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excerpt – Sidney Rigdon: A Portrait of Religious Excess
The emigration to this land is very extensive and numerous[.]…[The First Presidency are chiefly engaged in counciling and settling the emigrants to this land. The [prophecies] are fulfilling very fast upon our heads and in our day and generation. They are gathering from the North, and from the South, from the East, and from [the] West unto Zion for safety against the day of wrath which is to be poured out without mixture upon this generation according to the prophets.
—Joseph Smith (1838)1
The Missouri era (1831 to 1839) casts a deep shadow over the history of Mormonism.2 Joseph Smith taught that the area was the land of antediluvian Old Testament narration, that Jackson County was old Eden. Adam-ondi-Ahman, in nearby Daviess County, was the place where Adam and Eve fled when driven from the idyllic garden, and Far West, in Caldwell County, was the "spot where Cain Killed Abel."3 Mormons hoped initially and perhaps naively that Jackson County, the fabled "land of their inheritance," would be rescued from non-believing hordes. Joseph Smith advised Lyman Wight and others of the Missouri High Council on 16 August 1834 "to be in readiness to move into Jackson County in two years from the 11th of September next, which is the appointed time for the redemption of Zion."4
With the passing of time it became clear that Zion would not be redeemed nor would the Saints be redressed for their Jackson County losses. The Missouri legislature moved in 1836 to organize Caldwell County for Mormon settlement; thus most Saints left Clay and Ray counties and established new lives in Caldwell. John Whitmer and W. W. Phelps chose the county's center for a new city of refuge which they named Far West. Developed on large tracts of wild prairie lands, the village eventually became home to 2,500 people, the largest Mormon population in the state. Between December 1837 and mid-July 1838 more than 1,600 Kirtland Saints migrated to Far West, abandoning homes and flocking to this new colonizing adventure in the wilderness of western America. Land was cheap. In Caldwell County the Saints purchased nearly 250,000 acres of federal lands for $1.25 an acre; nearly thirty townsites were eventually settled.
Far West at its apex consisted of hundreds of log cabins, four dry goods stores, nine groceries, six blacksmith shops, and two hotels. The schoolhouse, where Sidney Rigdon preached shortly after settling in the area, was moved to the center of the town square for use as a combination church, town hall, and courthouse.5 The Rigdon dwelling, a two-story log cabin directly across the street from the town square, was the village's largest home. Upon leaving Kirtland, Rigdon lost virtually everything he owned, including twelve acres of property valued at $4,211.6 He rebounded financially in Missouri, however, quickly finding sustenance from church coffers.
Mormonism's theological preoccupation with economics has been evident since the earliest days of the movement. The Book of Mormon implied that the rewards for righteous living included material wealth (Alma 1:29, 31). While the Mormon work ethic, as pointed out by historian D. Michael Quinn, was "communitarian rather than individualistic, and socialistic rather than entrepreneurial or capitalistic," church leaders such as Rigdon, Smith, and later Brigham Young, seldom went without.7 Rigdon and Smith, upon arriving in Caldwell County, presented their financial plight to the Far West High Council on 12 May 1838. Both leaders indicated that during the previous eight years they had spent their "time[,] tallents],] & property, in the service of the Church, and are now reduced as it were to absolute beggery, and still were detained in service of the Church." They had now reached the point, they expressed, where either something "should be done for their support.… by the Church" or they "must do it themselves."
After a lengthy discussion, during which George M. Hinkle forcefully opposed "a salaried ministry," the high council voted eleven to one to give the two men eighty acres of land each and to contract with them for their services, "not for preaching or for receiving the word of god by revelation, neither for instructing the Saints in righteousness," but for work rendered in the "[p]rinting establishment, in translating the ancient records &c, &c." After negotiations, they ultimately agreed to offer Rigdon and Smith an annual contract of $1,100 apiece, more than three times what the average worker of the day could earn.8 Ebenezer Robinson, the high council's clerk, later wrote that "when it was noised abroad that the Council had taken such a step, the members of the church, almost to a man, lifted their voices against it. The expression of disapprobation was so strong and emphatic that at the next meeting of the High Council the resolution voting them a salary, was rescinded."9
Angered by this refusal, Rigdon and Smith sought additional sources of church revenues. A revelation given to them in Kirtland on 12 January 1838, but not yet public, was dusted off and presented to the membership. In response to the question: "O Lord, show unto thy servants how much thou requirest of the properties of thy people for a tithing," the Saints were told: "I require all their surplus property to be put into the hands of the Bishop of my Church of Zion, for the building of mine house and for the laying the foundation of Zion, and for the priesthood and for the debts of the presidency of my church."10
Ten days later another revelation explained that surplus tithing was to be "disposed of by a Council composed of the First Presidency…and of the Bishop and his Council; and by my High Council" (D&C 120). On 26 July still further instruction declared that the "first presidency [should] keep all their properties, that they can dispose of to their advantage and Support and the remainder be put into the hands of the Bishop or Bishops agreeably to the commandments, and revelations."11 For those unwilling to be so "tithed," the 8 July revelation threatened: "If my people observe not this law, to keep it holy, and by this law sanctify the land of Zion…behold verily I say unto you, it shall not be a land of Zion unto you."12
Rigdon expanded on the revelation's warning, adding that noncompliers would be "delivered over to the brother of Gideon and be sent bounding over the Prairies as the dissenters were a few days ago."13 But fate failed to discriminate between non-tithers and tithe payers. Within four months the entire body of Mormons was driven from their promised land by looting, pillage, and gratuitous violence. Trouble began on 6 August 1838 at Gallatin, the county seat of Daviess County. During the third week of July, Judge Josiah Morin, a Democratic candidate for state senator, informed John D. Lee and Levi Stewart of a Whig plot to prevent Mormons—who voted Democrat en masse—from casting ballots in Daviess County on election day.
Shortly after polls opened on 6 August, William Peniston, a Whig candidate for the state legislature, mounted a barrel and began castigating Mormons. Calling church leaders "horse thieves, liars, counterfeiters," the agitator asserted that "he did not consider [that] Mormons had any more right to vote than the niggers." Goaded into action by Peniston's rhetoric, several Missourians attempted to bully the eight or ten Mormons waiting to vote. A brawl quickly erupted. John L. Butler noted that when he saw what was happening he "hollowed out to the top of my voice…O yes, you Danites, here is a job for us." He picked up a large oak bludgeon, and "When I got in reach of them, I commenced to call out loud for peace and at the same time making my stick to move to my own utter astonishment, tapping them as I thought light, but they fell as dead men."14
In the brief skirmish the heavily outnumbered Mormons prevailed. Nearly thirty Missourians were wounded by Butler and others. Fearing vengeance by the regrouped ruffians, Mormons retreated to their cabins, gathered up their families, and hid as a group in a hazel thicket until morning. Word of the fray soon reached Far West. Judge Morin, passing through town, informed Smith and Rigdon that he had heard that "two or three of our brethren were killed by the Missourians, and left upon the ground, and not suffered to be interred…and [that] a majority of the inhabitants of Daviess county were determined to drive the Saints from that county."15
The signal dram sounded and a Danite company, including the First Presidency, assembled in the town square. One observer said that Rigdon addressed the troops with sword in hand. "Now we as the people of God do declare and decree," he shouted, brandishing the cutlass, "by the Great Jehovah, the eternal and omnipotent God, that sits upon his vast and everlasting throne, beyond that ethereal blue, we will bath our swords in the vital blood of the Missourians or die in the attempt!"16 Under the command of Danite regimental Colonel George W. Robinson, the well-armed company, which had grown to nearly one hundred men, reached Lyman Wight's home at Diahman by nightfall. There the men listened to a more accurate report of the election day fight. Instead of returning home the next morning, however, they decided to visit prominent Daviess County men to assess their view of the incident at Gallatin.
Three Danite leaders, Lyman Wight, Sampson Avard, and Cornelius P. Lott, called on Judge Adam Black, a local justice of the peace whom George W. Robinson, the prophet' s scribe, attested was "[manifestly] an en[e]my of ours."17 The group demanded the judge sign a prepared statement renouncing his affiliation with vigilantes and pledging not to molest Mormons in the future. He refused. In thirty minutes Danite emissaries, including Rigdon and Smith, surrounded the house. "We have come to be plain with you," threatened Avard, the group's spokesman: "the only alternative is for you to sign this obligation." Fearing the large company of armed men, Black signed a statement of his own which satisfied the Danites.18 Other principal men in the area were visited and enjoined to discuss peace. Robinson added that the company arrived home about midnight and "found all well in Far West."19
But all was not well outside the Mormon stronghold, particularly in Daviess County. Squire Black, incensed at his treatment by the militia, immediately filed a complaint stating that Mormons had demanded his signature or suffer "instant death."20 The next day William Peniston also swore before Judge Austin A. King that Mormons not only threatened Black's life but intended to "drive from the county all the old citizens, and possess themselves of their lands, or to force such as do not leave, to come into their measures and submit to their dictation."21
The situation quickly exploded. One observer wrote that the standoff could "not be settled without a fight, and the quicker they have it the better for the peace and quiet of the county."22 While neither Smith nor Rigdon at this point sought confrontation, they were likewise resolved not to back away from one. The 1 September 1838 entry in the "Scriptory Book of Joseph Smith" reaffirms their stance, earlier elucidated in Rigdon's 4th of July oration: "[I]n the name of Jesus Christ the Son of the Living God we will endure [persecution] no longer.… Our rights and our liberties shall not be taken from us, and we peacably submit to it as we have done heretofore, but we will avenge ourselves of our enemies, inasmuch as they will not let us alone."23
Rigdon wrote lengthy requests for assistance to the governor and to Judge Austin A. King, imploring them to "protect the citizens of Davies[s] against the threatened violence of the mob." The letters were accompanied by affidavits, Rigdon later testified, which "could leave no doubt on the mind of the governor or judge, that the citizens before mentioned were in eminent danger."24 Rigdon's efforts were partially successful. Major General Atchison and Brigadier Generals Doniphan and Parks marched troops into Daviess County and momentarily defused the situation. Once they left, however, the harassment resumed. Missouri miscreants scoured the countryside for Mormons, forcing them from their homes. "They calculated to drive the people into Far West," Hyrum Smith later stated, "and then drive them to hell."25 Mormon messengers sought assistance from the governor but were reportedly told "the quarrel was between the Mormons and the mob," and that they "might fight it out."26
Rather than fight, the besieged citizens of DeWitt in Daviess County loaded their wagons and abandoned the town on 11 October. Their arrival in Far West infuriated local church leaders, who urged retaliation. On 15 October, while advising several companies of Mormon fighting men en route to Diahman, an irate Joseph Smith asserted:
The law we have tried long enough! Who is so big a fool as to cry, the law! the law! when it is always administered against us and never in our favor. I do not intend to regard the law hereafter.… We will take our affairs into our own hands and manage for ourselves. We have applied to the Governor and he will do nothing for us; the militia of the county we have tried and they will do nothing. All are mob.… I am determined that we will not give another foot.… God will send us angels to our deliverance and we can conquer 10,000 as easily as ten!
