustrate the persistence of this tradition of antipartyism in American and European thought with the Federalists and Antifederalists, Sieyes's theory of political representation, and Hegel's corporatism.
Reconciliation to parties is possible from the standpoint of the second antiparty tradition because parties are less symptoms of deeper intolerable division than drivers of arrant divisiveness, disrupters of political equilibrium. They can conceivably be tempered and put to use. It is in response to the second glorious tradition of antipartyism that we get grudging acceptance of the divisions parties create and the trouble partisanship causes.
The episodic defense of parties of constitutional necessity is a halfway house between absolute condemnation and sympathy. In addition to acceptance of the exceptional party of necessity, there are three genuine "moments of appreciation," my subject in chapter 3. One moment sees parties as a form of regulated rivalry and acknowledges managed conflict as an achievement: "The Parties who are Out, are always a Curb, and a Bridle to those which are In, and the Parties which are In, are always a Terror and a Stirrer up to Vigilance in those which are Out."37 A second appreciates parties as a way of organizing government and recruiting governors. These moments of appreciation owe to experience and are grasped by partisans themselves. A third is philosophical, the view from outside, remote from the ordinary self-understanding of partisans. This moment of appreciation casts parties as complementary, bearers of partial truths, agents of progress. In eclipse, I bring these moments of appreciation out of the shadows to serve as guides to the achievement of parties. They are the work of Burke, Hegel, Hume, and Mill.
These moments of appreciation were articulated before the rise of electoral parties, and remind us that orthodox standards of representativeness or responsiveness or accountability are not the only ones. Regulated rivalry, governing, and fruitful conflict have independent merit. They are touchstones for rehabilitating parties, and they provide groundwork for the ethics of partisanship I propose in part 3. These initial points on the terrain of antipartyism and moments of appreciation are sharply defined and surprisingly fixed. I illustrate them by drawing from the canon of European and American political thought and show that often contemporary opponents of parties and partisanship stand on well-worn spots of ground. Holism and fatal divisiveness are not the only sites of antipartyism, however. The landscape of antipartyism is also marked by high points shaped by later experience with broad electorates and institutionalized parties, what I call "post-party depression."
Beginning in the nineteenth century, extended suffrage, regular elections, and legalized party systems gave rise to a fresh set of attacks and prescriptions I gather under the rubric "progressive antipartyism" in chapter 4. Parties are reviled as corrupt and corrupting ("There can be no question that a great many men do deteriorate very much morally when they go to Albany"38). Parties' "open, conscious appeal to the body of the citizens"39 is not salutary. Parties pander to voters or special interests; their business is "trafficking in policies."40 As for partisans, they are seen as blind loyalists or craven "hacks" or, only slightly better, as rational calculators out for spoils. Partisans' undisputed moral superiors are "Independents," and a recurrent progressive fantasy is a party of Independents. Progressive hope for reform is not easily sustained, though. "The fundamental trouble," Teddy Roosevelt offered in uniquely vivid fashion, "was that the country was sick and tired of reform." "The average man was tired of decency in politics," and "the dog returned to its vomit."41 Antipartyism raises the troubling question: if parties are central to elections and elections integral to democracy, "Is Democracy a failure?"42
The array of complaints that comprise "progressive antipartyism" dominate political theory today. Although historical Progressivism is a parochial American pose, a latitudinarian view of progressive aversions resonates widely. So do the anxieties and correctives I discuss in chapters 5 and 6. The same holds for the normative arguments I make in Part III in defense of parties and partisanship. My materials in these chapters are predominantly American. This is not a project in comparative politics, clearly. But neither do the arguments apply exclusively to the United States. Some antipathies and correctives speak mainly to two-party systems, but for the most part they are familiar throughout democracies and democratic theory today.
Post-party depression is a tenacious political mood, and progressive antipartyism articulates its discontents. Virtually every element of contemporary antipartyism and every scheme for correcting the system by eliminating, circumventing, or containing parties echoes progressive antipartyism. In chapter 5, I show the persistence of progressive antipartyism in charges leveled at parties entrenched in what is aptly called "the system." In these accounts of party convergence, collusion, and cartel, parties fall short of the basic achievement of regulated rivalry. And insofar as parties are competitive, they are not responsive to "the common, recognizable interests of ordinary people, and nothing more."43 The confounding ambiguity dividing critics is whether parties should be seen as agents of corporate predators, captured by "special interests," or as principals advancing their own special interests, extortionists involved in their own "elaborate influence-peddling scheme."44 Is the "invisible government" behind the "ostensible government" actually run by parties, or by forces that work through them? I call this the "anxiety of influence" and trace the flip back and forth about the direction in which "undue influence" flows. I illustrate the phases of the anxiety of influence by looking at justifications for campaign finance reform.
Progressive antipartyism gives rise to a persistent set of schemes for "correcting the system," my subject in chapter 6. Like progressive aversions, these corrections remain the principal touchstones of antipartyism today. Two correctives stand out, sturdy features of American political life, which is my focus, and evident in other democracies as well. One is voluntarism, first put into self-conscious use as an anti-party alternative during the Progressive era. Nothing is more familiar than confidence in people's ability to organize associations in the public interest in opposition to special interests. "The group principle" and "good" civil society are democratic expectancies. They promise resources and motivation for civic engagement, potential counterweights to sinister interests, and, collectively, a democratic alternative to "the system" of parties and partisanship. The sometimes fanciful reflections of civil society theorists do not pose a grave challenge to parties and partisanship, on my view, but the actual explosion of groups—advocacy groups, interest groups, self-styled public interest groups—does. These groups embody an unreconstructed pluralism that inhibits the work of parties, and reflect a plurality of political identities in competition with and often in opposition to partisanship.
A second corrective to the party system concedes the centrality of voting and elections but sees parties as corrosive of democratic participation. These reforms are designed to address a new charge: that both for strategic reasons and as the unintended consequence of their failings, parties depress participation, demobilize citizens, "turn voters off." The interventions theorists propose would revive and refashion electoral participation, making it deliberative and nonpartisan. We recognize contemporary political theorists of civil society and deliberative democracy as heirs of early progressives in disposition and political imagination, in their implacable antipartyism, and in their visions of reform.
Unquestionably, the high point of antipartyism today is aversion to partisanship specifically. Part 3 is my appreciation of parties and partisanship, and I begin by answering the charges laid on partisanship. At moments of party polarization such as the one in which I write, the barb "partisan" comes out of improbable mouths, a virtual reflex. It is no virtue to cultivate the disposition that your party is "on the side of the angels." We recognize "partisan" as invective. Even if parties have their uses, it seems, partisanship is abhorrent. While partisans battle one another, all claiming to be on the side of the angels, critics demonize them all and see Independents as virtuously above the fray. Antipartisanship is rooted in a view of partisans as degraded citizens, political dependents. Whatever the source of dependency—clientelism, capture, sheer gullibility, or abandonment of personal judgment—the partisan exhibits not an iota of political self-reliance. "Independence" is a superior status, morally and politically. It is more than simple nonpartisanship; independence is a distinct political identity. The luster of independence, its positive valence, can be explained. It borrows from a broader civic ideal of independence with deep roots in American political ideology, replanted in the soil of electoral politics. An ideology of independence may be distinctively American, but turning away from partisanship and favoring independence is a widespread phenomenon. The luster of independence can be dulled, as I attempt to do, by demonstrating its "weightlessness." In chapter 7, I take sides—not between opposing partisans but between partisanship and independence. I make a case for the moral distinctiveness of "party ID," and sketch an ethic of partisanship for private citizens.
An ethic of partisanship for party officials, activists, and partisan representatives is my subject in chapter 8, "Centrism and Extremism." "Extremist" is not a neutral term of political geography. It is leveled by partisans against the opposition and by political pundits selecting the strongest possible negative label. "Extremist" is a radical intensification of "partisan" as a term of attack, the ultimate political opprobrium. "Centrism" is not neutral, either; it is meant to offer political reassurance. The title of this chapter poses a puzzle: the disjuncture between regular accusations of extremism in day-to-day politics, on the one hand, and what is often described as the characteristic centrism of major American parties, on the other. Political science's "spatial model" and "median voter" go only partway toward explaining incessant appeals to the terms "centrist" and "extremist." Also at work, I argue, are normative ideas about democracy, and in this respect the subject is not uniquely American. Extremism is something more than a reference to ideological positioning, an electoral strategy, or a term of political abuse. "Extremist" is convenient shorthand for three ways in which parties and partisans are unfaithful to democratic expectations and violate elements of an ethic of partisanship. "Extremist" signals abdication of responsibility for educating and mobilizing voters; it signals unresponsiveness to the comprehensive range of problems major parties are uniquely able to identify and address; and it signals the adoption of intransigence as a public value at the expense of getting the public business done.
