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The Botox Brow Lift - Are You a Good Candidate?
posted on
If you've been considering brow lift surgery to rejuvenate your face and take a few years off your looks, going under the knife may not be your only option. Today's advanced technologies in facial rejuvenation include skin tightening treatments and strategically-administered injectable fillers such as Botox.
In fact the 'Botox brow lift' is becoming a popular anti-aging procedure for men and women who have a mild to moderate heaviness in the brow area and don't want to undergo surgery, rather taking a more non-surgical facelift approach.
Are you a good candidate for this innovative treatment? Here's what you need to know about the Botox brow lift:
How the Botox Brow Lift Works
Botox is commonly used for smoothing out wrinkles and fine lines, particularly in the forehead area. Botulinum toxin acts as a 'freezing' agent to paralyze the muscles and tissues around the face and thereby prevents more wrinkles and lines from forming.The Botox brow lift works by weakening the muscles above the delicate eye area, and smoothing away worry lines and deep grooves caused by frowning along the lower forehead. When the muscles around the tops of the eyebrows are relaxed, the patient's skin appears smoother, more toned, and more youthful.
Benefits of the Botox Brow Lift
The Botox brow lift can be performed on all skin types, and may be particularly effective for people who have naturally-drooping eyelids and low-hanging eyebrows. The brow lift literally 'lifts' the skin tissues above and around the eyebrows so that the natural eyebrow arch is a few millimeters higher. Since the muscles are frozen in place, there is little to no risk that the eyebrows will begin to droop again.
Touchup treatments are not required until 6 to 8 months after the initial treatment, and some doctors offer packages of injections so that patients can save on the costs.
Drawbacks of the Botox Brow Lift
Although Botox Cosmetic does not have a track record of major side effects, there are still some risks involved with getting Botox. Botox is a toxin, and there is the risk that the compound will migrate to other parts of the face and cause severe distortion, muscle weakness and pain. Only a certified, licensed professional should administer your Botox injections, and must take the time to go over the potential risks associated with this type of procedure.
The Botox brow lift treatment is recommended for people who have mild brow drooping, and do not want to undergo major eyelift surgery or brow lift surgery to balance out their facial features.
Doctors administering the treatment will need to conduct a thorough facial analysis and consultation with the patient to determine if Botox alone can correct the problem, or if other facial fillers may need to be used in conjunction with Botox to achieve the full effects.
Learn more about Botox Cosmetic in our information guide, or consult with an anti-aging specialist in your area to find out if you are a good candidate for the Botox brow lift treatment.


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Nothing here... I was sad today when the mail didn't bring any presents. I was expecting a fabric delivery too.
Welcome to the Quilting Board!
Nothing here... I was sad today when the mail didn't bring any presents. I was expecting a fabric delivery too.
"Wimpy Christian's won't survive spiritual warfare"- Carman
Oh NO, I have to wait until I get home from Australia on Dec. 2 to see my squishies. Maybe my son will let me know they arrived so I can let you know they are there waiting for me. I will send him an email.
Dreaming of New England while being stuck in So. Calif.(the asphalt jungle of the world.) But hey the Happiest Place on Earth is here.
My blocks arrived too!!! It was a great mail day. thank you Ronda and mariposa! What a great job you did. I love the lil prezes you added Ronda. What a sweetheart you are! I'm so glad I did your swap. These blocks gave me a great seasonal boost!
~If you can't turn the corners of your mouth up...let the middle sag!~
"Be not afraid, only believe."
Rhonda- Thanks so much for the extras they are just wonderful. Thanks for hosing the swap and all your hard work.
Everyone Thanks so much for sharing your beautiful blocks with me. I am excited to make this quilt. Vinae
I have blocks! What a wonderful assortment of blocks. These will make a great sampler. We are having our family Christmas this coming weekend (Dec 1st) so I don't have extra time to play but after everyone one leaves I'm locking the door to my sewing room and taking the phone off the hook. It is going to be time to play. Thanks everyone who took part in this swap and a special thank you to our hostess for the extras. You are awesome!
Got my blocks in the mail today, very nice selection with the sorting Rhonda and thank you so much for the extra's...love them. Will go through them tomorrow, having company for dinner so no time today. Looks like they will make a nice holiday throw though.
Blocks sent boom water http://www.quiltingboard.com/members...44-albums.html
Blocks received http://www.quiltingboard.com/members...44-albums.html
Batik blocks swap http://www.quiltingboard.com/members...44-albums.html
Thanks to Everyone! I received my blocks in yesterday's mail . . . had company for the holidays and didn't get to chance to open til late last night . . . truly some beautiful blocks. Special "thanks" to Ronda & Mariposa for all of their hard work!!! The "goodies" sure will make this quilt wonderful and memorable!!
Since this was my very first "swap" . . . I think I've been bitten by the quilting bug and am on the search for another to have in! Ladies, thanks again for your inspirations and warm wishes! Katie
Kindness matters . . .
Ronda, Just go ahead and count me in . . . this was really lots of fun! Katie
Kindness matters . . .
I got my package today! So nice! Thank you Rhonda, the extras are such a blessing. When I opened the package, the scent was so nice, my son on the other side of the room said, "something smells heavenly". I want to post a picture of them laid out, but I have been sick in bed all day long. My son was so ill last night with a high fever, and I started in with it about 6 am. Hopefully, tomorrow. Great job everyone! I plan on making on large quilt to cherish and snuggle in during the holidays for many years to come. Thank you all so much!
"Wimpy Christian's won't survive spiritual warfare"- Carman
Thought I'd post a pic of the ones I received back. If you didn't get 1 of mine that you would like let me know and we could do a side swap.
Blocks sent boom water http://www.quiltingboard.com/members...44-albums.html
Blocks received http://www.quiltingboard.com/members...44-albums.html
Batik blocks swap http://www.quiltingboard.com/members...44-albums.html

subset: commoncrawl


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You missed it This great deal for Tyler Physical Therapy & Pilates is over. But don't despair, we've got more great deals every day.
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PAID VALUE EXPIRES ON May 30, 2022
PROMOTIONAL VALUE EXPIRES ON June 20, 2014


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CSAH 36 to see redevelopment
Plans are in the works for reconstruction work on County State Aid Highway (CSAH) 36 in Crosslake from CSAH 37 to County Road 114.
One of the main aspects of the reconstruction is sight distance on the road, said Luke Wehseler, project manager and senior engineer for the Crow Wing County Highway Department.
One of the ways better sight distance will be achieved is by changing the main curves on the road, mostly around Velvet Lake, to make them more gradual.
Crow Wing County held a public open house Tuesday night, March 26, at Crosslake City Hall, and Wehseler said around 30 people attended.
The county displayed two potential plans for the road, both of which can be viewed on the county's website, www.crowwing.us, under the engineering section of the highway department tab.
Wehseler explained that one plan, Alternative A, changes the curve around the north end of the lake so it's one steady curve. Currently, the road curves, straightens out and curves again.
He said this seemed to be the most popular plan, possibly because it expands right-of-way away from the lake, requiring property acquisition for the most part only from the north side of the road.
Property acquisition is necessary as the road is moving from a 55-foot right-of-way to a 100-foot right-of-way. Alternative A also uses tax-forfeited property to ease the curve on the west side of the lake.
The second plan, Alternative B, widens the road on both sides. It keeps a similar path for the road's current curve around the lake, curving, then straightening out and then curving again. Wehseler said this plan was less favored by the residents at the meeting. Alternative B is also less expensive than Alternative A.
Wehseler said the county will also look into easing the vertical curvature of the road.
He said the county's next step is to go to the Crosslake City Council and Fairfield Township for resolutions of support for the project. Crosslake may opt for an extra two feet of shoulder on the portion of the road within the city, to bring it to eight feet in width, which the city would have to pay for.
The majority of the funding for the project, Wehseler said, is federal.


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The Red Shoes
Firehouse red, they are. Or, better known to some, "fuck-me" red. They're shiny, too, but too cute to be called slutty. Given their modest heels, I'd describe them as flirty. They're downright irresistible and in excellent condition.
I bought them for $10 at a hospice thrift shop.
A hospice thrift shop? you ask, thinking, My God. Not only does she buy used shoes, but dead people's used shoes.
Well, I'm not ashamed of either. Okay, maybe a little about them being used. But the dead part, not one bit.
Look. It's not like I waited by the woman's deathbed and wrenched the shoes off her feet as she took her last breath. Or that she fought for them, leaving claw-marks down the sides. Nor had I read the obituaries every day, hoping that a woman with a closet full of Ann Kleins, Jimmy Choos or Guccis — and was a confirmed size 7 — had dropped dead.
If that was my modus operendi, I'd be prying opal rings off of bony fingers and diamond earrings off of dry, shriveled ears.
I would never go that far.
Say what you will. In the final analysis, if the dead woman had known me, she'd have wanted me to have those shoes. I know this as surely as I do that macaroni and cheese and Nutella won't bring back my waistline.
I am the woman who, in better economic times, passed an obscene number of hours in shoe sections of every major department store (and Marshall's Super-Shoe Outlets) from here to Idaho. (I live in New Jersey.) Who matched her clothing to her shoes, rather than the other way around. Whose computer screen-saver is a close-up of her cherished blue butterfly mules (purchased online four minutes after she learned she owed $1,300 in taxes).
I am also the woman who has developed Achille's tendonitis and is warned by her podiatrist not to wear high heels or flats.
This effectively retires 98.3% of my adorable shoe collection. It's a barbed swizzle stick through my heart, causing anguish on par with that of my parking trials.
You know what I think?