Rigdon joined Smith, chastising the "oh, don't men" who refused to fight "while others are out on expeditions to other counties doing all they can to support the cause." In the heat of the moment he proposed that "blood should first run in the streets of Far West," that "traitors among [us] who had always opposed [our] doings should be slain." He subsequently mellowed and insisted instead that pacifists simply be forced to march with troops the next day. If they refused, he exclaimed, "they should be pitched on their horses with bayonets and placed in front of the battle." A hearty "amen" from the congregation sealed his sentiments.27 Reed Peck noted that he, John Corrill, W. W. Phelps, John Cleminson, and several other "anti Danites had the honor of being enrolled in one of these companies and under the bayonet resolutions marched to Daviess County."28
Smith and Rigdon instructed the "Army of Israel," lacking sufficient provender and supplies, to live off the land while they battled. Prior to their departure, Major General Sampson Avard informed his captains that
it soon will be your privilege to take your respective companies and go out on a scout on the borders of the settlements, and take to yourselves spoils of the goods of the ungodly Gentiles[.]…[I]t is written, the riches of the Gentiles shall be consecrated to my people, the house of Israel; and thus you will waste away the Gentiles by robbing and plundering them of their property; and in this way we will build up the kingdom of God.29
When some of the inductees opposed these aggressive plans, Avard asserted "there were no laws that were executed in justice… this being a different dispensation" wherein the Lord would personally reign, "and His laws alone were the laws that would exist." Further protests were silenced when Avard announced that he had received his authority on the matter from President Rigdon the previous evening.30
The company marched to Daviess County resolved to drive their enemies out a final time. This strategy was delayed by a massive snowstorm. The Far West, a non-Mormon newspaper in nearby Liberty, felt "the snow and cold weather will be the best mediator of peace between the parties."31 On 18 October, however, Mormon raiders were able to ride out. Apostle David W. Patten, known by his Danite tide "Captain Fearnought," descended on Gallatin with a large contingent of men and, after plundering the small village, burned most of it to the ground. Then the marauders pillaged the Daviess County countryside, depositing their spoils, which they termed "consecrated property," in the bishop's storehouse at Diahman. "It should not be supposed," wrote Oliver B. Huntington, "that we were common robbers because we took by reprisal that with which to keep from starvation our women and children."32
During the evening of 23 October, 130 Mormon cavalry returned to Far West. According to Albert P. Rockwood, Rigdon gave these "horsemen of Isreall" a "short address suited to the occasion when all the people said Amen."33 A courier had also conveyed a letter to Rigdon from the prophet which caused him to celebrate, Mormon James C. Owens noted. The letter stated: "[T]he enemy was delivered into [our] hands, and that they need not fear; that this had been given to him by the spirit of prophecy, in the name of Jesus Christ."34
For a time Daviess County was in the hands of Mormon raiders. "The citizens," wrote Reed Peck,
men, women and children, fled through the snow in wagons, on horseback and on foot after the plundering and burning commenced, as precipitately as though they had been invaded by a hostile band of Indians: but with this flood of testimony their calamitous report was not generally credited until men expecially appointed for the purpose had visited Daviess Co. and returned with a confirmation of their story.35
Danite atrocities would be confirmed by such prominent Mormons as Thomas B. Marsh, Orson Hyde, Reed Peck, William Swartzell, John Cleminson, W. W. Phelps, and John Corrill. Swartzell, a recent convert living at Diahman, chose to leave the church: "I concluded that I had been fed on such stuff long enough," he wrote in his diary, "the idea of such a band attacking a State which could call to its aid twenty-five other free and independent sovereignties, more densely populated than itself, was preposterous. God (thought I) can have no dealings with this people, who have been led away by imposters; and I, for one, will leave them to their fate."36
The most prominent Mormon defectors of this period were Quorum of the Twelve President Thomas B. Marsh and outspoken Apostle Orson Hyde. After witnessing the burning and plundering in Daviess County, Marsh and Hyde traveled to Richmond, in Ray County, where on 24 October Marsh, in a lengthy affidavit, confirmed that a company of Mormons under Apostle David Patten had burned Gallatin. "They have among them," Marsh continued, "a company consisting of all that are considered true Mormons, called the Danites, who have taken an oath to support the heads of the church in all things that they say or do, whether right or wrong." After exposing future Danite plans for scourging the countryside, Marsh added:
The plan of said Smith, the prophet, is to take this State, and he professes to his people to intend taking the United States, and ultimately the whole world.… I have heard the prophet say that he should yet tread down his enemies, and walk over their dead bodies; that if he was not let alone he would be a second Mahomet to this generation, and that he would make it one gore of blood from the Rocky Mountains to the Atlantic Ocean; that like Mohomet, whose motto, in treating for peace, was "the Alcoran, or the Sword," so should it be eventually with us, "Joseph Smith or the Sword."37
Hyde, in a second affidavit, attested that "most of the statements in the foregoing disclosure of Thomas B. Marsh, I know to be true, the remainder I believe to be true."38
These affidavits, in addition to Danite activities in the surrounding countryside, caused considerable hysteria in Richmond where citizens expected an imminent Danite attack. Richmond Judge E. M. Ryland in an 25 October express to Governor Lilburn Boggs stated: "the city is expected to be sacked and burned by the Mormon banditti tonight."39 Judge Austin A. King confirmed Ryland's position by letter to the governor, adding: "Until lately, I thought the Mormons were disposed to act only on the defensive; but their recent conduct shows that they are the aggressors, that they intend to take the law into their own hands."40 Sashiel Woods and Joseph Dickson reported to Boggs that Mormons had massacred a fifty-man Missouri militia company. Richmond, they said, was to be attacked at any moment. "We know not the hour and minute we will be laid in ashes—our country ruined—for God's sake give us assistance as quick as possible."41
The previous evening a militia company, led by a Methodist minister, Captain Samuel Bogart, had been patrolling the borders of Caldwell County when it encountered a small group of Mormons. They were disarmed, three taken hostage, and the rest allowed to return to Far West where they spread the horrific news that the captives would be shot at sunrise. The prophet, now commander-in-chief of all Mormon military units, dispatched a company of men under Apostle David Patten to "Go and kill every devil of them" and rescue the trio.42 The cavalry unit discovered the Missourians bivouacked on Crooked River, twelve miles south of Far West. Patten's men dismounted a mile from the militia, left their horses with a small guard, and approached the camp silently on foot. At dawn they rushed upon their enemies, echoing their war cry, "God and Liberty!" The militia fled, leaving one of their number dead. The gunfight also resulted in the deaths of Mormons Gideon Carter, David W. Patten, and eighteen-year-old Patrick O'Banion.
The command post for the operation was Rigdon's home, although, according to his account, he "was not connected with the militia, being over age."43 He later recalled that early the next morning the county sheriff reported several Mormons dead in the battle. Rigdon and an unnamed horseman (possibly Joseph Smith) rode out onto the prairie to meet the returning company. Young O'Banion was taken to Sidney's house where, according to Wickliffe Rigdon, he "lingered in great agony for two days and then died."44
Although Governor Boggs had done virtually nothing to protect Mormons from predatory Missourians, the Danite assault on the militia at Crooked River put the politician into action. On 27 October 1838 Boggs issued a directive to Major-General John B. Clark, which read in part:
Since the order of this morning to you…I have received, by Amos Rees, Esq., of Ray county and Wiley C. Williams, Esq., one of my aid[e]s, information of the most appalling character, which changes entirely the face of things, and places the Mormons in the attitude of an open and avowed defiance of the laws, and of having made war upon the people of this State. Your orders are therefore, to hasten your operations and endeavor to reach Richmond in Ray County, with all possible speed. The Mormons must be treated as enemies, and must be exterminated, or driven from the State, if necessary for the public peace.45
The governor's "extermination order," as it subsequently became known, was supported by the unwritten—though frequently avowed—right of American citizens to expel unwanted groups or individuals from their midst. Rigdon himself had used this reasoning to justify forcing Mormon dissidents from Far West.46 Boggs later said his principal desire was to quell Mormon insurrection without bloodshed. The muster of such a massive military force from his perspective was merely to "awe [the Saints] into submission."47 Initially Mormons, unaware of the size of the military contingent, were not awed. Responding to a rumor that the governor had called out the militia, Smith scoffed:
I care not a fig for the coming of the troops. We've tried long enough to please the Gentiles. If we live together they don't like it; if we scatter they massacre us for it. The only law they know here is that might makes right. They are a damned set, and God will blast them into hell!
