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UN to Review Whether the FBI Killed the Kids at Kent State May 6, 2013
Posted by rogerhollander in Criminal Justice, History, Vietnam, War.Tags: allison krause, fbi, history, j. edgar hoover, kent state, laurel krause, ohio national guard, pat lamarche, Richard Nixon, roger hollander, Vietnam War
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Gwen Ifell and Oliver Stone were at Kent State this weekend to commemorate the May 4, 1970 shootings at the university that claimed four lives and wounded nine people. The celebrities will share their thoughts on what happened 43 years ago as the university dedicates its new May 4 visitor center. Among the visitors who dropped by to hear them speak and scrutinize the new center was Laurel Krause, sister of Allison Krause, the 19-year-old freshman honor student, who was killed that day by members of the Ohio National Guard. The soldiers shot her where she stood — 343 feet from away from them on the campus lawn.
What was the climate like the day Allison and the others were shot?
Well, aside from the fact that it was the first beautiful day after weeks of rain, the political climate was anything but clearing. Just four days earlier President Richard Nixon announced the U.S. invasion of Cambodia. He struggled to justify his decision to further escalate the conflict in south east Asia even as he worked to conceal the fact that he had authorized the illegal bombing of Cambodia for more than a year.
Domestically the clouds were gathering as well. Two years and one month earlier, Martin Luther King, Jr., had been assassinated after turning his attention on the evils he perceived were associated with the Vietnam War. His voice had added to the growing number of young voices speaking out across the nation calling for an end to the war and an elimination of military conscription, better known as the draft.
FBI director J. Edgar Hoover had compiled surveillance tapes and documents on everyone from the Kennedy family to MLK, Jr. and while his top secret files were destroyed upon his death, there is no reason to believe he did not run a series of intelligence programs based at monitoring and curtailing the efforts of young people on campuses all across the nation who he felt "seek to destroy our society."
For these and other reasons, Laurel Krause and her organization, The Kent State Truth Tribunal (KSTT), filed a petition on February 9, 2013, with the United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC), asking them to review their claim that Vietnam War protesters were intentionally targeted by Hoover's FBI and the Department of Defense. On April 5, the UNHRC agreed to hear the case.
Laurel and the other members of the KSTT have a lot to say on what they believe has been a 43 year coverup and spin job. From the time headlines broke that called the shooting victims "bums" and portrayed them as an unwashed violent rabble of questionable morality, until this year when the UN became the first governing body willing to dig a little deeper into the official story, Laurel has keenly remembered the details of the day her sister died.
Time will tell what will come of Laurel's struggle to get justice for her sister and the other victims. And justice for Laurel means that the government will one day acknowledge the truth. Until that day comes and on this anniversary of Allison's death, it's illuminating to know exactly how the day unfolded for the rest of the Krause family.
At 12:24 p.m. 28 Ohio National Guard soldiers — after hearing what they later called sniper fire — opened fire on unarmed protesters at Kent State University. Most of the protesters were more than the length of a football field from the soldiers. The soldiers had live rounds in their guns and must have been cautioned that they may need to shoot to kill the college kids.
At about 3:00 p.m. 15-year-old Laurel Krause got off the school bus and started walking to her home. A neighbor ran up to Laurel and told her that the radio had announced that Allison had been hurt in a shooting at Kent State.
Laurel called her mom and dad who were at work.
Laurel's mom came home and called the Robinson Memorial Hospital in Ravenna, Ohio, and was told over the phone that "she was DOA." Doris Krause collapsed on the floor.
Laurel's dad, Arthur Krause, worked as a middle manager for Westinghouse and his co-worker brought him home. Arthur had received a call from his brother saying that the local radio station had announced that Allison was dead. When he arrived home, Doris confirmed it, and the family friend drove them from their home in Pittsburgh, Penn., to the hospital in Ohio.
Laurel recounts that no one from the university or the U.S. government was there to assist them. When the door swung open to the room where Allison lay dead, Laurel could see her sister's body. When her parents went into the room to identify Alliston, Laurel waited in the hall where two armed men wearing no uniforms were standing. One of the men muttered behind her, "They should have shot more."
These are the memories Laurel Krause has carried 43 years. These are the memories that motivate her to make regular calls to the Department of Justice and ask when her sister's murder will be investigated and solved. And every time Laurel calls, she is referred to the civil rights department. Laurel says, "She was nothing more than garbage to them. They don't want to investigate her murder. The DOJ has no department for the killing of students by the government."
The day after his daughter's death, Arthur filed a lawsuit he refused to drop regardless of how much money he was offered. Arthur died never receiving the justice he was after. Laurel has continued his fight. She says the battle can get unpleasant but that won't stop her. She's not surprised that she hasn't gotten answers, and she's not daunted by the obstacles in her way. Laurel says, "Any time the FBI kills a member of your family, they are gonna to be up your ass for the rest of your life."
The Lyndon Johnson tapes: Richard Nixon's 'treason' March 16, 2013
Posted by rogerhollander in History, War.Tags: 1968 democratic convention, anna chennault, charles wheeler, chicago 1968, david taylor, history, hubert humphrey, lbj, Lyndon Johnson, richard daley, Richard Nixon, roger hollander, vietnam peace talks, Vietnam War
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16 March 2013 Last updated at 01:09 BBC GMT
By David Taylor
Declassified tapes of President Lyndon Johnson's telephone calls provide a fresh insight into his world. Among the revelations – he planned a dramatic entry into the 1968 Democratic Convention to re-join the presidential race. And he caught Richard Nixon sabotaging the Vietnam peace talks… but said nothing.
After the Watergate scandal ta ught Richard Nixon the consequences of recording White House conversations none of his successors have dared to do it. But Nixon wasn't the first.
He got the idea from his predecessor Lyndon Johnson, who felt there was an obligation to allow historians to eventually eavesdrop on his presidency.
"They will provide history with the bark off," Johnson told his wife, Lady Bird.
The final batch of tapes released by the LBJ library covers 1968, and allows us to hear Johnson's private conversations as his Democratic Party tore itself apart over the question of Vietnam.
Charles Wheeler
- Charles Wheeler was the BBC's Washington correspondent from 1965 to 1973
- He learned in 1994 that LBJ had evidence of Richard Nixon's sabotage of the Vietnam peace talks, and interviewed key Johns on staff
- Wheeler died in 2008, the same year the LBJ tapes were declassified
- David Taylor was his Washington-based producer for many years
The 1968 convention, held in Chicago, was a complete shambles.
Tens of thousands of anti-war protesters clashed with Mayor Richard Daley's police, determined to force the party to reject Johnson's Vietnam war strategy.
As they taunted the police with cries of "The whole world is watching!" one man in particular was watching very closely.
Lyndon Baines Johnson was at his ranch in Texas, having announced five months earlier that he wouldn't seek a second term.
The president was appalled at the violence and although many of his staff sided with the students, and told the president the police were responsible for "disgusting abuse of police power," Johnson picked up the phone, ordered the dictabelt machine to start recording and congratulated Mayor Daley for his handling of the protest.
The president feared the convention delegates were about to reject his war policy and his chosen successor, Hubert Humphrey.
So he placed a series of calls to his staff at the convention to outline an astonishing plan. He planned to leave Texas and fly into Chicago.
He would then enter the convention and announce he was putting his name forward as a candidate for a second term.
It would have transformed the 1968 election. His advisers were sworn to secrecy and even Lady Bird did not know what her husband was considering.
On the White House tapes we learn that Johnson wanted to know from Daley how many delegates would support his candidacy. LBJ only wanted to get back into the race if Daley could guarantee the party would fall in line behind him.
They also discussed whether the president's helicopter, Marine One, could land on top of the Hilton Hotel to avoid the anti-war protesters.
Daley assured him enough delegates would support his nomination but the plan was shelved after the Secret Service warned the president they could not guarantee his safety.
The idea that Johnson might have been the candidate, and not Hubert Humphrey, is just one of the many secrets contained on the White House tapes.
They also shed light on a scandal that, if it had been known at the time, would have sunk the candidacy of Republican presidential nominee, Richard Nixon.
By the time of the election in November 1968, LBJ had evidence Nixon had sabotaged the Vietnam war peace talks – or, as he put it, that Nixon was guilty of treason and had "blood on his hands".
