text: GRS LX 700 Language Acquisition and Linguistic Theory Week 12. Acquirers and questions English wh-questions What will John bake? Two components to forming a (main clause) wh-question (in English): Move a wh-word to SpecCP. Move T to C (Subject-Aux Inversion—SAI) Question formation Declarative: John will buy coffee. Wh-inversion: What will John buy? Wh-fronting: What will John buy? Yes/No-inversion: Will John buy coffee? Greenberg (1963): Wh-inversion implies Wh-fronting. Yes/No-inversion implies Wh-inversion. Wh-inversionWh-fronting English, German: Both. Japanese Korean: neither. John will buy what? Finnish: Wh-fronting only. What will John buy? What John will buy? Unattested: Wh-inversion only. *Will John buy what? Y/N-inversionWh-inversion English: Both Japanese: Neither John will buy coffee? John will buy what? Lithuanian: Wh-inversion only. Will John buy coffee? What will John buy? John will buy coffee? What will John buy? Unattested: Y/N-inversion only. Will John buy coffee? What John will buy? Universals and parameters Even if it's not completely clear what accounts for the implicational universals, inversion and wh-fronting do seem to be independent. A kid needs to learn what his/her language does in each domain. Wh-inversion implies Wh-fronting: Perhaps the only reason you'd move T to C is to get a [wh] feature originally on T into a position where it can be checked by a wh-word in SpecCP (Wh-criterion, see Guasti). Y/N-inversion implies Wh-inversion: ? Kids get these parameters down early Guasti (2000): Adam, Eve, and Sarah pretty much never left wh-words in situ, and when they did it was generally in a (grammatical) echo question. Same with inversion, there seem to be very few (on the order of 1%) errors of non-inversion in German, Italian, Swedish. Yet Bellugi (1971)—very famously—seemed to find something different in English… Stages: SAI in yes-no questions, not in wh-questions Notice this runs counter to Greenberg's univeral. SAI in positive questions, not in negative questions. Kuczaj & Maratsos (1983) Form Abe Ben Uninv Inv Uninv Inv can 2;5 2;11 2;6 2;10 is (cop) 2;7 3;1 2;4 2;8 are (cop) 2;9 3;0 2;7 2;10 is (aux) 3;0 3;0 2;7 3;1 are (aux) 3;0 3;1 2;10 3;0 will 3;0 3;1 2;10 2;10 Kids seem to learn auxiliaries one by one; they appear at different times. Kuczaj & Maratsos (1983) Form Abe Ben Uninv Inv Uninv Inv can 2;5 2;11 2;6 2;10 is (cop) 2;7 3;1 2;4 2;8 are (cop) 2;9 3;0 2;7 2;10 is (aux) 3;0 3;0 2;7 3;1 are (aux) 3;0 3;1 2;10 3;0 will 3;0 3;1 2;10 2;10 Each auxiliary seems be first used outside of inversion contexts, only later in inversions Kuczaj & Maratsos (1983) Form Abe Ben Uninv Inv Uninv Inv can 2;5 2;11 2;6 2;10 is (cop) 2;7 3;1 2;4 2;8 are (cop) 2;9 3;0 2;7 2;10 is (aux) 3;0 3;0 2;7 3;1 are (aux) 3;0 3;1 2;10 3;0 will 3;0 3;1 2;10 2;10 Only correctly inverted verbs (auxiliaries) appear in child speech (no inversion of main verbs) A famous non-result: SAI in YNQs before SAI in whQs YNQs Inv Uninv 3;0 0 1 WhQs Inv Uninv 0 3 3;5 198 7 3;8 9 33 22 5 Adam: At a certain point, inversion appears in yes-no questions—but inversion with whquestions is still infrequent. Soon afterwards, inversion is frequent for both types of questions. A famous non-result: SAI in YNQs before SAI in whQs Problem is, seems to be true of Adam's files, but not true generally… Several later studies with better sampling show no identifiable stage where yes-no questions invert while wh-questions don't—in fact, even the frequency doesn't go in one direction for all kids. Stromswold (1990, table 5.5) % of inversion WHQ vs.YNQ Child Adam Allison WH 88.3 85.7 YN 96.6 100 Child Nathan Nina WH 60.1 98.5 YN 46.2 93.9 April Eve Mark Naomi 91.7 95.5 97.9 96.2 94.1 87.2 97.6 94.2 Peter Ross Sarah Shem 92.1 99.3 92.9 95.6 98.5 97 91.9 79 MEAN 93 93.7 Conclusion really seems to be Kids will sometimes fail to invert. Kids will sometimes fail to invert more in one construction (e.g., wh-questions) than in another (e.g., yes/no-questions), but which one gets the advantage seems to vary by kid. SAI errors: doubling A double-auxiliary error, both an inverted and an un-inverted auxiliary: Why did you did scare me? How can he can look? A "double-tensing" error (where an auxiliary moves to I but the verb surfaces with tense). What did you bought? What did you did? Doubling errors Are the kids pronouncing a "loud trace" of (head-)movement? (Are they moving the auxiliary but failing to leave the trace unpronounced?) That would be interesting. Are they just forgetting what they are trying to say midway through and "blending" two structures? (one with and one without movement) Nakayama (1987) The longer the subject is, the more likely a kid is to make a doubling error; the length of the VP makes no difference. Is [the boy who is watching Mickey] is happy? Looks like blending, rather than the (more interesting) "loud trace" idea… Common error type: Is [the boy who is watching M], is he happy? Inversion in negation Guasti, Thornton & Wexler (BUCLD 1995) looked at doubling in negative questions. Previous results (Bellugi 1967, 1971, Stromswold 1990) indicated that kids tend to invert less often in negative questions. First: True? Second: Why? GTW (1995) Elicited negative questions… I heard the snail doesn't like some things to eat. Ask him what. There was one place Gummi Bear couldn't eat the raisin. Ask the snail where. One of these guys doesn't like cheese. Ask the snail who. I heard that the snail doesn't like potato chips. Could you ask him if he doesn't? GTW (1995) Kids got positive questions right for the most part. 88% of kids' wh-questions had inversion 96% of kids' yes-no questions had inversion Except youngest kid (3;8), who had inversion only 42% of the time. Kids got negative declaratives right without exception, with do-support and clitic n't. GTW (1995) Kids got lots of negative wh-questions wrong. Aux-doubling Neg & Aux doubling Why can't she can't go underneath? (4;0) No I to C raising (inversion) What kind of bread do you don't like? (3;10) Where he couldn't eat the raisins? (4;0) Not structure Why can you not eat chocolate? (4;1) GTW (1995) But kids got negative subject wh-questions right. …as well as how-come questions. which one doesn't like his hair messed up? (4;0) How come the dentist can't brush all the teeth? (4;2) Re: Not structure Why can you not eat chocolate? (4;1) Kids only do this with object and adjunct whquestions—if kids just sometimes prefer not instead of n't, we would expect them to use it just as often with subject wh-questions. GTW (1995) So, in sum: Kids get positive questions right Kids get negative declaratives right Kids get negative subject questions right. Kids get negative how-come questions right. Kids make errors in negative whquestions where inversion is required. Where inversion isn't required (or where the sentence isn't negative), they're fine. GTW (1995) The kids' errors all seem to have the character of keeping negation inside the IP. What did he didn't wanna bring to school? (4;1) What she doesn't want for her witch's brew? (3;8) Why can you not eat chocolate? (4;1) Why can't she can't go underneath? (4;3) GTW propose that this is a legitimate option; citing Paduan (Italian dialect) as a language doesn't allow neg->C. GTW (1995) Re: subject and how come questions… In a subject question, we don't know that the subject wh-word got out of IP—maybe kids left it in IP… heck, maybe even adults do. Who left? *Who did leave? How come questions don't require SAI in the adult language{./?