If they try to attack us we will play hell with their applecarts. Before now, men, you've fought like devils. But now I want you to fight like angels, for angels can whip devils. And for every one we lack in number to match the mob, the Lord will send an angel to fight alongside.48
Albert Rockwood, impressed with Smith's bravado, recorded in his diary that "the Prophet goes out to the battle as in days of old. He has the sword that Nephi took from Laban.…The Prophet has unsheathed his sword and in the name of Jesus declares that it shall not be sheathed again untill he can go into any County or state in safety and in peace."49
Far West was elevated sufficiently for a commanding view of the terrain. On 30 October, an hour before sunset, Missouri militia leader General Samuel Lucas and his army, a cortege more than a mile long, was spotted approaching Far West from the south. After crossing Goose Creek the military formed a line of battle as if to attack the city. Wickliffe Rigdon, later recalling the reaction of Far West residents, wrote that "the women were greatly excited and the men showed great fear as to what might happen." Young Rigdon saw Joseph Smith in front of the Rigdon home loading a weapon. He was soon surrounded by a panicked throng of forty or fifty men seeking instructions. The prophet told them to get their weapons and come with him. Eight-year-old Wickliffe and his ten-year-old brother Sid tagged along with the men as they established a skirmish line to oppose what they wrongly thought was an undisciplined mob of Missourian rabble.
Within moments Sidney Rigdon arrived on the scene and asked his boys what they were doing. Wickliffe told his father they were there "to see what was going to be done." "You and your brother go home. You may get killed here," he ordered. When young Wickliffe argued they were in no more danger of getting killed than he was, Sidney exploded "in anger for us to go home at once and we started."50 Rigdon, attempting to survey the army through his telescope, was so unnerved, Lorenzo D. Young later reported, that he "could not hold the glass still enough to see anything."51 Meanwhile, seeing that the Mormons intended to fight, the militia withdrew into nearby woods until morning to await approaching reinforcements and general orders.
Some Mormons, misinterpreting the army's actions, thought the battalion had been intimidated into retreat. One account alleged the withdrawal occurred because hundreds of angels, bearing the appearance of "legions of armed men," stood beside the Mormons, visible only to the Missourians.52 Oliver Huntington claimed the troops "all turned and ran pell mell back to their camp, in great fright, declaring they saw too many thousands of soldiers to think of attacking the city," speculating that they had seen the "Three Nephites, armed for battle, leading the hosts of heaven."53
Despite rumors of miraculous relief, Mormon leaders were frightened. John Corrill and Reed Peck were secretly sent to scour the area in search of General Doniphan, Smith's and Rigdon's friend and personal lawyer, to "beg like a dog for peace."54 But the couriers did not locate the general until his command was encamped outside Far West. Peck was assured the army would hold off an attack until militia leaders had met with Mormon emissaries the following day.
Few Far West residents slept that night. "If we must fight," Rigdon was heard to lament, "[we must] sell our lives as dear as we could."55 Accordingly all hands went to work. Rails, logs, and wagons were formed into a protective breastwork. Women and children, after concealing valuables, lay awake in fear. The vacant second story of Rigdon's home was "packed as full of women and children as could get into it," Wickliffe Rigdon later wrote. "[W]e all sat on the floor as close as we could get and there we sat all night."56 When morning came the Mormon mediators—George M. Hinkle, Arthur Morrison, Reed Peck, John Corrill, W. W. Phelps, and John Cleminson—were briefed by the First Presidency. Peck noted the prophet said "a compromise must be made on some terms honorable or dishonorable."57 Hinkle added they were told to obtain a treaty "on any terms short of a battle."58 Corrill said the prophet stated he would "go to prison for twenty years or even die rather than allow his people to be exterminated."59
The interview between Mormon negotiators and General Lucas and his staff—generals Wilson, Doniphan, and Graham—did not take place until 2:00 p.m. outside the city. After a brief parley wherein Hinkle, the Mormon's chief negotiator, sued for peace, General Lucas read Governor Boggs's "extermination order" to the astonished men. "I expected we should be exterminated without fail," John Corrill recalled of this moment: "There lay three thousand men, highly excited and full of vengeance, and it was as much as the officers could do to keep them off from us any how; and they now had authority from the executive to exterminate."60
Lucas assured the negotiators that blood would not be shed if Mormons agreed to his demands. The general insisted that they give up their leaders to be tried and punished, appropriate their property to pay for the costs of the expedition and assessed damages in upper Missouri, leave the state en masse, and give up their arms.61 Hinkle argued strenuously against the harsh terms, requesting they be given until morning to decide. Lucas agreed but demanded that Joseph Smith, Sidney Rigdon, Lyman Wight, Parley P. Pratt, and George W. Robinson be surrendered as hostages to insure faithful compliance. Failure to deliver them within thirty minutes, he threatened, would result in the destruction of the city. Far West would be "consumed by fire and…its contents would soon be in ashes."62
Returning to Far West, the representatives explained the militia's terms to Rigdon and the four others. "There is no time for controversy," Hinkle argued when the men hesitated to give themselves up. "If you go not into the camp immediately, they are determined to come upon Far West before the setting of the sun."63 A runner then interrupted the huddle and reported that the Missourians, in full battle array, were advancing towards the town. Parley P. Pratt later recalled the urgency of the situation: "There was no alternative but to put ourselves into the hands of such monsters, or to have the city attacked, and men, women and children massacred. We, therefore, commended ourselves to the Lord, and voluntarily surrendered as sheep into the hands of wolves."64
Colonel Hinkle, escorting the hostages to General Lucas, met him within six hundred yards of the city. Hinkle said: "Here, general, are the prisoners I agreed to deliver to you."65 Smith and Wight asked for a postponement until morning, but Lucas refused. "You are my prisoners," he declared, "and there is no time for talking at the present."66 As the Missourians surrounded the knotted group of men, several militiamen threatened them, forcing Lucas to place a protective guard of thirty soldiers in a double ring around the men. When the hostages entered the encampment, they were met by unnerving clamor from the assembled militia, many of whom were dressed like Native Americans. "The loud cries and yells of more than one thousand voices," Smith later wrote, "and the horrid and blasphemous threats and curses which were poured upon us in torrents, were enough to appall the stoutest heart."67
Back in Far West Hyrum Smith and Brigham Young advised all the "Crooked River boys" to flee northward out of the state "for, if found, they will be shot down like dogs."68 Nearly seventy left. All Mormon plunder, Oliver Huntington later wrote, was "gathered together in one house, lest every man who was found with a saddle or a blanket not his own be hanged for stealing."69
When night fell Rigdon and the other captives were forced to sleep on the ground in the open air with no bedrolls in a strong rain. Pratt wrote that during the night the guards kept up a constant tirade of mockery, demanding miracles and signs. "Come, Mr. Smith, show us an angel," one jested. "Give us one of your revelations," sneered another. "Or, if you are Apostles or men of God, deliver yourselves, and then we will be Mormons."70
The next morning Hyrum Smith and Amasa Lyman also joined the weary hostages. When General Lucas finally got around to meeting the men, he astounded them by refusing to discuss surrender terms. Their options were Lucas's terms or a battle. Joseph Thorp, a member of Doniphan's brigade, wrote that Lyman Wight was the only Mormon who wanted to return to town and fight. "They were about as badly scared set as I ever saw," Thorp said of the hostages, "except old [Wight] who stood like a lion and said fight, without a sign of fear about him."71
At 8:00 a.m., Smith sent a message to Far West instructing the Saints to surrender. Although Rigdon and the other hostages felt they had been betrayed by their own negotiators, what they failed to understand was that the surrender agenda had been dictated with no room for negotiation; the terms were unconditional.72
Initially the men feared they would be executed. Lucas held a secret court martial on the eve of 1 November. Mormon T. B. Foote recalled that prior to the hearing he saw the prisoners seated in a wagon, "from all of whom I received a bow of recognition except from S[idney] Rigdon, who sat with his head down and his face buried in his hands." The dramatic despondency foreshadowed the delirium and anxiety attacks that would soon engulf Rigdon.73
General Doniphan, General Parks, Colonel Hinkle, and a number of other officers during the tribunal argued strenuously for the prisoners, but about two-thirds of the officers voted for conviction. At midnight, Lucas directed the following order to Doniphan: "Sir: You will take Joseph Smith and the other prisoners into the public square of Far West, and shoot them at 9 o'clock tomorrow morning."74 But Doniphan, later a Mexican War hero, refused the order in a note to Lucas: "It is cold-blooded murder. I will not obey your order. My brigade shall march for Liberty to-morrow morning, at 8 o'clock; and if you execute those men, I will hold you responsible before an earthly tribunal, so help me God!"75 Hyrum Smith later related that about sunrise the next morning Doniphan ordered his brigade to take up the line of march and leave the camp. As he passed by the Mormon prisoners he said, "By God you have been sentenced by the court martial to be shot this morning; but I will be damned if I will have any of the honor of it, or any of the disgrace of it; therefore I have ordered my brigade to take up the line of march and to leave the camp, for I consider it to be cold blooded murder, and I bid you farewell."76
Doniphan's courageous response, supported by his brigade, prevented the execution.77 Neither Lucas nor any of his officers pursued the matter further. Instead of proceeding with their military tribunal of the civilians, Lucas and his force of 2,500 men marched for Far West at 9:30 a.m. to receive the prisoners and their arms. The Mormon detachment of 600 men marched out of the town into a hollow square formed by the militia, then grounded their arms. Colonel Hinkle rode forward and delivered his sword and pistols to Lucas. The general, in order to gratify the army and let the Mormons see his troops, paraded around the town through the main streets and then marched back to headquarters.