Throughout On the Side of the Angels I defend parties and partisanship. Not all parties are defensible, of course. Not all parties are lawful, or should be. "Militant democracy" is the name for self-defense against parties that would exploit regulated rivalry in order to undo it. It is democracy's response to parties that do not accept that they are parts. The grounds for banning parties confirm, in the negative, the value of parties and virtues of partisanship. In chapter 9, I look at justifications for banning political parties, drawing on materials from a wide range of democracies. Violence, incitement to hate, existential challenges to political identity, and outside interference and control are the principal reasons for criminalizing parties. This list of reasons alerts us that in recent decades thinking about the bounds of permissible party organization has shifted away from the original terms of democratic self-defense that defined "militant democracy." The orthodox justification for banning parties with overtly antidemocratic political ideologies such as fascism or communism cannot be neatly applied to parties that incite hatred against an ethnic or regional group, to religious parties that oppose some aspect of secular government, to parties with separatist programs, or to parties that pose existential challenges to national identity.45
This final chapter points up the parameters of my study. The appreciation of parties and partisanship I set out has meaning in the context of freedom of political association and competitive elections, where pluralism expressed in the form of the regulated rivalry of political parties is accepted. On the Side of the Angels is not an account of politics per se, and my appreciation does not apply, or not without serious accommodation, where pluralism is effectively thwarted.
Antipartyism: Coherence via Aversion
"Antipartyism" suggests that its object, "party," is an identifiable kind of political group. What is a political party? Jefferson encouraged the thought that political parties are universal: "Men have differed in opinion, and been divided into parties by these opinions, from the first origin of societies, and in all governments where they have been permitted freely to think and to speak, the terms whig and tory belong to natural as well as to civil history."46 The claim that parties have persisted through all of history, much less the specific opposition between Whigs and Tories, is hyperbole, of course. I do not take up Jefferson's claim, nor do I trace the institutional history of parties, their changing types. That is the work of historians who struggle to define "party" in specific periods and political contexts. Interpretive debates about Roman factions have occupied scholars since the 1930s, to take one example. Did the Romans have stable political associations that could be called parties? If using modern ideological and electoral parties as a standard is inapt, what are the criteria for designating a political group a faction or party? Or, to take another example, which criteria determine the point at which political groupings in post-revolutionary America became political parties proper? Did the "fledgling parties" of the 1790s "define issues, shape public awareness, wage election campaigns, and organize government on a continental scale" and "successfully create a workable machinery to manage national politics"? Does it matter that creators themselves called the machinery "a party"?47 The confident assertion that "parties are a phenomenon of the last 150 years, and as such are creatures of modernity"48 begs the question.
Analytically, too, "party" is incoherent. If we recall the definition proposed by their chief defender, Burke, a party is "a body of men united, for promoting by their joint endeavors the national interest, upon some particular principle in which they are all agreed."49 This is no definition, but a target of interpretation and quarrel. Not all parties are parties of principle; the emphasis should be on particular, not principle. Not all partisans share politically relevant preferences, even. Unsympathetic definitions substitute the pursuit of private interests for the national interest. Madison famously defined faction as a number of citizens united and actuated by some common impulse of passion or of interest adverse to the rights of other citizens, or to the permanent and aggregate interest of the community.
Cognizant of the vicissitudes of the history of parties and the variety of contexts in which they operate, and eschewing the normative quagmire, political scientists instead propose typologies and developmental steps. A fair culling of the literature suggests three main moves. First came parties as associations or caucuses of officeholders within legislative assemblies. Parties in government preceded the party in the electorate and the organization connecting officials to the world outside government. Mass electoral parties came later, products of extended suffrage, which incorporated large numbers of people into the political process. (Duverger subdivided mass parties further on the basis of origin—"internal parties" created by officials within government and "external parties" mobilized outside and often against the dominant forces in representative institutions— Socialist or Christian Democratic parties, for example.) Finally, on the view that at least some contemporary parties constitute a third type, political scientists struggle to characterize it. A modicum of consensus casts these parties as service organizations to candidates in a system described as "audience democracy," with "catch-all" parties geared to immediate electoral success and marked by the dominance of candidate-centered choice over platforms and programs.50 The extreme of this type has been called the "instant party," which exploits communication technology and marketing strategy to appeal directly to voters; the exemplar is Silvio Berlusconi's Forza Italia born from the ambition and financial capital of one man.51 A much discussed question in political science is whether the typology and evolutionary story of parties based on West European and American experience applies to newer European democracies, post-communist states, and others transitioning to representative democracy. Do they follow a similar trajectory and arrive at similar party forms, or diverge from them?52
Historical and social science studies of party go some way toward satisfying the great scholar of parties who complained about the confusion that results "from the tendency of lazy people to imagine that all things known by the same name must be the same."53 It is wrong to assume that "a party is a party whether found in the United States in 1800 or in 1940." But too much delicacy and thick description can thwart understanding, too. I am encouraged to assert something general for the purposes of my work, even if it is something less than a full account of the defining characteristics of parties.
Parties are associations organized for political conflict; they are one form political conflict takes. That is a start, but this most basic element—political groups in opposition to one another, organized to exercise power—fails to distinguish parties from cabals, say, or revolutionary groups or what Mosca called "the struggles between gangs and gangsters."54 When Madison said that parties arise in every political society, his point was telling. Parties do not arise in every society but only in political society where there is government with political offices to be occupied. "Parties live in a house of power," Weber wrote.55 The aim of party conflict is to hold office and participate in government, not just a general "bid for power."56 This distinguishes parties from revolutionary attempts to overturn rather than occupy office, from secret political clubs and societies tarred with the brush of sedition, from enterprising interest groups and pressure groups that seek political influence but not office,57 from "movements" engaged in what Hofstadter usefully called "a nonresponsible critique of government," meaning they are not organized to govern.58
In short, a party is a group organized to contest for public office; it is avowed in its partisanship and operates not conspiratorially but in public view; it is not an ad hoc coalition or arrangement for vote trading and compromise on a specific issue, but an institution formed for ongoing political activity; and it can claim a substantial number of followers, in current terms, a partisan "base." Today, of course, the definition of party includes an additional element: parties contest for electors' votes. Hence Sartori's definition, which we now recognize as time-bound and truncated: "any political group identified by an official label that presents at elections, and is capable of placing through elections . . . candidates for public office."59 There is one more notable piece. After saying that parties are "office-seeking," Weber goes on: their action is oriented toward the acquisition of social power . . . no matter what its content may be."60 A main theme of my project is just this: creating the content, drawing the lines of division, is the achievement of parties and partisans.
I suspend any further hunt for conceptual coherence, for what I think is a good reason. Before the emergence of modern governing and electoral parties, "party" was principally an aversive label. To put simply what I hope to demonstrate in detail, "party" was an accusatory term. Not all partial, political groups aspiring to govern were considered parties, and political pluralism was defended without extending acceptance to parties. Parties were often contrasted, in accusatory mode, with benign social divisions and political groups, organized classes or interests. Staple accusations against a noxious political group earn it the dishonorable label "party." These aversions have endured over time, and I take the latitude of referring to them as traditions of antipartyism. It is less party that gives On the Side of the Angels coherence than antipartyism. And it is antipartyism that paradoxically provides the terms for moments of appreciation and the elements of an ethic of partisanship. I begin, then, with "glorious traditions of antipartyism."
File created: 6/16/2008
Questions and comments to: firstname.lastname@example.com
|New Book E-mails
|New In Print
|PUP Blog
|Princeton APPS
|Sample Chapters
|Princeton Legacy Library
|Exam/Desk Copy
|Recent Awards
|Princeton Shorts
|Freshman Reading
|PUP Europe
|About Us
|Contact Us
|PUP Home