} How come John left? *How come did John leave? "Auxless questions" Guasti (2002) discusses questions like Where Daddy go? (Adam 2;3) What I doing? (Eve 2;0) By making some assumptions (inherited from Rizzi), Guasti finds these problematic. Whmovement requires SAI, so what moved to C? Specifically, wh-movement depends on SAI, which happens because [+wh] starts on T and must move to C so it can be in a Spec-head relation with the whword in SpecCP. Also: subject questions need no inversion on this story. Auxless questions Auxless questions are relatively common among wh-questions in the 2-4 age range. Guasti/Rizzi's suggestion: An auxiliary at the head of the root can be null (similar to the null subject story). For adults, the head of the root is ForceP, but for kids it might be lower (FocP, where wh-words go). Kids who might otherwise say What I doing? will nevertheless not say Who laughing?. Subject wh-questions seem immune from "auxiliary drop." The Guasti/Rizzi explanation is pretty contrived, actually. The aux need not proceed as high as FocP for subject questions, so it ends up not being highest. Not really any clear alternative, though… Early, early wh-questions There may be an early "formulaic" stage where kids ask questions by just asking "Wh('s) NP?". O'Grady (1997): "Because of their formulaic character, it seems reasonable to treat these utterances as instantiations of a simple template rather than the product of whatever mechanism forms wh-questions in the adult grammar." But why? We already have lots of reason to think young kids know a lot about adult grammar by then… What is simpler about a "simple template"? Wh-subjects and wh-objects Is there a difference in the timing of emergence between subject wh-questions and object wh-questions? In English, there is an apparent difference in complexity ("distance" of movement, SAI). Early, early, early wh-questions Seidl and Hollich (2003) looked at headturn preferences in really young kids. Minimizes demands of task Use looking preferences to "answer" whquestions. What hit the apple? What did the apple hit? Where is the apple? Seidl et al. Kids saw a little simplistic computergenerated movie where, e.g., a book hit some keys. Then there were two screens presented side by side, one with a book displayed, one with keys displayed. What hit the keys? (book) What did the book hit? (keys) Where is the book? (book) Seidl et al. 1.4 1.2 1 13mo 15mo 20mo 0.8 0.6 0.4 0.2 0 -0.2 subj obj where Graph shows differences (target minus non-target). 20-month-olds seemed quite capable of comprehending all three kinds. 15-month-olds couldn't do objects; 13-month-olds couldn't do any. Processing, structural distance The distance between the base and derived positions for an object wh-word is greater than the distance between the base and derived positions for a subject wh-word. Whati did [IP John [VP buy ti ]] ? Whoi [IP ti [VP bought coffee ]] ? Processing, structural distance Re: preference for subject wh-questions; perhaps kids are sensitive to the number of phrases a moving wh-phrase has to escape. This also makes other predictions: Whati will [IP Sue [VP read ti ]]? Whati will [IP Sue [VP talk [PP about ti ]]]? Whati will [IP Sue [VP read [NP a book [PP about ti ]]]]? Hildebrand (1987) Tested (fairly old) kids on a paradigm of wh-questions of varying "depth" to see if more embedded wh-words are harder. In a repetition task (4-10 year olds), it was almost uniformly true that the more deeply embedded the wh-word was, the more errors the kids made trying to repeat it. But wait… So kids make more errors extracting from more deeply embedded structures. Is this a fact about the acquisition of wh-movement? Or is it just a fact about language processing in general? What do adults do? My guess: Even for adults, the more complex structures are (marginally) harder to process. Certainly true for subject vs. object relative clauses (the man who _ left vs. the man who I met _). Cf. NPAH later. Does child wh-movement obey the adult rules for whmovement? When the kids ask wh-questions, what structures are they using? Are they like the adult structures? If not, how are they different? Are they performing movement? Are there traces? Do the movements obey constraints (e.g., wh-island, ECP, …)? Do kids have wh-traces in their wh-questions? How do they perform on wannacontraction? Who do you want to help t? Who do you wanna help t? Who do you want t to help you ? *Who do you wanna / t help you ? Crain & Thornton (1991) studied this… Crain & Thornton (1991) There are three guys in this story: Cookie Monster, a dog, and this baby. One of them gets to take a walk, one gets to take a nap, and one gets to eat a cookie. The rat gets to choose who does each thing. So one gets to take a walk, right? Ask Ratty who he wants. Kid: Who do you want to take a walk? Crain & Thornton (1991) The kids (2;10 to 5;5) all knew the wanna contraction rule… 59% of the time kids contracted to wanna with object questions (as allowed) 4% of the time kids contracted to wanna with subject questions (out for adult) The ECP and argumentadjunct asymmetries Moving a wh-word out of a wh-island is better or worse depending on whether the wh-word is an argument (subject or object) or an adjunct. *How did he ask [wh where to fix the car t ]? What did he ask [wh how to fix t ] ? De Villiers, Roeper, and Vainikka (1990) [Kid takes a shortcut home, rips dress, that night, kid tells parent about dress] When did she say t [she ripped her dress t]? "at night" "that afternoon" When did she say t [wh how she ripped her dress t t ]? "at night" *"that afternoon" 3-6 year-olds allow short and long distance questions for complement clauses, don't like long distance adjunct questions out of whislands… De Villiers, Roeper, and Vainikka (1990) And kids make the argument-adjunct distinction the ECP makes for adults: No wh-island, arguments/adjuncts both take long distance interpretation about 3040% the time Argument wh-island, neither argument nor adjuncts can move out (2-8% LD) Adjunct wh-islands, arguments can move out (30% LD) but not adjuncts (6% LD). Again, kids have a lot right— but what do they have wrong? When kids make a mistake with a question like… When did she say how she ripped her dress? …it will often be that they answer something like "climbing over the fence"— answering the question How did she say t she ripped her dress? instead. What are kids doing when they answer a medial whword? Are they answering the last wh-word they saw? Kids don't answer medial wh-words in yes-no questions. Did Mickey tell Minnie what he bought? Kids don't answer wh-words in relatives. How did you meet the man who sang? German partial whmovement? Kids have been observed to produce questions with an initial wh-word and a lower copy. What do you think what's in her hat? What do you think where the marble is? 'What do you think is in her hat?' 'Where do you think the marble is?' What do you think what Cookie Monster eats? 'What do you think Cookie Monster eats?' German partial whmovement? Was hat er gesagt [ wie er das Kuchen machen kann ]? What has he said how he the cake make can 'How did he say he could make the cake?' Are kids treating the upper wh-word like a scope marker? (Are they "speaking German"?) Hard to say with confidence, but it's an interesting possibility. German partial wh-movement does have certain restrictions. Thornton (1990) and van Kempen (1997) showed that kids do this only out of finite clauses, and German only allows partial movement out of finite clauses too. Processing constraints? O'Grady (last year's textbook) suggests that another reason why kids might answer the intermediate wh-word is that they've already forgotten the matrix clause (citing Phinney 1981, who found that 3-year olds often delete the matrix subject and verb when repeating biclausal sentences). Kids don't answer a medial wh-word in a yes-no question, though..? Speaking Irish? French? Another crosslinguistic analogy we could make is to Irish, French, and other languages that seem to show a certain amount of "whagreement" when a wh-word passes through SpecCP. Ceapann tú go bhuailfidh an píobare an t-amhrán. think you that play.fut the piper the song 'You think that the piper will play the song.' Caidé aL cheapann tú aL bhuailfidh an píobare? what WH think you WH play.fut the piper 'What do you think the piper will play?' Je crois que Marie est partie. Qui crois-tu qui et partie? Speaking Irish? French? So, perhaps the kids' non-adult use of intermediate wh-words is actually a mis-analysis of English. First, they suppose it is Irish, and the intermediate whwords are the pronunciations of agreeing complementizers. Then, they suppose it is French, and limit the agreement to subject wh-words. A medial wh-word is never a whole wh-phrase. A head? Sometimes production goes from S&O medial wh-questions to just S. Then, they get to English. Other constraints on whmovement from 3-5 year olds They reject adjunct extraction from NP But they allow argument extraction…? Whoi did the mother show [his copying ti] ? This is de Villiers' example; seems ambiguous to me between extraction and non-extraction readings. Better might be What did the mother show his eating? They reject adjunct extraction from rel. clause *Howi did the mother see [his riding ti]? *Howi did [the woman who knitted ti] swim? And reject extraction from temporal adjuncts *Who did the elephant ask [before helping ti ]? Superiority 3-5 Adults: Whoi ti slept where? *Wherei did who sleep ti ? And the kids seem to have that down cold. (Kid: It's better if I start.) (from deVilliers and Plunkett, unpublished as of 1995?) That-trace? Who did the pig believe that swam in the pond? Kids opt for the interpretation where the questions asks which, of the animals the pig believes, swam. Kids don't go at all for the interpretation which entails a violation of that-trace (the pig believed that who swam) (Phinney 1981) This is sort of mysterious, since languages differ as to whether they