Rigdon and the other prisoners were allowed to see their families, who feared they had been killed. They were given two minutes to get a change of clothing. Wickliffe Rigdon later wrote that when Sidney and George W. Robinson came to bid their families goodbye "the house was so crowded with Missourians that it was nearly impossible to get in or out of the house." "We also suppose[d]," he added, "it was the last time we should ever see them."78
The Rigdon family was destitute. Sidney later recalled that when he was allowed to go into his house he found his family
so completely plundered of all kinds of food that they had nothing to eat but parched corn which they ground with a hand mill, and thus were they sustaining life. I soon pacified my family and allayed their feelings by assuring them that the ruffians dared not kill me. I gave them strong assurances that they dared not do it, and that I would return to them again.79
The prisoners were led to two large wagons in the town square. Pratt later recalled watching Rigdon take leave of his wife and daughters "who stood at a little distance, in tears of anguish indescribable."80 As the men prepared to enter the wagons, hundreds of Mormons crowded around them, anxious to take a parting look or offer a farewell handshake. In the midst of these dismal scenes the orders were given, and the procession, under the command of General Wilson, moved slowly away towards Independence, the erstwhile Mormon City of Refuge.
Unless otherwise stated, all primary sources cited are located in the Historical Department of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, Salt Lake City, Utah.
1. Scott H. Faulting, ed., An American Prophet's Record: The Diaries and Journals of Joseph Smith (Salt Lake City: Signature Books in association with Smith Research Associates, 1989), 193.
2. The Mormon population in the state during this period reached nearly 15,000. The best demographic study estimates the following peak percentages of Latter-day Saints by county: Jackson (57 percent), Clay (15 percent), Carroll (30 percent), Daviess (70 percent), and Caldwell (virtually 100 percent). See Wayne J. Lewis, "Mormon Land Ownership as a Factor in Evaluating the Extent of Mormon Settlements and Influence in Missouri, 1831-1841," M.A. thesis, Brigham Young University, 1981, 72-74.
3. Reed Peck, "Mormons So Called" (Quincy, IL: 1839), 5.
4. Joseph Smith, History of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, B. H. Roberts, ed., 7 vols. (Salt Lake City: The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, 1902), 2:145; hereafter History of the Church.
5. History of Caldwell and Livingston Counties, Missouri (St. Louis: n.p, 1886), 120-22; hereafter History of Caldwell and Livingston Counties.
6. "Kirtland Saints Land and Tax Records," in Milton V. Backman, Jr., A Profile of Latter-day Saints of Kirtland, Ohio and Members of Zion's Camp-1830-1839 (Provo, UT: Brigham Young University, 1982), 157.
7. D. Michael Quinn, "The Mormon Hierarchy, 1832-1932: An American Elite," Ph.D. diss., Yale University, 1976, 81-82.
8. Ebenezer Robinson, "Items of Personal History of the Editor," The Return (Davis City, IA), 1 (Oct. 1889): 145-51; Faulring, 182-83; History of the Church, 3:32.
9. Robinson, 145-51.
10. The revelation was given at the "French Farm" in Kirtland in the presence of Smith, Rigdon, Vinson Knight, and George W. Robinson (Faulring, 191,194-95).
11. Ibid., 197.
12. Ibid, 195.
13. Peck, 8-9.
14. Journal History, 6 Aug. 1838—a multi-volume daily history of the church compiled by official church historians; hereafter Journal History. Other accounts of the Gallatin affair are Reed C. Durham, Jr., "The Election Day Battle at Gallatin," Brigham Young University Studies 13 (Autumn 1972): 36-61; Stephen C. LeSueur, The 1838 Mormon War in Missouri (Columbia, MO: University of Missouri Press, 1987), 58-64; John D. Lee, Mormonism Unveiled; or The Life and Confessions of the Late Mormon Bishop, John D. Lee (St. Louis: Bryan, Brand, & Co., 1877), 56-60; and Sidney Rigdon, An Appeal to the American People: Being an Account of the Persecutions of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints; and of the Barbarities Inflicted on Them by the Inhabitants of the State of Missouri (Cincinnati: Printed By Shepard & Sterns, 1840), 15-18.
15. Journal History, 7 Aug. 1838.
16. William Swartzell, Mormonism Exposed; Being A Journal of a Residence in Missouri from the 28th of May to the 20th of August, 1838 (Pekin, OH: William Swartzell, 1840), 29.
17. Faulring, 202.
18. Document Showing the Testimony Given Before the Judge of the Fifth Judicial District of the State of Missouri, on the Trial of Joseph Smith, Jr., and others, for High Treason and Other Crimes Against that State (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1841), 161; hereafter Document.
19. Faulring, 202.
20. Missouri State Dept., Commission Dept., Mormon War, 183841, in Marvin S. Hill, Quest for Refuge: The Mormon Flight from American Pluralism (Salt Lake City: Signature Books, 1989), 85.
21. History of the Church, 3:61
22. Missouri Republican, 11 Oct. 1838.
23. Faulring, 210-11.
24. Times and Seasons 4 (15 July 1843): 271.
25. Hyrum Smith statement, Times and Seasons 4 (15 July 1843): 247.
26. History of the Church, 3:157.
27. Peck, 19.
28. Ibid., 20.
29. History of the Church, 3:180-81. John Whitmer explained that the Danites "commenced a difficulty in Davies[s] Co.… in which they began to rob and burn houses &c. &c. took honey which they (the Mormons) called Sweet oil & hogs which they called bear, and Cattle which they called Buffalo. Thus they would Justify themselves by saying we are the people of God, and all things are god[']s, therefore they are ours" (F. Mark McKiernan and Roger D. Launius, eds., An Early Latter Day Saint history: The Book of John Whitmer-Kept by Commandment [Independence, MO: Herald House, 1980], 165).
30. The official position was that "When a knowledge of Avard's rascality came to the Presidency of the Church, he was cut off…and every means proper used to destroy his influence, at which he was highly incensed, and went about whispering his evil insinuations, but finding every effort unavailing, he again turned conspirator, and sought to make friends with the mob" (History of the Church, 3:181). This stance is not accurate. Avard was not excommunicated until 17 March 1839 for testifying in court about Danite activities rather than for the activities themselves.
31. As reported in the Missouri Argus, 1 Nov. 1838.
32. Oliver B. Huntington Journal, 33 (Special Collections, Harold B. Lee Library, Brigham Young University, Provo, Utah; hereafter Special Collections, BYU).
33. Dean C. Jessee and David J. Whittaker, "The Last Months of Mormonism in Missouri: The Albert Perry Rockwood Journal," Brigham Young University Studies 28 (Winter 1988): 23.
34. James H. Hunt, Mormonism, Embracing the Origin, Rise and Progress of the Sect, With an Examination of the Book of Mormon; Also Their Troubles in Missouri, and Final Expulsion From The State (St. Louis: Ustick & Davies, 1844), 226.
35. Peck, 21-22.
36. Swartzell, 33.
37. Correspondence and Orders, 57-59.
38. Ibid. The following day, in a letter to "Bro & Sister Abbott," Marsh explained that "I have left the Mormons & Joseph Smith jr. for conscience sake and that alone." He then added that "the disposition in J. Smith and S. Rigdon to pillage, rob, plunder, assassinate and murder, was never equalled, in my estimation, unless by some desperado Bandit. O my what principles to be called the religion of Jesus Christ." Hyde concurred, "I can say with him that I have left the church…for conscience sake, fully believing that God is not with them" (copy in the Kirtland letter Book, cited in Hill, 96). Although both Marsh and Hyde later rejoined the church, neither ever denied the truthfulness of the statements made in their affidavits or the 25 October 1838 letter.
39. Correspondence and Orders, 57.
40. Cited in Missouri Argus (St. Louis), 8 Nov. 1838.
41. Correspondence and Orders, 60.
42. Ebenezer Robinson, The Return 2 (Feb. 1890): 216.
43. Times and Seasons 4 (15 July 1843): 274.
44. Karl Keller, ed., "I Never Knew a Time When I Did Not Know Joseph Smith," Dialogue: A Journal of Mormon Thought 1 (Winter 1966): 32.
45. Document, 61.
46. Peck, 8.
47. Governor Boggs to the Missouri General Assembly, 5 Dec. 1838, in Document, 14.
48. Correspondence and Orders, 117.
49. Jessee and Whittaker, 25.
50. Keller, 34.
51. Journal History, 16 Aug. 1857.
52. "Elder John Brush, By Two Friends," Autumn Leaves 4 (Apr. 1891): 173.
53. Oliver B. Huntington Journal, 162, Special Collections, BYU.
54. Peck, 24-25; Corrill, 41.
55. Times and Seasons 4 (15 July 1843): 275.
56. Keller, 35.
57. Peck, 25.
58. Hinkle to W. W. Phelps, 14 Aug. 1844, Messenger and Advocate (Pittsburgh), 1 Aug. 1845.
59. Corrill, 41.
60. Ibid.
61. General Lucas to Governor Boggs, 2 Nov. 1838, in Document, 73.
62. 9 Jan. 1840 Arthur Morrison affidavit, in LeSueur, 170.
63. History of the Church, 3:445.
64. Parley P. Pratt, Jr., ed., The Autobiography of Parley Parker Pratt, one of the Twelve Apostles of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-Day Saints (Chicago: Law, King & Law, 1888), 203.
65. History of the Church, 3:445.
66. Ibid.
67. Journal History, 31 Oct. 1838.
68. Ibid., 1 Nov. 1838.
69. Oliver B. Huntington Journal, 34, Special Collections, BYU.
70. Journal History, 31 Oct. 1838.
71. Joseph Thorp, Early Days in the West: Along the Missouri One Hundred Years Ago (Liberty, MO: Liberty Tribune, 1924), 89.