subset: commoncrawl


text:
As a Victoria's Secret veteran, Behati Prinsloo knows the ins and outs of the industry, including how to keep calm in front of a crowd.
She told Net-a-Porter's online fashion magazine The Edit that it took some time to get used to prancing around in her unmentionables.
Finding the perfect wedding day gown is never easy, but when you're a famous supermodel – you have the luxury of designing your very own piece. Behati Prinsloo turned to designer Georgina Chapman to create the perfect dress for her nuptials to Adam Levine.
According to reports, the Victoria's Secret model opted for a custom blush gown, similar to one she saw during Marchesa's fall 2011 runway collection.
Taking on a new role, Jonah Hill reportedly officiated Adam Levine and Behati Prinsloo's wedding at Flora Farms in Cabo San Lucas, Mexico on Saturday (July 19).
The "22 Jump Street" star and The Maroon 5 front man are longtime pals, so it fitting for Hill to have a major role in Adam's big day.
With preparations plenty underway, Adam Levine revealed that he is more than ready to wed his stunning fiancee Behati Prinsloo.
During an interview with People magazine, the Maroon 5 singer said, "I definitely feel like I'm sitting in the chair I'm supposed to be sitting in right now."
Taking care of some promotional duties, Keira Knightley showed up at the New York City premiere of her new movie "Begin Again" on Wednesday night (June 25).
Shedding some light into his personal life, Adam Levine stopped by "Live with Kelly and Michael" to share the story on how he proposed to fiancé Behati Prinsloo.
People magazine's Sexiest Man Alive said he felt a bit "woozy" when he popped the question to the stunning Victoria's Secret Angel.
Ready to show off their latest work, the stars of "Begin Again" were on hand for the film's Tribeca Film Festival premiere on Saturday evening (April 26) in New York City.
A vision in white, Keira Knightley took to the arrivals carpet alongside her co-star
Hailee Steinfeld, who rocked a colorful, geometric look.
Taking her career to soaring new heights, Behati Prinsloo just landed her fourth international Vogue cover!
Adam Levine's ravishing fiancee appears on Vogue Spain's April 2014 glossy front page in a cute black and white polka-dot button down, showing off her brunette locks and long bangs, piercing the reader with a seductive gaze.


text:
Forms [LP] - VINYL
- Artist: The Micronaut
- Release Date: 12/09/2016
Best Buy is dedicated to always offering the best value to our customers. We will match the price, at the time of purchase, on a Price Match Guarantee product if you find the same item at a lower price at a Designated Major Online Retailer or at a local retail competitor's store.Here's how:
- If you find a qualifying lower price online, call 1-888-BEST BUY and direct a customer service agent to the web site with the lower price, or when visiting a Best Buy store, one of our employees will assist you.
- On qualifying products, Best Buy will then verify the current price to complete the price match.
Exclusions apply including, but not limited to, Competitors' service prices, special daily or hourly sales, and items for sale Thanksgiving Day through the Monday after Thanksgiving. See the list of Designated Major Online Retailers and full details.
Cardmember Offers
You need to install Flash Player to hear these tracks.
- Rhombus
- Triangel
- Pyramid
- Ellipse
- Kite
- Trapez
- Cirlcle
- Pentagon
- Oval
- Square
- Cone
- Prism


text:
Colleyville, TX, USA < change city >
Caterers (60)
DJs (54)
Florists (52)
Cakes (47)
Bands (39)
Coordinators (27)
Wedding Day Beauty (22)
Wedding Fashion (21)
Videographers (19)
Officiants (15)
Invitations (10)
Limos (9)
Rentals (8)
Decorations (8)
Ceremony Musicians (7)
Ceremony Sites (119)
Reception Sites (93)
See All Vendors >
Our beautiful location is tucked away just minutes north of the DFW Airport and features a range of reception options for you and your guests. The Hilton DFW Lakes offers dramatic settings such as the Windfall Room with its breathtaking views or our elegant appointed International Ballroom that boasts soaring ceilings with gleaming chandeliers.
Requires Login
You must log in before you can save anything to your wedding notebook Log in here.
If you do not have an account, you can register a new account here.
|Reception Sites, Hotels/Accommodations, Ceremony Sites, Ceremony & Reception
1800 State Hwy 26 East
Grapevine , Texas 76051
|More Info:
|Contact > Visit Website >
4 ratings
2 reviews
16 weddings
Add Your Review >
Tiffany and Todd's Wedding
Haley and Nathan 's Wedding
"Great place for our over night guests!"
Erika and Aaron's Wedding
"Amber did a FANTASTIC job listening and following through with everything we wanted. She was onsite the day of our wedding and we really couldn't have asked any more of her. She was GREAT to work with!!"
Flower Mound Wedding In April
Grapevine Wedding In January
Stephanie and Jason 's Wedding
Dallas Wedding In September
Megan and Corey's Wedding
Grapevine Wedding In October
Erika and Aaron's Wedding
Grapevine Wedding In October
Corinth Wedding In October
3029 Midway Dr. Southlake Wedding In August
Caroline and Brandon's Wedding
Rebecca and Jacob's Wedding
Brandon and Caroline's Wedding
Jenna and Peter's Wedding
Alyssa and Benjamin's Wedding
Hilton DFW Lakes
1800 State Hwy 26 East
Grapevine , Texas 76051


text:
How to Increase Business Growth and Retention of Top Talent
An innovative culture keeps the best people around. There are 12 factors which are highly correlated with the cultures of successful innovative companies – and that's what you want to be, right?
The interplay of the values, leadership behaviors and processes listed here create a culture which has the right mix of creativity, selectivity, and excellence in execution to bring good ideas from the whiteboard to the market.
Each of the 12 items compounds the influence of the others, in the same way that a healthy diet compounds the influence of exercise, which compounds the influence of stress management, which compounds the influence of adequate sleep, and so forth.
They are:
Few organizations are currently strong on all twelve fronts. A rigorous assessment and focus on improving key areas can help. Assessment should begin with a survey of employees, who are often well qualified to assess the real level of innovation nurtured by the current corporate culture.
To view Selby Group's Survey of Innovation, click here: http://www.selbygroup.com/docs/Selby_Whitepaper_on_Building_Innovative_Cultures_2_.pdf.
Getting Started
Start your journey by exploring these questions as a leadership team:
Clearly, building an innovative culture is a substantial, important, and long-term change, but the history of past recessions indicates that it separates the Googles from the Wangs.
Back to Top


text:
February 24, 1:00 PM - 5:00 PM @ Civic Center
February 24, 10:30 AM - 11:00 AM @ Anythink Library Commerce City
Spend time with your little one listening to stories, songs and finger plays geared just for them. Appropriate for kids ages 2-6. No registration required.
February 24, 11:00 AM - 11:30 AM @ Anythink Library Commerce City
Habla español? Or would you like your child to learn? Join us for a Spanish storytime encouraging early literacy in two languages. Books read are primarily in Spanish, along with songs and rhymes. Appropriate for kids ages 2-8.