The BBC's former Washington correspondent Charles Wheeler learned of this in 1994 and conducted a series of interviews with key Johnson staff, such as defence secretary Clark Clifford, and national security adviser Walt Rostow.
We now know…
- After the Viet Cong's Tet offensive, White House doves persuaded Johnson to end the war
- Johnson loathed Senator Bobby Kennedy but the tapes show he was genuinely devastated by his assassination
- He feared vice-president Hubert Humphrey would go soft on Vietnam if elected president
- The BBC's Charles Wheeler would have been under FBI surveillance when he met administration officials in 1968
- In 1971 Nixon made huge efforts to find a file containing everything Johnson knew in 1968 about Nixon's skulduggery
But by the time the tapes were declassified in 2008 all the main protagonists had died, including Wheeler.
Now, for the first time, the whole story can be told.
It begins in the summer of 1968. Nixon feared a breakthrough at the Paris Peace talks designed to find a negotiated settlement to the Vietnam war, and he knew this would derail his campaign.
He therefore set up a clandestine back-channel involving Anna Chennault, a senior campaign adviser.
At a July meeting in Nixon's New York apartment, the South Vietnamese ambassador was told Chennault represented Nixon and spoke for the campaign. If any message needed to be passed to the South Vietnamese president, Nguyen Van Thieu, it would come via Chennault.
In late October 1968 there were major concessions fro m Hanoi which promised to allow meaningful talks to get underway in Paris – concessions that would justify Johnson calling for a complete bombing halt of North Vietnam. This was exactly what Nixon feared.
Chennault was despatched to the South Vietnamese embassy with a clear message: the South Vietnamese government should withdraw from the talks, refuse to deal with Johnson, and if Nixon was elected, they would get a much better deal.
So on the eve of his planned announcement of a halt to the bombing, Johnson learned the South Vietnamese were pulling out.
He was also told why. The FBI had bugged the ambassador's phone and a transcripts of Anna Chennault's calls were sent to the White House. In one conversation she tells the ambassador to "just hang on through election".
Johnson was told by Defence Secretary Clifford that the interference was illegal and threatened the chance for peace.
In a series of remarkable White House recordings we can hear Johnson's reaction to the news.
In one call to Senator Richard Russell he says: "We have found that our friend, the Republican nominee, our California friend, has been playing on the outskirts with our enemies and our friends both, he has been doing it through rather subterranean sources. Mrs Chennault is warning the South Vietnamese not to get pulled into this Johnson move."
He orders the Nixon campaign to be placed under FBI surveillance and demands to know if Nixon is personally involved.
When he became convinced it was being orchestrated by the Republican candidate, the president called Senator Everett Dirksen, the Republican leader in the Senate to get a message to Nixon.
The president knew what was going on, Nixon should back off and the subterfuge amounted to treason.
Publicly Nixon was suggesting he had no idea why the South Vietnamese withdrew from the talks. He even offered to travel to Saigon to get them back to the negotiating table.
Johnson felt it was the ultimate expression of political hypocrisy but in calls recorded with Clifford they express the fear that going public would require revealing the FBI were bugging the ambassador's phone and the National Security Agency (NSA) was intercepting his communications with Saigon.
So they decided to say nothing.
The president did let Humphrey know and gave him enough information to sink his opponent. But by then, a few days from the election, Humphrey had been to ld he had closed the gap with Nixon and would win the presidency. So Humphrey decided it would be too disruptive to the country to accuse the Republicans of treason, if the Democrats were going to win anyway.
Nixon ended his campaign by suggesting the administration war policy was in shambles. They couldn't even get the South Vietnamese to the negotiating table.
He won by less than 1% of the popular vote.
Once in office he escalated the war into Laos and Cambodia, with the loss of an additional 22,000 American lives, before finally settling for a peace agreement in 1973 that was within grasp in 1968.
The White House tapes, combined with Wheeler's interviews with key White House personnel, provide an unprecedented insight into how Johnson handled a series of crises that rocked his presidency. Sadly, we will never have that sort of insight again.
The Other Side March 11, 2012
Posted by rogerhollander in Criminal Justice, History, Media, Political Commentary.Tags: david glenn cox, history, mass media, Media, Republican Party, Richard Nixon, roger hollander, watergate
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There is a common story to our lives; it is a story of love and loss, joys and regrets. We all share in these things equally and we are all locked inside of our times. It began as a simple conversation about how much things had changed in America since the mid nineteen nineties. They were times of economic optimism or perhaps were only the sunshine of my own economic optimism, that's why I say, we are locked in our times.
– Hunter S. Thompson
Profiting Off Nixon's Vietnam "Treason" March 4, 2012
Posted by rogerhollander in History, Vietnam, War.Tags: eugene rostow, history, lbj, Lyndon Johnson, Richard Nixon, robert parry, roger hollander, vietnam, vietnam peace process, Vietnam War, Wall Street, Wall Street Bankers, walt w. rostow
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Roger's note: it has been my opinion that in our time things really began to go "off the track" with the Nixon presidency and not with the Bush era, as many argue (of course, in a broader sense the car jumped the rail in 1492). The Nixons and the Bushes and the Obamas and the military-industrial complex behind them sacrifice lives by the hundreds of thousands, and we honor them as presidents and patriots. The cynicism behind it all is almost beyond comprehension, not to mention surreal.
Robert Parry, www.opednews.com, March 3, 2012
This article cross-posted from Consortium News
As I pored over documents from what the archivists at Lyndon Johnson's presidential library call their "X-File" — chronicling Richard Nixon's apparent sabotage of Vietnam peace talks in 1968 — I was surprised by one fact in particular, how Johnson's White House got wind of what Johnson later labeled Nixon's "treason."
According to the records, Eugene Rostow, Johnson's Under Secretary of State for Political Affairs, got a tip in late October 1968 from a Wall Street source who said that one of Nixon's closest financial backers was describing Nixon's plan to "block" a peace settlement of the Vietnam War. The backer was sharing this information with his banking colleagues to help them place their bets on stocks and bonds.
In other words, these investment bankers were colluding over how to make money with their inside knowledge of Nixon's scheme to extend the Vietnam War. Such an image of these "masters of the universe" sitting around a table plotting financial strategies while a half million American soldiers were sitting in a war zone was a picture that even the harshest critics of Wall Street might find hard to envision.
Yet, that tip — about Nixon's Wall Street friends discussing his apparent tip on the likely course of the Vietnam War — was the first clear indication that Johnson's White House had that the sudden resistance from South Vietnamese President Nguyen van Thieu to Paris peace talks may have involved a collaboration with Nixon, the Republican candidate for president who feared progress toward peace could cost him the election.
On Oct. 29, Eugene Rostow passed on the information to his brother, Walt W. Rostow, Johnson's national security adviser. Eugene Rostow also wrote a memoabout the tip, reporting that he had learned the news from a source in New York who had gotten it from "a member of the banking community" who was "very close to Nixon."
"The conversation was in the context of a professional discussion about the future of the financial markets in the near term. The speaker said he thought the prospects for a bombing halt or a cease-fire were dim, because Nixon was playing the problem as he did the Fortas affair — to block. …"They would incite Saigon to be difficult, and Hanoi to wait. Part of his strategy was an expectation that an offensive would break out soon, that we would have to spend a great deal more (and incur more casualties) — a fact which would adversely affect the stock market and the bond market. NVN [North Vietnamese] offensive action was a definite element in their thinking about the future."
(The reference to Fortas apparently was to the successful Republican-led filibuster in the Senate to block Johnson's 1968 nomination of Associate Justice Abe Fortas to replace Earl Warren as Chief Justice on the U.S. Supreme Court.)
In other words, Nixon's friends on Wall Street were placing their financial bets based on the inside dope that Johnson's peace initiative was doomed to fail. (In another document, Walt Rostow identified his brother's source, who disclosed this strategy session, as Alexander Sachs, who was then on the board of Lehman Brothers.)
A separate memo from Eugene Rostow said the unidentified speaker at the lunch had added that Nixon "was trying to frustrate the President, by inciting Saigon to step up its demands, and by letting Hanoi know that when he [Nixon] took office 'he could accept anything and blame it on his predecessor.'"
So, according to the speaker, Nixon was trying to convince both the South and North Vietnamese that they would get a better deal if they stalled Johnson's peace initiative.