I think if the dead woman had known me, she'd have left me all of her shoes, and a couple of scarves to boot.Insomnia: An Email To My Guy Friend | The Duck Man →
43 Responses to "The Red Shoes"
No shame in that for sure. Someone had to get those 'red shoes' and it happened to be you.
Let's just hope that those shoes don't start doing things that you don't want them to, just like in the movies. You want to go left but they take you to the right. You want to walk, but all of a sudden your feet start dancing. If the dead are not really dead, then anything can happen if you're wearing one of their shoes, ha ha ha ha.
I have just decided to bequeath all my shoes to you. You'll love the orthopedic wingtips!
I thought I was the only one with orthopedic wingtips (they are great)
Is my OCD as bad as June's? I hunt for pennies at circle Ks with a metal detector so I can clean them and put them in a jar in my computer room.
Don't answer that!
I always buy used. And why not, the stores have terrible selections! Cute post, June!
Hey, nothing wrong with 'fuck me red" pumps. Always sexy no matter where you got them. Just hope they don't make you walk over to strange guys in bars!
I've never heard of a hospice thrift shop, but it makes perfect sense. I'm sure whoever-she-was is pleased to know those little red shoes have found a new home on your feet.
You can have all of my shoes when I'm dead. But they are mostly slippers, which, are totally podiatrist approved.
I'd offer you my shoes, but sadly I'm relegated to the world of uber-flats, light weight, tie ons. Which basically means I live in men's canvas tennis shoes. *sigh* (Probably a good thing I've never had much of a shoe fettish.)
I'll never look at red shoes in quite the same way again.
So, I know this is about shoes, but I really seized on the macaroni and cheese and Nutella…do you mix them together? Suddenly I'm getting a weird craving.
Seriously, before my father-in-law died, he worried about making sure that we found homes for all of his stuff…and since he was a bit of a hoarder, there was a lot of it! I think she would love to know that her shoes were being worn, loved, and written about.
Never flirted with a shoe, and to the best of my knowledge no shoe ever flirted with me. Nevertheless, 10 bucks sounds like a good price, dead or alive.
I have always found that "fuck me red" turns into "fuck up red." Either I trip in the damn things or walk with some sort of grave deformity due to the height of the heel. Hard to be sexy when you're wincing in pain.
Once a long time ago a woman died with a closet full of brand new shoes. I'm not kidding, not a scuff. She had this shoe fetish…bought a walk-in closet full, and then died. Since my foot was the only one that fit her Stuart Weitzman taste, I got every pair. Wonderful you might say, but I never go out to something fancy enough to wear them. I have resorted to clomping around in the condo just to put a little tread on those beauties.
Love the post, June. So many funny lines and images. Cracks me up!
Not to be critical — you know I'm all sunshine and rainbows — but a photo illustration would've gone a long way here.
hah! Two things: First, she's dead, so you know she'll never take them back. Second, my husband's recently departed aunt died with a closet full of shoes. I wonder if Annie knew her. Alas, all the shoes were size 8 1/2. I can't even wear the ankle boots with two pairs of socks.
I totally agree that the dead woman would of left all of her shoes to you if she had known how much they would be loved and cared for. I too have foot issues where I can no longer wear heals and when one finds shoes that one can wear you have to just GO for it. I would not of judged you if you had pulled them off her nearly dead feet…or yanked them out of the casket. At that point better you than her.
Let's see if I got this straight: red shoes, fuck me shoes,dead woman, macaroni and cheese, Nutella, Jimmy Choo, Gucci, shoes and shoes.
I love you. Carry on.
Laughed myself right through a fresh pair of Depends, I did with this one. 😉 The last time I worn new red heels, I consumed too much tequila, fell in a ditch and broke my neck. I still wear the red heels, but they stay a long way from the tequila. And I love a bargain, too. I must seek out a good hospice shop now that I know the secret. Preferably one in an affluent neighborhood.
"the last time I worn new red heels, I consumed too much tequila, fell in a ditch and broke my neck."
Same thing happened to me. I gave up the Red Heels.
Did I make the right choice?
Really would have liked to have seen a picture of these shoes… Not for illustrative purposes, but for the indulgence of my heel fetish.
I have bloggy about my abnormally large, wide feet so I can relate. When I find a pair of awesome shoes, I feel it is a miracle of biblical proportions, like Moses parting the red sea!!! You enjoy those sexy red shoes. You deserve them!
So, your one of them.
Funny, funny, funny. Love the crisp pacing in this piece, June. It literally clipped along. You've made your argument beautifully. Hell, yes to the dead woman's shoes! And I'm with Mike. (Dear God, did I really say that?) I'd have loved to seen a photo.
When are you going to be posting again??


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Quote of the Day: "The high cost and inequitable character of our medical care system are the direct result of our steady movement toward reliance on third-party payment. A cure requires reversing course, re-privatizing medical care by eliminating most third-party payment, and restoring the role of insurance to providing protection against major medical catastrophes." -- Milton Friedman
Subject: New allies fighting for what you want
We've always worked with other groups, forming coalitions to protect your money and your rights. These groups have been as diverse as the ACLU and Focus on the Family. We've been able to do this because . . .
Partisan electoral politics divides, while a focus on specific issues unites.
People of many differing partisan and philosophical views can still find many issues on which they agree. When these agreements aim at Downsizing DC we try to make common cause.
A great example is the health care issue, where DownsizeDC.org is joing with other groups to . . .
* Oppose bureaucratic control of your medical care
* Support reforms that will restore consumer driven health care
In fact, we're taking a leading role in "The Coalition for Consumer Centered Health Care." For starters, thanks to your support, we're both building and hosting the coalition website. It's still Under Construction, but you can see it at consumercenteredhealthcare.com
The early coalition advisors and members include . . .
* David Swoap, former Deputy Secretary of Health and Human and Human Services under President Reagan
* Gun Owners of America
* The Center for Small Government
* The Abraham Lincoln Foundation for Public Policy Research
As work progresses you'll be seeing more organizations and prominent individuals join, as well as media efforts and campaigns to pressure Congress. This is another tool we can use to recruit new allies to fight for what you want.
And it's a tool we need. The health care takeover is the most dramatic increase in government's role in our lives in this young century. We must pull out all the stops.
We're hoping to complete and formally launch the new coalition website very soon, and to begin promoting it through Google advertising, or if significant funding permits, media outreach. We must cover our budget, but the more we raise, the more we can and will do, and the more effective the Downsize DC Army will be.
Odds are not yet in our favor. Our opponents are determined. But if the delays along with the desperation of the "reformers" is any indication, we're on the right track. We need to push harder, and in the right way -- a positive vision of consumer centered health care.
We hope you can see the wisdom in taking these additional steps in this important battle, and that you will want to support these extra efforts. If so you can contribute using DownsizeDC.org's secure contribution form.
Because we expect this issue to drag on through September and probably (hopefully) October, new and increased monthly pledges are also needed.
Thank you for being a part of the growing Downsize DC Army.
Jim Babka
DownsizeDC.org, Inc.


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Thrilled to see the better side of Joburg, Thanks for all the photos, love Liz.
On To Johannesburg. Will Our Bags Make It?
Trip Start Oct 31, 2012
31Trip End Nov 28, 2012
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Nairobi at peak hour, Nairobi airport, Johannesburg airport, Gautrain, Nelson Mandela Square in Sandton
Thought I had avoided the dreaded tummy bug, but something must have disagreed with me at the dinner last night, however, by morning, all was well again. We were picked up about 6.30 am by Pollmans to transfer us to the airport. They are so good. Even though our hotel for the night was not part of their tour, they pride themselves on making sure that all their clients are transferred from and to the airport safely.
The morning rush hour in Nairobi wasn't nearly as busy as I had anticipated. The roads weren't all that congested and we made excellent time to the airport. It can be noted that the footpaths along the side of the roads were teeming with pedestrians. I gather most people walk to work, mainly, I suspect, because they don't have a car.
There is construction at the airport, so possibly in the future it will be bigger and nicer
On to Part 2 of our African holiday.
Our Kenya Airways flight was OK, (we have been spoilt by Emirates) and in about four hours, we landed at O.R.Tambo Airport in Johannesburg, along with our bags, in tact. We easily made our way through the airport and caught the Gautrain for a 15 minute smooth and safe ride to Sandton, an upmarket, and quite safe, suburb of Johannesburg. The train trip was quick and the carriages new and comfortable. Sydney's trains are primitive in comparison. Emerging from the train station at the Sandton City shopping centre, we think it wise to take a taxi to our hotel. We go around the block, because of the one way streets, and get out just down the street from where we got in. After that we walked back and forth to the shopping mall, being assured by the girl at reception in the hotel that it was safe to do so. After settling in, we walked back to the shopping centre to explore and have some dinner. There were guards along the way, so no problem. Nelson Mandela Square is a vibrant and upmarket restaurant and entertainment area and the shopping mall is one of the nicest I have ever encountered. We even checked out the supermarkets, and with nine rand to the Aussie dollar, found things to be much cheaper than in Australia. It was fun to be back in a more familiar type of environment - to a degree. Although most of the shoppers were well-dressed whites, all the serving staff were black. One lady did tell us that Johannesburg does get an unfair reputation due to the bad press. She was black! However, I do realise that there are two sides to the story.


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What do you need help with?
Get advice from other parents, experts and educators
Child Behaviour
Online and real life behaviour, from net etiquette to how to balance screen time with study. The new parenting challenges involving the new generation of IT-literate kids. Among them are the issues of supervising both the physical and online behaviour of kids, encouraging the right online etiquette. In fact, a delicate line exists between achieving the right level of supervision and the risks associated with being an overbearing helicopter parent!