text:
With habits of good taste and moderation, Innkeeper Diane McCray and staff will help you discover what you admire in Savannah — and to spend less than you have, rather than to splurge unnecessarily during your Savannah visit.
1. Getting away from it all has got to be one of the best pleasures in the world.
2. Feel the stress melting away as soon as you personally experience the storybook setting of the city's picturesque Spanish moss hanging on centuries old live oak trees, in parks and just outside of pre-Civil War homes.
3. Friendly, historic downtown Savannah really is like being in another world. Remember, little courtesies like thanks and apologies cost nothing, and indicate good breeding.
4. Despite the fact that Savannah's sub-tropical weather is known to be humid, soak it all in. Live the exotic life! Savannah is at about the same North Latitude as Casablanca and Morocco.
Nearly Priceless:
5. Innkeeper Diane McCray will make arrangements for public entertainment, including procuring and seeing that tickets are all right beforehand.
6. Experience being in awe as you tour the interior of at least one of Savannah's magnificent pre-Civil War mansions.
7. Savannah is such a gem of a city — and such a short drive from Atlanta. Take advantage of the close destinations from your area. It's incredibly refreshing to enjoy a day or so away from the hustle and bustle of daily life — especially if you get to travel with the one you love!


text:
The Office of the Legislative Auditor was established in the Charter of the Unified Government. The Legislative Auditor accomplishes independent reviews of the operations of the Unified Government through performance and financial audits.
In June 2015, a peer review was conducted on the Legislative Auditor's Office's internal quality control system. The peer review results found our internal quality control system "was suitably designed and operating effectively to provide reasonable assurance of compliance with Government Auditing Standards…" This is the highest level of validation offered by the Association of Local Government Auditors.To review an audit, please click on the following links to left.
Do you have an idea that can improve the Unified Government?
Email your ideas and audit suggestions to the Legislative Auditor's Office


text:
Iraq sees alarming rise in cancers, deformed babies
By Suadad al-Salhy
BAGHDAD (Reuters) - The guns are gradually falling silent in Iraq as a fragile stability takes hold, turning the spotlight on a stealthier killer likely to stalk Iraqis for years to come.
Incidences of cancer, deformed babies and other health problems have risen sharply, Iraqi officials say, and many suspect contamination from weapons used in years of war and accompanying unchecked pollution as a cause.
"We have seen new kinds of cancer that were not recorded in Iraq before war in 2003, types of fibrous (soft tissue) cancer and bone cancer. These refer clearly to radiation as a cause," said Jawad al-Ali, an oncologist in Iraq's second city of Basra.
In the city of Falluja in western Iraq, scene of two of the fiercest battles between U.S. troops and insurgents after the 2003 U.S. invasion, a spike in the number of births of stillborn, deformed and paralyzed babies has alarmed doctors.
The use of depleted uranium in U.S. and coalition weaponry in the 1991 war to liberate Kuwait and the 2003 Iraq invasion is well documented, but establishing a link between the radioactive metal and health problems among Iraqis is hard, officials say.
Iraqi medical facilities are limited, and keeping accurate health statistics during years of sectarian slaughter unleashed by the invasion was impossible.
In Basra in particular, pummeled by years of war and swamped with industrial and agricultural pollution, it is difficult for doctors to isolate specific causes for cancer.
Its people have for years lived among mounds of scrap metal that include war debris, the brown rust flaking off into the wind and carried into peoples homes, food, and lungs. Continued...


text:
Member since 5/16/2012
- 1 total post
- 1 question
Questions from bitz
How Can I Get Rid of Veins Under my Eyes? (photo)
The veins under my eyes make me look ill, I have no idea what has caused them, but they weren't visible 6 months ago. I have lost 2 kg, I'm 56 kg and 164 cm tall,... READ MORE


text: I am selling my v-band IAG uppipe for an external WG, it was on my friends STi for less than 2000 miles and gave it to me whenever he went with a different set-up. It is just laying around my garage now, I intially was planning on using it, however I have decided to go a different route with my setup. Includes dump tube and everything besides the wastegate itself. In excellent condition. Asking 160.00 shipped for it. Payment through paypal preferred, unless someone local wants to pick it up. Will post up pics of it later tonight or tomorrow. If you would like me to text you pics of it, contact me via PM.


text:
I spent a little over $12,000 for all three procedures. In the beginning it was very difficult because i had 3 procedures (breast aug, fat injections in buttocks, lipo)done at one time took a good 2-2.5 weeks to get past the hard stage, didn't receive the proper post op procedures for recovery and had to find out through you guys. So not happy about that but i do still have a butt where before it was my stomach holding up my pants and now its my butt.
Wish more fat was taken from my bra strap area too but something i gotta work with. i am happy that i got it. my confidence has boost so much.


text:
Thursday, May 6, 2010
Cogent Sees HP Design Win
Pasadena-based Cogent, a developer of biometric identification systems and fingerprint readers, announced last night that its Facial BioTrust software has been integrated into a line of HP business notebooks. Cogent said its software, which allows users to log onto their computer using facial recognition, has been integrated into HP's Business Notebook Mini 5102 series. Details behind the business deal were not disclosed. COgent said its software is being used in conjunction with the notebook's built-in webcam to allow users to log onto both the computer and a variety of Internet services. Cogent said it will soon be launching a version of BioTrust which will work with any computer running Windows XP, Vista, or Win 7.


text:
Knit this accessory cape, a design from the Rowan archive that is now available to purchase online. A design by Sarah Dallas using our popular Wool Cotton DK (wool and cotton), this wrap has a moss stitch edging and fastens at the back.
This design is available to purchase for £3 as a single pattern from our online pattern store.Click here to view
Or alternatively you can purchase the full collection of 8 designs for only £9.Click here to view


text:
European researchers at Linköping University in Sweden are showing how bacteria control processes in human cells through a process called quorum sensing. This phenomenon is where bacteria talk to each other via molecules they themselves produce and is an important process during their proliferation. The study, whose results were published in the journal PLOS Pathogens, was made possible thanks to grants from the European Science foundation, TraPPs Euromembrane project, the Swedish Research Council, the King Gustaf V 80-Year Foundation, and the Faculty of Health Sciences, Linköping University.
Click "source" to read more.
Please login/join to leave a comment


text:
Alan Bradley, Services & Security Manager at Aquinas College, is facilitating an informal, daytime, bi-weekly 'Songwriters Lab' on campus for any interested students, staff, or faculty who might enjoy songwriting or playing music. Attendance is free and all skill levels are welcome. The craft of songwriting will be discussed and original songs and peer feedback shared; even new song collaborations are possible. Alan, who has spent at least 15 years in various bands over the years – both in New York State and Nashville – has co-written with and had recorded 'cuts' by various artists such as Phil Keaggy (Christian rock), Pam Daley and Claire Lynch (bluegrass), Jim Drew (Christian folk-rock), and the Burns Sisters (folk/Americana), as well as two of his own previous bands ('Max' and 'The Sheaves'). He is also a member of Nashville performing rights organization SESAC and has had songs published with SONY Music, Word/Warner Bros. Music, and Sparrow/EMI.
Although not much interested in live performances or 'touring' anymore, songwriting and recording remains a passion of his, so he is eager to share what he has learned and mingle with other aspiring writers. Lab attendees will also be considered for the new 'singer-songwriter coffeehouse' series starting in the Carriage House next semester that Aquinas Student Activities is sponsoring. If you or anyone you know are interested in attending the Labs to learn more about songwriting, please email Alan firstname.lastname@example.com or call him at (615)-297-7545, ext. 437.