In a later memo providing a chronology of the affair, Walt Rostow said he got the news about the Wall Street lunch from his brother shortly before attending a morning meeting at which President Johnson was informed by U.S. Ambassador to South Vietnam Ellsworth Bunker about "Thieu's sudden intransigence."
Walt Rostow said "the diplomatic information previously received plus the information from New York took on new and serious significance," leading to an FBI investigation ordered by Johnson that uncovered the framework of Nixon's blocking operation. [To read that Rostow memo, click here, here and here.]
The Rostow memos are contained in a file with scores of secret and top secret documents tracing Nixon's Vietnam peace-talk gambit as Johnson tried frantically to stop Nixon's blocking operation and still reach a peace agreement in the waning days of his presidency.
After Nixon narrowly prevailed in the 1968 election and as Johnson was leaving the White House without a peace agreement in hand, the outgoing President instructed Walt Rostow to take the file with him. Rostow kept the documents in what he called "The 'X' Envelope," although the archivists at the LBJ Library in Austin, Texas, have dubbed it the "X-File" after the once popular TV series.
Rostow's "'X' Envelope" was not opened until 1994, which began a process of declassifying the contents, some of which remain secret to this day.
After Johnson's peace initiative failed, the Vietnam War dragged on another four years, leading to the deaths of an additional 20,763 U.S. soldiers, with 111,230 wounded. An estimated one million more Vietnamese also died.
[For a much detailed examination of what Johnson called this "sordid story," see Consortiumnews.com's "LBJ's "X' File on Nixon's "Treason.'"]
The Fascist Moses September 10, 2011
Posted by rogerhollander in History.Tags: al haig, allen dulles, assassination, bay of pigs, cheney, cia, david glenn cox, e. howard hunt, gerald ford, henry kissinger, history, iran hostages, Jimmy Carter, kennedy assassination, leon panetta, nixon administration, paul bremer, Richard Nixon, richard secord, Robert Gates, roger hollander, ronald reagan, rumsfeld, spiro agnew, tim geithner, Vietnam War, watergate, woodstock
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Roger's note: A stroll down Memory Lane for those of us who lived through and survived the 60s, 70s, etc.
By David Glenn Cox
Let's kick Richard Nixon, its great fun; we all did it at parties back in the 1970s. But that was the previous generation and this generation has missed out on the fun, like Woodstock. Unbeknownst to this current generation there would have been hundreds of fistfights and stabbings at Woodstock had it not been for three little words, "f**k Richard Nixon!"
All one had to do was simply step between the adversaries and say, "Come on now, guys, hey, look. f**k Richard Nixon!" Instantly the opponents would separate and begin to smile and agree, "Yeah, you're right, man. f**k Richard Nixon!" The potential warriors would depart as buddies and would exchange bong hits until their eyeballs melted in their sockets and they would forget all about their conflicts.
That was in the twilight's last gleaming of American democracy, when a President could still be removed from office for malfeasance. Let me rephrase that, Richard Nixon could be removed from office for malfeasance; it's doubtful whether anyone else could be. I know all about George W. Bush and Bush was a drunken, coke-snorting, mean-spirited, frat boy. There is no doubt in my mind that he is the truest definition of a sociopath, but Nixon was just plain crazy.
Nixon had paranoid delusions that people were out to get him and so he responded with bile, tirades, enemy lists and dirty tricks. Because of his paranoid delusions he alienated everyone around him until even members of his own party would walk all the way across the street just to piss on Richard Nixon. Eventually these self-fulfilling, paranoid delusions gave to Richard Nixon a kind of an Eeyore quality.
Nixon's most trusted advisor was Henry Kissinger and Nixon only trusted him while he was in the room. Kissinger's first government job was as a translator for the head of the CIA, Allen Dulles. Kissinger was his protege and it was Dulles who helped to plan the Bay of Pigs invasion and Dulles who told Kennedy that he needed to launch an unprovoked, full-scale military attack on Cuba. Kennedy fired Dulles and his Deputy Director Charles Cabell, whose brother Earl Cabell changed the presidential motorcade route in Dallas.
Nice folks. It was Dulles who proposed a plan to fake an aircraft hijacking and to blame it on Cuba. This is where this cast of unknowns began their rise into the halls of corporate fascism. George Bush, E. Howard Hunt, Porter Goss were all operatives under Dulles, and after Dulles was fired their futures were in question. But when Richard Nixon chose Henry Kissinger as Secretary of State their meal tickets became safe and secure. Meanwhile, on the other side of the world, CIA operative General Richard Secord was moving heroin on military aircraft in Vietnam and depositing the profits in banks in Australia. Then Secord began to sell pilfered US military hardware to friend and foe alike, and when this was discovered Secord was promoted!
Nixon ran for the presidency with the promise of a secret plan to end the Vietnam War. His secret plan, as it turned out, was this: get Richard Nixon elected President and then fight the North Vietnamese until they give up. Nixon authorized the secret bombings of neutral countries, as well as illegal invasions. Cambodia's President Norodom Sihanouk was playing both sides so the CIA had him overthrown. Sihanouk had signed a secret pact with China in 1965 but was playing footsie with the CIA, so when the CIA disposed of him, China said, "Good riddance!"
Kennedy wouldn't expand the Vietnam War, and well, he had an accident. So when Richard Nixon ended the Vietnam War without a victory he, well, he had an accident, too. After invading and bombing civilian areas in neutral countries and bombing civilian and humanitarian targets in North Vietnam, Nixon was removed from office because of a bungled burglary and financial campaign irregularities, and Americans with a straight face say the Catholic Church is in denial!
With Spiro Agnew's departure due to racketeering conviction two chief executives of the country are removed from office within ten months and no one suspects anything is amiss. No one suspects levers behind the throne but Gerald Ford is elected President by one vote, Richard Nixon's vote. Ford's lone claim to fame was to pardon Richard Nixon to end the long national nightmare of Watergate. Nightmare is a good synonym for the coup d'etat that happened while America slept. Two attempts were made on Ford's life in little more than two years and who was the director of the CIA then? Anyone? Why, it was good old George H. W. Bush.
The first Witch says, "When shall we three meet again, In thunder, lightning, or in rain?"
The second Witch, "When the hurlyburly's done, When the battle's lost and won."
The third Witch says, "That will be ere the set of sun."
The first Witch, "Where the place?"
The second Witch, "Upon the heath."
The third Witch, "There to meet with Macbeth."
All, "Fair is foul, and foul is fair: Hover through the fog and filthy air."
Gerald Ford was lampooned in the press as a buffoon and even though he was a buffoon he never shot his friend in the face on a drunken hunting excursion or played golf with a Supreme Court Judge who might have to hear cases involving his administration. So either you're in or you're out. James Earl Carter was elected with on strong anti-Washington sentiment and Washington responded with a strong Anti-Carter sentiment. For four years Carter and his staff complained of phone calls not being returned and policies not being carried out. Riots and demonstrations were happening in Tehran; did anyone think of reducing the embassy staff or closing the embassy? That's the job the CIA is supposed to do, and when the Iranians took Americans hostage, who took the fall?
When the military rescue mission failed, who took the fall?
The hostages were released twenty minutes after the swearing in of Ronald Reagan, but the story goes that no deals were struck. Sure, I believe. Somehow the Reagan camp came into possession of Carter's national security briefings and even Carter's debate notes. Richard Allen was Reagan's foreign policy chief during the campaign and he said that he was told to report to Theodore Shackley. Shackley had been fired from the CIA by the Carter administration and it was Theodore Shackley who was the station chief in Miami during the Bay of Pigs invasion and the senior agent was E. Howard Hunt.
So who did the Carter administration suspect had been leaking the classified documents? Two national security officials named Donald Gregg and Robert Gates. That's somewhat illuminating considering Gates was the lone holdover from the Bush administration. Shackley reported to Bush Senior on the campaign and Gregg reported directly to Shackley.
So Reagan gets elected and hell comes to breakfast: tax cuts for the rich, education cuts for the poor. The giveaways of national resources to coal and timber interests. Drug smuggling in South America, the looting of the savings and loans. For the CIA it was glory days until something went horribly wrong just sixty-nine days into Reagan's first term. Another of America's oh so famous lone nuts with a gun shot Reagan as he walked out the front door of the hotel where he was speaking.