72. Five days after the surrender at Far West, Smith wrote to his wife: "Colonel Hinkle, proved to be a tra[i]tor to the Church, he is worse than a [H]ull who betra[yed] the army at [D]etroit, he decoyed us unawares[,] God reward him" (Joseph Smith, Jr., to Emma Smith, 4 Nov. 1838, archives, The Auditorium, Reorganized Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints, Independence, Missouri).
Reed Peck eloquently related his perspective of the Hinkle team:
The very men who risked their lives at [Smith's] request to open a communication with the army are now branded as traitors[.] When no others would venture we stepped forward and were instrumental in saving the lives of hundreds…by bringing about a treaty[.] Propositions were made to us and we faithfully reported the same to the presidency and they understood the whole matter, still Joseph pretends to the church that he was betrayed by us as Christ was by Judas (Peck, 32).
Peck elaborated that Hinkle and the other members of his committee were held up as scapegoats because Smith and Rigdon had delivered so many brave speeches yet were taken without a fight. The prophet's most noted embarrassment, Peck pointed out, was the failed 14 October 1838 boast that "I am determined that we will not give another foot and I care not how many come against us, 10 or 10000[.] God will send his Angels to our deliverance and we can conquer 10000 as easily as 10" (Peck, 32, 19).
In his own defense Hinkle wrote to W. W. Phelps on 14 August 1844 that the negotiators were appointed by Smith to
go and confer with the commanding officers of the Missouri Militia, and effect a treaty if possible, on any terms short of a battle.…Our object was (at least I felt so) to prevent the effusion of blood, which we all saw must inevitably take place, unless something could be immediately done.… When the facts were laid before Joseph, did he not say, "I will go" and did not the others go with him, and that too voluntarily, so far as you and I were concerned, my understanding was, that those men were to be taken and kept till next morning as hostages. —And if they did not, upon reflection and consultation with the officers in the camp of the enemy, during the night, conclude to accept of the terms proposed to us, but chose to fight, then they were to be kept safely, and returned to us in the city next morning, unharmed; and time given us to prepare for an attack by the Militia. During this whole interview and transaction, were not thousands of troops drawn up near the city, ready to fall upon us, provided those demanded as hostages refused to go!…Were we not advised next day, by word sent expressly from Joseph Smith to us, to surrender! When that intelligence was received, did I not draw up the forces under my command, and explain to them the nature of the whole affair, and then request all who were in favor of surendering, to make it known by marching three paces forward! They made a very slow start, but finally all came forward. We then marched out with slow and solemn step, into a partial hollow square of the enemy, faced inward, grounded arms, and marched away and left them. The town was laid under martial law and guarded. Then the authorities commenced taking others as prisoners, and kept them under guard to be tried, as they said, by civil law.
…I have been informed that one of your number is now in an adjourning neighborhood to this, asserting that I sold the heads of the church, in Missouri, for $700.00. Now Sir, as you are the man who was engaged in the whole affair with me, I request that you write a letter for publication…and in it exempt me from those charges, and correct the minds of that people and the public on this subject (Hinkle to W. W. Phelps, 14 Aug. 1844, Messenger and Advocate [Pittsburgh], 1 Aug. 1845).
73. Journal History, 28 May 1868.
74. History of Caldwell and Livingston Counties, 137.
75. Ibid. Wickliffe Rigdon's account, possibly based on information from his father, wrote that Doniphan said to Lucas: "You have got those men into your possession by promising them protection and fair treatment and now you are going to shoot them in the presence of their families[?]" Looking Lucas "square in the eyes," he said, "you hurt one of these men if you dare and I will hold you personally responsible for it, and at some other time you and I will meet again when in mortal combat and we will see who is the better man." Lucas reportedly replied, "If that is the way you feel about it, they shall not be shot" (Keller, 36).
76. Times and Seasons 4 (15 July 1843): 251.
77. Peter H. Burnett, Recollections and Opinions of an Old Pioneer (New York: D. Appleton and Co., 1880), 63.
78. Keller, 36.
79. Times and Seasons 4 (15 July 1843): 275.
80. Pratt, 208.


text:
The Westgate Las Vegas Resort and Casino (formerly the LVS Las Vegas), is an affordable, slightly-off Strip hotel and casino that is very popular with sports bettors and attendees at one of the many conventions next door at the Las Vegas Convention Center.
With just over 3,000 rooms, there is obviously a great demand for parking at the Westgate. Fortunately, the resort has a six story parking garage, lots of ground-level parking, and a separate sports book parking area, to meet the needs of its guests.
Parking is completely free, whether you're a guest at the hotel, or just visiting the casino or restaurant.
Westgate Hotel and Casino Parking Garage
The main six story structure sets on the north side of the resort's property and is detached from the hotel itself, meaning you'll have a little bit of an outdoor walk to check-in. However the pathways are clearly marked.
You can access the parking garage either from Paradise Road, which goes in front of the hotel, or from Joe W. Brown Drive, directly behind the resort. If you have the chance, use the Joe W. Brown entrance, and the Westgate's parking garage is much closer and easier to get to from here.
* From Joe W. Brown Drive
Simply turn into the parking garage entrance directly off of the road. Alternatively, you could use the Avenue of the Hiltons access road to enter the resort property, then take an immediate right into the structure.
* From Paradise Road
Whether you're going north or south on Paradise Road, you'll just want to enter into the Westgate Resort at the large "WESTGATE" sign. You'll be on Rivera Blvd, which curves left and turns into "Avenue of the Hiltons" (the Westgate used to be the Las Vegas Hilton).
The road will curve left and lead you to the outdoor parking left on your left, or, you can continue on for access to the covered parking garage.
Westgate Resort Las Vegas Main Outdoor Parking Lot
This large outdoor, uncovered parking area is to the north of the resort, and just west of the parking garage we talked about above.
If you're able to get an upfront spot, it's not too bad of a walk, however my aerial mapping estimate says the further spots could result in you having to walk over quarter mile to the Westgate's front desk.
Westgate Las Vegas Valet Parking
The Westgate Resort offers free valet services, although tipping is customary both when dropping off your vehicle and when picking it back up. You don't have to be a registered hotel guest or anything to use it.
The valet stand is under the large port cochere at the resort's main entrance. Here are some directions to get there:
When going north on the Strip, the very first right after you pass the giant "WESTGATE" sign is an unnamed little curvy street.
Taking this will lead you to another right and to the front doors of the Westgate.
Once one this little lane, you'll have the option to go in the far left lane and proceed ahead to the self-park area, or use the hotel's valet services.
Westgate's Sports Book, Or "SuperBook" Parking
As you may know, the Westgate has what many consider to be the finest sports book in all of Las Vegas, if not the world. Called the SuperBook, the 30,000 square foot area has seating for over 350 guests, and has 28 giant TV screens.
Whether you're a regular who shows up each Sunday to drop a few thousand on NFL games, or a tourist just wanting an exciting spot to watch the games, you can park (for free), on their spacious ground level uncovered parking lot east.
The parking lot is located on the east of the hotel, and is just steps outside of the sports book entrance. Access to the SuperBook parking is only from Joe W. Brown Drive. (Photo courtesy of billy kerr via Flickr).

subset: commoncrawl


text:
nina teddy in zebra
The Nina Teddy is made from a creamy silky Italian viscose with beautiful velvet Zebra flocking printed on top. The Teddy can be worn to bed, around the house, or even as a top tucked into jeans or black pants. Its loose comfy fit is super sexy and chic. Look adorable in the Nina!
- 94% Italian Viscose 6% Elasthan
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text:
Nguyen Thi Yeh
49,027pages onAdd New Page
this wiki
this wiki
Nguyen Thi Yeh was a female Human of Vietnamese descent in the 23rd century, and the mother of Mai Duyen Trinh.
Following her daughter's accident, she cared for her until her death. For a period of about a year, she wrote occasional letters to Hikaru Sulu to inform him of Trinh's worsening condition. (TOS novel: Allegiance in Exile)


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This necklace features a small charm made in the shape of a very detailed bull in silver! The bison cow shaped charm has details on both sides and is very realistic!
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text:
Until last Feb., I was using a gym bag for a range bag. It worked fine too and has lots of compartments for other things. Now, I use a range bag from Blackhawk.
Printable View
Until last Feb., I was using a gym bag for a range bag. It worked fine too and has lots of compartments for other things. Now, I use a range bag from Blackhawk.
It is odd. One magazine will cost $10 to ship. Any entire reloading setup in two giant boxes will cost $12.
As far as the bags go I am mixed on midway. I have the larger of their range bags. It began to slowly fall apart after 4-6 months. Have lost one of the zipper tabs. The velcro handle is coming off. Stitching in a few other spots coming out. I do not baby the product nor do I abuse it. For the money spent I would not have expected this. With all the ammo in it I would have expects the straps to fall off. Not the opening flap to fall apart.
Once mine is dead I will try one of their compact versions. May force me to put less in it.
I know a lot of folks here are against Wally World, but this is what I use:
Winchester Deluxe Shooters Bag: Hunting : Walmart.com
I've had it for about 3 years. Still looks like new. I did add a few padded inserts to create compartments (mostly due to my OCD). But it works really well, easy to find, and nearly always in stock. In fact, after my father saw it, he went out and bought one himself.
I've moved away from soft cases because I started to worry about all the lead/powder/primer I was brining home to the wife/kids. Now I carry hard cases that can be wiped down occasionally, especially after trips to indoor ranges.
Been pretty happy with a bargain priced clamshell top aluminium tool case from Harbor Freight (item 36871).
I've always just used a tool bag or old book bag from college. I really need to invest in some hard cases for the rifles.