text:
Sheridan Village Council turns decorative clock plan down, looks into dog ordinance
SHERIDAN — Plans for a decorative clock previously discussed by members of the Sheridan Village Council for inclusion as part of the village's upcoming streetscape renovation project have been scrapped due to a misunderstanding regarding its cost.
At previous council meetings, Village Superintendent Doug Lane proposed power for the clock be included in the electrical work scheduled to begin soon. Lane, along with Village President Susan Wyckoff-McFarland, suggested the clock could be added at a later date, as long as the power was already available for it.
The cost of adding the electrical conduit to power a clock to the current planned work would be negligible, Lane said.
Wyckoff-McFarland, at last month's meeting, concurred, saying, "We wouldn't want to look back two years from now and say, 'Gee, I wish we'd put a clock in."
After a report in The Daily News mentioned the clock, several sponsors came forward offering to pay for all or part of the project. Unfortunately, the project would be about 10 times costlier than the originally projected price of $2,000.
At Tuesday evening's meeting, Lane noted that he had been provided with erroneous numbers regarding the clock's cost.
"The info I got was $2,000," Lane said. "Somebody dropped a decimal point; the actual cost is $20,000, not $2,000. I should have researched it myself."
In light of the new data, Lane altered the village's contract with Consumer's Power, which is doing the electrical work, to exclude the conduit that would have powered the light.
"We might do something in the future," Lane said. "But for now the (clock) project is temporarily scrapped."
The council also discussed plans for signage to let residents and travelers know that businesses along Main Street will remain open during the streetscape project. Lane suggested the possibility of renting additional signage at a rate of $60 per month until the work is completed, sometime in October.
Lane also informed council members that the village's plans to purchase a new programmable logic controller — a device that helps control the town's water supply and keep the water tower filled — could be put on hold for the time being.
Though the current controller is somewhat dated, it will continue to serve the village's need for the time being, Lane said.
"I talked with a guy from the (supply) company and he said (replacement) is not that crucial," Lane said. "He said it's obsolete and so forth but they do still have parts available."
Lane added the council might want to consider the board's replacement at some future date, but that the device could have years of service remaining.
"We're good right now," Lane said. "But a year from now that could change."
In other business, the council heard from Sheridan resident Mary Levesque, who encouraged the council to adopt an ordinance dealing with the number of dogs residents can have within village limits. Lavesque, who resides on Sherman Street, said one home there has as many as 14 dogs kept outside in poorly-maintained pens. The barking and sanitation issues have gotten out of hand, she said.
Councilman Don Nassif said he would look into the issue.
"I'll talk with Animal Control and get more information," Nassif said. "I'll see what I can find out."
Wyckoff-McFarland agreed that the village should probably have some sort of ordinance to deal with the issue.
"We'll see what fits into the licensing of a kennel," Wyckoff-McFarland said. "We'll find out how to go about this and try to keep a better eye on it."
Councilman Darek Wagner expressed concern over coming up with the "magic number" of dogs per resident that would best suits the village's needs.
"is it two, is it three?" Wagner said. "It's a fine line."
Wyckoff-McFarland pointed out that there wasn't much the village could do about the dog problem at present due to the lack of a standing ordinance. Also, since the village no longer has a police department, enforcement of ordinance violations is problematic.
"We're trying to find a way to better enforce our ordinances," Wyckoff-McFarland said. "We're working toward that."
The council meets next on Aug. 13.


text:
We love new trends. Our hair has been dipped in something other than mayonnaise, our hemlines are wonky on purpose, and now we're running around finding pregnant women and making them get their left breast out on the beach.
Because after Jessica Simpson decided to distract the whole world from her baby bump with one of her two bikini bumps (that's what we're calling boobs now), Channing Tatum's wife Jenna has decided to do the same thing.
Jenna confirmed her pregnancy last week, after Channing revealed that he was keen to start a family with his wife, who he married in 2009.
"I'm ready; I think she's ready," he said about bringing some small people into the world.
As to the size of family he wanted he said: "The first number that pops into my head is three. But I just want one to be healthy and then we'll see where we go after that.
"It's really easy for us guys to say, 'I want like 15 kids.' Jenna will be like, 'Well you better get another wife!"'
And while Jenna airs her breasticles, Coleen Rooney has been poking her baby bump towards the sunlight and making it grow too.
Which is all very nice.


text:
CORAL GABLES, Fla. - Over the course of the next few weeks leading into the fall season, HurricaneSports.com will feature members of the women's tennis team for a special summer series.
This week's women's tennis player in the spotlight is sophomore Deborah Suarez. The Weston, Fla. native finished the spring season with an 11-1 singles record and continued on her success into the summer months. Suarez competed in an ITA Summer Circuit Event last month where she advanced all the way to the singles semifinals.
My favorite part of summer is that I get to be at home with my family, dogs, and friends - things I usually don't get to do during the school year.
During the first part of summer, I played in tournaments. For the second half, I was doing summer school, practicing and working at tennis camp
Outside of training and practicing during the summer, I really enjoyed doing yoga, reading, hanging out with friends at the beach or pool, and going to the gym.
This summer I traveled with my teammate Britt and another friend, Edmee, to tournaments. It was an amazing experience, and we met a lot of fantastic people.
In the beginning of the summer we went to Hilton Head, S.C.
A couple of weeks later we went to Bethany Beach, Del. and then finally to Buffalo, N.Y. In Bethany Beach, we were lucky enough to get housing through the tournament - we went to the beach and also went to a fair. We had a road trip for nine hours traveling from Bethany Beach to Buffalo.The first few days in Buffalo we stayed at a hotel, and then once again we were fortunate enough to receive housing. When we were in Buffalo, we went to see Niagara Falls. After the tournament was over, Britt and I traveled to NYC for three days and explored New York. We went to a lot of places and also went to see a Broadway show called "Potted Potter".
During the second half of the summer, I was at UM taking summer classes, lifting, training, running and working at the camp. I also went to another tournament which was an ITA at Texas A&M. The ITA tournament was only three days long so it went by really fast, but I got to spend time with my family that lives there.
I was able to spend some time at the Hurricane Tennis camps as well. Teaching the young tennis players was an amazing experience. I really learned a lot working by Lau, Paige, and other teammates. Teaching kids to play tennis is something I definitely enjoy, and I love watching them have so much fun.


text:
Learning search results
Adobe Photoshop software tips, tricks, and inspirations that bring out your brilliance.
Tutorial: Create a Polished Movie Instantly
See how to create polished movies with almost no effort using creative techniques from Hollywood directors. Just choose a theme, and InstantMovie automatical...
Watch how to use Videomerge to cleanly extract your moving subject from a solid color background and then drop it into a new setting for a fun or creative tw...