The right level of supervision and other online etiquette challenges
Children benefit from a certain level of privacy and they like to be trusted, but at the same time they can be vulnerable to on and offline risks, so many a parent can have a hard time getting the right balance between openness and being overbearing and annoying. Most child psychology and behaviour management experts recommend finding and maintaining a balance between allowing children access to educational resources and technology on the one hand and ensuring the child's safety and wellbeing through supervision of online resource on the other, by talking and discussing this openly with other parents, children themselves and taking advice from professionals like teachers and experts.
This can be difficult however, as every child is different and will invariably have different needs at every stage of child development. You may find, as a parent of a child with special educational needs for example Autism Spectrum Disorder, oppositional defiant disorder or challenging behaviour that new apps can assist with. Each child may benefit from using the internet in their own individual way. A child struggling with obesity for example can be taught about healthy eating for kids using IT tools, games and resources, whereas sensitive issues like child abuse can be broached effectively by a child psychologist investigating a child's wellbeing. Even issues like building awareness of ADHD in children can be tackled using software and IT resources developed for certain audiences, but it can be tricky for any parent coping with special circumstances to know exactly how to support a child through their child development stages. Is allowing unrestricted access to online resources the answer? 'Definitely not' is the answer most parents would agree on!
Child behaviour in adolescence
Coping with adolescent children and the issues that crop up surrounding child behaviour in adolescence can be very challenging for a parent, and a parent can actually experience as much frustration as children in the face of challenging behaviour. Collaborating with other parents can help here too though, allowing parents to discern tactics for subtle, age-appropriate communication with children.
Quibly discussions that matter
Everything from dealing effectively with tantrums, media use supervision and bedwetting to learning about challenging behaviour management is being discussed in the Quibly community. Quibly members can voice their queries about child behaviour issues and share their experiences in this community. You can also do your research and use the advice herein from professionals experienced in this wide ranging topic area. Collaborate with other parents and children about their experiences online and see behavioural dangers on and offline that are being identified or experienced.


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Herrera is one of Mexican football's most promising talents and he will help fill the void left by the sale of Joao Moutinho and James Rodriguez.
"I consider myself a dynamic and dedicated player, who is always moving and looking for the ball," Herrera told Porto's website (www.fcporto.pt).
"I like to show up in attacking areas and also know how to create goals".
More about...
What is your opinion? Feel free to discuss the article under. You have to comment by using your Facebook profile. Be fair and have respect for other people and opinions!
Being an amiable guy is good for you and Jurgen Klopp is living proof.
Summer 2016 is set to be a very exciting time for football fans, as this is when the long awaited Euro 2016 tournament kicks off.


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Agony in the Garden
Arrest of Christ
Hours of Catherine of Cleves, in Latin
Illuminated by the Master of Catherine of Cleves
Purchased on the Belle da Costa Greene Fund and with the assistance of the Fellows, 1963
Created in Utrecht, The Netherlands, around 1440, the manuscript was taken apart sometime before 1856. Its leaves were shuffled and then rebound into two volumes to make each look more or less complete. The first part was acquired by the duke of Arenberg, whose descendants owned it until 1957, when it was bought by New York dealer H. P. Kraus, who sold it to Alistair Bradley Martin. This volume had been known by scholars as the "Hours of Catherine of Cleves."
Meanwhile, the second part had been acquired by the Rothschild family, who kept their manuscripts secret. In 1963 their volume was sold to the Morgan as yet another "Hours of Catherine of Cleves." Studying the newly acquired book (it became MS M.917) along with the Martin volume, Morgan curator John Plummer determined that they were actually two halves of one and the same codex. In 1964 the Morgan mounted an exhibition of both volumes, displaying all the miniatures via color transparencies. When a facsimile of the manuscript was published by George Braziller in 1966, the exhibition was repeated. Finally, in 1970, the Morgan was able to buy the Martin volume (it became MS M.945), and thus came to own both parts of this greatest of all Dutch manuscripts.
Both volumes have been disbound in preparation for rebinding the leaves in proper order.
Like the Hours of the Virgin, the Hours of the Passion marked each of its textual divisions with juxtaposed full- and half-page miniatures. Thus Christ's Passion unfolds with a rich suite of sixteen illustrations. The cycle commences with Christ in the garden of Gethsemane. While apostles doze, the Savior beseeches his Father to remove the cup before him. The cup, a chalice containing a communion wafer, symbolizes both his forthcoming death and the Eucharist. The Eucharistic theme is reiterated by the border vignette of the pelican feeding her young with her own blood, a symbol of Christ's sacrificial Death on the Cross. In the next scene, following Judas's kiss, soldiers seize Christ, who calmly replaces the ear that Peter has sliced from Malchus.
Hours of the Passion
The Hours of the Passion are often found in Books of Hours following, as in Catherine's manuscript, the Hours of the Virgin. The lengthy psalms are supplemented with prayers that narrate the story of Christ's Passion. If Catherine had little time, she might pray Matins alone, where the three lessons encapsulate the entire Passion, from Christ's Arrest until his Death on the Cross. A slower meditation is provided by the remaining Hours. The drama begins at Vespers, whose prayer narrates events from Holy Thursday: the Last Super and Christ Washing the Feet of the Apostles. Compline's prayer relates Christ's Agony in the Garden. The prayer at Lauds relates to Christ Before Pilate and Peter's Denial. The Passion concludes with None's prayer telling of Christ's Death on the Cross.
Photography courtesy of Faksimile Verlag Luzern


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Smooth Transitions
WMM also has over 60 transitions on offer. These are special effects which lead one clip to another, sometimes called wipes. Unless you add one of these between two clips you will get a straight cut where one clip switches abruptly to the next. This is still the most common kind of transition, as we now expect it to represent a simple sequential change in camera view without a shift in time. More extravagant transitions generally signify breaks in time, although none of these rules are set in stone.
With the interface in Storyboard mode, adding a transition couldn't be easier. Simply drag a transition from the library to the icon between each clip. Effects range from simple dissolves to elaborate 3D page curls.
As with the filter effects, you can't change any settings with transitions, but you can alter the duration. In order to do this, you need to switch to Timeline mode. The video track will now have a + symbol next to the word Video. Click on this to expand the strip and reveal the transitions.
You can now drag your transitions longer or shorter. However, as with filter effects, don't get carried away with wacky transitions. Stick to cuts as much as possible.


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SANTA BARBARA, CALIF. -- Half of Japan's bestselling books last year -- half! -- started out as cell phone-based books, according to the New York Times. Will cell phones become the medium of choice worldwide for novels and full-length non-fiction books?
Apple CEO Steve Jobs told an interviewer at MacWorld that Amazon's Kindle e-book reader was doomed to failure because, he said, "it doesn't matter how good or bad the product is, the fact is that people don't read anymore."
Although Jobs got his facts wrong in the interview, the reality is that he may be onto something. Much digital ink is spilled over how the Internet and electronic media are taking eyeballs away from television viewing.
As people spend more and more time online, playing video games and interacting with downloadable media, they both have less time for books, and less attention span.
In cell phone-crazy Japan, people are reading books on cell phones in huge numbers -- especially young people. What this fact doesn't tell you is how the medium is changing the message. These cell phone books tend not to be Joseph Conrad or Jane Austen, but mostly short escapist trash -- basically soap operas in print, and much of it by un-published authors. However, these amateur writers become so famous on the medium of cell phones that they drive sales for subsequent print versions.
So where are we going in the English-speaking world? Are we headed for the post-literate society Jobs describes where "nobody reads"? Or is there a possibility of a new genre of literature -- shorter, spicier and more electronic -- similar to what has developed in Japan --a world where the book publishing industry adapts to new reading habits?
The cell phone novel craze hit Japan when NTT DoCoMo experimented with charging for downloadable books. To the best of my knowledge, such experiments have not been conducted by carriers in the United States. What would happen if they did?
I'm working on a column about the possibility of a cell phone genre of literature developing in the English speaking world, if only a carrier or, say, Apple, would push for it.
So let me ask you: Do you currently read on your cell phone? If so, what do you read? Would you be willing to download short electronic books to your phone from iTunes or your carrier's web site or a third-party web site for a fee? How about long books? Magazines? Why or why not?


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The MBA is now on Twitter. Visit www.massbar.org/twitter and get up-to-date
information on MBA CLE programs and conferences, legislative
activities and events. In addition, the MBA will post daily legal
headlines and published e-Journal and Lawyers
Journal articles.
At www.massbar.org/twitter, you have several
Twitter options. MBA members can:
here to view the MBA's Twitter page.
NOTE: The MBA
encourages its members to post MBA news to Twitter
using their own Twitter accounts, and to re-tweet MBA news
under the "massbar" name.
In celebration of 150 Years of the
Rule of Law in Massachusetts, the Superior Court will hold a
statewide symposium, which is open to the public and FREE of
charge, featuring many distinguished judges, lawyers and university
professors. The symposium will be held at the Rabb Auditorium of
the Boston Public Library., 700 Boylston St., Boston on
Tuesday, Sept. 22 from 2 to 5:30 p.m.
The Massachusetts Bar Association, in
conjunction with the Supreme Judicial Court Historical Society,
will host a commemorative reception and dinner following the
three-part symposium. The commemorative dinner will be held at the
Fairmont Copley Hotel, 138 St. James Ave., Boston.
For ticket information to attend
the commemorative dinner, please contact the Supreme Judicial Court
Historical Society, in care of Cassandra Semenza at (617)
The ABA Commission on Women in the Profession is launching the
second phase of its groundbreaking research initiative on diversity
dynamics in the legal profession. If you are currently employed or
have been employed as an attorney with the U.S. Department of
Justice at any point since January 1, 1994, we invite you to
register your interest in receiving the survey.