I'll repeat that, the President of the United States walked out the front door of the hotel. Does that sound like good security policy to you? Reagan and aide James Brady were hit with bullets and the hospital was immediately notified, but Reagan's limo showed up at the hospital almost fifteen minutes after Brady's and no stretcher was waiting. The excuse given was that the driver, a highly-trained ten year veteran of the Washington Secret Service, got lost in his own hometown. If you had told me that he got lost in Omaha, maybe I'd believe it. If you pulled a stunt like that in Stalin's Russia, you and your family would be chopping wood in Siberia for generations to come.
During his short tenure as Secretary of State, Al Haig had complained that someone within the administration had been trying to undermine him in the eyes of the President. After hearing that the President had been shot it was Haig's staff who notified Vice President Bush who was away giving a speech in Fort Worth. It was Haig who convened the cabinet for a status report and began an investigation into the shooter or shooters and then made his famous "I am in charge" statement, which meant that he was in charge of the White House until Bush returned. He later said that Bush had agreed to this over the phone.
When Bush returned to the White House he cancelled the investigation into the shooter or shooters and Haig was then vilified in the press. Al Haig had been hired by Henry Kissinger to serve in the Nixon administration in 1969. Secretary of state George Schultz was also a Nixon/Kissinger protege as were Donald Rumsfeld, Dick Cheney and Paul Bremer. Nixon begat Reagan, Reagan begat Bush, Bush begat son of Bush.
In the first one hundred and seventy-four years of American history there were three assassination attempts on chief executives and candidates, with only two being successful. Since 1963 there have been six assassinations or attempts: John Kennedy, Robert Kennedy, Gerald Ford (twice), George Wallace and Ronald Reagan. Interestingly when Wallace ran in 1968 he ran as a Democrat and was seen as taking votes away from Democrats. When he ran again in 1972 he ran as an independent and was expected to take votes from Republicans and was shot by yet another lone nut with a gun.
In one hundred and seventy-four years only one chief executive was ever impeached. Since 1968 one President was impeached, one President stepped down to keep from being impeached and one Vice President resigned upon conviction for racketeering.
It is tied and twisted like a Gordian Knot; the fiascos and failures of a generation of political leadership can all be tied to the tail of one delusional paranoid, but the names and numbers speak for themselves. It is impossible to say that it all happened because of Richard Nixon, but Nixon hired Kissinger and in doing so made himself the Fascist Moses.
We have wandered in the political desert for forty years and we cannot seem to find our way home. Maybe defense secretary Robert Gates knows the way; He was a Kissinger protege. Maybe Treasury Secretary Tim Geithner knows; he worked for Kissinger, too. Maybe CIA Director Panetta knows. He, too, worked in the Nixon administration. Funny, isn't it? Defense, Treasury and CIA.
US Judge Orders Nixon's Secret Watergate Testimony Released Despite Obama Opposition July 31, 2011
Posted by rogerhollander in History.Tags: history, John Dean, nedra pickler, nixon testimony, obama administration, Richard Nixon, roger holllander, watergate, watergate testimony
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Thirty-six years after Richard Nixon testified to the Watergate grand jury, a federal judge yesterday ordered the first public release of the transcript about the break-in that drove him from the presidency.
The 297-page transcript will not be available immediately but will be held until the government decides whether to appeal. In the American legal system, a grand jury is seated to determine whether a law has been violated and whether sufficient evidence exists to warrant prosecution.
The Obama administration opposed the transcript's release, chiefly to protect the privacy of people discussed during the former president's testimony who are still alive.
Nevertheless, US District Judge Royce Lamberth agreed with historians who sued for release that the historical significance outweighs arguments for secrecy, because the investigations are long over and Nixon has been dead 17 years.
Nixon was interviewed privately near his California home for 11 hours over two days in June 1975, 10 months after he became the first US president to resign the office. Two grand jurors were flown in and the transcript was read to the rest of the panel sitting back in Washington. It was the first time a former US president had testified before a grand jury. Later, Bill Clinton became the first sitting president to do so during the Monica Lewinsky investigation.
At the time of his testimony, Nixon could not be prosecuted for conduct related to Watergate because he had been pardoned by President Gerald Ford. Ten days after Nixon's testimony, the third Watergate grand jury was dismissed without handing up indictments.
The historians say the testimony could help resolve continuing debate over Nixon's knowledge of the break-in at Democratic Party headquarters at the Watergate complex in Washington and his role in the cover-up that protected the conspirators for a time.
"Nixon knew when you testified before a grand jury you exposed yourself to perjury, so I'm betting he told the truth," said University of Wisconsin Professor Stanley Kutler, who filed the lawsuit along with four historians' organizations. Kutler, author of "Abuse of Power: The New Nixon Tapes," previously successfully sued to force the release of audio recordings Nixon secretly made in the Oval Office. "Now, what did he tell the truth about? I don't know."
Newspapers reported at the time of Nixon testimony that he was questioned about an 18 1/2-minute gap in tape recordings from the president's Oval Office, changes made to White House transcripts of the recordings, his administration's use of the Internal Revenue Service, the government's tax collectors, to harass his political enemies and a $100,000 (£60,000) campaign contribution from billionaire Howard Hughes. The details of what the president said have never leaked out.
Several Watergate figures filed declarations in support of the petition, including Nixon's White House counsel John Dean, who served prison time for his role in the scandal. Dean wrote that Nixon's testimony covers topics that the president only vaguely discussed in his memoirs and his revelations to the grand jury would help stop "those wanting to twist and distort history."
In rejecting the Obama administration's arguments for privacy, Lamberth pointed out that most of the surviving Watergate figures have either written about it, given interviews that already are public or spoken under oath in testimony about their involvement. "The court is confident that disclosure will greatly benefit the public and its understanding of Watergate without compromising the tradition and objectives of grand jury secrecy," Lamberth wrote.
Justice Department spokesman Charles Miller said yesterday that government attorneys were reviewing the ruling.
Other courts have on occasion ordered the release of grand jury records because of their historical impact, including those investigating espionage allegations against Alger Hiss and Julius and Ethel Rosenberg.
Big Media's Curious Nixon Judgment December 15, 2010
Posted by rogerhollander in Media, Vietnam, War.Tags: 1968 election, anna chennault, dean rusk, henry kissinger, hubert humphrey, journalism, kissinger, lbj, Lyndon Johnson, Media, nixon, Richard Nixon, robert parry, roger hollander, thieu, treason, vietnam, Vietnam War
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Robert Parry
www.consortiumnews.com, December 11, 2010
When Richard Nixon's presidential library this week released tapes of him making bigoted remarks about blacks, Jews and various ethnic groups, major American news outlets jumped at the juicy details, recounting them on NBC's Nightly News, in the New York Times and elsewhere.
Which is all well and good. It was also worth knowing that National Security Adviser Henry Kissinger, himself a German-born Jew, would express nonchalance at the prospect of the Soviet Union putting its Jewish population in gas chambers.
"The emigration of Jews from the Soviet Union is not an objective of American foreign policy," Kissinger remarked in a taped conversation on March 1, 1973. "And if they put Jews into gas chambers in the Soviet Union, it is not an American concern. Maybe a humanitarian concern." (Maybe?)
"I know," President Nixon responded. "We can't blow up the world because of it." [See NYT, Dec. 11, 2010.]
But the Nixon-Kissinger Realpolitik wasn't limited to such an unlikely prospect as the Soviets undertaking a Jewish extermination campaign. More shocking was the powerful evidence released two years ago by Lyndon B. Johnson's library corroborating long-held suspicions that Nixon and Kissinger conspired to sabotage the 1968 Vietnam peace talks to ensure their ascension to power.
In that case, however, the major U.S. news media looked the other way. Except for a brief reference to an Associated Press dispatch, the New York Times and other leading news outlets apparently didn't regard as newsworthy that Nixon and Kissinger had consigned more than 20,000 American soldiers and millions of Indochinese to their deaths in order to win an election.
By extending the Vietnam War for those four years, Nixon and Kissinger also ripped apart the social and political fabric of the United States – turning parents against their children and creating hatreds between the American Left and the Right, which continue to this day.
One might have thought that the LBJ Library's evidence, which included a dramatic pre-election confrontation between President Johnson and then-Republican presidential candidate Nixon over what Johnson had termed Nixon's "treason," would be worthy of some serious attention. But none was forthcoming. (It fell to us at Consortiumnews.com to provide a detailed account of these exchanges.)