text:
Dunster, BC. Deacon Joni Byler served in the 1970s as a non-salaried congregational leader. The congregation dissolved about 1979. It had been affiliated with the Western Conservative Mennonite Fellowship. The language of worship was English.
The congregation began services in 1971. Bishop Wilbert Kropf is considered the founding leader of the group. The congregation originated through division from McBride Mennonite Church.
Mennonite Reporter (29 August 1974): 9.
|Marlene Epp
|Date Published
|January 1989
Cite This Article
MLA style
Epp, Marlene. "Dunster Mennonite Church (Dunster, British Columbia, Canada)." Global Anabaptist Mennonite Encyclopedia Online. January 1989. Web. 27 Jun 2017. http://gameo.org/index.php?title=Dunster_Mennonite_Church_(Dunster,_British_Columbia,_Canada)&oldid=56024.
APA style
Epp, Marlene. (January 1989). Dunster Mennonite Church (Dunster, British Columbia, Canada). Global Anabaptist Mennonite Encyclopedia Online. Retrieved 27 June 2017, from http://gameo.org/index.php?title=Dunster_Mennonite_Church_(Dunster,_British_Columbia,_Canada)&oldid=56024.
©1996-2017 by the Global Anabaptist Mennonite Encyclopedia Online. All rights reserved.


text:
|Taking a break at the Anacostia Skate Pavillion
That being said, I have learned a few things:
- Bike people are nice people. Not only am I using a borrowed bike but when my neighbor spotted me riding around she offered me the use of her helmet. Living in world where people almost never share their things it is pretty cool that folks are so encouraging and helpful. My neighbor also gave me some good (if not slightly weird) advise, "vaseline is your friend for long bike rides."
- Hoodies don't make for good seat cushions. Sitting on your hoodie while riding may slightly ease the discomfort of a bike seat (ouch!), but is not recommended. If said hoodie should get caught up in the bike chain you can find yourself the wrong side up on the pavement. (Another piece of advice from my neighbor.)
- Black women do indeed bike. In riding around my neighborhood I discovered two black women who bike and they were excited (and frankly surprised) when I told them there was a group for black women who bike. Because of that exchange I am putting them in touch with Miss V to get their black girl bike on.
- Fix Or Ride Daily (FORD). A bike can fit in the backseat of a Ford compact but it really isn't ideal.
- I need padded shorts ASAP. Good news: I went out on my own to look for a pair. Bad News: I came back with some platform stilettos and some sunglasses. After trying on my new kicks, I asked my co-worker for some direction (and not to a shoe store). She recommended Target, City Sports, or a bike store for a some padded shorts.
- I can change gears. I don't know how I did it but I can.
- People east of the Anacostia do ride bikes. I rode through Anacostia Park today and I saw a lot of black people riding bikes. To be fair, I didn't see any BikeShare bikes but there were a lot of people riding bikes.
- The Anacostia Skate Pavilion is pretty boss. I am almost ashamed to say that in the 5+ years I have lived in Ward 8 I never paid a visit to the skating rink in Anacostia Park. Today I did and it was pretty cool. I will definitely go there again -- and I will bike to get there. :)
That's it for now. Will keep you up to date on my progress in future posts.
To submit an article or to inquire about advertising send an email to firstname.lastname@example.com.


text:
game fags powered by phpbb - download fast -=b9QD=-
game fags powered by phpbb.zip - download 2015
Name: game fags powered by phpbb.zip
Release: 2015
Type: WinZip
Total Downloads: 14196
License model: Shareware
Language: English
Last updated on: 02/02/2015 15:13:57
Supported OS: Windows 8, Windows 7, Windows Vista, Windows XP
Keys:02/02/2015 15:13:57
Category: Gaming Tags: * final fantasy 14 * final fantasy XIV * game * games * pc version * Collectors Edition * crack * keygen * hack * game hack * game crackThe world at last! A find in Mendor's Library allowed me to look at a general map of the city and game world.When replacing the lift kit on a John Deere Gator the switch on the ... When replacing the lift kit on a John Deere Gator the switch on the dash causes the opposite ...The combat system developed for Pool of Radiance--and consequently used in all of the Gold Box games--is one of its greatest features. I've been waiting ...aem 10 Channel Peak Hold Fuel Injector Driver Boxes from ... Select Your Vehicle: . aem 10 Channel Peak Hold Fuel Injector Driver Boxes . AEM is proud to introduce ...Tagalog Pocketbooks - The Neighbors – Kabanata 1. ... hello lonely prince 14, you can leave your suggestions po on how to improve this site by emailing support@ ...How To Install Custom System Software Tutorial For only 01g (PSP® 1000) and 02g (PSP® 2000)Sign up for credit repair services from Lexington Law. Lexington Law is the leading credit repair agency in the U.S.Kingdom Hearts Final Mix : Le guide des trophées (PlayStation 3) du site PSTHC.FRPlease type the following code (your URLs cannot be accepted without it): When you notice that your link has been added, please add a link to http://www.martin2k.co ...
game fags powered by phpbb
02/02/2015 15:13:57
malayalam song thumbi vaa lyrics home drawing software download relationship games 2008 jelsoft enterprises ltd pc100 memory for dell notebook how to a fireman pawg: dani daniels import outlook address book to outlook express ncaa acc championship game 2008 football how to say root beer in spanish download hp 12c financial calculator golf gear ti gear 9 driver ess maestro 1 drivers how to win local elections ruby package manager nepc 401 k reporting package online books 1999 how to read bryant model numbers kiara mia raw Blue Is the Warmest Color (2013) lavigne sk8ter boi mp3 big and rich song gospel alter songs in october road leos janacek mp3 download how are clinton and obama different handbook industrial polymer ternyata indah mp3 comics book store bumble bee game song i am barely breathing Glory Hole Loads taylor


text:
The source said the bombs were planted near the end of the race so that the horrific images of the blasts would be captured by all the media there and be replayed over and over throughout the world.
In a Congress where gun control and immigration are king, and in an administration that hasn't issued a terror alert since replacing Bush's color-coded system.
"America is great because she is good" Alexis DeToucqueville
Are you wondering how best to speak with your child about certain current events? Here is valuable information about helping children cope with the Boston Marathon Terrorist tragedy.
A leading al-Qaeda ideologue last year recommended that jihadists in America include sporting events in their list of prospective terror targets.
Whether the person (or persons) who perpetrated this unspeakable evil was a home-grown extremist or an operative of a foreign terrorist group, he has plunged us instantly back into a past none of us has ever wished to revisit.
Instead of placing blame on a group or individual (especially since we don't know who is responsible), actor Patton Oswalt sought to remind those who do evil that they are "outnumbered" and always will be.
I, too, want to know why the top political figures–the president and the secretaries of state and defense (Obama, Hillary and Panetta)–were so clearly disinclined to take action.
Al Jazeera is the voice of the Muslim Brotherhood and the various terrorist groups it has spawned, including al Qaeda and Hamas.
Two events happened on Wednesday which should send a shiver down the spine of everyone concerned about the future of the American Jewish community
There is no such thing as an excess of caution when it comes to anticipating and preparing to deter or defeat the existential threat represented by nuclear weapons.
I'm not sure you can appreciate the magnitude of Margaret Thatcher's achievement without some knowledge of the calamity that immediately preceded it.
The three-fourths of the world's 2.2 billion Christians in the developing world face hostility from various quarters.
"That fetus, or child — however way you want to describe it," Mr. Obama once stammered.
The choice of the name Francis is a wonderful gesture. Many people, in Italy, as elsewhere, love St. Francis of Assisi and Franciscan spirituality, and that was one reason for the boomlet for Sean Patrick Cardinal O'Malley in recent days.
A living legacy to women who served in all branches of the U.S. military honors their service and sacrifice inside the Women's Memorial at Arlington National Cemetery.
Back in 1969, the average monthly number of schoolchildren getting free lunches was only 2.9 million. As recently as 1990, it was only 9.8 million.
Authorities confiscated a street vendor's vegetable cart; in desperate protest the owner self immolated. Sparks from his fire spread from Tunisia to Algeria to Egypt. Dictators were deposed. Islamists seize control. The world is silent.
Accordingly, Idriz argues that regressive behaviors often associated with Islam such as the oppression of women derive from particular cultural conditions, not from Islam.
It would appear that the United States has embraced an effete, European model of development just as the Grim Reaper has forced cross-Atlantic colleagues into the bowels of total despair.
So long as the Obama administration continues to demonize its political opponents as potential domestic terrorists, as Paul says, the outlandishness of a domestic drone strike is further worn down, conditioned into weary complacency or even mob consensus.
Yet another symptom that Washington is broken, perhaps beyond repair, is that the federal government is now failing in its most basic function--"to provide for the common defense" of the American People.
"Today, American pets now outnumber American children by more than four to one."
|Total Records: 2951
|[ Next 5 ]
Join FSM and stay informed. Get your daily Security Update delivered each day to your e-mail.
FSM Archives