Your registration and all of your information will be held in
absolute confidentiality by The Athens Group, an independent firm
conducting the research study on behalf of the ABA Commission on
Women. No one except the research team at The Athens Group will
have access to the registration database. Registration will only
take a couple of minutes of your time.
Those of you who access appellate, district and bankruptcy court
records via the Federal Judiciary's PACER system likely view that
system as clunky and over-expensive, at 8 cents per page for
document access. But, while the clunkiness remains, there is a new
web plug-in that can get you PACER documents for free.
The system, known as RECAP ("pacer" reversed), works as follows:
PACER users operating the RECAP add-on will have each document they
access downloaded to an online repository. Each document so
accessed and archived will then be free to every other PACER/RECAP
user, via RECAP's repository, rather than through PACER's
It looks really easy; but, there are a couple of things that you
should note:
For more information, check out this short, but informative article from the Washington
Post, as well as the RECAP Home page, where there is an
instructional video, a series of fulsome posts and at which the
creators of the program are refreshingly honest and open with
respect not only to the advantages of RECAP, but also with respect
to its disadvantages, and potential problems.
RECAP is a great way to keep pace, while keeping expenses
Massachusetts Bar Association members are now eligible to
receive valuable discounts of up to 26 percent on select FedEx®
shipping services. There are no costs and no minimum shipping
requirements to take advantage of this great member benefit.
MBA members can save:
For more information or to enroll in the FedEx Advantage
Program, click here or call 1-800-MEMBERS
(1-800-636-2377, 8 a.m.-6 p.m. EST, Monday through Friday).
Valid MBA membership required.
To register for the
following programs, call MBA Member Services at (617)
[e-mail membership] or visit the
CLE Web site. To download a PDF of the
August/September CLE brochure, click
Scroll down for program descriptions, dates and
registration details.
Preparing to File a
Course #: CLHH09 / Monday, Aug. 24, 4-7 p.m.
Eighth Annual Western Massachusetts
Bankruptcy Conference
Tuesday, Oct. 6, 4-7 p.m.
Western New England College School of Law, Springfield
Fourth Annual Bench-Bar
Wednesday, Oct. 21, 4:30 p.m.
John Adams Courthouse, One Pemberton Square,
19th Annual Family Law
Friday, Nov. 6 - Saturday, Nov. 7
Chatham Bars Inn, Chatham
Want to learn more about the capabilities of Casemaker 2.1
straight from the source? Attend a complimentary Web training
session to review the enhancements and new functionality of
Casemaker 2.1 from the comfort of your home or office.
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log into Casemaker to register for these Webinars.
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To prepare 2d drawings of Tooled up Sheet metal parts from 3D .igs files.
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Front Desk Worker (Governors Honor Program) Application
Valdosta State University is host to the Governor's Honors Program. The camp participants are the top 10% of high school juniors and seniors from around the state of Georgia. GHP occupies Langdale and Georgia halls. As the GHP front desk worker, you will work the 11pm – 7am desk shifts in the two halls. The GHP desk worker position begins late-June and ends mid-July.
Duties and Areas of Responsibilities
• Administrative Tasks
• Inventory condition of lobby area
• Report maintenance issues
• Work front desk
• Monitor lobby area and front doors
Customer Service
• Serve as a representative of Valdosta State University
• Act as a resource for GHP staff and participants Qualities of Successful GHP Front Desk Worker
• Positive attitude
• Ability to stay alert during long, late night shifts
• Attention to detail
• Desire to have a fun summer
Compensation $7.25/hour
Selection Timeline Summer 2013
February 21, 2013 Applications available online & residence hall front desks
March 1, 2013 Applications due to the Housing office by 12 pm
March 7 – 12, 2013 Signup for interviews through email (not all applicants may get an interview)
March 25 – March 29 Interviews
April 5, 2013 Notification of status sent to candidates via email
June 2013 Employment begins (exact date TBD)
In addition to the Housing staff application, you will also need to fill out the online application with the Student Employment Office . Incomplete applications will not be reviewed.
Apply Now! Please submit completed Housing staff application to Tisheika Snow (firstname.lastname@example.com).
- 229.333.5920
- 229.333.7159
Campus Address
Housing & Residence Life Hopper Hall Valdosta, GA 31698
Mailing Address
1500 N. Patterson St.
Valdosta, GA 31698


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For most of their history, the peoples of Libya have been subjected to varying degrees of foreign control. The Phoenicians, Carthaginians, Greeks, Romans, Vandals, and Byzantines ruled all or parts of Libya. Although the Greeks and Romans left impressive ruins at Cyrene, Leptis Magna, and Sabratha, little else remains today to testify to the presence of these ancient cultures.
The Arabs conquered Libya in the seventh century A.D. In the following centuries, most of the indigenous peoples adopted Islam and the Arabic language and culture. The Ottoman Turks conquered the country in the mid-16th century. Libya remained part of their empire--although at times virtually autonomous--until Italy invaded in 1911 and, in the face of years of resistance, made Libya a colony.
In 1934, Italy adopted the name "Libya" (used by the Greeks for all of North Africa, except Egypt) as the official name of the colony, which consisted of the Provinces of Cyrenaica, Tripolitania, and Fezzan. King Idris I, Emir of Cyrenaica, led Libyan resistance to Italian occupation between the two World Wars. From 1943 to 1951, Tripolitania and Cyrenaica were under British administration, while the French controlled Fezzan. In 1944, Idris returned from exile in Cairo but declined to resume permanent residence in Cyrenaica until the removal in 1947 of some aspects of foreign control. Under the terms of the 1947 peace treaty with the Allies, Italy relinquished all claims to Libya.
On November 21, 1949, the UN General Assembly passed a resolution stating that Libya should become independent before January 1, 1952. King Idris I represented Libya in the subsequent UN negotiations. When Libya declared its independence on December 24, 1951, it was the first country to achieve independence through the United Nations and one of the first former European possessions in Africa to gain independence. Libya was proclaimed a constitutional and a hereditary monarchy under King Idris.
The discovery of significant oil reserves in 1959 and the subsequent income from petroleum sales enabled what had been one of the world's poorest countries to become extremely wealthy, as measured by per capita GDP. Although oil drastically improved Libya's finances, popular resentment grew as wealth was increasingly concentrated in the hands of the elite. This discontent continued to mount with the rise throughout the Arab world of Nasserism and the idea of Arab unity.
On September 1, 1969, a small group of military officers led by then 28-year-old army officer Mu'ammar Abu Minyar al-Qadhafi staged a coup d'etat against King Idris, who was exiled to Egypt. The new regime, headed by the Revolutionary Command Council (RCC), abolished the monarchy and proclaimed the new Libyan Arab Republic. Qadhafi emerged as leader of the RCC and eventually as de facto chief of state, a political role he still plays. The Libyan Government asserts that Qadhafi currently holds no official position, although he is referred to in government statements and the official press as the "Brother Leader and Guide of the Revolution."
The new RCC's motto became "freedom, socialism, and unity." It pledged itself to remedy "backwardness", take an active role in the Palestinian Arab cause, promote Arab unity, and encourage domestic policies based on social justice, nonexploitation, and an equitable distribution of wealth.
An early objective of the new government was withdrawal of all foreign military installations from Libya. Following negotiations, British military installations at Tobruk and nearby El Adem were closed in March 1970, and U.S. facilities at Wheelus Air Force Base near Tripoli were closed in June 1970. That July, the Libyan Government ordered the expulsion of several thousand Italian residents. By 1971, libraries and cultural centers operated by foreign governments were ordered closed.
In the 1970s, Libya claimed leadership of Arab and African revolutionary forces and sought active roles in international organizations. Late in the 1970s, Libyan embassies were redesignated as "people's bureaus," as Qadhafi sought to portray Libyan foreign policy as an expression of the popular will. The people's bureaus, aided by Libyan religious, political, educational, and business institutions overseas, exported Qadhafi's revolutionary philosophy abroad.
Qadhafi's confrontational foreign policies and use of terrorism, as well as Libya's growing friendship with the U.S.S.R., led to increased tensions with the West in the 1980s. Following a terrorist bombing at a discotheque in West Berlin frequented by American military personnel, in 1986 the U.S. retaliated militarily against targets in Libya, and imposed broad unilateral economic sanctions.
After Libya was implicated in the 1988 bombing of Pan Am flight 103 over Lockerbie, Scotland, UN sanctions were imposed in 1992. UN Security Council resolutions (UNSCRs) passed in 1992 and 1993 obliged Libya to fulfill requirements related to the Pan Am 103 bombing before sanctions could be lifted. Qadhafi initially refused to comply with these requirements, leading to Libya's political and economic isolation for most of the 1990s.
In 1999, Libya fulfilled one of the UNSCR requirements by surrendering two Libyans suspected in connection with the bombing for trial before a Scottish court in the Netherlands. One of these suspects, Abdel Basset al-Megrahi, was found guilty; the other was acquitted. UN sanctions against Libya were subsequently suspended; full sanctions lift is contingent on Libya's compliance with the remaining UNSCRs, including acceptance of responsibility for the actions of its officials and payment of appropriate compensation.
It was not surprising that opposition arose to the rapid radical changes ushered in by the Qadhafi regime. The wealthy, the privileged, and the traditional tribal and religious elites resented their postrevolutionary loss of power. The ranks of the opposition also grew to include sections of the armed forces, university students, intellectuals and technocrats, and even some of the new political and tribal leaders who clashed with the core elite for one reason or another.