respect the that-trace filter. That-trace? Some conflicting results? Thornton (1990), production experiment found that-trace violations 18% of the time subject wh-questions were used. McDaniel, Chiu and Maxfield (1995) found an acceptance rate of 24% for that-trace effects. Grammar vs. Preferences These experiments are really testing preferences not grammaticality. If they prefer the that-less variant, we won't see that-trace violations even if they are strictly grammatical for the kid. Just because a structure is dispreferred (for whatever reason—frequency, difficulty, etc.) does not mean that it is ungrammatical in the child's grammar. Preferences are not the best route to discovering the properties of child grammar, though it's hard to design grammaticality judgment experiments.. Questioning out of quotations Adult languages generally can not question out of a quotation: *Whati did the boy say "Can I bring ti" ? But English, French and German kids (3-6 years) seem to allow it. Why? Correlates to questioning out of quotations Kids may not quite grasp the quotation yet. A significant proportion of kids around the same age range allow co-reference between a pronoun in the quotation and the subject: "Hei can sit here" said Mickeyi. Perhaps, it has more to do with the fact that it requires "getting into someone else's head"… False beliefs Kids before a certain age (usually before 4) seem unable to take another person's perspective: Little rabbit puts carrot in red basket, leaves. Mother rabbit comes in, moves carrot to blue basket. Little rabbit comes back. Where does he look for the carrot? Some kids will answer "the blue basket"—unable to see that the little rabbit shouldn't have known. False beliefs & quotations Those same kids who answered "blue basket" were also those who would do this: Mother bought cake, but wanted to surprise girl. When asked, mother claimed to have bought paper towels. What did Mother say she bought? The "blue basket" kids answer "cake." False beliefs & quotations So, perhaps it is understanding what a quotation is that is allowing kids to extract from them—they treat a quotation as a regular clausal complement. Weak islands In the adult language, there is a certain configuration which seems to create an island for movement of wh-adjuncts, which arguably has to do with the logical meaning. Coming by train is a subset of the events coming. John said Mary was coming by train implies John said Mary was coming. Weak islands In weak islands the implication fails: Negation: John didn't say Mary was coming by train. John didn't say Mary was coming. Factives: John forgot Mary was coming by train. John forgot Mary was coming. With quantificational adverbs: John often eats grapes with a fork. John often eats grapes. Weak islands And in those cases, you can't extract whadjuncts in the adult language. Whyi did John say (ti) that Mary left (ti)? Whyi did John forget (ti) that Mary left (*ti)? Whyi didn't John say (ti) that Mary left (*ti)? Whyi does John often say (ti) that Mary left (*ti)? Weak islands Four-year-olds have been observed to fail on the implication: Jim forgot that his aunt was arriving by train, so he went to the bus station to pick her up… Did Jim forget that his aunt was coming? —Yes! Guess: They haven't gotten the implication pattern down for these non-monotonicincreasing environments. Weak islands Now: If kids haven't gotten the implication pattern, and if the implication pattern is implicated in the islandhood, do kids fail to observe weak islands just when they also fail on the implication pattern? Philip and de Villiers (1992) looked into this… Philip and de Villiers (1992) Kids never allow LD association out of a whisland (they obeyed the purely syntactic constraint). *Whyi did the mother ask [what he made ti ]? The other facts were "generally in support"(de Villiers 1995) of the conclusion that where kids fail to make the inferences required by nonmonotone-increasing environments, they also fail to treat them as movement islands. Multiple questions A fair amount of theoretical work has concerned the treatment of multiple whquestions. E.g., the wh-typology: English (move one) vs. Japanese (move none) vs. Bulgarian (move all). What do kids do with them? Well, but that's lunacy—adults barely use them, how are we going to find out about kids? Grebenyova (2005) Russian as a multiple-movement language: chto kuda Smurf polozhil? What where S put? Interpretation: PL (Pair-list): Who invited who for dinner? SP (Single pair): Which diplomat invited which journalist? Who invited the roommate of who for dinner? Who invited who for dinner? English, Russian: PL, *SP Serbo-Croatian, Japanese: PL, SP: Grebenyova (2005) Ok, let's check CHILDES (parental speech). Varvara (1;7-2;11). 737 single questions. 1 multiple question. kto tebe chto podaril ? Whonom you whatacc gave? Not very much input here. Grebenyova (2005) Attempts to elicit multiple interrogatives. Story: 3 characters each hide a different thing. Characters and items not in a natural category Add a character who doesn't hide anything (and pointing that out). Avoiding: What did everyone hide? Not mentioning the names of the characters in the lead-in Avoiding: Which x hid which Y? Who hid which X? Which x hid what? Avoiding: What did they hide? First time: single question. Decide to ask a more difficult question next time. Grebenyova (2005) And it worked: Kids (and adult controls) produced multiple wh-questions in PL contexts (but not SP contexts) about a third of the time in English, about half the time in Russian. Syntax: English kids did it like adults. Russian kids 15% of the time did it like English kids/adults: *Kto sprjatal chto? Who hid what Grebenyova (2005) Tried non-subjects and adjuncts to figure out more about the syntax: Found some wh-in-situ for kids, both notably both for kids and adults found about two-thirds multiple fronting and one-third partial fronting: Who hid what? Who did Lizard give what? Who did the dog find where? Kogo sobaka gde nashia? Who dog where found Perhaps (for wh-in-situ; but partial fronting?) Acquisition of focus? Mixed/confusing input (which phrases can stay in situ)? Stepping back a bit Let's take some time to look at a few results coming out of an earlier tradition, not strictly Principles & Parameters (and not covered by White) but still suggesting that to a certain extent L2 learners may know something (perhaps unconsciously) about "what Language is like" (which is a certain way we might characterize the content of UG). Typological universals 1960's and 1970's saw a lot of activity aimed at identifying language universals, properties of Language. Class of possible languages is smaller than you might think. If a language has one property (A), it will necessarily have another (B). +A+B, –A–B, –A+B but never +A–B. (Typological) universals All languages have vowels. If a language has VSO as its basic word order, then it has prepositions (vs. postpositions). VSO? Adposition type Yes No Prepositions Postpositions Welsh None English Japanes e Markedness Having duals implies having plurals Having plurals says nothing about having duals. Having duals is marked—infrequent, more complex. Having plurals is (relative to having duals) unmarked. Generally markedness is in terms of comparable dimensions, but you could also say that being VSO is marked relative to having prepositions. Markedness "Markedness" actually has been used in a couple of different ways, although they share a common core. Marked: More unlikely, in some sense. Unmarked: More likely, in some sense. You have to "mark" something marked; unmarked is what you get if you don't say anything extra. "Unlikeliness" Typological / crosslinguistic infrequency. More complex constructions. [ts] is more marked than [t]. The non-default setting of a parameter. VOS word order is marked. Non-null subjects? Language-specific/idiosyncratic features. Vs. UG/universal features…? Berlin & Kay 1969: Color terms (On the boundaries of psychophysics, linguistics, anthropology, and with issues about its interpretation, but still…) Basic color terms across languages. It turns out that languages differ in how many color terms count as basic. (blueish, salmon-colored, crimson, blond, … are not basic). Berlin & Kay 1969: Color terms The segmentation of experience by speech symbols is essentially arbitrary. The different sets of words for color in various languages are perhaps the best ready evidence for such essential arbitrariness. For example, in a high percentage of African languages, there are only three "color words," corresponding to our white, black, red, which nevertheless divide up the entire spectrum. In the Tarahumara language of Mexico, there are five basic color words, and here "blue" and "green" are subsumed under a single term. Eugene Nida (1959) Berlin & Kay 1969: Color terms Arabic (Lebanon) Bulgarian (Bulgaria) Catalan (Spain) Cantonese (China) Mandarin (China) English (US) Hebrew (Israel) Hungarian (Hungary) Ibibo (Nigeria) Indonesian (Indonesia) Japanese (Japan) Korean (Korea) Pomo (California) Spanish (Mexico) Swahili (East Africa) Tagalog (Philippines) Thai (Thailand) Tzeltal (Southern Mexico) Urdu (India) Vietnamese (Vietnam) Eleven possible basic color terms White, black, red, green, yellow, blue, brown, purple, pink, orange, gray. All languages contain term for white and black. Has 3 terms, contains a term for red. Has 4 terms, contains green or yellow. Has 5 terms, contains both green and yellow. Has 6 terms, contains blue. Has 7 terms, contains brown. Has 8 or more terms, chosen from {purple, pink, orange, gray} Color hierarchy White, black Red Green, yellow Blue Brown Purple, pink, orange, gray Even assuming these 11 basic color terms, there should be 2048 possible sets—but only 22 (1%) are attested. Color terms Jalé (New Guinea) 'brilliant' vs. 