As has happened with other high-level scandals – such as the CIA's admissions about cocaine trafficking by Ronald Reagan's beloved Nicaraguan Contra rebels – the major U.S. news media shies away from evidence that puts the national Establishment in too harsh a light or that suggests the preeminent U.S. news organizations have missed some monumentally important story.
For the mainstream media, it's safer to focus on the foibles of an individual like Nixon than to accept that respected members of the ruling elite in the United States are so corrupt that they would sacrifice the lives of ordinary citizens for the achievement of some political or foreign policy goal.
So, we get to learn from the new Nixon tapes that he made bigoted assertions about "abrasive and obnoxious" Jews, Irish who get "mean" drunk, Italians without "heads screwed on tight," and blacks who would need "500 years" and have to "be, frankly, inbred" to become useful contributors to the nation.
The Peace Talk Gambit
As offensive as those remarks are, however, they pale in newsworthiness to the now unavoidable conclusion that Nixon, aided by Kissinger, struck a deal with South Vietnamese President Nguyen van Thieu in fall 1968 to block Johnson's negotiated end to the Vietnam War.
The significance of Nixon's "treason" was that – while 500,000 U.S. soldiers were serving in Vietnam – Nixon's campaign assured Thieu that Nixon would, as U.S. president, continue the war to get a better deal for Thieu. That left Nixon little choice but to extend the war and expand the fighting because, otherwise, Thieu would have been in a position to expose Nixon's treachery to the American people.
Yet, what was also stunning to me about the "treason" tapes when the LBJ library released them in December 2008 was how much Johnson knew about Nixon's sabotage and why the Democrats chose to keep silent.
Right before Election Day 1968 – with the Paris peace talks in the balance and with Democratic nominee Hubert Humphrey closing the gap on Nixon – Johnson considered allowing the White House to confirm the facts of Nixon's gambit to Christian Science Monitor reporter Saville Davis who had gotten wind of the story.
Johnson raised this possibility in a Nov. 4, 1968, conference call with Defense Secretary Clark Clifford and Secretary of State Dean Rusk. However, both opposed going public, with Clifford – a pillar of the Establishment – arguing that the disclosure risked national disorder.
"Some elements of the story are so shocking in their nature that I'm wondering whether it would be good for the country to disclose the story and then possibly have a certain individual [Nixon] elected," Clifford said. "It could cast his whole administration under such doubt that I think it would be inimical to our country's interests."
So, instead of confirming the story, Johnson agreed to maintain his public silence. He stood by as Nixon's narrowly won the presidential election over Humphrey by about 500,000 votes or less than one percent of the ballots cast.
Johnson's Complaints
Still, four decades later, when the Johnson library released the audiotapes, they offered a dramatic story: an embattled president angered over intelligence intercepts that revealed emissaries from Nixon's campaign, including right-wing China Lobby figure Anna Chennault, urging the South Vietnamese government to boycott peace talks in Paris.
Beginning in late October 1968, Johnson can be heard on the tapes complaining about this Republican maneuver. However, his frustration builds as he learns more from intercepts about the back-channel contacts between Nixon operatives and South Vietnamese officials.
On Nov. 2, 1968, just three days before the election, Thieu withdrew from his tentative agreement to sit down with the Viet Cong at the Paris peace talks. That same day, Johnson telephoned Senate Republican leader Everett Dirksen to lay out some of the evidence of Nixon's treachery and to ask Dirksen to intervene with the Nixon campaign.
"The agent [Chennault] says she's just talked to the boss in New Mexico and that he said that you must hold out, just hold on until after the election," Johnson said in an apparent reference to a Nixon campaign plane that carried some of his top aides to New Mexico. "We know what Thieu is saying to them out there. We're pretty well informed at both ends."
Johnson then made a thinly veiled threat about going public with the information. "I don't want to get this in the campaign," Johnson said, adding: "They oughtn't be doing this. This is treason."
Dirksen responded, "I know."
Johnson continued: "I think it would shock America if a principal candidate was playing with a source like this on a matter of this importance. I don't want to do that [go public]. They ought to know that we know what they're doing. I know who they're talking to. I know what they're saying."
The President also stressed the stakes involved, noting that the movement toward negotiations in Paris had contributed to a lull in the war's violence.
"We've had 24 hours of relative peace," Johnson said. "If Nixon keeps the South Vietnamese away from the [peace] conference, well, that's going to be his responsibility. Up to this point, that's why they're not there. I had them signed onboard until this happened."
Dirksen: "I better get in touch with him, I think."
"They're contacting a foreign power in the middle of a war," Johnson said. "It's a damn bad mistake. And I don't want to say so. …
"You just tell them that their people are messing around in this thing, and if they don't want it on the front pages, they better quit it."
Nixon's Protestation
The next day, Nixon spoke directly to Johnson and haltingly professed his innocence, while also acknowledging that he knew how close Johnson was to negotiating an end to the war.
"I didn't say with your knowledge," Johnson responded. "I hope it wasn't."
"Huh, no," Nixon responded. "My God, I would never do anything to encourage … Saigon not to come to the table. … Good God, we want them over to Paris, we got to get them to Paris or you can't have a peace."
Nixon also insisted that he would do whatever President Johnson and Secretary Rusk wanted.
"I'm not trying to interfere with your conduct of it. I'll only do what you and Rusk want me to do. We've got to get this goddamn war off the plate," Nixon said. "The war apparently now is about where it could be brought to an end. … The quicker the better. To hell with the political credit, believe me." [Emphasis added]
But the South Vietnamese boycott continued, leading to Johnson's conference call about going public with the story of Republican sabotage, before he was dissuaded by Rusk and Clifford.
In the aftermath of the election, Johnson continued to confront Nixon with the evidence of Republican treachery, trying to get him to pressure the South Vietnamese leaders to reverse themselves and join the Paris peace talks.
On Nov. 8, 1968, Johnson recounted the evidence to Nixon and described the Republican motivation to disrupt the talks, speaking of himself in the third person.
"Johnson was going to have a bombing pause to try to elect Humphrey. They [the South Vietnamese] ought to hold out because Nixon will not sell you out like the Democrats sold out China," Johnson said.
"I think they've been talking to [Vice President-elect Spiro] Agnew," Johnson continued. "They've been quoting you [Nixon] indirectly, that the thing they ought to do is to just not show up at any [peace] conference and wait until you come into office.
"Now they've started that [boycott] and that's bad. They're killing Americans every day. I have that [story of the sabotage] documented. There's not any question but that's happening. … That's the story, Dick, and it's a sordid story. … I don't want to say that to the country, because that's not good."
Faced with Johnson's implied threat, Nixon promised to tell the South Vietnamese officials to reverse themselves and join the peace talks. However, the die was cast for more war. Thieu could not be pressured because he had the leverage over Nixon; Thieu could go public even if Johnson didn't.
More Dead
The U.S. participation in the Vietnam War continued for more than four years (including its expansion to Cambodia) at a horrendous cost to both the United States and the people of Indochina. Before the conflict was finally brought to an end, a million or more Vietnamese were estimated to have died along with an additional 20,763 U.S. dead and 111,230 wounded.
At home, the growing resistance to the war also led to more abuses by Nixon, who routinely cited national security to justify a massive political spying operation against his enemies.
That paranoia led to the White House "plumbers unit" breaking into the Democratic National Committee at Watergate in 1972, planting bugs but eventually getting caught. The Watergate scandal led to Nixon's resignation two years later.
However, it took almost another decade before the story of Nixon's "treason" began to reach the American public.
Journalist Seymour Hersh sketchily described the initiative in his 1983 biography of Henry Kissinger, The Price of Power. Hersh reported that the Nixon campaign had benefited from back-channel communications from Kissinger who was working as a consultant to the Johnson administration.
U.S. intelligence "agencies had caught on that Chennault was the go-between between Nixon and his people and President Thieu in Saigon," Hersh wrote. "The idea was to bring things to a stop in Paris and prevent any show of progress."
Hersh noted that in her own autobiography, The Education of Anna, Chennault had acknowledged that she was the courier. She quoted Nixon aide John Mitchell (who became Nixon's Attorney General) as calling her a few days before the 1968 election and telling her: "I'm speaking on behalf of Mr. Nixon. It's very important that our Vietnamese friends understand our Republican position and I hope you made that clear to them."