Sent from my palm device
First they come for your range bags, then they come for your cleaning supplies, then they come for your targets, then they come for...
Stock up now on all--THE END IS NEAR!
If one can afford it, a Pelican case is tough to beat (Yeah, there's a pun in there).
Whenever ordering from Midway or any other internet business I have mulitple items to order to help defray the shipping costs. Of course if you only want to order one item that doesn't help much.
I live in a small town, so i order online most everything I need
Best range bag I own (that would be-several) is a hard-bottomed, wide-mouthed Stanley tool bag I bought on sale at Lowes. (*But, now that I think about it, that description also matches a girl I dated in college. I just don't think her name was Stanley, but if memory serves, she WAS on sale. :biggrin2:)
If you have a backpack, youre good to go. Just improvise.


text:
FEED YOUR SOUL BAKERY TFeed Your Soul Bakery
Join our team and spread some cookie love with one of our limited Feed Your Soul Bakery T-shirts.
This t-shirt is the perfect combination of style and comfort. 100% combed ringspun cotton jersey. Super soft lightweight fabric
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text:
People at Savannah: David Kastrup Profile
Follows the Profile of David Kastrup <dak>.
Open Items submitted by David KastrupNone found
Open Items assigned to David KastrupNone found
General Information
|Real Name:
|David Kastrup
|Login Name:
|Email Address:
|Site Member Since:
|Fri Mar 8 15:37:55 2002
|This user did not enable his/her Resume & Skills.
|Download GPG Key
Project/Group Information
- AUCTeX, an integrated TeX/LaTeX environment
- bigfoot bundle for advanced footnotes in LaTeX
Member since Thu Oct 23 14:58:53 2014
- emacs
Member since Thu Apr 18 18:50:55 2002
- GNU LilyPond Music Typesetter
Member since Thu Jun 3 14:09:50 2010
You Could Send a Message if you were logged in.


text:
*From the Pulmonary and Critical Care Medicine Service (Dr. Hnatiuk and Mr. Sierra), Department of Medicine, and Cardiovascular Thoracic Service (Dr. Corcoran), Department of Surgery, Walter Reed Army Medical Center, Washington, DC.
Correspondence to: LTC Oleh W. Hnatiuk, MD, FCCP, Chief, Pulmonary and Critical Care Medicine Service, Ward 77, Walter Reed Army Medical Center, Washington, DC 20307-5001; e-mail: email@example.com
Study objectives: To identify the impact of upright and
supine spirometry (USS) on the choice of anesthesia and outcomes in
patients undergoing surgery for anterior mediastinal masses (AMMs).
Design: Retrospective cohort study.
Setting: A referral, tertiary-care, military medical
Patients: We reviewed the records of all
patients who underwent surgery for AMMs between June 1994 and December
2000 at Walter Reed Army Medical Center. Patients aged ≥ 18 years who
had "anterior mediastinal mass" listed as the preoperative
diagnosis, which had been confirmed by a preoperative CT scan, and who
had available preoperative spirometry data were included in our
analysis. In cases in which surgery was performed more than once on the
same individual, only data from the first operation were
Measurements: Patient demographics, the
results of pulmonary function testing, perioperative complications,
type of anesthesia, type of surgery, and pathology were used in the
Results: Thirty-seven patients
(median age, 31 years; age range, 19 to 86 years) were included in the
final analysis. There were 24 men and 13 women in this group. The mean
(± SD) seated FVC and FEV1 values for the group were
4.02 ± 0.75 L (90.7 ± 13.3% predicted) and 3.22 ± 0.56 L
89.6 ± 14.2% predicted. Twelve patients (32.4%) had USS
ordered, and 10 patients (27.0%) had USS performed. USS was ordered
significantly more frequently in younger and symptomatic patients
(p = 0.022 and p = 0.005, respectively). Spirometry suggestive of
possible upper airway obstruction was found in four patients. However,
general anesthesia was used in all four patients without complications.
Only two patients suffered perioperative complications. One of these
patients had normal USS values but underwent surgery under local
anesthesia nonetheless.
Conclusions: The
recommendation to perform USS prior to surgery on AMMs is based on
anecdotal data. Our study found that the incidence of perioperative
complications in surgery for AMMs is low. We also found that USS is not
ordered in all patients preoperatively and that the results do not
always alter the anesthetic technique when abnormal. One patient who
experienced a perioperative complication had normal USS values. Larger
studies are necessary to further evaluate the utility of USS in surgery
for AMMs.
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text:
In Lonsdale 100 acre farm
At JD horse company me and my son buy and sell horses for fun in our extra time
Great barn to be at!
We teach the art of saddleseat riding with fun and safety in mind. We have an active youth group and provide a relaxed family atmosphere. Whether…


text:
Family law matters are some of the most emotionally difficult to go through. Furthermore, the legal proceedings can often be much more complex than many people realize. Whenever you are moving forward with a legal matter, no matter how straightforward it can seem, it is in your best interest to secure the representation of an attorney.
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Hosting Methods
BCS offers Freedom Series/ec21 in two business model environments - Traditional and SaaS. The Traditional business model environment is available when you want to manage your own hardware and networking equipment at your facility. BCS launched its SaaS model to manage your networking,hardware and software applications in a fully managed data center. This new trend,SaaS, is sweeping the technology industry with its numerous benefits such as low technological risk, minimal technology staffing, and reduced costs for world-class applications. SaaS allows you the ability to focus on your core business environment and leave the headaches and worries of networking and hardware maintenance to BCS through Service Level Agreements and guarantees to you.
When you're ready to launch your e-business plans over the Internet, you'll be able to utilize FreedomSeries/ec21with BCS's companion web product. The web product seamlessly integrates with Freedom Series/ec21 in a real-time mode over the Internet and allows your customers the freedom to view your electronic catalog, process sales orders, and view customer service functions 24 hours a day/ 7 days per week.
Popular Functionality Modules
Warehouse Management Freedom Series/ec21 provides you with a variety of features to improve warehouse productivity, optimize space utilization, reduce errors, gain better control of inventory,…
System Management Freedom Series/ec21 provides you with several system management tools and applications. These functions give you the ability to control your processing environment, ensure…
Sales Commissions With Freedom Series/ec21 you get an excellent sales commission system. The system allows for varying rates by customer, sales representative, product, location, or division.…
Real-Time Remote Order Entry & Customer Service This product is designed for wireless handheld devices allowing your remote sales people and other employees to access Freedom Series/ec21 data for remote order entry,…
Electronic Data Interchange (EDI) Over the last decade distributors have seen the growth of Electronic Data Interchange (EDI) as the means of communicating business documents, especially orders, between…
Complete Functionality Module List
- Accounts Payable
- Accounts Receivable & Credit Management
- Business Analysis Module
- Business Performance Management
- Customer Relationship Management/Market Segmentation
- Demand Planning & Forecasting
- Electronic Data Interchange (EDI)
- General Ledger, Budgeting & Financial Reporting
- Internet Order Management & Customer Service
- Inventory Control, Purchasing & Replenishment
- Order Entry & Customer Service
- Real-Time Remote Order Entry & Customer Service
- Sales Analysis
- Sales Commissions
- System Management
- Warehouse Management
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text:
- Home
- Selling
- Buying
- Foreclosures
- Search the MLS® System
- Free & Fun Stuff
- Community Links
- Lisa's Blog
- Why Hire Lisa
Free Home Evaluation >>Looking to sell or just want to know the true value of your home? I will be able to help you determine the exact value of your home... more
Search the MLS® System >>Use this site to search all listings in the Edmonton area, updated hourly... more
Critical Seller Information >>Not sure if that renovation will make you money on when it comes time to sell? Want to find out more about what "curb appeal" really means? Read our critical sellers information... more
Crucial Buyer Tips >>Looking for fixer-uppers but don't know how to assess true value? Trying to get into the real estate market with nothing down? Learning what to be on the lookout when viewing homes? more
Find Comparable Homes >>Thinking of selling and want to learn about the competition in your area? You can use our site to locate all MLS® System listings throughout Edmonton and area, complete with real estate trending... more
Important Market News >>
I work hard to keep my clients informed. Go to my blog to see what's happening in the market... more
Current Interest Rates Courtesy of


text:
snekdev (View their submission) · 198 days ago
- Interesting system, I can see the potential but the starting lineup isn't enough to really showcase it. Sorry if it gets better later in the demo and I didn't play far enough.
- The ONE sprite I like is the crocodile. That artstyle looks ok on animals but weird on humans. Go full furry :^)
VampireDev · 200 days ago
Again, this keeps being really fun and addictive, but I'm starting to hate the Cocodrilians. Only issue I could find was that It took me a while to figure out how to open the Character/Spell Screen. Having Ester explain it to you when she joins the party could be helpful.
Hope to see more progress on this soon.
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text:
Photo: Tria Giovan; Stylist: Elizabeth Beeler
Become One With Nature
The fresh green and yellow linens in this guest bedroom on Vieques Island, Puerto Rico, along with the mahogany doors and windows, echo the lush landscape outside. Adding a small potted plant to the bedside table literally brings the outside in.
Get the Look: The guest bedroom floor lamp is from Robert Abbey, and the bed is by Room & Board.
Around The Web


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Southern Region
The Southern Region can be contacted at email@example.com
The Regional officers (confirmed at the 11th January 2017 AGM) are:
- Chairman
Mark Poole
- Hon Secretary
Becky Conway
- Hon Treasurer
Ken Collins
Other Committee members are:
- William Heaps
- Joe Collins
- Rob Higgon
The Regionally-Elected Director on the Board of THS UK is: to be confirmed
The Minutes of recent Southern Region AGMs are available to download at the foot of this page.