'dull' Tiv (Nigeria), Australian aboriginals in Seven Rivers District, Queensland. BWRG Ibibo (Nigeria), Hanunóo (Philippines) BWRY Ibo (Nigeria), Fitzroy River people (Queensland) BWRYG Tzeltal (Mexico), Daza (eastern Nigeria) BWRYGU Plains Tamil (South India), Nupe (Nigeria), Mandarin? BWRYGUO Nez Perce (Washington), Malayalam (southern India) BW BWR Color terms Interesting questions abound, including why this order, why these eleven—and there are potential reasons for it that can be drawn from the perception of color spaces which we will not attempt here. The point is: This is a fact about Language: If you have a basic color term for blue, you also have basic color terms for black, white, red, green, and yellow. Implicational hierarchy This is a ranking of markedness or an implicational hierarchy. Having blue is more marked than having (any or all of) yellow, green, red, white, and black. Having green is more marked than having red… Like a set of implicational universals… Blue implies yellow Blue implies green Yellow or green imply red Red implies black Red implies white Brown implies blue Pink implies brown Orange implies brown Gray implies brown Purple implies brown L2A? Our overarching theme: How much is L2/IL like a L1? Do L2/IL languages obey the language universals that hold of native languages? This question is slightly less theory-laden than the questions we were asking about principles and parameters, although it's similar… To my knowledge nobody has studied L2 acquisitions of color terms… Question formation Declarative: John will buy coffee. Wh-inversion: What will John buy? Wh-fronting: What will John buy? Yes/No-inversion: Will John buy coffee? Greenberg (1963): Wh-inversion implies Wh-fronting. Yes/No-inversion implies Wh-inversion. Eckman, Moravcsik, Wirth (1989) L1: Korean (4), Japanese (6), Turkish (4) L2: English Note L1s chosen because they are neither/neither type languages, to avoid questions of transfer. Subjects tried to determine what was going on in a scene by asking questions. Eckman, Moravcsik, Wirth (1989) Example Y/N Qs: Did she finished two bottle wine? Is Lou and Patty known each other? Sue does drink orange juice? Her parents are rich? Is this story is chronological in a order? Does Joan has a husband? Yesterday is Sue did drink two bottles of wine? Eckman, Moravcsik, Wirth (1989) Example Wh-Qs: Why Sue didn't look solution for her problem? Where Sue is living? Why did Sue stops drinking? Why is Patty's going robbing the bank? What they are radicals? What Sue and Patty connection? Why she was angry? Eckman et al. (1989) wh-inv whfronting? results % Whinv % Whfr SM K 25 NO 100 YES UA T 54 NO 100 YES TS J 70 NO 100 YES MK K 80 NO 100 YES RO J 88 NO 100 YES KO J 95 YES 100 YES MH J 95 YES 100 YES NE T 95 YES 100 YES SI J 95 YES 100 YES G T 100 YES 100 YES MA T 100 YES 100 YES ST J 100 YES 100 YES TM K 100 YES 100 YES YK J 100 YES 100 YES % Eckman et al. (1989) YN-inv. wh-inv.? results YNinv % WHinv SM K 8 NO 25 NO MK K 38 NO 80 NO YK J 51 NO 100 YES TS J 67 NO 70 TM K 83 NO 100 YES RO J 85 NO 88 BG T 86 NO 100 YES MA T 88 NO 100 YES UA T 91 YES 54 NO KO J 93 YES 95 YES MH J 95 YES 95 YES NE T 100 YES 95 YES SI J 100 YES 95 YES ST J 100 YES 100 YES NO NO Eckman, Moravcsik, Wirth (1989) Yes/no inversion Wh-inversion Yes (VS) No (SV) Yes (VS) 5 4 No (SV) 1 4 Eckman's Markedness Differential Hypothesis Markedness. A phenomenon or structure X in some language is relatively more marked than some other phenomenon or structure Y if cross-linguistically the presence of X in a language implies the presence of Y, but the presence of Y does not imply the presence of X. Duals imply plurals. Wh-inversion implies wh-fronting. Blue implies red. (…but what counts as a "phenomenon or structure"?) Markedness Differential Hypothesis MDH: The areas of difficulty that a second language learner will have can be predicted on the basis of a comparison of the NL and TL such that: Those areas of the TL that are different from the NL and are relatively more marked than in the NL will be difficult; The degree of difficulty associated with those aspects of the TL that are different and more marked than in the NL corresponds to the relative degree of markedness associated with those aspects; Those areas of the TL that are different than the NL but are not relatively more marked than in the NL will not be difficult. Notice that this is assuming conscious effort again. Perhaps it need not, depending on how you interpret "difficulty" but it seems like Eckman means it this way. Another possible way to look at it is in terms of parameter settings and (Subset Principle compliant) defaults, coupled with a FT/FA type theory… MDH example: Word-final segments Voiced obstruents Voiceless obstruents Sonorant consonants Vowels most marked Surge Coke Mountain least marked Coffee All Ls allow vowels word-finally—some only allow vowels. Some (e.g., Mandarin, Japanese) allow only vowels and sonorants. Some (e.g., Polish) allow vowels, sonorants, but only voiceless obstruents. English allows all four types. Eckman (1981) e e IL form [b p] [b bi] [rt] [w t] [sIk] Mandarin L1 Gloss IL form Tag [tæg ] And [ænd ] Wet [w t] Deck [dk] Letter [lt r] Bleeding [blidIn] e e c c e Spanish L1 Gloss Bob Bobby Red Wet Sick MDH example: Word-final segments Voiced obstruents Voiceless obstruents Sonorant consonants Vowels most marked Surge Coke Mountain least marked Coffee Idea: Mandarin has neither voiceless nor voiced obstruents in the L1—using a voiceless obstruent in place of a TL voiced obstruent is still not L1 compliant and is a big markedness jump. Adding a vowel is L1 compliant. Spanish has voiceless obstruents, to using a voiceless obstruent for a TL voiced obstruent is L1 compliant. MDH and IL The MDH presupposes that the IL obeys the implicational universals too. Eckman et al. (1989) suggests that this is at least reasonable. The MDH suggests that there is a natural order of L2A along a markedness scale (stepping to the next level of markedness is easiest). Let's consider what it means that an IL obeys implicational universals… MDH and IL IL obeys implicational universals. That is, we know that IL is a language. So, we know that languages are such that having word-final voiceless obstruents implies that you also have word-final sonorant consonants, among other things. What would happen if we taught Japanese L2 learners of English only—and at the outset—voiced obstruents? Generalizing with markedness scales Voiced obstruents Voiceless obstruents Sonorant consonants Vowels most marked Surge Coke Mountain least marked Coffee Japanese learner of English will have an easier time at each step learning voiceless obstruents and then voiced obstruents. But—if taught voiced obstruents immediately, the fact that the IL obeys implicational (markedness) universals means that voiceless obstruents "come for free." Nifty! Does it work? Does it help? Answers seem to be: Yes, it seems to at least sort of work. Maybe it helps. Learning a marked structure is harder. So, if you learn a marked structure, you can automatically generalize to the less marked structures, but was it faster than learning the easier steps in succession would have been? The Noun Phrase Accessibility Hierarchy Keenan & Comrie (1977) observed a hierarchy among the kinds of relative clauses that languages allow. The astronaut [(that) I met yesterday]. Head noun: astronaut Modifying clause: (that/who) I met — yesterday. Compare: I met the astronaut yesterday. This is an object relative because the place where the head noun would be in the simple sentence version is the object. The Noun Phrase Accessibility Hierarchy There are several