For its part, the revolutionary regime made it clear from the outset that it would brook no opposition. Opposition from political parties or other interest groups was viewed as harmful to national unity. Speaking in October 1969, Qadhafi stated that Libya needed "national unity free of party activities and division" and that "he who engages in party activities commits treason." The December 1969 Decision on the Protection of the Revolution, the Penal Code, and Law No. 71 of 1972 rendered political party activities a crime and formed a strict legal injunction against unauthorized political activity, particularly if such activity should physically threaten the state. Insulting the Constitution or popular authorities and joining a nonpolitical international society without permission were both punishable by imprisonment. Attempting to change the government or the Constitution through force, propagandizing theories or principles aimed at such action, and forming an illegal group were crimes punishable by death. One of the basic points of the cultural revolution, declared in April 1973, called for the repression of communism and conservatism. Also to be repressed were capitalism, atheism, and the secretive Muslim Brotherhood.
Despite legal strictures and physical attempts to nullify opposition, there has been resistance to the revolutionary regime. The discovery of a plot involving two cabinet ministers (lieutenant colonels who were not RCC members) was announced in December 1969. A second plot, allegedly based in Fezzan and involving a distant cousin of former King Idris, was discovered in July 1970. Participation of foreign mercenaries was alleged in both cases. Other resistance has been encountered from traditional tribal leaders who have not welcomed their own displacement by modernizing technocrats, government administrators, people's committees, and popular congresses. Numerous technocrats and other elements of the urban population opposed Qadhafi's emphasis on religion. Traditional Islamic religious leaders also opposed Qadhafi's approach to Islam because its uniquely personal and fundamentalist nature superseded their intermediary position and interpretive function. As in many other developing countries, aspects of the modernization process--such as education and mass communications-- also result in impatience and dissatisfaction with the ruling regime. Increased education and exposure to the mass media were intended to inculcate Libyan citizens with patriotism and loyalty to the regime; however, through education and the media, Libyans also were informed of standards of living and political freedoms enjoyed elsewhere in the world. Exposure to the media created rising expectations that probably increased demands on the government rather than increasing support for it through propaganda.
The government dominates Libya's socialist-oriented economy through complete control of the country's oil resources, which account for approximately 95% of export earnings, 75% of government receipts, and 30% of the gross domestic product. Oil revenues constitute the principal source of foreign exchange. Much of the country's income has been lost to waste, corruption, conventional armaments purchases, and attempts to develop weapons of mass destruction, as well as to large donations made to developing countries in attempts to increase Qadhafi's influence in Africa and elsewhere. Although oil revenues and a small population give Libya one of the highest per capita GDPs in Africa, the government's mismanagement of the economy has led to high inflation and increased import prices, resulting in a decline in the standard of living.
Libya's gross domestic product grew in 2001 due to high oil prices, the end of a long cyclical drought, and increased foreign investment following the suspension of UN sanctions in 1999. Despite efforts to diversify the economy and encourage private sector participation, extensive controls of prices, credit, trade, and foreign exchange constrain growth. Import restrictions and inefficient resource allocations have caused periodic shortages of basic goods and foodstuffs.
Although agriculture is the second-largest sector in the economy, Libya depends on imports in most foods. Climatic conditions and poor soils severely limit output, while higher incomes and a growing population have caused food consumption to rise. Domestic food production meets about 25% of demand. The U.S. Government has prohibited the importation of Libyan crude oil into the United States since March 1982, as well as strict controls on U.S.-origin goods intended for export to Libya. On January 7, 1986, the U.S. imposed economic sanctions against Libya which broadly prohibit U.S. persons from engaging in unauthorized financial transactions involving Libya, including, in part, the following: the export to Libya of all goods, services, or technology; the import of goods or services of Libyan origin; engaging in the performance of a contract in support of an industrial, commercial, or government project in Libya; or dealing in any property in which the Government of Libya has any interest. The economic sanctions also prohibit U.S. persons from working in Libya.
Although UN sanctions were suspended in 1999, foreign investment in the Libyan gas and oil sectors has been severely curtailed due to the United States' Iran and Libya Sanctions Act (ILSA), which caps the amount any foreign company can invest in Libya yearly at $20 million (lowered from $40 million in 2001).
Nearly all Libyans adhere to the Sunni branch of Islam, which provides both a spiritual guide for individuals and a keystone for government policy. Its tenets stress a unity of religion and state rather than a separation or distinction between the two, and even those Muslims who have ceased to believe fully in Islam retain Islamic habits and attitudes. Since the 1969 coup, the Qadhafi regime has explicitly endeavored to reaffirm Islamic values, enhance appreciation of Islamic culture, elevate the status of Quranic law and, to a considerable degree, emphasize Quranic practice in everyday Libyan life.
In A.D. 610, Muhammad (the Prophet), a prosperous merchant of the town of Mecca, began to preach the first of a series of revelations said to have been granted him by God (Allah) through the agency of the archangel Gabriel. The divine messages, received during solitary visits into the desert, continued during the remainder of his life.
Muhammad denounced the polytheistic paganism of his fellow Meccans, his vigorous and continuing censure ultimately earning him their bitter enmity. In 622 he and a group of his followers were forced to flee to Yathrib, which became known as Medina (the city) through its association with him. The hijra (flight: known in the West as the hegira) marked the beginning of the Islamic era and of Islam as a powerful historical force; the Muslim calendar begins with the year 622. In Medina Muhammad continued his preaching, ultimately defeated his detractors in battle, and had consolidated the temporal as well as spiritual leadership of most Arabs in his person before his death in 632.
After Muhammad's death, his followers compiled his words that were regarded as coming directly from God in a document known as the Quran, the holy scripture of Islam. Other sayings and teachings of the Prophet, as well as the precedents of his personal behavior as recalled by those who had known him, became the hadith ("sayings"). From these sources, the faithful have constructed the Prophet's customary practice, or sunna, which they endeavor to emulate. Together, these documents form a comprehensive guide to the spiritual, ethical, and social life of the faithful in most Muslim countries.
In a short time, Islam was transformed from a small religious community into a dynamic political and military authority. During the seventh century, Muslim conquerors reached Libya, and by the eighth century most of the resistance mounted by the indigenous Berbers had ended. The urban centers soon became substantially Islamic, but widespread conversion of the nomads of the desert did not come until after large-scale invasions in the eleventh century by beduin tribes from Arabia and Egypt.
A residue of pre-Islamic beliefs blended with the pure Islam of the Arabs. Hence, popular Islam became an overlay of Quranic ritual and principles upon the vestiges of earlier beliefs--prevalent throughout North Africa--in jinns (spirits), the evil eye, rites to ensure good fortune, and cult veneration of local saints. The educated of the cities and towns served as the primary bearers and guardians of the more austere brand of orthodox Islam.
The crime rate in Libya is low compared to industrialized countries. An analysis was done using INTERPOL data for Libya. For purpose of comparison, data were drawn for the seven offenses used to compute the United States FBI's index of crime. Index offenses include murder, forcible rape, robbery, aggravated assault, burglary, larceny, and motor vehicle theft. The combined total of these offenses constitutes the Index used for trend calculation purposes. Libya will be compared with Japan (country with a low crime rate) and USA (country with a high crime rate). According to the INTERPOL data, for murder, the rate in 1999 was 2.08 per 100,000 population for Libya, 1.00 for Japan, and 4.55 for USA. For aggravated assault, the rate in 1999 was 5.44 for Libya, 15.97 for Japan, and 329.63 for USA. The rate of larceny for 1999 was 335.84 for Libya, 1267.95 for Japan, and 2502.66 for USA. The rate for the above index offenses combined was 343.36 for Libya, compared with 1284.92 for Japan and 2836.84 for USA. (Note: data were not reported to INTERPOL by the USA for 1999, but were derived from data reported to the United Nations for 1999. Also, Libya did not report data for rape, robbery, burglary, or motor vehicle theft, so the index reported above for Libya, Japan, and USA includes only murder, aggravated assault, and larceny).
Between 1996 and 1999, according to INTERPOL data, the rate of murder increased from 1.91 to 2.08 per 100,000 population, an increase of 8.9%. The rate for aggravated assault decreased from 5.51 to 5.44, a decrease of 1.3%. The rate of larceny decreased from 337.87 to 335.84, a decrease of 0.6%. The rate of the combined index offenses above decreased from 345.29 to 343.36, a decrease of 0.6%.
The Libyan system of criminal justice has been heavily influenced by Islamic law, particularly since Qadhafi's proclamation of the Popular Revolution on April 15, 1973. On that date, the Libyan leader announced that all existing laws formulated by the monarchy were to be replaced by the sharia, the sacred law of Islam. Some amendments to bring the criminal code into conformity with Islam had been made before this proclamation. In October 1972, the government enacted a law providing for the amputation of the right hands of convicted thieves. (As a modern note to this traditional Islamic punishment, the government gave assurances that amputation would be performed at a hospital under sanitary conditions with an anesthetic.) In practice, this penalty has not been commonly imposed.
Qadhafi's proclamation involved a reorientation of Libya's entire criminal code, because, according to the 1954 code, no act was a crime unless defined as such by law. Yet the code also specified that nothing in the criminal code affected the individual rights provided for in Islamic sharia. The two provisions were basically incompatible because the 1954 code identified crimes in decreasing order of seriousness as felonies, misdemeanors, and contraventions, assigning maximum sentences to each, whereas under the sharia an act could be--depending upon the circumstances-- mandatory, commendable, permissible, reprehensible, or forbidden.
Efforts to align the criminal code's three categories of offense with the five classifications embodied in the sharia involved Libyan legal and religious scholars in an extensive and slow-moving process to minimize the obvious contradictions in the two systems. Changes in the code's provisions were announced from time to time, but the basic philosophical issues had not been completely resolved by 1973.