text:
The latest Credit Managers' Index (CMI) – set to be unveiled Thursday afternoon at www.nacm.org – is one that carries much for which to be pleased. At the top of that list, is overall the CMI reading itself.
Statistics released later today will show the CMI reversing the downward trend of the last four months and potentially challenging the year's best month results. Within the numbers, categories expected to have performed particularly well include the index of unfavorable factors. Therein, the biggest expected improvements are likely to be in accounts placed for collection, disputes and filings for bankruptcies
"It is far too early to declare that there has been a dramatic turnaround in the economy," said NACM Economist Chris Kuehl, PhD. "The best that can be said about the current CMI number is that a declining pattern was thoroughly broken, and there is some reason to believe that this could be start of a much more positive trend than has been seen through most of the summer."
-NACM Staff
(Note: The complete CMI report for August 2012 contains the full commentary, complete with tables and graphs and is available on the NACM web site. Credit and finance professionals who want to take the next survey will find it open September 17-21! Simply go to http://web.nacm.org/cmi/cmi.asp at any point during these dates. You also can sign up here to be reminded to take the survey on a monthly basis).
Credit Managers' Index for August Sees Large Improvement
Subscribe to: Post Comments (Atom)


text:
Ensuring a successful academic career at Kingsborough Community College has its foundations in the advisor relationship. Through this relationship, the student can explore the college as well as the vast opportunities available to the student upon graduation with the guidance and support of their advisor. In turn, maintaining this relationship becomes the mutual responsibility of advisor and student.Planning on Success: Kingsborough Time Line
Pre-Semester: Students should maintain contact with the Freshman Year Experience (FYE)/ Pre-Enrollment Offices in order to be aware of any and all documentation related to enrolling to the college for the first time including Immunization, CUNY Exams, and Financial Aid requirements. Students must submit all documentation be designated deadlines. Financial Aid applications should be completed prior to registration. Students must file a new application for Financial Aid at the end of each academic year.
------------------------------------------------------------------------0-15 credits Students should make an appointment with an advisor in their majors. Courses such as Student Development 10 or Student Development 11 may be helpful for student's unsure of their career goals.
------------------------------------------------------------------------ 16-30 credits: Career exploration should be an on-going process. Students should discuss with their advisor the requirements for attaining their career goals.
------------------------------------------------------------------------ 30-45 credits: Planning for post graduation life should be the focus. Students should keep their options open and have an alternative plan for their life after Kingsborough. Attending the Job Fair and open houses at senior colleges can help with this process.
------------------------------------------------------------------------ 45 credits and above: Students should complete the graduation application in room A-101. Students need to apply for graduation and a degree audit. The advisor should review degree requirements as well as check the student's degree code to ensure compliance in each. Based on career goals, students should be applying to senior colleges or seeking job opportunities. Resume workshops are available in C102


text: The award-winning band "Chicago" will perform at the new Cross Insurance Center in Bangor this fall. The group's scheduled to take the stage November 2nd. Chicago's been performing for more than 45 years, achieving multi-platinum honors, a Grammy and multiple American Music Awards.Tickets go for the show go on sale Friday, August 2nd.For more information, log on to www.crossinsurancecenter.com


text: Posted April 25, 2013 The player the Raiders really value is Star Lotulelei of Utah from what I'm told. The Philadelphia Eagles and Carolina Panthers also value Lotulelei. Carolina may try and move up if Lotulelei slides while it must noted the Eagles did give a nice free agent contract to Isaac Sopoaga during this off season. http://www.draftinsider.net/blog/?p=7032 1 person likes this Share this post Link to post Share on other sites


text:
|<< Previous book
|Next book >>
The Science Fiction Yearbook(1985)
An anthology of stories edited by Jim Baen, John F Carr and Jerry Pournelle
SIGNED by author. First edition. Hardcover in dust jacket. Previous owner's stamp on end paper, otherwise an unblemished copy! Dust jacket protected in mylar sleeve.
Used availability for James Baen's The Science Fiction Yearbook
See all available used copies of this book at Abebooks UK or Abebooks US
Hardback Editions
September 1985 : USA Hardback
|Title: The Science Fiction Yearbook
Author(s): John F Carr
ISBN: 0-671-55983-4 / 978-0-671-55983-0 (USA edition)
Publisher: Baen Books
Availability: Amazon Amazon UK Amazon CA
September 1985 : USA Hardback
|Title: The Science Fiction Yearbook
Author(s): Jerry (ed) Pournelle
ISBN: 0-317-27055-9 / 978-0-317-27055-6 (USA edition)
Publisher: Baen/S&S
Availability: Amazon Amazon UK Amazon CA
Genre Pages


text:
"By-elections in Britain prove that a new voting system is in order. Something more democratic and less costly. good old Britain with Labour, the party that stands up for the wants of the working man and people who have a serious dislike of working, holding on to all three seats."
|Scooped by Jim Bob


text:
In today's real estate market, you need to work with a real estate professional you can trust. Whether you are buying or selling your primary residence, a second home, I can help make your homeownership dreams come true.
Focusing on excellent customer service has inspired me to build an effective combination of superior technology and high ethical standards - all working to provide my clients with the most positive real estate experience possible.


text:
Yes, Thank you Lupin, Most of the info that comes up when searching shows how to take the live cd, edit it, then repackage it, where I dont want to have to redo all the changes I've already made. I did find some usefull info on remastersys from htt....../linux-guider.blogspot.com/2008/06/how-to-remaster-livecd-perfectly.html:
So one of these issues is probably my crux. My guess is it fails because of the driver issues or the KDE. Can anyone confirm this? Will replacing KDE with Gnome break anything functionally in BT?Known problems
* A Live CD/DVD created from a system with installed proprietary ATI or Nvidia drivers, when booted, will not load these drivers because casper (the ubuntu livecd boot routine) disables ati and nvidia proprietary drivers. [1]
* When running from a wubi installation, remastersys seems to enter an infinite loop when trying to create an iso from that system.
* failed to create base package list
I found many factor when remastering livecd fail especially have been struggling to install remasters - they all fail at the bootloader installation. A factor to avoid are:
1. KDE = most KDE cannot remaster well. If someone has done in KDE, it's only 5% from linux user.
2. proprietary ATI or Nvidia drivers
3. System/repo broken (fix it before remaster!! = eg: apt-get -f install, dpkg --configure - and etc)
4. 2 in 1 or 3 in 1 gnome OS. You have Kde, xfce or etc in your gnome!
5. You have install something in Wine (game or windows software)
6. Language = Only use English!