kinds of relative clauses, based on where the head noun "comes from" in the modifying clause: The astronaut… [I met — yesterday] [who — met me yesterday] [I gave a book to —] [I was talking about —] [whose house I like —] [I am braver than —] object subject indirect object obj. of P Genitive (possessor) obj. of comparative The Noun Phrase Accessibility Hierarchy Turns out: Languages differ in what positions they allow relative clauses to be formed on. English allows all the positions mentioned to be used to make relative clauses. Arabic allows relative clauses to be formed only with subjects. Greek allows relative clauses to be formed only with subjects or objects. Resumptive pronouns The guy who they don't know whether he wants to come. A student who I can't make any sense out of the papers he writes. The actress who Tom wondered whether her father was rich. In cases where relative clause formation is not allowed, it can sometimes be salvaged by means of a pronoun in the position that the head noun is to be associated with. NPAH and resumptive pronouns Generally speaking, it turns out that in languages which do not allow relative clauses to be formed off a certain position, they will instead allow relative clauses with a resumptive pronoun in that position. Arabic: allows only subject relative clauses. But for all other positions allows a resumptive pronoun construction, analogous to: The book that John bought it. The tree that John is standing by it. The astronaut that John gave him a present. NPAH The positions off which you can relativize appears to be an implicational hierarchy. Lang. Arabic Greek Japanes e Persian SUB – – – DO + – – IO + +? – OP + +? – GEN OCOMP + + + + +/ – – (+) + + + + Noun Phrase Accessibility Hierarchy More generally, there seems to be a hierarchy of "difficulty" (or "(in)accessibility") in the types of relative clauses. A language which allows this… Subj > Obj > IO > OPrep > Poss > OComp Noun Phrase Accessibility Hierarchy More generally, there seems to be a hierarchy of "difficulty" (or "(in)accessibility") in the types of relative clauses. A language which allows this… Will also allow these. Subj > Obj > IO > OPrep > Poss > OComp Noun Phrase Accessibility Hierarchy More generally, there seems to be a hierarchy of "difficulty" (or "(in)accessibility") in the types of relative clauses. A language which allows this… Will also allow these. But not these… Subj > Obj > IO > OPrep > Poss > OComp Relation to L2A? Suppose that KoL includes where the target language is on the NPAH. Do L2'ers learn the easy/unmarked/simple relative clauses before the others? Do L2'ers transfer the position of their L1 first? Does a L2'ers interlanguage grammar obey this typological generalization (if they can relativize a particular point on the NPAH, can they relativize everything higher too?)? NPAH and L2A? Probably: The higher something is on the NPAH, the easier (faster) it is to learn. So, it might be easier to start by teaching subject relatives, then object, then indirect object, etc. At each step, the difficulty would be low. But, it might be more efficient to teach the (hard) object of a comparison—because if L2'ers interlanguage grammar includes whatever the NPAH describes, knowing that OCOMP is possible implies that everything (higher) on the NPAH is possible too. That is, they might know it without instruction. (Same issue as before with the phonology) NPAH in L2A Very widely studied implicational universal in L2A—many people have addressed the question of whether the IL obeys the NPAH and whether teaching aa marked structure can help. Eckman et al. (1989) was about this second question… Change from pre- to post-test Eckman, Bell, & Nelson (1988) 8 7 6 Subj Group Obj Group O.P. Group Controls 5 4 3 2 1 0 Subj Obj O.P. Transfer, markedness, … Do (2002) looked at the NPAH going the other way, EnglishKorean. English: Relativizes on all 6 positions. Korean: Relativizes on 5 (not OCOMP) S SU do IO OP GE 13 + + + + + 14 + + + + - 16 + + + - - 29 + + - - - 31 + - - - - 20 - - - - - Transfer, markedness, … The original question Do was looking at was: Do English speakers transfer their position on the NPAH to the IL Korean? But look: If English allows all 6 positions, why do some of the learners only relativize down to DO, some to IO, some to OPREP? It looks like they started over. Subset principle? A tempting analogy… in some cases, parameters seem to be ranked in terms of how permissive each setting is. I E Null subject parameter Option (a): Null subjects are permitted. Option (b): Null subjects are not permitted. Italian = option a, English = option b. Reminder: Subset Principle The idea is If one has only positive evidence, and If parameters are organized in terms of permissiveness, Then for a parameter setting to be learnable, the starting point needs to be the subset setting of the parameter. The Subset principle says that learners should start with the English setting of the null subject parameter and move to the Italian setting if evidence appears. I E Reminder: Subset Principle The Subset Principle is basically that learners are conservative—they only assume a grammar sufficient to generate the sentences they hear, allowing positive evidence to serve to move them to a different parameter setting. Applied to L2: Given a choice, the L2'er assumes a grammatical option that generates a subset of the what the alternative generates. Does this describe L2A? Is this a useful sense of markedness? Subset principle and markedness Based on the Subset principle, we'd expect the unmarked values (in a UG where languages are learnable) to be the ones which produce the "smallest" grammars. Given that in L1A we don't seem to see any "misset" parameters, we have at least indirect evidence that the Subset principle is at work. Is there any evidence for it in L2A? Do these NPAH results constitute such evidence? Subset vs. Transfer The Subset Principle, if it operating, would say that L2A starts with all of the defaults, the maximally conservative grammar. Another, mutually exclusive possibility (parameter by parameter, anyway) is that L2A starts with the L1 setting. This means that for certain pairs of L1 and L2, where the L1 has the marked (superset) value and L2 has the unmarked (subset) value, only negative evidence could move the L2'er to the right setting. Or, some mixture of the two in different areas. NPAH and processing? At least a plausible alternative to the NPAH results following from the Subset Principle is just that relative clauses formed on positions lower in the hierarchy are harder to process. Consider: The astronaut… who [IP t met me yesterday] who [IP I [VP met t yesterday]] who [IP I [VP gave a book [PP to t ]]] who [IP I was [VP talking [PP about t ]]] whose house [IP I [VP like [DP t 's house]]] who [IP I am [AP brave [degP -er [thanP than t ]]]] SUB DO IO OPREP GEN OCOMP NPAH and processing? If it's about processing, then the reason L2'ers progress through the "hierarchy" might be that initially they have limited processing room—they're working too hard at the L2 to be able to process such deep extractions. Why are they working so hard? (Well, maybe L2A is like learning history?) NPAH and processing? Is the NPAH itself simply a result of processing? The NPAH is a typological generalization about languages not about the course of acquisition. Does Arabic have a lower threshhold for processing difficulty than English? Doubtful. The NPAH may still be real, still be a markedness hierarchy based in something grammatical, but it turns out to be confounded by processing. So finding evidence of NPAH position transfer is very difficult. Subset problems? One problem, though, is that many of the parameters of variation we think of today don't seem to be really in a subset-superset relation. So there has to be something else going on in these cases anyway. VT Yes: √SVAO, *SAVO No: *SVAO, √SAVO Anaphor type Monomorphemic: √LD, *Non-subject Polymorphemic: *LD, √Non-subject


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The long and drawn-out Lukas Podolski transfer saga rages on, with no transfer in sight and still no official word on what it will mean to Landon Donovan's potential move to Bayern Munich.
The German champions rejected an undisclosed offer for Podolski from Cologne, Podolski's old club. Bayern Munich wouldn't reveal what the offer was, saying only that it was well below the $12.7 million Bayern Munich paid for Podolski in 2006.
As far as Donovan is concerned, neither Bayern Munich or MLS has made any official statement regarding the expected loan move he is set to make this January, with Bayern only going as far as to say that the club is in talks with MLS about a longer-term deal than a potential two-month stay.