Amendments to the criminal code after 1973 addressed both moral issues related to Islamic beliefs and purely secular matters, notably those concerning state security. In official legal announcements in 1973 and 1974, lashings and imprisonment of adulterers, imprisonment of homosexuals for up to five years, and floggings for those transgressing the fast of Ramadan were issued as laws "in line with positive Islamic legislation." Another law provided forty lashes for any Muslim who drank or served alcoholic beverages. For alcoholic-related offenses, non-Muslims could receive fines or imprisonment, and fines and jail terms were set for possession of or trafficking in liquor.
In August 1975, following a major coup attempt, the criminal code was further revised to strengthen state security. Such actions as "scheming" with foreigners to harm Libya's military or political position, facilitating war against the state, revealing state or defense secrets, infiltration into military reservations, and possession of means of espionage were made subject to harsh penalties, including life imprisonment and hanging. Punishments for public servants were stiffer than for ordinary citizens.
An increasing number of acts have brought the threat of execution. A 1975 law provided that membership in a political party opposing the principles of the 1969 Revolution could result in death. In 1977 economic crimes, such as damaging oil installations or stock piles of basic commodities, were added. Qadhafi's repeated calls for abolition of the death sentence have not been translated into legislative action.
The Libyan criminal justice system under the Qadhafi-led government has been characterized by many repressive features. Victims reported torture and beatings during interrogation as a matter of practice, and long jail sentences for political nonconformity. Other irregularities included bypassing the regular court system by special tribunals and holding show trials. The international human rights organization, Amnesty International, has repeatedly reported evidence of grave violations of civil rights and of Libyan law. Most of Amnesty International's inquiries and appeals to Libya to free political prisoners, to abandon torture to extract confessions, and to commute death penalties have gone unanswered.
An account by Amnesty International in 1977 cited twenty-six executions (the first death penalties that had been carried out in twenty-three years), large numbers of Libyans who had been held in detention for up to four years without court action, trials that were "anything but fair and impartial," and defendants who were deprived of their basic legal rights under Libyan law. When it was pointed out to Libyan authorities that they were failing to conform to UN agreements Libya had ratified--the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights--the Secretariat of Foreign Affairs replied that there were currently no political prisoners in Libyan prisons and that all means of defense and safeguards of justice were provided for accused persons. In 1978 Amnesty International asserted that the people's court system violated the UN agreements because the courts were composed largely of government representatives rather than members of an impartial judiciary. Moreover, all trials in people's courts were held in secret and no appeals were permitted.
A further report by Amnesty International described a new series of breaches of judicial norms between 1982 and 1984. It cited the trial in 1982 of twenty-five individuals on charges of membership in an illegal organization (the Baath--Arab Socialist Resurrection--Party). The accused were acquitted because their confessions were obtained through torture. In violation of Libyan law, they were retried in 1983 before a revolutionary court headed by a captain in the special security branch and received severe sentences, including death penalties in three cases. In 1984, eight people were hanged publicly following decisions of Basic People's Congresses in their localities that they were members of the Muslim Brotherhood, an international Islamic movement banned by Qadhafi as an illegal political party. In the same year, two students were hanged before thousands of their fellow students at Al Fatah University in Tripoli. No explanation was given of the charges or of the judicial proceedings, although the students were possibly tried before the student revolutionary committee. Amnesty International has been unsuccessful in gaining its representatives admission to trials and has not received replies to most of its inquiries and appeals.
The penal system was a responsibility of the Secretariat of Interior and was administered by a department of the police administration. Three institutions--the Central Prison at Tripoli, Kuwayfiyah Prison at Benghazi, and Jdeida Prison outside Tripoli-- were known to exist, and smaller facilities in less populated centers were assumed to be part of the system. Qadhafi granted permission for visits by Amnesty International to several prisons in the late 1970s, but the necessary arrangements were never made by Libyan authorities. Subsequent efforts to inspect living conditions of political prisoners have been unsuccessful.
According to a report submitted by Libya to the UN, the prison system was reorganized under Law No. 47 in 1975. According to the report, the thrust of this law was to change the prisons from institutions of "punishment and terror" to ones where inmates were afforded education and training as part of a program to rehabilitate offenders. According to the report, the law envisaged a series of increasingly less restrictive penal facilities in which inmates could earn moves upward through a hierarchy of prisons by good behavior and an appropriate attitude. As of 1987 the extent to which these objectives had been realized had not been made public.
Throughout its prerevolutionary history, the mission and operating concepts underlying the Libyan police system were the same as those in many other Muslim societies. The traditional concept of police or shurtah was a broad one. Because the shurtah were used from time to time by the government in power to undertake new conquests, security force commanders often had full-sized armies at their disposal. Domestically, however, the shurtah were primarily responsible for suppressing dissidence and insurrections as well as performing other internal security duties. The latter duties typically embraced the kinds of administrative and judicial functions often required of urban and rural police, such as the prevention of crime, investigation and arrest of criminals, and maintenance of public order. Some of these concepts have survived in present-day Libya; others have been altered in response to the changing needs of the society.
Shortly after the 1969 coup, military officers were temporarily integrated into key police positions to guard against a countercoup. A complete reorganization of the police followed over the next three years. An early step in the process of stripping the police of paramilitary status was the consolidation of the regional police forces into a unified organization under the Ministry of Interior. In 1971 new separate agencies to handle civil defense and fire protection were provided for by law. Ministerial decrees established other units, such as the Central Traffic Department, the Central Department for Criminal Investigation, the Arab International Criminal Police Bureau, the Ports Security Department, the Identity Investigation, and the Police Training Department. A special police law promulgated by the RCC in January 1972 spelled out the new functions of the police force, which was formally redesignated the Police at the Service of the People and the Revolution. The police were specifically charged with responsibility for "the administration of prisons, civil defense activities, passport and nationality affairs, identity card affairs, and other functions set forth by laws and bills."
Individual police units were under the jurisdiction of regional security directorates throughout the country, with primary responsibility for enforcing the laws and administering the police falling under the minister of interior and his deputy. A special police affairs council--composed of the deputy minister as chairman, the directors of the central police department, the regional chiefs, and a legal adviser--was empowered to coordinate activities of various police branches and to issue decrees on police matters.
Police ranks followed closely those of the armed forces. An officer candidate had to be a Libyan citizen at least twenty years of age, of good conduct and behavior, in good physical condition, and not married to a foreigner. He also had to be a graduate of the police academy. Police work was considered a prestigious occupation, and its attractive working conditions and benefits reportedly produced well-qualified applicants who underwent stiff competition for vacancies. However, standards may have deteriorated as more lucrative opportunities in the oil industry and in government became available for those with sufficient education.
In a counterpart to the media attacks on the professional military in 1983, the official Libyan press targeted the police as lacking revolutionary zeal. The press demanded greater direct responsibility for the masses in protecting the people's security. Articles was recalled that the police were descended from the mobile forces of the Idris regime, headed by "fascist, bourgeois officers" who had suppressed all manifestations of discontent with the royalist system. Police officials were accused of engaging in licentious behavior, of drinking liquor, and of carrying on illegal businesses. They were charged with being "feudalistic" in their behavior, of being ill-educated because many lacked a high- school diploma, and often unfit for duty because of advancing age.
Declaring that "security is the responsibility of the people as a whole in the same way as the defense of the homeland is," Qadhafi announced in 1985 that the police would henceforward be known as the People's Security Force. Whether this name change accomplished much seemed doubtful; the official press complained that all that had happened was that signs over the police stations now read "People's Security Station."
As of year 2002, the country maintained an extensive security apparatus, consisting of several elite military units, including Qadhafi's personal bodyguards, local Revolutionary Committees, People's Committees, and "Purification" Committees. The result was a multilayered, pervasive surveillance system that monitored and controlled the activities of individuals. The various security forces committed numerous serious human rights abuses.
In Libya, the law provides for fines against any official using excessive force; nonetheless, there were no known cases of prosecution for torture or abuse. Security personnel routinely torture prisoners during interrogations or for punishment. Government agents reportedly detained and tortured foreign workers, particularly those from sub-Saharan Africa. Reports of torture were difficult to corroborate because many prisoners were held incommunicado. In July Qadhafi's son, Saif al-Islam, announced that the Government would make public the names of any government personnel involved in torture, even if they were senior officials, and would bring them trial. The Government had not made public any names by year's end. Methods of torture reportedly included: chaining to a wall for hours; clubbing; applying electric shock; applying corkscrews to the back; pouring lemon juice in open wounds; breaking fingers and allowing the joints to heal without medical care; suffocating with plastic bags; depriving of food and water; hanging by the wrists; suspending from a pole inserted between the knees and elbows; burning with cigarettes; attacking with dogs; and beating on the soles of the feet.
The Government does not respect the right to privacy. Security agencies often disregarded the legal requirement to obtain warrants before entering a private home. They also routinely monitored telephone calls.
The security agencies and the Revolutionary Committees oversaw an extensive network of informants; one credible foreign observer estimated that 10 to 20 percent of the population was engaged in surveillance for the Government. Exiles reported that family ties to suspected government opponents may result in harassment and detention. The Government may seize and destroy property belonging to "enemies of the people" or those who "cooperate" with foreign powers. In the past, citizens reported that the Government warned members of the extended family of government opponents that they too risked the death penalty.
The law provides for the punishment of families or communities that aid, abet, or do not inform the Government of criminals and oppositionists in their midst. The crimes include "obstructing the people's power, instigating and practicing tribal fanaticism, possessing, trading in or smuggling unlicensed weapons, and damaging public and private institutions and property." The law also provides that "any group, whether large or small," including towns, villages, local assemblies, tribes, or families, be punished in their entirety if they are accused by the General People's Congress of sympathizing, financing, aiding in any way, harboring, protecting, or refraining from identifying perpetrators of such crimes. Punishment under the Collective Punishment Law ranges from the denial of access to utilities (water, electricity, telephone), fuels, food supplies, official documents, and participation in local assemblies, to the termination of new economic projects and state subsidies. The "Code of Honor", passed by the People's General Congress in 1997, provides for collective punishment to be inflicted on the relatives of persons having committed certain crimes, normally opponents of the regime.