However, Kissinger had powerful defenders in Washington, including inside the upper echelons of the news media, people such as Ted Koppel, the host of ABC's influential "Nightline" program, and Katharine Graham, the publisher of the Washington Post and Newsweek.
So, Hersh's reporting came under a barrage of criticism and his account of Nixon's 1968 peace-talk gambit was treated as a dubious conspiracy theory.
More Evidence
Gradually, however, more evidence bubbled to the surface. Reporter Daniel Schorr added some details in a Washington Post "Outlook" article on May 28, 1995, citing decoded cables that U.S. intelligence had intercepted from the South Vietnamese embassy in Washington.
On Oct. 23, 1968, Ambassador Bui Dhien cabled Saigon with the message that "many Republican friends have contacted me and encouraged me to stand firm." On Oct. 27, he wrote, "The longer the present situation continues, the more favorable for us. … I am regularly in touch with the Nixon entourage."
Anthony Summers's 2000 book, The Arrogance of Power, filled in more of the blanks, including a reference to the debate within Democratic circles about what to do with the evidence.
Both Johnson and Humphrey believed the information – if released to the public – could assure Nixon's defeat, according to Summers.
"In the end, though, Johnson's advisers decided it was too late and too potentially damaging to U.S. interests to uncover what had been going on," Summers wrote. "If Nixon should emerge as the victor, what would the Chennault outrage do to his viability as an incoming president? And what effect would it have on American opinion about the war?"
Summers quoted Johnson's assistant Harry McPherson, who said, "You couldn't surface it. The country would be in terrible trouble."
As it turned out, however, the country was in terrible trouble anyway. Not only did the Vietnam War continue for four more years – before Kissinger negotiated a settlement along the lines of what Johnson had hammered out in 1968 – but the Republicans discovered that key Democrats would stay silent even if GOP candidates sabotaged Democratic presidents.
In 1980, faced with a similar opportunity as President Jimmy Carter struggled to resolve a crisis over Iran's holding of 52 American hostages, Republican operatives, including Kissinger and other veterans of the 1968 gambit, interfered again. [For details on the so-called October Surprise case of 1980, see Robert Parry's Secrecy & Privilege.]
Though much of this history about the electoral scandals of 1968 and 1980 has now been painfully pieced together, the major U.S. news media continues to look the other way, either ignoring the evidence as it emerges or disparaging those who have put the pieces together.
Apparently, it's one thing to note that individuals within the Establishment have personal weaknesses but it's another to question the integrity of the Establishment as a collective body. Then, the defenses come up and inconvenient history gets shoved into the memory hole.
The contrast between the coverage of Nixon's bigoted remarks and his role in sabotaging peace talks that could have saved countless lives is further proof that the U.S. national press corps is more comfortable commenting on a politician's flaws than on crimes of state.
[For more on these topics, see Robert Parry's Lost History and Secrecy & Privilege, which, along with Neck Deep, are now available as a three-book set for the discount price of $29. For details, click here.]
Robert Parry broke many of the Iran-Contra stories in the 1980s for the Associated Press and Newsweek. His latest book, Neck Deep: The Disastrous Presidency of George W. Bush, was written with two of his sons, Sam and Nat, and can be ordered at neckdeepbook.com. His two previous books, Secrecy & Privilege: The Rise of the Bush Dynasty from Watergate to Iraq and Lost History: Contras, Cocaine, the Press & 'Project Truth' are also available there.
The bitter tears of Johnny Cash November 9, 2009
Posted by rogerhollander in Art, Literature and Culture, Political Commentary.Tags: american indian, american indian movement, antonino d'ambrosio, apache, bitter tears, colombia records, country music, folk music, folsom prison, ira hayes, john hammond, johnny cash, leonard peltier, marlon brando, native american, navajo, pete seeger, peter le farge, pima, protest ballad, protest music, protest song, Richard Nixon, ris Kristofferson, robbie robertson, roger hollander, Willie Nelson, wounded knee
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In July 1972, musician Johnny Cash sat opposite President Richard Nixon in the White House's Blue Room. As a horde of media huddled a few feet away, the country music superstar had come to discuss prison reform with the self-anointed leader of America's "silent majority." "Johnny, would you be willing to play a few songs for us," Nixon asked Cash. "I like Merle Haggard's 'Okie From Muskogee' and Guy Drake's 'Welfare Cadillac.'" The architect of the GOP's Southern strategy was asking for two famous expressions of white working-class resentment.
"I don't know those songs," replied Cash, "but I got a few of my own I can play for you." Dressed in his trademark black suit, his jet-black hair a little longer than usual, Cash draped the strap of his Martin guitar over his right shoulder and played three songs, all of them decidedly to the left of "Okie From Muskogee." With the nation still mired in Vietnam, Cash had far more than prison reform on his mind. Nixon listened with a frozen smile to the singer's rendition of the explicitly antiwar "What Is Truth?" and "Man in Black" ("Each week we lose a hundred fine young men") and to a folk protest song about the plight of Native Americans called "The Ballad of Ira Hayes." It was a daring confrontation with a president who was popular with Cash's fans and about to sweep to a crushing reelection victory, but a glimpse of how Cash saw himself — a foe of hypocrisy, an ally of the downtrodden. An American protest singer, in short, as much as a country music legend.
Years later, "Man in Black" is remembered as a sartorial statement, and "What Is Truth?" as a period piece, if at all. Of the three songs that Cash played for Nixon, the most enduring, and the truest to his vision, was "The Ballad of Ira Hayes." The song was based on the tragic tale of the Pima Indian war hero who was immortalized in the Iwo Jima flag-raising photo, and in Washington's Iwo Jima monument, but who died a lonely death brought on by the toxic mixture of alcohol and indifference and alcoholism. The song became part of an album of protest music that his record label didn't want to promote and that radio stations didn't want to play, but that Cash would always count among his personal favorites.
The story of Cash and "Ira Hayes" began a decade before the meeting with Nixon. On the night of May 10, 1962, Cash made a much-anticipated New York debut at Carnegie Hall. But instead of impressing the cognoscenti, Cash, who had begun struggling with drug addiction, bombed. His voice was hoarse and hard to hear, and he left the stage in what he described as a "deep depression." Afterward, he consoled himself by heading downtown with a folksinger friend to hear some music at Greenwich Village's Gaslight Café.
Onstage was protest balladeer Peter La Farge, performing "The Ballad of Ira Hayes." A former rodeo cowboy, playwright, actor and Navy intelligence operative, La Farge was also the son of longtime Native activist and novelist Oliver La Farge, who had won a Pulitzer Prize for his 1930 Navajo love story, "Laughing Boy." The younger La Farge had carved out an intriguing niche in the New York folk revival scene by devoting himself to a single issue. "Pete was doing something special and important," recalls folksinger Pete Seeger. "His heart was so devoted to the Native American cause at a time that no one was really saying anything about it. I think he went deeper than anyone before or since."
Cash never pretended that music could stay immune from social, but he tried his best to "not mix in politics." Instead he talked about the things that unite us like the dignity of honest work. "If you were a baker," he told writer Christopher Wren in 1970, "and you baked a loaf of bread and it fed somebody, then your life has been worthwhile. And if you were a weaver, and you wove some cloth and your cloth kept somebody warm, your life has been worthwhile."
Raised in rural poverty on the margins of America, Cash empathized with outsiders like convicts, the poor and Native Americans. But his identification with Indians was especially deep — even delusional. During the depths of his early '60s drug abuse, he convinced himself, and told others, that he was Native American himself, with both Cherokee and Mohawk blood. (He would later recant this claim.)
At the Gaslight, once he had listened to "Ira Hayes' and La Farge's other Indian protest tunes, including "As Long as the Grass Shall Grow" and "Custer," Cash was hooked. "Johnny wanted more than the hillbilly jangle," Peter La Farge would write later about meeting Cash at the Gaslight. "He was hungry for the depth and truth heard only in the folk field (at least until Johnny came along). The secret is simple, Johnny has the heart of a folksinger in the purest sense." In fact, Cash had written an Indian folk protest ballad of his own in 1957. "I wrote 'Old Apache Squaw,'" Cash later explained to Seeger. "Then I forgot the so-called protest song for a while. No one else seemed to speak up for the Indian with any volume or voice [until Peter La Farge]."