Something tells me Bayern Munich won't pull the trigger on a Donovan offer until and unless the club succeeds in selling Podolski for the right price.
Here are some other stories to get your day started:
Diarra out for season as Real Madrid woes mount
Real Madrid's nightmare season continued last weekend after word that Malian midfielder Mahamadou Diarra will miss the rest of the season, and between six-to-nine months, after major knee surgery.
Diarra's right knee injury is not only a major blow to Real Madrid, which sits a disappointing fifth in La Liga, but also for Mali, which could be without his services for several World Cup qualifying matches.
Boca ties, San Lorenzo and Tigres win
If you are a fan of late-season drama, then look no further than the Argentine League, where three teams head into the final week of the Apertura season tied on points. Boca Juniors settled for a scoreless draw against Gimnasia La Plata, while San Lorenzo posted a 4-1 victory against Independiente.
Tigres pulled of the most stunning result of the weekend, fighting back from a two-goal deficit to post a 3-2 victory and give itself a chance at winning the championship next weekend.
Boca Juniors meets Colon next weekend while San Lorenzo faces Argentinos Juniors. Tigres meets Banfield. San Lorenzo holds the edge in goal difference heading into the final weekend.
Toluca and Cruz Azul reach Mexican final
In the end, Cuauhtemoc Blanco couldn't muster any magic and Santos Laguna couldn't manage one more upset to reach the Mexican Apertura final as the No. 8 seed.
Toluca's stalwart defense proved too much for Santos as goals from Edgar Duenas and Hector Mancilla cancelled out an Edgar Castillo goal and provided the difference in a 2-1 second-leg victory for Toluca after the team's tied, 0-0, in the first leg.
Cruz Azul, which list in the Clausura final earlier this year to Santos Laguna, posted a 1-1 tie for a 4-2 aggregate series victory against Atlante on Saturday.
The two-leg final will begin later this week.
He said what?
From the "No he didn't really say that" department comes this comment from Bayern Munich general manager Uli Hoeness about upstart Bundesliga leaders TSG Hoffenheim.
"They have done some sensational work, but without the financial support, they would still be in the second or third division," Hoeness said of Hoffenheim, referring to billionaire owner Dietmar Hopp.
"You can only employ scouts when you have the money for it."
Is that Bayern Munich complaining about a team spending its way to the top? Really? How do you say "Pot calling the kettle black" in German?
What do you think of the above stories? Do you think Podolski will move this winter? Have you given up on a permanent Donovan move to Bayern? Are you starting to believe that Sir Alex Ferguson put a voodoo hex on Real Madrid because of all the Cristiano Ronaldo tampering? Who do you see finishing on top in the crazy Argentine League race?
Share your thoughts below.
straight up trade: podolski for donovan. that way, podo can learn where being a baby will get you a ticket to… soccer hell.
Hoffenheim really haven't spent all that much, especially considering how many good young players they've acquired. They've spent less than 30M euros for all the players in their squad.
Hoeness was actually trying to take a jab at Hoffenheim's coach. The two have been going at for awhile. They had put the question to him as to weather Hoffenheim's good fortune this season was a reflection of their coach, Rangnick. He went on to put down Rangnick and suggest that they were doing better because of the money. At one point he clarified and said that to Bayern Munchen a war of money is no problem.
This new article on ESPN suggest Podolski is staying until the summer. I would think the Donovan deal would not hinge on Podolski. He has not proven himself to be an adequate replacement.
Hey people, don't forget to vote for SBI – today's the last day to vote!
wait, Santos Laguna was the 8th seed? Where is everyone screaming that it just shows how bad the Mexican league/playoffs are because an 8th seed made it that far?
While I don't know how much it matters if three teams finish tied on top of the Argentine standings, goal difference does not enter the equation if it is two teams. If they are tied on points, there is a one-game playoff for the title. That's how Estudiantes won the title over Boca a couple of seasons ago.
I don't know, Jeff, I don't read that article and come to the same conclusion.
It could be that MLS is holding on to LD and won't sell him unless they get a good offer from Munich – and Munich won't offer a whole lot unless they get a whole lot for Podolski.
They can't put LD on the CL roster if he's not going to stay for the remainder of the season; perhaps MLS won't let him stay past March 15 on loan but would be willing to sell him for 10 Mil. Munich won't pay 10 Mil but maybe would pay 8 Mil but won't do that unless they get 12 mil for Poldi.
These are just scenarios.
Plus, there has to be something going on with the Donovan loan. Otherwise, why won't MLS just announce it already. They had no trouble announcing Blanco's loan or Fred's loan or Beckham's loan.
And yet they are stone silent on Donovan's loan, even though Bayern Munich have mentioned it's happening and that it's a done deal at least until march 15.
Something is not adding up.
Travis in Miami
Biological – great idea! I find the situation so thick with irony.
Hincha Tim
Soulshadow, you're right, the Argentine Primera is not settled on goal differential in case of a tie. And by the way, there could be 4 teams tied at the end of the last games next week. No matter what it is done by the teams playing each other.
Per the Argie Newspapaer Ole and Hasta El Gol Siempre Blog:
"Two teams tied on points:
A final match to be played on neutral ground on Wednesday, 17 December. In case of a draw, extra-time will follow and if they are still tied a penalty-kicks shoot-out to decide the champion.
Three teams tied on points: Many ways of ending the season with three teams tied at the top.
San Lorenzo, Boca and Tigre all winning in the final round.
Or…all of them getting draws and Lanús losing.
Or…all of them losing and Lanús losing too.
Or…two of them getting only one point, the other one losing and Lanús winning.
How do they decide the title if there are three teams tied at the top?
Each team play each other once on neutral ground.
Possible dates are: Wednesday 17; Saturday 20 and Tuesday 23.
The order of play will be determined by a draw (in which we know for a fact that will have as a result a Boca v. San Lorenzo fixture in the latest possible date).
This triple tie never happened in the history of the short tournaments. The only precedent was the 1968 Nacional. River, Racing and Velez (the eventual champion) finished with the same number of points and had to decide with three additional matches.
If after that three-way tie-breaker two or more teams are equal on points and goal-difference and goals scored, the decisive factor would be the results between them during the Apertura.
Tigre would have the advantage over both, San Lorenzo and Boca as they defeated both 1-0 and 3-2 respectively.
Boca would have the advantage over San Lorenzo after they 1-0 win at La Bombonera in round 13.
Four teams tied at the top:
If Boca, San Lorenzo and Tigre all draw in the final round and Lanús win, they will all finish with 37 points and will have to face each other to decide the winner.
The dates would be the same as if it was a three-way tie but there would be 2 matches each day (Wednesday 17; Saturday 20 and Tuesday 23)."
Here you go Ives,
in german pot calling the kettle black is
Topf rufend den Kesselschwarz
Travis in Miami
Hincha Tim – I've never been an avid fan of the Argetine league but – thanks to your post – I will be glued to it this week hoping for a 3 or four way tie at the top! Great stuff.
The old guard clubs of Europe always get uppity when new clubs challenge their supremacy. They believe they have rigged a financial situation that ensures their competitive advantage forever. But, they are finding that there are newer owners and emerging leagues especially in Eastern Europe that aren't willing to just accept the traditional power structure. Just wait to see how quickly they lose their rhetoric and turn nasty over the 6+5 rule when clubs in the Western hemisphere start directly competing with them over the best talents from Brazil and Argentina.
Read this artilce by ives very good artilce.
Losing Diarra is HUGE for Madrid (and Mali). They haven't had their midfield engine since Makelele was rashly sold, and Diarra was such a big part of the surprise championship last year. The pressure will really be on the young dreadlocked Dutchman Royston Drenthe.
La Liga is so deep this year that spots 2-4 will really be a dog fight to make CL. I'm rooting for Madrid, since they are the last bastion of Dutch football on the club level.
Podo would score about 500 goals if he played in the MLS!
Bob, nice stab at German.
Rumenigge has said on their website that they are getting Landon. Of course is that OFFICIAL official, or just an official? Anyway, I don't see a connection between Podolski's leaving and Landon's coming on loan. All along, at least publically, Bayern has maintained that they do not want to sell Poldi, that he needs to "step up". Even if they did sell him, they were planning to keep him until the summer.