The Southern Region holds regular meetings throughout the year, except in July and August, at which a variety of presentations of interest to members are given by guest speakers; we also hold occasional social events. We try to hold our events at various locations across the Southern region to ensure we reach all our members. If you have a suggestion for a venue please let us know and we will try to accomodate this in future events.
To be kept informed about our events, please join our secure mailing list by clicking HERE
Meeting Programme
Meetings usually commense at 19:00 for a 19:30 presentation UNLESS OTHERWISE STATED, please check below for details
Please revist this page regularly to check for updates and additions.
Wednesday 15th February 2017 - 'A Visit to The Marine Robotics Centre'
Venue: National Oceanography Centre, Southampton
Start Time: 1900
The Marine Robotics Innovation Centre is where science meets business, bringing together a range of industries to develop the next generation of marine autonomy. At the Marine Robotics Innovation Centre in Southampton, we host a community of innovative companies developing technology for platforms, components and sub-systems in order to aid and advance oceanographic research for the benefit of both scientists and businesses.
The National Oceanography Centre invested £3.5 million into the creation and development of this world-leading facility. With a range of specialist engineering and testing facilities, along with the world-class expertise of the scientists and technicians spanning more than 20 years at the NOC, we are able to accommodate and enhance the advancement of autonomous technologies.
The community, utilising available services at the innovation centre, share the specialised space with the NOC Marine Autonomous and Robotics Systems team who have extensive experience of the deployment of marine autonomous platforms in the ocean's most challenging environments.
The meeting will be held in the National Oceanography Centre, European Way, Southampton, SO14 3ZH on Wednesday 15th February, commencing at 19:00. There will be no charge for attendance and members' guests are very welcome - so arrive early to get the best seats for this excellent evening!
Registration is required for this event, please email email@example.com to book your place by Friday 10th February.
Wednesday 22nd February 2017 - 'Thames Dredging Opportunitues - Perspectives from Regulators, Environmentalists, Contractors and Surveyors'
Venue: University College London, Market Place Engineering Building, Room 1.02, Gower Street, London, WC1E 6BT
Start Time: 1300 for 1330 start
This Young CEDA event is open to all and is a free event. Non-CEDA members are warmly welcomed.
Through this seminar Young CEDA UK will facilitate a lively and relevant seminar on Dredging Opportunities for the River Thames, aimed at anyone working or studying in a related field. Through questions at the end of the sessions, we hope that both young and experienced professionals will be able to discuss the topics covered and conversations can be continued during the breaks. This will also be a superb opportunity to network with fellow professionals.
Keynote Speaker: Dr Ian Selby, Head of Minerals and Infrastructure, The Crown Estate - Opportunities for the Marine Resource
Alex Mortley, Conservancy Manager, Port of London Authority - Dredging - a means to discover our maritime heritage
Steve Massey: Divisional Business Manager, Land and Water - Wandle Weir Case Study
Session Questions: The session will then be split with refreshments and a tour of the Flume Modelling Facilities at UCL, led by Prof. Richard Simons. 15:00 - 16:00
Katie Read, Environmental Coordinator, Dredging International - Operational Environmental Monitoring
Jeremy Littlejohn, Estimator, Boskalis Westminster Limited - Ecological Enhancement from Dredged Materials
Session Questions and Close (17:00).
To book your free place, please register at https://thamesdredgingopportunites.eventbrite.co.uk
via the link or search 'Dredging' or 'Young CEDA' on the Eventbrite website. Alternatively, you can send an
email to confirm your attendance to email@example.com. Please include in your email: your name,
email address, and whether, or not, you are a CEDA member.
Thursday 27th April 2017 - 'The Navigation of Navigation' - Joint RIN Meeting
Speaker: Professor David Last FRIN
Venue: Warsash Maritime Academy
Start Time: 1900
Navigation used to be about ships, aircraft and travel on land, at sea and in the air. But now GPS is ubiquitous and dominated by smart-phones, commerce, industry and telecoms.
Unlike gas, water and electricity, national governments do not understand this new utility and cannot cope with its vulnerabilities.
So who now is responsible for the navigation on navigation?
The meeting will be held at Warsash Maritime Academy on Thursday 27th April, commencing at 19:00. There will be no charge for attendance and members' guests are very welcome - so arrive early to get the best seats for this excellent evening!
All members of The Hydrographic Society UK (from any Region) and their guests are welcome to attend our meetings. If you would like to receive email notification of forthcoming events in the Southern Region, send your details to email@example.com.
Members of other marine professional societies are most welcome to attend our meetings, especially colleagues from local branches of:
Previous Meetings
21st April 2016: 'The Future of Global Navigation Satellite Systems' - Professor Terry Moore
10th February 2016: 'The Mulberry Harbours - Past and Present' - Chris Howlett
20th January 2016: 'The Vertical Offshore Reference Frames Project' - Jonathan Iliffe and 'High Resolution Surveys on the Thames' - Jean-Philippe Cheminade (Geodesa) and Andrew Stanley (MMT)
16th December 2015: "A Festive Evening with MMT (UK)"
11th November 2015: Rolf Christensen "Which Way Are We Going? The Development of Heading Sensor Technologies"
15th October 2015: Dr John Bevan "Commander Crabb, What Really Happened?"
24th September 2015: Andrew Colenutt"Coastal Monitoring and Nearshore Seabed Mapping - Applications for Shoreline Management"
29th April 2015: "An Evening with Industry" Student Presentations & Poster Session at the National Oceanography Centre
11th March 2015: Wouter Verbraak. "The Navigator's role in Ocean Racing and Lessons from the Stranding of Volvo 65 Vestas Wind"
11th February 2015: Port of London Surveyors and Land Surveyor. "Developing a robust method for vessel dimensional control survey's using combined laser scanning, tracking, total station & photography"
|Title and description
|Southern Region AGM Minutes 2017
Meeting Minutes
|88 Kb
|Southern Region - Mulberry Harbour by Chris Howlett - Feb 2016
|9083 Kb


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sunburnt in september
sunburned in September.
You would have laughed.
It's the first time I ventured out
Upon the pavement my shadow ran beside me.
Around me, yellow butterflies fluttered their wings
the same way you blinked at boys you liked.
You haven't blinked
I saw a red punch buddy nestled in the trees,
remembered how I used to bruise your skin,
but then you would cry.
If you were here, I wouldn't hug you
I would beat you until you bled,
for being such an idiot,
and ruining my life,
because honestly, things haven't been the same
Since you slipped away.


text:
pack sth away
— phrasal verb with pack uk /pæk/ us /pæk/ verb
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strange, not known, or not understood


text:
US Open champion Rafael Nadal returned home today, insisting his latest tennis triumph did not qualify him as Spain's greatest-ever athlete.
Nadal, who became the seventh player to win a career Grand Slam with Monday's victory, said any comparisons to the greats was "madness."
"As a tennis player I took an important step forward with this and these have been six unforgettable months," Nadal said shortly after touching down from New York at Madrid's Barajas airport. "I can't say that I'm the best Spanish sports person of all time because I have no idea. But it's an honor to be considered."
Nadal's 2010 triumphs, including French Open and Wimbledon titles, have brought his career slams total to nine by the age of 24.
His triumphs have played a big part of a tremendous year of international sporting success for Spain, which won football's World Cup for the fist time and saw Alberto Contador win his third Tour de France in cycling.
"I don't know where (my successes) fit into this year. They are all important," the No. 1-ranked Nadal said. "Luckily, we're living during an era of Spanish sport that will be difficult to repeat. Of course we could repeat it, but we should enjoy it (now)."
Nadal's rivals for consideration of Spain's sporting great include the likes of five-time Tour champion Miguel Indurain and two-time Formula One world champion Fernando Alonso.
While Nadal has replaced four-time majors champion Manolo Santana as the country's greatest tennis player, the Mallorca native still feels he has some improving to do.
"I'm not a complete player - there are always things I can improve," Nadal said. "(But) I'm so happy with everything that happened and can't ask for anything more"
Nadal said his three-major accomplishment of 2010 wasn't necessarily better than 2008, when he won his first Wimbledon and Olympic gold, something he considered more difficult than a Grand Slam title given the chance only comes around once every four years. He also preferred to wait and see how he fares in November's World Tours Final in London, too.
Nadal, whose improved serve saw him drop only one set at the US Open en route to beating Novak Djokovic in the final, said his main rival Roger Federer was still the benchmark of the sport and should not be written off yet.
The Swiss player, who has won a record 16 Grand Slam singles titles, wasted two match points in his semifinal defeat to Djokovic.
"I would love to have the success of Federer," Nadal said. "In nine years he's achieved things that are practically impossible to repeat. It's difficult to be 100 percent each year, but he's managed to do it and it's normal to have a little drop."
- More about:
- Grand Slams
- Novak Djokovic
- Rafael Nadal
- Tennis


text:
The Aylesbury Guide
Verna House9 Bicester RoadAylesburyHP19 9AG
Tel: 01296 487020
The Aylesbury Guide is an A5 size publication serving Bedgrove, Elm Farm, Stoke Grange, Walton and selected areas within the HP21 postcode.
Published in alternate months, over 5000 copies are personally delivered to residential addresses and up to 1000 copies to local businesses. This gives advertisers really good value for money and provides residents with a source of local businesses who are interested in their custom. Also included are items of topical interest and a variety of local events.
Colour advert sizes range from full page (A5) to ¨û page (A8). Card Corner is text only, black/white, no logos.


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Reviews of Skeletons in the Closet
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Category comprised of the reviews of the The Legend of Korra episode "Skeletons in the Closet". Write your own!
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Here's a quick chapter! Thanks for your patience Leyton readers! I didn't forget about you!