Cash, like many in the 1960s, could see that everything that was certain, rigid and hard was breaking apart. Social movements were blossoming. But the thunderous American choir that was singing "We Shall Overcome" and "We Shall All Be Free" drowned out the cry of the loose-knit Native movement. As Martin Luther King and other leaders steered their people toward legislative victories that would further integrate them into a society they were locked out of, the rising tide of Native youth activists wanted something different.
"In my mind, Native people could not have a civil rights movement," American Indian Movement activist and musician John Trudell says. "The civil rights issue was between the blacks and the whites and I never viewed it as a civil rights issue for us. They've been trying to trick us into accepting civil rights but America has a legal responsibility to fulfill those treaty law agreements. If you're looking at civil rights, you're basically saying 'all right treat us like the way you treat the rest of your citizens'. I don't look at that as a climb up." Rather than pursue assimilation into the American system, Native American activists wanted to maintain their slipping grip on sovereignty and the little land they still possessed.
By the early '60s, the burgeoning National Indian Youth Council (NIYC) was attempting to stake its own claim for their equal share of justice. With the expansion of fishing treaty violations and the breach of two major land treaties that led to the loss of thousands of acres of tribal land in upstate New York for the Tuscarora and Allegany Seneca (the story behind La Farge's "As Long as the Grass Shall Grow"), the NIYC, led by Native activists like Hank Adams, responded by adapting the sit-in protest. Rechristened as the "fish-in," the NIYC disputed the denial of treaty rights by fishing in defiance of state law. Fish-ins were held in New York and the Pacific Northwest.
The fish-in tactic worked in helping build some public support, but it did little to stop the treaty violations. Instead, the U.S. government ramped up its efforts to crush any momentum the Native movement was building. Oftentimes their tactics were brutal and violent. "This was the time of Selma and there was a lot of unrest in the nation," remembers Bill Frank Jr. of Washington state's Nisqually tribe. "Congress had funded some big law enforcement programs and they got all kinds of training and riot gear-shields, helmets. And they got fancy new boats. These guys had a budget. This was a war."
By 1964, the Native American cause had attracted the interest of another celebrity. On March 2 the NIYC gained national attention as actor Marlon Brando joined a Washington state fish-in. Already an outspoken supporter of the civil rights movement, Brando's very public support and subsequent arrest for catching salmon "illegally" in Puyallup River helped to boost the Native movement. Brando's involvement with the Native cause had begun when he contacted D'Arcy McNickle after reading the Flathead Indian's book "The Surrounded," a powerful novel depicting reservation life in 1936. Brando's involvement in Native issues led to government surveillance that lasted decades. His FBI file, bursting with memos detailing possible means of silencing the actor, quickly grew to more than 100 pages.
Three days after Brando's arrest in Washington, Cash, fresh off the biggest chart success of his career, the single "Ring of Fire," and having just finished recording a very commercial album called "I Walk the Line," began recording another, very different album. When Cash left Sun Studios for Columbia in the late 1950s, he believed his rising star would give him the creative capital to produce and record something a little outside the pop and country mainstream — albums of folk music and live prison concerts. He was alternating folky albums like "Blood Sweat and Tears," a celebration of the working man, with commercial discs laden with radio-ready singles. "Ring of Fire," which had reached No. 1 on the country charts and had crossed over to pop, had bought him the permission of Columbia to make an album of what he called "Indian protest songs."
In the two years since Cash had first met La Farge and listened to "The Ballad of Ira Hayes," Cash had educated himself about Native American issues. "John had really researched a lot of the history," Cash's longtime emcee Johnny Western recalled. "It started with Ira Hayes."
As Cash explained, "I dove into primary and secondary sources, immersing myself in the tragic stories of the Cherokee and the Apache, among others, until I was almost as raw as Peter. By the time I actually recorded the album I carried a heavy load of sadness and outrage."
But Cash felt a special kinship with Ira Hayes. Both men had served in the military as a way to escape their lives of rural poverty longing to create new opportunities. Plus, both suffered from addiction problems; Cash and his pills and Hayes with alcohol. He decided to anchor the album with "The Ballad of Ira Hayes." And since the song had provided the spark for Cash's vision, it just felt right that he should learn more about the song's subject.
Cash contacted Ira Hayes' mother and then visited her and her family at the Pima reservation in Arizona. Before Cash left the Pima Reservation, Hayes' mother presented him with a gift, a smooth black translucent stone. The Pima call it an "Apache tear." The legend behind the opaque volcanic black glass is rooted in the last U.S. cavalry attack on Native people, which took place on Apaches in the state of Arizona. After the slaughter, the soldiers refused to allow the Apache women to put the dead up on stilts, a sacred Apache tradition. Legend says that overcome by intense grief, Apache women shed tears for the first time ever, and the tears that fell to the earth turned black. Cash, moved by the gift, polished the stone and mounted it on a gold chain.
With the Apache tear draped around his neck, Cash cut his protest album. He recorded five of La Farge's songs, two of his own, and one he'd co-written with Johnny Horton. All were Native American themed. "When we went back into the studio to record what became 'Bitter Tears,'" Cash bassist Marshall Grant says, "we could see that John really had a special feeling for this record and these songs."
Yet the album's first single, "Ira Hayes," went nowhere. Few radio stations would play the song. Was the length of the song, four minutes and seven seconds, the problem? Radio stations liked three-minute tracks. Or maybe disc jockeys wanted Cash to "entertain, not educate," as one Columbia exec put it.
"I know that a lot of people into Johnny Cash weren't into 'Bitter Tears,' " explains Dick Weissman, a folksinger, ex-member of the Journeymen and friend of La Farge. "They wanted a 'Ballad of Teenage Queen' not 'The Ballad of Ira Hayes.' They wanted 'Folsom Prison.' They didn't want songs about how American's mistreated Indians."
The stations wouldn't play the song and Columbia Records refused to promote it. According to John Hammond, the legendary producer and Cash champion who worked at Columbia, executives at the label just didn't think it had commercial potential. Billboard, the music industry trade magazine, wouldn't review it, even though Cash was at the height of his fame, and had just scored another No. 1 country single with "Understand Your Man" and No. 1 country album with "I Walk the Line."
One editor of a country music magazine demanded that Cash resign from the Country Music Association because "you and your crowd are just too intelligent to associate with plain country folks, country artists and country DJs." Johnny Western, a DJ, singer and actor who for many years was part of Cash's road show, recalls a conversation with "a very popular and powerful DJ." According to Western, the DJ was "connected to many of the music associations and other influential recording industry groups. He had always been incredibly supportive of John." Western and the DJ started discussing Cash's new album and the "Ira Hayes" single. "He asked me why John did this record. I told him that John and all of us had a great feeling for the American Indian cause. He responded that he felt that the music, in his mind, was un-American and that he would never play the record on air and had strongly advised other DJs and radio stations to do the same. Just ignore it until John came back to his senses, is what he told me."
"When John was attacked for 'Ira Hayes' and then 'Bitter Tears,'" explains Marshall Grant, "it just ripped him apart. Hayes was forced to drink by the abuse and treatment of white people who used and abandoned him. To us, it meant Hayes was being tortured and that's the story we told and it's true."
When "Bitter Tears" and its single did not get the attention he felt they deserved, Cash insisted on having the last word. He composed a letter to the entire record industry and placed it in Billboard as a full-page ad on Aug. 22, 1964.
"D.J.'s — station managers — owners, etc.," demanded Cash, "Where are your guts?" He referred to his own supposed half Cherokee and Mohawk heritage and spoke of the record as unvarnished truth. "These lyrics take us back to the truth … you're right! Teenage girls and Beatle record buyers don't want to hear this sad story of Ira Hayes … This song is not of an unsung hero." Cash slammed the record industry for its cowardice, "Regardless of the trade charts — the categorizing, classifying and restrictions of air play, this not a country song, not as it is being sold. It is a fine reason though for the gutless [Cash's emphasis] to give it a thumbs down."
Cash demanded that the industry explain its resistance to his single. "I had to fight back when I realized that so many stations are afraid of Ira Hayes. Just one question: WHY???" And then Cash answered for them. "'Ira Hayes' is strong medicine … So is Rochester, Harlem, Birmingham and Vietnam."