The only person they planned to bring on in the winter transfer is Landon, which Rumenigge this last week said WOULD happen, and that he was coming till March 15.
That is the drift I have gotten all along form reading German media (sportbild, FCB German language site, Suddeutsche Zeitung, etc), as they quote Klinsmann and Rumenigge, etc.
I DO see a potential connection if they want to keep Landon longer than a loan. Then what happens with Poldi might come into play.
Of course there's something going on with Donovan's loan……it hasn't happened yet. Why would the league announce anything until AFTER its done?
Its Tigre, without the "s", named after the port city of the same name just north of Buenos Aires (even though they play in the city of Victoria). If Tigre were to win the title it would historic not only as it would be at the expense of San Lorenzo and Boca Juniors but because, as recently as 2006, they were in the third division of Argentine soccer and hadn't been in the top flight for 27 years.
It has really been exciting stuff in the past weeks, with Tigre winning their past two after being down 1-0 and 2-0 respectively. I was actually at the match two weeks ago where they came from behind to beat River Plate and the atmosphere was unbelievable. Picture RFK on good day times a hundred.
They like to play the important games in Argentina at the same time to prevent corruption I suppose. So if you get a chance find an internet stream and watch. It'll be "edge of your seat" kind of stuff.

subset: commoncrawl


text:
Information Technology Architecture
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"Information technology architecture is the process of development of methodical information technology specifications, models and guidelines, using a variety of Information Technology notations, for example UML, within a coherent Information Technology architecture framework, following formal and informal Information Technology solution, enterprise, and infrastructure architecture processes. Best practice Information Technology architecture encourages the use of open technology standards and global technology interoperability."[from Wikipedia]
ConceptDraw PRO extended with Enterprise Architecture Diagrams Solution from the Management Area is a powerful software which provides a set of helpful tools for designing Information Technology Architecture.
Example 1. Information Technology Architecture
Now you don't need to be an artist to create professional looking and attractive diagrams representing Information Technology Architecture. Enterprise Architecture Diagrams Solution offers you wide variety of predesigned templates and samples.
Example 2. Enterprise Architecture Diagrams Solution in ConceptDraw STORE
All templates and samples are available from ConceptDraw STORE and can be used as is or changed for your needs using the predesigned objects from the Enterprise Architecture Diagrams library that is also included in the Enterprise Architecture Diagrams Solution.
Example 3. NIH IT Enterprise Architecture Framework
The samples of Information Technology Architecture you see on this page were created in ConceptDraw PRO software using the predesigned shapes from the Enterprise Architecture Diagrams library included in Enterprise Architecture Diagrams Solution. An experienced user spent 20 minutes creating each of these samples.
Use the tools of Enterprise Architecture Diagrams Solution for ConceptDraw PRO software to effectively represent the Information Technology Architecture.
All source documents are vector graphic documents. They are available for reviewing, modifying, or converting to a variety of formats (PDF file, MS PowerPoint, MS Visio XML, and many other graphic formats) from the ConceptDraw STORE. The Enterprise Architecture Diagrams Solution is available for all ConceptDraw PRO v9.5 or later users.
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A campus network provides wireless access to the Internet or LAN to users located in two or more buildings or in the open space surrounding those buildings. A campus network is usually set in the campus of a university, but the same kind of planning and design can be applied for other purposes. For example, the campus network can used for an office or industrial park, in a public place like a supermarket with an entertainment center, even on a farm. Another form of temporary campus network can exist during special events such as music festivals or rallies. The elementary campus networks arise spontaneously: the radio signals from the access points, which provide network inside the building are not limited to its walls, so any user in the backyard can also get wireless network access. The larger and more complex campus network may have additional access points in places specially chosen for serving clients, i.e., on the lawn in front of the college or in a coffee shop around the corner. Read more... →
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Story Behind this Recipe
This is the standard way of preparing a strawberry. You don't have to cut off the stem if you are eating the strawberry whole. If you add lemon juice to the water when rinsing, it enhances the sweetness of the strawberries and makes them even more delicious. For Strawberry Sauce, see Recipe ID: 2311120.


text:
The new house is designed in a modern architectural style and consists of 27 apartments, also has an underground parking. Parking space in the garage can be purchased separately — the purchase price 24,370 euro. Each apartment has small cellar size of 2 м².
The offered apartment has a bedroom, living room with open kitchen, bathroom.
Margareten district has a developed infrastructure: within walking distance of Central Station, the metro U1, a direct connection to the airport in Vienna, supermarkets, pharmacies, shops. 10–15 minute walk is the metro station U4 Pilgramgasse. In front of the house is a tram 1, 62.
Purchase costs regulated by law
- Transfer tax 3.5%
- Agent commission 3.6% (incl. VAT), for buy-to-let investors 3%
- Registration fee 1.1%
- Legal fees 1.2–2.4% (incl. VAT), for buy-to-let investors 1–2%


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"As soon as you open the book, you are swept into these places that are so different, yet have parallels in the real world…it seems that all of these places could replace their counterparts in the real world… There were only 13 stories. I need more! Rated: Hard to imagine a better book."
Horn Books' Out of the Box blog 8/18/11
"…authors such as Caitlin Kittredge, Dia Reeves, Kiersten White, and Adrienne Kress write the steamier side of steampunk, where "technomagical and natural desires collide." This naturally means lots of flirting and first kisses (with gorgeous automatons or gentlemen criminals, aboard airships, or after narrowly escaping mad inventors); it also entails deeper ethical concerns about technology, progress, and humanity's impact on nature."


text:
A representative of Scott Hall told TMZ that he is upset that Top Rope Promotions is using footage of his in-ring incident from Friday night to promote their online pay-per-view event taking place tonight. "We...Read More →
It was reported earlier this week that former WWE talent Scott Hall was hospitalized following a drug overdose. Geena Jinev Anac, Hall's publicist, issued a press release Thursday disputing the report. It read: "I just...Read More →
The following is a new article from celebrity-gossip website TMZ.com: X-Wrestler X-Pac — Guilty in Cannabis Caper Former WWF wrestler X-Pac is finally ready to pay the piper for his marijuana arrest earlier this month...Read More →


text:
No lounging around on beaches for these adventure travellers. For 35 years, the University of Calgary Marathon Training Program takes its participants around the world to help fulfil their running dreams and learn the latest research in training and exercise physiology.
The University of Calgary Marathon Training Program in the Faculty of Kinesiology is the longest-running destination marathon training program in Western Canada. It was started by former faculty members Dr. George Kinnear, Prof. David Bean and Dr. Barry Kerr, who in 1982 were keen to head to Hawaii with other Calgarians to take part in the Honolulu Marathon. The program has continued as an opportunity to educate, train and influence the general public in the most up-to-date, safe methods of distance training.
Honolulu, Hawaii, was the sole destination until organizers decided it would be fun for participants to experience other destinations. Since 2009, marathons have been run in Long Beach, Santa Barbara, Niagara Falls, Portland, Victoria, and Dublin — and in November 2017, they're heading to Portugal.
"A good deal has changed in marathons since 1982. Running in general has become the norm rather than the exception," says Colleen Parsons, head coach of the marathon training program.
More people run marathons; women now outnumber men in most marathons; training programs have changed to accommodate 'normal' adult athletes; and the number of marathon finishers has expanded exponentially.
Fun is part of winning formula to successfully train for a marathon
"Our secret? Few injuries, and a lot of fun," says Ashley Fox, co-facilitator of the program. "The format prepares all runners to incrementally train in such a way that they are completely prepared when they 'toe up' to the start line."
Fox says the program has a 100 per cent success rate, meaning all those who show up to start the the 42-kilometre race finish the event.
"From the beginning, the program has incorporated the latest principles of training, movement preparation, strength training and recovery to help avoid injuries as much as possible. Through the guidance of many local experts, mainly from the Faculty of Kinesiology, and the experience of the coaching staff, we have been able to reduce the number of injuries," says Fox.