The 1994 Purge Law provides for the confiscation of private assets above a nominal amount, describing wealth in excess of such undetermined amounts as "the fruits of exploitation or corruption." In 1996 the Government ordered the formation of hundreds of "Purge" or Purification Committees composed of young military officers and students. The Purification Committees reportedly seized some "excessive" amounts of private wealth from members of the middle and affluent classes; the confiscated property was taken from the rich to be given to the poor in an effort to appease the populace and to strengthen the Government's power and control over the country. The activities of the Purification Committees continued during the year.
By law the Government may hold detainees incommunicado for unlimited periods. Security forces arbitrarily arrested and detained citizens. The Government held many political detainees incommunicado in unofficial detention centers controlled by members of the Revolutionary Committees.
Scores of businessmen, traders, and shop owners have been arrested arbitrarily on charges of corruption, dealing in foreign goods, and funding Islamic fundamentalist groups in violation of the 1994 Purge Law. The Purge Law was established to fight financial corruption, black marketeering, drug trafficking, and atheism. "Purification committees enforced the law.
Hundreds of political detainees, many associated with banned Islamic groups, reportedly were held in prisons throughout the country (but mainly in the Abu Salim prison in Tripoli); many have been held for years without charge. Some human rights organizations estimated this number to be as high as 2,000. Hundreds of other detainees may have been held for periods too brief (3 to 4 months) to permit confirmation by outside observers.
On February 16 2002, a People's Court in Tripoli sentenced to death Salem Abu Hanak and Abdullah Ahmed Izzedin, 2 out of at least 152 professionals who were arbitrarily arrested in 1998 in Benghazi for involvement with Islamic organizations. Eighty-six of the 152 men were sentenced while 66 were acquitted. Those who were convicted received sentences ranging from 10 years to life imprisonment. The appeal trial opened on December 14. AI reported that lawyers for the accused were neither allowed to study their case files nor to meet with their clients. The lawyers were denied access to the court, and the judge appointed government clerks to replace them. Family members were allowed to meet the accused briefly for the first time since their arrest in April 2001, but then not again until at least December 2001.
In May 1999, the 16 defendants of the case involving the HIV infection of nearly 400 children were kept in incommunicado detention for approximately 10 months, without access to their families or legal representation. In September 1, the Government freed 62 political prisoners, including Muhammad Ali al-Akrami, al-Ajili Muhammad Abd al-Raham al-Azhari, Muhammad Ali al-Qajiji, Salih Omar al-Qasbi, and Muhammad al-Sadiq al-Tarhuni, who had been imprisoned since 1973 for their peaceful involvement with the prohibited Islamic Liberation Party.
On September 1, the Government pardoned 50 Egyptian prisoners and deported them to Egypt. In October the Government returned 238 Nigerian prisoners arrested in anti-African riots in July 2001 to Nigeria to serve out jail terms imposed by courts, following an appeal by the Nigerian government.
There was no information available on Abdullah Ali al-Sanussi al-Darrat, who was detained without charge and has not had a trial since 1973.
The Government did not impose forced exile as a form of punishment, and it continued to encourage citizen dissidents abroad to return, promising to ensure their safety. It is unclear whether such promises were honored. The Government repatriated dozens of family members of suspected citizen al-Qa'ida members from Afghanistan and Pakistan in waves throughout the year. Although the Government publicly guaranteed their safety, the likelihood of such safety remained unclear. Students studying abroad have been interrogated upon their return.
In connection with the September 2000 mob violence against sub-Saharan workers, many sub-Saharan Africans, including Chadians, Ghanaians, and Nigerians were repatriated after seeking assistance from their embassies.
With the acceptance of the primacy of Islamic law, the dual religious-secular court structure was no longer necessary. In November 1973, the religious judicial system of qadi courts was abolished. The secular court system was retained to administer justice, but its jurisdiction now included religious matters. Secular jurisprudence had to conform to sharia, which remained the basis for religious jurisprudence. In 1987 the court system had four levels: summary courts (sometimes referred to as partial courts), courts of first instance, appeals courts, and the Supreme Court.
Summary courts were located in most small towns. Each consisted of a single judge who heard cases involving misdemeanors. Misdemeanors were disputes involving amounts up to Libyan dinar (LD) 100. Most decisions were final, but in cases where the dispute involved more than LD20 the decision could be appealed.
The primary court was the court of first instance. One court of first instance was located in each area that formerly had constituted a governorate before the governorates as such were abolished in 1975. Courts of first instance heard appeals from summary courts and had original jurisdiction over all matters in which amounts of more than LD100 were involved. A panel of three judges, ruling by majority decision, heard civil, criminal, and commercial cases and applied sharia to personal or religious matters that were formerly handled by the qadi courts.
The three courts of appeals sat at Tripoli, Benghazi, and Sabha. A three-judge panel, again ruling by majority decision, served in each court and heard appeals from the courts of first instance. Original jurisdiction applied to cases involving felonies and high crimes. Sharia judges who formerly sat in the Sharia Court of Appeals were assigned to the regular courts of appeals and continue to specialize in sharia appellate cases.
The Supreme Court was located in Tripoli and comprised five chambers: civil and commercial, criminal, administrative, constitutional, and sharia. A five-judge panel sat in each chamber, the majority establishing the decision. The court was the final appellate body for cases emanating from lower courts. It could also interpret constitutional matters. However, it no longer had cassation or annulment power over the decisions of the lower courts, as it did before the 1969 revolution. Because there was a large pool of Supreme Court justices from which the panel was drawn at a given time, the total number of justices was unfixed. All justices and the president (also seen as chairman) of the court were appointed by the GPC; most likely the General Secretariat made the actual selections. Before its abolition, the RCC made Supreme Court appointments.
As of year 2002, the judiciary was not independent of the Government, and security forces had the power to pass sentences without trial. The Government used summary judicial proceedings to suppress domestic dissent.
There were four levels of courts: summary courts, which tried petty offenses; the courts of first instance, which tried more serious crimes; the courts of appeal; and the Supreme Court, which was the final appellate level.
Special revolutionary courts tried political offenses. Such trials often were held in secret or even in the absence of the accused. In other cases, the security forces had the power to pass sentences without trial, especially in cases involving political opposition. In the past, Qadhafi has incited local cadres to take extrajudicial action against suspected opponents.
The private practice of law is illegal; all lawyers must be members of the Secretariat of Justice.
On February 16, in the trial of the 152 professionals and students who were arrested in Benghazi for alleged involvement with an Islamic organization, an international human rights organization noted that the trial was held in secret and that the judges hearing the case were not legally qualified. At the time of their arrest, the defendants were not informed of the charges against them nor were they allowed to meet their lawyers for consultation.
On February 17, the special People's Court, charged with trying 16 health professionals (9 Libyans, 1 Palestinian, and 6 Bulgarians) in 1999 for allegedly infecting 400 children with HIV, dropped the conspiracy charge and transferred the proceedings to the criminal court. The attorney defending the persons claimed he was allowed to meet with his clients twice in the 3 years since their jailing. The case was still pending at year's end.
The Government held a large number of political prisoners. AI estimated that there were hundreds of persons imprisoned for political reasons; other groups put that number as high as 2,000. According to AI, in September 62 prisoners were released on the 33rd anniversary of Qadhafi coming to power.
The Government did not permit access to political prisoners by international human rights monitors.
The law provides for fines against any official using excessive force; nonetheless, there were no known cases of prosecution for torture or abuse. Security personnel routinely torture prisoners during interrogations or for punishment. Government agents reportedly detained and tortured foreign workers, particularly those from sub-Saharan Africa. Reports of torture were difficult to corroborate because many prisoners were held incommunicado. In July Qadhafi's son, Saif al-Islam, announced that the Government would make public the names of any government personnel involved in torture, even if they were senior officials, and would bring them trial. The Government had not made public any names by year's end. Methods of torture reportedly included: chaining to a wall for hours; clubbing; applying electric shock; applying corkscrews to the back; pouring lemon juice in open wounds; breaking fingers and allowing the joints to heal without medical care; suffocating with plastic bags; depriving of food and water; hanging by the wrists; suspending from a pole inserted between the knees and elbows; burning with cigarettes; attacking with dogs; and beating on the soles of the feet.
In May a court sentenced Ahmad Muhammad Ahmad al-Sharif, Sayyid Muhammad Ahmad, Dahmu Muhammad Abu Bakr al-Sharif, and Barkah Sidi Jira Barkah to have their right hands and left legs amputated in punishment for theft. The sentences were carried out in July and were the first in the country since Qadhafi came to power 1969.
On September 6, the World Organisation Against Torture (OMCT) reported that Mohammad Massaud Izbeda inquired at the Revolutionary Committee Headquarters as to why his son, Abdallah Mohammad Massaud Izbeda, had not been among the 62 prisoners released by the Government on September 1. Authorities at the headquarters detained and tortured Mr. Izbeda. According to reports, he was released later that day and died the same night. Security forces reportedly attempted to remove Izbeda's body from its gravesite on September 13 when a group of young persons intervened. Authorities arrested several, subjecting at least one, Seif Salem Aljadik, to torture, and reportedly killing others. Authorities also demolished both Mr. Izbeda and Mr. Aljadik's homes.