Lucas quickly got out of his car, and hurried inside with a bouquet of flowers in his hand. He went upstairs where he knew Peyton was, and found her in the bedroom, standing in front of the mirror. She was fussing over her wig.
Lucas stood in the doorway taking in the sight of his fiancée. She was wearing a skirt that went to her knees, and clung tight in the perfect places, and a plain white shirt, with a vest over it. She sighed in frustration pulling the wig from one side to the other. "You look beautiful." He smiled, getting her attention.
"Oh look who finally showed up! You're only…" She looked at her watch "Twenty five minutes late!" Peyton said, before picking a pair of earrings to wear.
"I'm sorry. One of the boys needed to talk with me after practice about something…" Lucas said, sitting on the bed.
"Everything okay?" Peyton asked, worried.
"Yeah. He's just having some trouble in school. I'm going to talk with his teachers… get him a tutor." Lucas said, thinking about his plans. "I got you some flowers today!" He held up his bouquet.
Peyton smiled, and walked away from the mirror, to him. "Well this makes up for the fact that you're late." She took them from him, and sniffed a pink carnation. "They're beautiful. Thank you!"
Lucas pulled Peyton onto his lap. "You're welcome." He kissed her passionately on the lips. Today had been his first day back at work since Peyton's surgery, and to say that he has missed her would be a big understatement. "How was your day?"
"Quiet. I missed having you here. There was no one to help me do my crosswords." Peyton joked. She had spent most of her days after her surgery lying in bed doing so many crosswords. Lucas always had to help her finish them though."
"Trust me, I missed being here." He said, kissing her again.
Peyton smiled widely, and sat up. "I'm going to go and put these in water, and you need to get changed. We don't want to make Brooke and Andrew wait for too long." She stood up, and walked out.
"How many times has Brooke been late for dinner reservations with us?" Lucas yelled after her, smiling.
He joined Peyton downstairs twenty minutes later wearing nice dress pants, and a white wife beater.
"You can't wear a wife beater to dinner!" Peyton said, the second she saw him.
"I know." Lucas said. "I just ran out of clean shirts here though. We'll have to stop at my house on the way to the restaurant and I can get another one."
"Lucas there's something we need to talk about." Peyton said, apprehensively.
"What's wrong?"
"Nothing's wrong… it's just that we've been engaged for what… a month now?"
Lucas nodded his head.
"Well we still haven't officially moved in together yet!"
Lucas smiled, as he realized where she was going with this. "Are you saying you want to move in together?"
"Well it would be nice… to have all of our things together under one roof… and make my dad's house our house…"
"You want me to move in here?"
"Well I just thought we'd stay here… we can move into your house though, or shop around Tree Hill. What do you think?" Peyton asked.
"I think that nothing would make me happier than living in this house with you!" Lucas said, taking her hand.
"Seriously?" Peyton gripped his hand, excited.
"Seriously! I've been meaning to bring up this topic earlier. I just didn't know how."
"You knew the perfect way to propose to me… but didn't know how to bring up moving in together?" Peyton laughed.
"I'm a dork sometimes, okay?"
"It's okay. You're my dork!"
"Well I guess your dork better call a real estate agent tomorrow then!"
"Yes please!" Peyton said, excitedly. "But right now we have to get going!" She took his hand, and led the way out to his car.
They made a quick pit stop at Lucas's house so he could get a clean dress shirt, and then went to the restaurant. Brooke and Andrew were sitting at a table with a view of the water talking when they arrived.
"Hey ." Brooke greeted her best friend excitedly. "You look so good!"
"Thanks Brooke. Gaining weight everyday!" Peyton said excitedly.
"You're still too skinny though. As your doctor, I think I might have to get you your own bread basket for tonight!" Andrew joked before giving Peyton a quick hug, and shaking Lucas's hand.
"So let's get the medical talk out of the way, and talk about other things…" Brooke said once everyone had settled at the table and given their orders to the waitress. She knew Andrew was dying to ask Peyton some questions.
"Well I was used to seeing you two every two days… And now I have seen about twice since you were released from the hospital!"
"I know. It's weird not to be at the hospital that much now. It became such a normal part of our everyday life." Peyton said, looking to Lucas who agreed.
"I know. So how are you feeling? How are the pills I prescribed helping with the pain?"
"They work good. I can actually sleep at night now." After Peyton's surgery she had a lot of back pain, and had not been able to walk for a while. Now she could, thankfully.
"That's good to hear. And how is the physical therapy going?"
"I actually stopped that last week. They said I didn't go anymore!"
"What? You didn't tell me that! That's great news!" Brooke chimed in happily.
"Yeah, it is good!" Lucas agreed.
"Alright enough with the medical talk. Let's talk about normal things now." Peyton suggested.
The foursome enjoyed their three course dinner, and wine while they caught up. When the girls had finished dessert Peyton suggested that she and Brooke go for a quick walk. When the girls left Andrew and Lucas were getting on the topic of basketball, so they would be busy for a while. Lucas could talk Andrew's ear off about the game.
The moment they were outside Brooke let her know that she knew Peyton didn't just want to walk. "What's up?"
"Well, I've been doing a lot of thinking even though this is a no brainer kind of thing..."
"I swear I am over Lucas… he's all yours." Brooke joked.
"HA HA. Very funny." Peyton said sarcastically. "You have to close your eyes. I have a surprise for you."
"Okay!" Brooke said excitedly, shutting her eyes tightly.
Peyton reached into her bag, and pulled out a large wad of tissue paper. "Okay. Open."
Brooke opened her eyes and Peyton handed her the gift. "What is it?"
"Just open it." Peyton encouraged, watching excitedly.
Brooke slowly removed the tissue paper, and smiled. "A Posh Spice mug!"
"Look inside."
Brooke tilted the mug, and looked inside. There was writing on the bottom of the mug. "Will you be my maid of honour?" She read out loud.
Peyton laughed as Brooke realized what the question was. "Oh my goodness Peyton, yes a thousand times over!" Brooke embraced her best friend. "Thank you so much for this honour."
"Thank you Brooke. There's no one else I would standing beside me when that day comes!"
Brooke wiped at her eyes quickly, before linking arms with her best friend. "We should get back. I can't wait to tell Andrew the news!"
"Oh hey, I meant to ask you how the move went!"
Brooke had moved in with Andrew about two weeks ago, but Peyton couldn't help because of her back. "It went well. Still finding some spots for things… but it's going better than expected. I really love him, Peyton."
"I know, and I am glad you do. Lucas and I approve of him, and he treats you like a Princess… You two are perfect for each other!"
The girls went back to the restaurant excitedly, and Brooke began to share her ideas for Peyton and Lucas's wedding day.
"When Peyton walks down the aisle to Lucas there should be butterflies released, and when you two kiss I think fireworks should be shot off to symbolize the spark you two have always had for each other…"
Peyton shot Lucas a scared glance, playfully, and he gave her a wink back. Brooke was definitely willing to help with their wedding plans!
Lucas went to the Tree Hill Real Estate Agency office first thing the next morning, and spoke with an agent. They went to Lucas's house, and talked about the details of selling Lucas's house and about pricing before Lucas quickly signed papers and he watched the man hammer a "For Sale" sign onto the front yard.
Lucas took a picture on his phone, and sent it to Peyton.
He went to work following that, and was about to go to a meeting late in the afternoon when his favourite blonde showed up in his office. "Peyton, what's up?"
"Okay I know you have some meetings to go to this afternoon, but I just had to come and tell you some news. I was too excited to wait!"
"What is this news?" He smiled, seeing her so happy.
"My boss in LA called me… They have a client for me!"
"WHAT! That is great news. When are they coming?" Lucas asked, hugging her.
"Next week! So soon! My boss is having the rest of the recording equipment delivered tomorrow, and then we are ready to go! How awesome is this! This is like a dream come true!"
"I know! You've worked very hard for this true to come true… I couldn't be more proud of you!"
"Thanks Lucas. I'll let you get back to your meeting though." She gave him a kiss goodbye. "See you at home!"
That weekend Nathan and Haley helped Lucas and Peyton move the contents of Lucas's house into Peyton's, and got the house ready for some showings that were coming up.
The house had only been on the market for a week when Lucas got the phone call that the house that he had grown up in all of his life had been sold. He had mixed feelings. He was very happy to be moving in with Peyton and to continue their lives together, but he was going to miss his house that was for sure.
Lucas and Peyton were on their way to his house to give the keys to the new owners.
"I'm sure they are nice people." Peyton consoled him. "A nice family."
Lucas nodded his head.
"They are going to take really good care of it. I bet there's going to be a broody teenage boy in your old bedroom that likes to bounce his basketball off the ceiling and listen to records and read books."
Lucas smiled at the thought of that. When they got to the house he took a deep breath, and got out of the car with Peyton. The real estate agent was waiting on the front door step. "Hi Mr. Scott. The buyers should be arriving any minute now."
As if on cue a black sleek sports car pulled up to the curb in front of the house. Peyton gave Lucas's hand a small squeeze as they watched the buyers get out of the car.
"Lucas… is that? Oh my god, it is!" Peyton was shocked.
Lucas couldn't believe his eyes. "Are these the buyers?"
The real estate nodded his head. "Yes. Do you know them?"
"That's my mom!" Lucas said, running down the stairs towards his family. He scooped his little sister up into his arms and spun her around through the air happily.
He engulfed his mother in a hug, and she kissed him on the cheek. "Surprise Lucas! We bought the house!"
Surprise! What did you think? Sorry, I know this chapter was a bit rushed, but I had a lot of good things that I wanted to happen for Leyton in this chapter!
PS. My reviews have hit an all time high! Thank you!
Next chapter: Lucas catches up with his family, Peyton's new client comes to town, and LINDSEY (or as some of you like to call her man face haha) returns to town… and this time she isn't alone.