"We have seen runners join because of a bucket list — a box that they want to tick, but also those who have made it their life's goal to make a lifestyle change. We have seen marriages, divorces, landmark dates, newly minted empty nesters, you name it," she says. "If there is something to commemorate, a marathon for some folks is the exclamation mark. We've had those same bucket-listers turn into lifers. Multiple marathoners. Boston Marathon finishers."
Participants range in age from early 20s to early 70s and for many, it is a life-changing experience.
"It is because of you and the marathon program that I was able to make an abrupt lifestyle change," says Bob Wright. "I am 67 now and my running pace is slowing down, but not my enthusiasm to maintain a lifestyle that allows summer hikes in Europe, the occasional race and lots of play time with five grandchildren." The program alumnus from 1999 is a 25-time marathoner, including three Boston marathons.
On your mark, get set for your 2017 race plan
The 2017 races have been designated; however, the team is flexible in how they can support the runners, should someone decide to attend a different event. The two events for this year are Porto, Portugal in November and Portland, Oregon, in October. However, "we welcome runners interested in any fall marathon — because we can generally customize the running schedule to support our team — wherever they choose to run," says Fox.
New this year is distance learning. Yes, distance learning of a marathon program. Those interested in virtually joining the team will have access to the lectures and support system in place to help walk the first-timer (or not) through an online system.
How to get involved
- The 2017 Marathon Training Program begins on Monday, March 6. UCalgary staff and students receive 20 per cent off their registration fee as our anniversary gift. Please call 403-220-7749 to register at this rate.
- Participants are required to have a 30-minute running base (please email firstname.lastname@example.com for a 0-5k training plan to get you there if needed).
- Learn more about the Marathon Training Program.


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1.1 / September 8, 2013
App Information Dog Days
- App NameDog Days
- Package Namecom.brokenknight.DogDays
- UpdatedSeptember 8, 2013
- File SizeUndefined
- Requires AndroidAndroid 2.0.1 and up
- Version1.1
- DeveloperBroken Knight Games
- Installs1,000 - 5,000
- PriceFree
- CategoryArcade
- Developer
- Google Play Link
Broken Knight Games Show More...
Dog Days 1.1 APK
The age old battle of cats vs. dogs takes ustoa near future where Agent Apollo's world is plagued by theevilC.A.T Corporation. Everywhere Apollo turns there are C.A.TCorpsoldiers armed and ready to neutralize anyone who does notconformto their sinister ways.Dog Days begins just as Apollo and the rest of the K9 Forceunitare taking shelter in their training facility. Apollo,equippedwith the latest suit K9 Force's engineers have created,will go outto confront the evil C.A.T. Corp minions. On thisadventure Apollowill journey around the world, to the deep depthsof the ocean, andthe far reaches of outer space to confront the CEOof C.A.T. Corp.Along the way enemies of every size and magnitudestand in hisway.Features:Free To Play!!Take control of Apollo through over a dozen levels as you dodgeandvanquish C.A.T. Corp enemies with your fearsome barksCustomize Apollo's abilities with 30+ different combinationsofarmor suits and barks from the K9 Force Armory Experiencemusicbuilt for every worldPlayable by everyone, children through adults
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XPOSED IMEI Changer 1.6 APK
ROOT REQUIREDXPOSED FRAMEWORK REQUIREDIF You dont know What is XPOSED Framework then do not try thisapplication (it wont work)Hi Guys,I read about the Xposed framework in xda and other websites.somewebsites have really good tutorials about it.So what I understandis that we can modify a function and its return values using theXposed Framework.I have created and Xposed Module For Changing (MASKING) the IMEINo of the PhoneChange Means How Other Application gets the IMEI No of the deviceusing below codeAs you all know,The Value is not permanent as it is an XposedModule :)XDA-Developers Threadhttp://forum.xda-developers.com/xposed/modules/xposed-imei-changer-t2847187Pro version :https://play.google.com/store/apps/details?id=com.vivek.imeichangerproStepsInstall appEnable module in xposed frameworkCome back to app and enter new valuePress ApplyGo to xposed moduleOpen framework pageDo a soft rebootOpen the appAnd you can see new valuecheck the value by dialing *#06#, you can see the new value
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The Best Graphics of Mobile Game Prize in 2017GMIC (Global Mobile Internet Conference)!A brand new dancing social game perfectly combined with thecore technology of Unity 3D and oversea popularmusic.Game Features:♥Millions of Dancersis to be Dating♥Millions of girls are seeking for a perfect wedding and a loyalpartner. Free your mind and write you the most romantic story bythe hottest 'Social System'! Speak out your love loudly by theunrestricted 'Wedding System' and have it witnessed by your bestfriends!♥Feel Your Love, Feel Your Summer♥Hand in hand with the companions around you and accumulate thesweet moments in 'Couple Mode'. Date with your dream and find outyour perfect partner in this summer. Can't wait to show your charmand love to her/him? It is the show time now!♥Thousands of Fashion Styles, You are the Super Dancer! ♥Thousands of fashionable costumes are lying on your private closet.The 'Tailor' can even cut the dress according to your needs! Matchyour private fashion styles anywhere and anytime. You are the mostbrilliant super dancer!♥Easy Learn, Easy Play♥Only needs 5 seconds to make you learned the complete game play.Dancing with your fingers easily even with single hand!--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------New Features:1. Add the T Show System.Show your super style on the T Show, you can also grab seats,bullet comments and send gifts.2. Brand New Music Player.You can change the backgroud music if you like.3. New Activity Task System.You can claim more rewards by completing Activity Task everyday.4. Add Starsoul Compose System.You can compose higer level's starsouls by yourself.Improvements1. Add Item Renew Function. You can renew the overdued itemsdirectly on the Backpack.2. Add Report Function. You can report the players who uploadedsome unhealthy photos.3. Add New Chatting Emoji. More interesting chatting emoji to showyou emotion.4. Brand New UI Interface. You will be in a brand new Super Dancerworld!--------------------Contact us: firstname.lastname@example.com Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/SuperDancerGame
Slendrina:The Cellar (Free) 1.6.93 APK
This is the story of Slendrina The Cellar. Nowshe has become more evil than before and hates it when someoneintruding on her territory. She will do anything to stop you.Whatever you do .... do not look back!Try to find 8 missing old books in the dark cellar and then run tothe exit.You also need to find keys to open certain doors.Look everywhere, for they could be anywhere.If you like Slender Man, then you will love this horror game.If you want to send an email to me, please write in English orSwedishThank you all for your kind ratings you have given me! You are thebest!The game is free but it Contains advertising.It is now possible to unlock all levels with STC-points, which youcan earn in the game absolutely free.Have fun!
Hungry Shark Evolution 4.8.0 APK
Take control of a very Hungry Shark and go ona frantic ocean rampage!Survive as long as possible by eating everything and everyone inyour way!Explore underwater worlds filled with delicious and exoticcreatures!Collect and evolve iconic sharks like the Great White, Hammerheadand Megalodon!In this action packed aquatic adventure:• Unlock more than a dozen unique sharks and other fintasticcreatures• Explore free-roaming worlds both above and below thewaves• Enjoy jawsome 3D graphics and sound effects• Discover and devour mysterious creatures of the deep• Recruit Baby Sharks to boost your predatory powers• Equip awesome accessories like Lasers, Jetpacks and TopHats!• Find and collect sunken Bonus Objects• Sink your teeth into loads of challenging missions• Activate Gold Rush to survive longer and scorehigher• Take part in regular in-game events to score limitededition prizes• Challenge your friends via Facebook social features• Attack with intuitive touch or tilt controls• Play offline wherever you are – no Wi-Fi needed!• Synchronize your game easily across Android devicesHungry Shark Evolution is regularly updated with new features,content and challenges to keep you hooked!Compatible with Android 4.0 and above.This app contains In-App Purchases which allow you to buy Gem andCoin currency which can be spent on upgrades and accessories. Gemsand Coins can also be collected in game without requiring purchase,or by watching video advertisements from the Treasure screen.This game contains advertising.Advertising is disabled if you make any purchase.Like on Facebook: www.facebook.com/HungrySharkEvolutionFollow on Twitter @HungrySharkEvoSubscribe on YouTube: http://youtube.com/FutureGamesOfLondonNeed support? Have some feedback for us? Contact:email@example.com