text: TechVault FAQ PRODUCT APPLICATION CUSTOMER SUPPORT Reading Room IDT Publications Educational Resources Technical Reports User Guides & Protocols Quick Reference SDS Video Library Real-Time PCR Synthetic Biology Gene Silencing SciTools Next Generation Sequencing Genome Editing DECODED Archive TECHVAULT > FAQ > APPLICATION SUPPORT > ANTISENSE OLIGOS All posts Can you describe the different modifications routinely used in antisense experiments ? Phosphothioate bonds are added to antisense oligos to protect them from nuclease degradation. You can have a full phosphothioate backbone, however, your Tm decreases with each phosphothioate bond you add. You can decrease this effect by 'capping' your oligo. This is accomplished by adding 2-5 bonds to each end of your oligo (most people add 3 to each end.) The 5-Me dC, 2' O-Me RNA bases and C5-Propyne Pyrimidine modifications are sometimes added to increase the nuclease resistance and binding affinity of your oligos, but they are not critical. You can start your experiments without them and add them to subsequent oligos if you need increased stability. Antisense oligos are generally 18-24 bases in length. The concentrations will need to be determined on a case-by-case basis as they vary between organisms. Usually a concentration of 2uMolar (or 10ug/ml) is a good starting point. If you would like more information on Antisense oligo design and usage, please see our Technical Reports: Designing Antisense Oligonucleotides Introducing Antisense Oligonucleotides into Cells Application Support Topics Annealing Antisense Oligos Cloning Mixed Degenerate Bases PCR and Sequencing QC Information RealTime PCR RNA SciTools Storage Synthesis


text:
Closest matches found:
Manufacturer / StyleFantasie FS5128Product NameOrlando Fold BriefCurrent StatusOut of production / no longer available.Alternative Styles
FantasieMontreal Twist Front Tankini Swim Top$105.00
FantasieMontreal Adjustable Fold Swim Brief$55.00
FantasieMontreal Classic Swim Brief$40.00
FantasieMontreal Full-Cup Bikini Swim Top$68.00
FantasieVersailles Gathered Control Short Swim Bottom$58.00
Still didn't find what you're looking for? Try one of these:
• Product Search Help
• Guided Search
• Discontinued, Hard to Find & Special Order Styles
Don't see a specific style that you're looking for? Enter the manufacturer's style number here
to search our huge database of discontinued, hard to find and special order items:
Manufacturer's Style Number:


text:
Request Information
Visit Campus
Apply Now!
About Carroll
Areas of Study
Business, Accounting, and Economics Program
Business Administration
Business Economics
Management and
Health Care
Program Faculty
Carroll University Catalog
Business, Accounting, and Economics
Department of Business, Accounting, and Economics Faculty Profile
Penlesky, Richard J., DBA
Faculty Emeritus
B.S. Mechanical Engineering. Marquette University
M.B.A. Marquette University
D.B.A. Indiana University
Areas of Specialization:
Operations and supply chain management
Business statistics
Scholarly and Professional Achievements:
With Mark D. Treleven and others, "Animated PowerPoint Presentations for Teaching Operations and Supply Chain Management: Perceived Value and Electronic Exchange of Files," American Journal of Business Education, Vol. 5, No. 6 (November/December 2012): 763-770.
With Mark D. Treleven, "A Preliminary Examination of Factors Affecting Student Learning in Introductory, Undergraduate Operations Management Classes," Proceedings, 2010 Midwest Meeting of the Decision Sciences Institute (April 2010): 641
With Stephen C. Hill and Mark D. Treleven, "Diagnosing Strategic Misalignment: A Product Profiling Application," Production and Inventory Management Journal, Vol. 45, No. 2 (2009): 58-64.
With Mark D. Treleven and Charles A. Watts, "Processing Time Estimation Errors' Impact on Dispatching Performance," Production and Operations Management, Vol. 15, No. 1 (Spring 2006): 144-155
With Mark D. Treleven, "The Product-Process Matrix Brought to Life," Decision Sciences Journal of Innovative Education, Vol. 3, No. 2 (Fall 2005): 345-352.
With Daniel J. Bragg and Edward A. Duplaga, "Impact of Product Structure on Order Review/Evaluation Procedures," Industrial Management and Data Systems, Vol. 105, No. 3 (2005): 307-324.
Service to Carroll University or the Profession:
Chair, Business Accounting and Economics,
Restructuring Task Force, 2008-2009
Chair, Tenure and Promotion Committee, 2007-2009
Tenure and Promotion Committee, 2005-2010
Area Coordinator, Business Accounting and
Economics, 2004-2005
Faculty Development Committee, 2003-2005
Roles and Responsibilities Task Force, 2003-2003
Ad Hoc Committee on Retention, 2002-2003
Faculty Advisor, Carroll University Affiliate
Student Chapter (ASC) of APICS – The
Association for Operations Management,
Immediate Past-President, Midwest Decision Sciences
Institute (DSI), 2007-2008
Scholar Coordinator, APICS Education & Research
Foundation, Denver CO, 2007
President, Midwest DSI, 2006-2007
Chair, Academic Forum, APICS Voice of the Customer
Council, 2006-2007
Judge, APICS Region 14 Case Competition, Downers
Grove IL, February 2006
Vice President, Midwest DSI, 2005-2006
Scholar Coordinator, APICS Education & Research
Foundation, Orlando FL, 2006
Scholar Coordinator, APICS Education & Research
Foundation, Kansas City MO, 2005
Vice President for Member Services, Midwest DSI,
Honors and Awards:
Instructor of the Year, awarded by the Milwaukee Chapter of APICS, May 2010
The Benjamin F. Richason Jr. Faculty Award for Excellence in teaching, research and educational innovation, May 2006.
Business, Accounting and Economics Excellence in Teaching Award, Carroll College, April 2004.
Last updated 11/8/2012
Copyright © 2017 Carroll University, Waukesha, Wisconsin. All rights reserved.


text:
Friday, November 11, 2011
Influencing change
LEADING THE WAY: From left, Fried, Washington, Reeve, Walsh, Prestipino.
Seated, Alexa Kimball, MD, vice president of the MGPO and vice chair of the
Department of Dermatology, left, and Gies
More than 200 MGH managers and supervisors attended the Women in Leadership event, "200 Years and Counting: How Women Leaders Can Influence the Changing Healthcare Landscape," Oct. 27 at the Holiday Inn Boston at Beacon Hill.
The fourth annual event featured a panel discussion about the rapidly-changing world of health care as well as personal success stories from four featured speakers, who shared how they balance high-level careers at Boston hospitals with the demands of family and other personal obligations.
"I was very pleased to be part of this wonderful event," says speaker Valerie Stone, MD, MPH, associate chief of the General Medicine Unit at the MGH. "I've learned a lot on my long journey from first-year medical student in 1979 to full professor and associate chief of an MGH academic division in 2011. So I was delighted to have the opportunity to share some of these lessons with fellow colleagues, in hopes that it would be helpful to them along their journey and in their efforts to break through the glass ceiling."
Other panelists who spoke during the two-hour program were Naomi Fried, PhD, chief innovation officer at Children's Hospital; Beth Gies, director of Policy and Research at Partners HealthCare; and Kate Walsh, president and CEO of Boston Medical Center. The event was moderated by Pamela Reeve, chair of The Commonwealth Institute, and also featured remarks from Ann L. Prestipino, MPH, senior vice president of MGH Surgical and Anesthesia Services and Clinical Business Development, and Deborah Washington, RN, director of the MGH Diversity Program for Patient Care Services.
"It was truly an inspirational event – not only for the attendees, but for the speakers as well," Prestipino says. "It was great to see so many incredible women in various stages of their careers coming together to influence change."
Read more articles from the 11/11/11 Hotline issue.
Browse the Entire Newsroom Archive