In May 1999, in a much publicized case involving the HIV infection of nearly 400 children, 16 defendants, including 6 Bulgarians and 1 Palestinian, all health professionals, claimed that their confessions had been obtained under duress. In February a court in Benghazi conducted an official inquiry into the defendants' claims of torture. Defense lawyers for the professionals told the press that the inquiry was completed but the results were not communicated to the defense. In November the seven suspects told the Sunday Times that they had signed confessions after months of torture. The torture methods they described included electric shocks, beatings, sleep deprivation, intimidation by police dogs, and forcing one female suspect to undress and threatening to insert a lighted lamp into her vagina. These signed confessions are now the prosecution's best evidence against the suspects. The case remained pending at year's end. According to Amnesty International (AI), although the verdict was supposed to be announced in September 2001, no such action has occurred.
In 1998 152 professionals and students were arrested in Benghazi for alleged involvement with an Islamic organizations not known to have used or advocated violence. An international human rights organization noted that the defendants were subjected to arbitrary arrest, torture, and ill-treatment while being held in incommunicado detention.
As of year 2002, prison conditions reportedly were poor. According to AI, political detainees reportedly were held in cruel, inhuman, or degrading conditions, and denied adequate medical care, which led to several deaths in custody. The Government did not permit prison visits by human rights monitors, including the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC).
Although there was little detailed information regarding the extent of violence against women, it remained a problem. In general, the intervention of neighbors and extended family members tended to limit the reporting of domestic violence. Abuse within the family rarely was discussed publicly, due to the value attached to privacy in society.
Some nomadic tribes located in remote areas still practiced FGM on young girls.
Citizens have been implicated in the purchase of Sudanese slaves, mainly southern Sudanese women and children.
The 1969 Constitutional Proclamation granted women total equality. Despite this legal provision, traditional attitudes and practices prevailed, and discrimination against women persisted, keeping them from attaining the family or civil rights formally provided them. Women were reportedly prevented in practice from owning property. A woman must have the permission of her husband or another close male relative to travel abroad.
Although their status is still not equal to that of men, the opportunity for women to make notable social progress increased in recent years. Oil wealth, urbanization, development plans, education programs, and even the impetus behind Qadhafi's revolutionary government have contributed to the creation of new employment opportunities for women. In recent years, foreign diplomats have noted a growing sense of individualism in some segments of society, especially among educated youth. For example, many educated young couples preferred to set up their own households, rather than move in with their parents, and viewed polygyny with scorn. Educational differences between men and women have narrowed.
In general, the emancipation of women is a generational phenomenon: urban women under the age of 35 tended to have more "modern" attitudes toward life; however, older urban women tended to have more traditional attitudes toward family and employment. Moreover, a significant proportion of rural women did not attend school and were inclined to instill in their children such traditional beliefs as women's subservient role in society.
Female participation in the workforce, particularly in services, has increased in the last decade. However, employment gains by women were often inhibited by lingering traditional restrictions that discourage women from playing an active role in the workplace and by the resurgence of Islamic fundamentalist values. Some observers have noted that even educated women often lacked self-confidence and social awareness and sought only a limited degree of occupational and social equality with men.
The Government subsidized education (which is compulsory until age 15) and medical care, and it has improved the welfare of children; however, declining revenues and general economic mismanagement have led to cutbacks, particularly in medical services.
Sudanese girls reportedly have been trafficked and sold as slaves in the country.
FGM was practiced on young girls.
There was no information available regarding whether the law specifically prohibits trafficking in persons. However, the offenses of prostitution and related offenses, including sexual trafficking are illegal in the Penal Code.
There have been reports of trafficking in persons. The country was a place of transit for women trafficked from Africa to central Europe, and there were reports that Sri Lankan women were transported through the country as well. In August 2001, Senegalese authorities detained 100 young Senegalese women from boarding a charter flight to the country. According to a media report, in September 2001 two French nationals of Senegalese origin were arrested and charged with organizing international prostitution. There were reports that these women were being sent to the country to work as prostitutes.
Citizens have been implicated in the purchase of Sudanese slaves, mainly southern Sudanese women and children, who were captured by Sudanese Government troops in the ongoing civil war in Sudan
Libya's political situation, however, has not affected the country's position on illicit drugs. The Government has remained strongly committed to the fight against drugs, and it has been attending CND meetings and responding to INCB�s requests for reporting.
Since 1994 Libya has not provided voluntary contributions to UNDCP. This is expected to be addressed by the Cairo Regional Office in its future dealing with Libya and other countries of the region.
No significant illicit drug production has been reported in Libya. However, due to its geographical location, Libya has potential for transit trafficking, particularly for drugs destined for Egypt. There is little information on the drug abuse situation in Libya. Information provided by the Government at the 1996 Demand Reduction Forum on North Africa, held in Tunisia, reports moderate abuse of hashish, heroin, and diverted prescription drugs. According to this source, abuse is most prevalent in urban areas. Treatment facilities are limited and seriously under funded.
The General Administration for Drug Control (GADC) in the Ministry of Interior is responsible for combating illicit drugs in the country. GADC has been a regular participant in the annual meetings of the Arab Office for Narcotic Affairs, which is part of the Arab Interior Ministers Council.
Libya has an inter ministerial committee to oversee drug control matters in the country. The committee, however, lacks the ability to ensure an effective implementation of its decisions, and to provide effective co-ordination among the various government agencies involved in drug control matters.
UNDCP has recently been contacted by the Libyan NGO World Permanent Organization for the Jamahiriya Youth which requested advice on setting up a program against drug abuse in North Africa.
Since Qadhafi's rise to power, Libya has chronically employed terrorism and revolutionary groups as primary instruments for fulfilling its international ambitions. The main targets of terrorist activity have been Libyan dissidents living abroad and prominent political figures of moderate Arab and African countries. Qadhafi has openly declared that "the revolution has destroyed those who oppose it inside the country and now it must pursue the rest abroad." A concerted drive to assassinate anti-Qadhafi exiles resulted in the murder of eleven Libyan dissidents in 1980 and 1981. A further five attacks were sponsored by Libya in 1985. Plots were allegedly uncovered against President Habre of Chad in 1984 and President Mobutu Sese Seko of Za�re in 1985. Earlier, there was evidence that Libyan agents had targeted Arab moderates, including Presidents Anwar Sadat and Husni Mubarak of Egypt, Jaafar al Numayri of Sudan, Habib Bourguiba of Tunisia, King Hussein of Jordan, and King Hassan II of Morocco.
Qadhafi has endeavored to undermine moderate Arab governments judged not to be militant enough in their attitude toward Israel or to be too closely tied to the West. Sudan under Numayei was a priority target because it cooperated with the West and with Egypt. Arms and funds were funneled to Sudanese rebels based in Ethiopia in their guerrilla warfare against the central government. In early 1983, Libya was accused of having masterminded a coup attempt that miscarried badly. The coup plan called for Libyan planes to bomb public buildings in the capital of Khartoum while dissidents took over the center of the city. When the plan became known and Egyptian and United States aircraft were deployed at Numayri's request, Qadhafi called a halt to the operation. However, in 1984, a plane believed to be Libyan attempted to destroy a radio station at Umm Durman, Sudan, that was broadcasting condemnations of Qadhafi's policies.
Since late 1980, Qadhafi has aided the Somali National Salvation Front, an insurgent group operating out of Ethiopia. He has kindled unrest in North Africa in the case of Algeria by providing money and a base to dissidents, such as former president Ahmed Ben Bella, and in Tunisia by recruiting dissidents from the large numbers of Tunisian workers in Libya to conduct raids and sabotage.
In addition to repeated interventions in Chad in his efforts to impose a leadership that would be amenable to Libyan influence, Qadhafi has been accused of providing arms and training to Tuareg tribesmen at a camp at Sabha. His goal has been to stir up the Tuareg into demanding a union carved out of existing Sahelian states, a union that would be under Libyan influence.
Libya has contributed to Niger's fears by its annexation of a strip of territory on Niger's northern border and its backing of a coup attempt against the president of Niger in 1976. Relations with other African countries--including Senegal, Gambia, Togo, Burkina Faso, and Zaire--have been embittered by Qadhafi's plotting and support for radical dissidents.
Beginning in the 1980s, Qadhafi extended his activities into Latin America and Asia. Arms and money allegedly have been made available to insurgents in Guatemala and El Salvador, as well as to the M-19 terrorist group in Colombia. In South Asia, Libya has been involved with opponents of the Pakistani and Bangladeshi governments and in Southeast Asia has provided help to Muslim minorities, notably the Moro separatists on Mindanao in the Philippines.
In the Middle East, Qadhafi has been motivated by the aim of destroying Israel and of punishing those Arab elements willing to compromise in the interest of regional peace. The smaller, more radical factions of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) have received training and arms from Libya as well as financing for their activities. According to the State Department, Libya's contribution in 1981 alone amounted to nearly US$100 million. In 1985 attention was focused on Qadhafi's links with the Palestinian terrorist Abu Nidal Organization, more formally known as the Fatah Revolutionary Council, and with the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine-General Command. The Abu Nidal Organization was believed responsible for the shooting of the Israeli ambassador in London, the hijacking of an Egyptian airliner, and attacks on the El Al and Trans World Airlines ticket counters at the Rome and Vienna airports. The State Department charged that millions of dollars in Libyan funds had gone to the Abu Nidal Organization, that its top figures were resident in Libya, and that Libya had provided training and travel documents to its teams mounting terrorist attacks. Although other Middle Eastern states such as Syria and Iran remained involved in terrorism, the State Department maintained that Libya had become the most active, especially against American and European travelers.
The affinity of Qadhafi for the Abu Nidal Organization and other radical Palestinian factions is explained by the bitter enmity they share for the main Arafat wing of the PLO, and for their rejection of any form of negotiations with Israel. Terrorist attacks of the kind they have successfully launched serve Qadhafi's purpose by further elevating tensions in the Middle East and blighting the prospects of peace initiatives.