As Cash later explained, "I talked about them wanting to wallow in meaninglessness and their lack of vision for our music. Predictably enough, it got me off the air in more places than it got me on." In reality, however, as Cash noted in his letter, "Ira Hayes" was already outselling many country hits. Ultimately, thanks in part to aggressive promotion by Cash, who personally promoted the song to disc jockeys he knew, "Ira Hayes" reached No. 3 on the country singles charts, and "Bitter Tears" peaked at 2 on the album charts.
Later, long after "Bitter Tears," and after he'd won his battle with drugs, Cash would dial back his claims of Indian ancestry. But he never wavered from his support for the Native cause. He went on to perform benefit shows on reservations — including the Sioux reservation at Wounded Knee in 1968, five years before the armed standoff there between the FBI and the American Indian Movement — to help raise money for schools, hospitals and other critical resources denied by the government. In 1980, Cash told a reporter: "We went to Wounded Knee before Wounded Knee II [the 1973 standoff] to do a show to raise money to build a school on the Rosebud Indian Reservation" and do a movie for "Public Broadcasting System called 'Trail of Tears.'" He joined with fellow musicians Kris Kristofferson, Willie Nelson and Robbie Robertson to call for the release of jailed AIM leader Leonard Peltier.
Since Cash first recorded "The Ballad of Ira Hayes" in 1964, many musicians have recorded their own versions. Kris Kristofferson is one of those musicians. He summed up the spirit behind Cash's now nearly forgotten protest album in his eulogy for Cash, who died in 2003. Cash, he said, was a "holy terror … a dark and dangerous force of nature that also stood for mercy and justice for his fellow human beings." Four years before his famous concert at Folsom Prison, four years before the American Indian Movement formed, and at the pinnacle of his commercial success, Cash insisted on producing an uncommercial, deeply personal protest record that was a close as he could come to truth. He would always cherish it. "I'm still particularly proud of 'Bitter Tears,'" Cash would say near the end of his life, while talking about the topical music he recorded in the 1960s. "Apart from the Vietnam War being over, I don't see much reason to change my position today. The old are still neglected, the poor are still poor, the young are still dying before their time, and we're not making any moves to make things right. There's still plenty of darkness to carry off."
– – – – – – – – – – – –
Antonino D'Ambrosio is the author of "A Heartbeat and a Guitar: Johnny Cash and the Making of Bitter Tears."


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Processing and characterisation of Pr-zircon pigment powder
Kar, J. K., Stevens, R. and Bowen, C. R., 2005. Processing and characterisation of Pr-zircon pigment powder. Advances in Applied Ceramics, 104 (5), pp. 233-238.
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Praseodymium-zircon pigment powders were successfully prepared at different calcination temperatures with sodium fluoride NaF as mineraliser, using the solid state synthesis method. The powders' were characterised using techniques such as XRD, SEM and TEM. Qualitative investigation of the phases using XRD showed the presence of large amounts of unreacted zirconia after calcination at 900 and 950 degrees C, whereas from 1000 to 1200 degrees C zircon was found to be the major phase, together with a small amount of zirconia. Quantitative investigation of phases was carried out using an external standard method. The weight fraction of unreacted zirconia at 1000 degrees C was found to be 0.056. SEM observation of powders exposed at various calcination temperatures indicated the presence of tetrahedral crystals, and this was enhanced by the addition of the NaF mineraliser. TEM observations showed lattice defects and elastic strains in the samples at various calcination temperatures.
Item Type | Articles |
Creators | Kar, J. K., Stevens, R. and Bowen, C. R. |
DOI | 10.1179/174367605x16699 |
Departments | Faculty of Engineering & Design > Mechanical Engineering |
Refereed | Yes |
Status | Published |
ID Code | 2062 |
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Cardinals DE Darnell Dockett joins Erik Kuselias to discuss Bruce Arians' return to Indianapolis and what the Cardinals defense has to do to control Colts' QB Andrew Luck.
PFT one-on-one: Dockett says the Cardinals are making the playoffs
Posted by Scott Dargis on November 22, 2013, 8:07 PM EDT
1 Response to "PFT one-on-one: Dockett says the Cardinals are making the playoffs"
thirdistheworrd says: Nov 23, 2013 3:11 PM
Who cares? He doesn't even own a tiger.


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You might have already read that we're anticipating 4G phones and products dominating this year's CES.
That's why it comes as no surprise that companies are banking on some users wanting even more of a boost on their 4G network.
So far, at least two new cell phone signal boosters will be announced at CES 2012.
The first is from Wilson Electronics, which you may remember debuted its Sleek Cell Phone Signal Booster at last year's CES. The company also released a signal booster for the iPhone in 2009 called the iBooster.
This year, the company is announcing the Sleek 4G-V, made especially for 4G Verizon Wireless phones. The device will also boost the signals of 3G and 2G cell phones operating on 700MHz, 800MHz, and 1,900MHz frequency bands.
Although the product is designed to be used alongside a hands-free headset (like Bluetooth) in your car, you can also buy an accessory kit that will enable you to use the Sleek 4G-V indoors.
The booster is going for $150, and will be available to retailers in the spring of 2012. Wilson Electronics promises that the device will improve data transfer rates, battery life, and cellular signal.
Although Wilson Electronics boasts that its Sleek is the world's first 4G mobile-signal booster, Wi-Ex is also releasing a signal booster for Verizon LTE users, called the zBoost 4G-V. We don't know much yet, but the zBoost 4G-V claims it can beef up gaming, music-downloading, picture-uploading, and video-streaming speeds on 4G devices.
Aside from the zBoost 4G-V, the company plans to announce two other signal booster products at CES. Past zBoost products that we've reviewed include the zBoost YX300 and zBoost YX510-PCS-CEL.
Be sure to check back with us next week during our CES coverage in case we get our hands on either the Sleek 4G-V or the zBoost 4G-V.
All the news from the 2012 Consumer Electronics Show in Las Vegas.
Jan 4Failed CES trends and products (photos)
Jan 13CNET UK at CES 2012
Oct 15Dell's first ultrabook laptop, the XPS 13
Oct 15Toshiba 14-inch ultrabook prototype


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Doc Rivers spoke to Howard Beck this week and seemed to criticize the way his two former stars, now mired in the worse seasons of their long careers, are being used.
"He can score anywhere," Rivers said of Paul Pierce. "I think he was more uncomfortable with the short minutes that they were (playing him), like they did with Kevin. And that's not Paul. Paul doesn't work under those type of minutes—at least, in my opinion he doesn't. He's a guy that needs a rhythm to play. In Kevin's case, on a 20-minute restriction, of course his numbers are going to be down. So I think at some point, he probably is going to have to play more minutes to improve, so he can get a better rhythm himself."
Rivers, whose Clippers play the Nets and Celtics back-to-back, also thinks that Pierce, who is on an expiring contract, could play "another three years," which would take him to 39 years old There's been speculation that the Nets, who control his Bird Rights, could extend Pierce --at a lower salary-- in July.
The former Celtic coach says he regularly talks to both players and has offered them advice about not getting down on their current situation.
NBA Headlines
Doc Rivers hints Paul Pierce and Kevin Garnett being misused
Nets Daily | Dec 10


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I'm not much of a green fan when it comes to home decor. It's not that I dislike it, but I'm definitely more drawn to shades of blues and grey. In fact, once upon a time, I painted my office green and promptly painted a soft shade of blue-grey within 24 hours! Lesson learned, always look at your floors when considering paint colors... against the green paint they looked orange!
In honor of Earth day, I'm rounding up some use of green in home decor that I could definitely live with. Yes, I know that's not what going green is suppose to mean but let's just pretend.. I missed out on the St. Patty's day post. Ha!
I looove this mirror paired with the green chest of drawers.
Did someone say ombre? This is one trend I can't get enough of.
I know it's just a pop of green but just when I think I'm over chevron prints, I see this and I love it all over again. What a great mix of pattern and color!
I think my Dad is going to finish up the dresser in the next couple of days so I hope to share some more shots of the bedroom makeover this week! Plus, we really need to get going on the dining room. So much to do and so little time.. isn't that always the case?
Have a great week everyone!


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Who We Are
For 15 years we have been providing people in the NYC area with high currency exchange rates, convenient locations and the fun of transacting business at an internet cafe. Most people love the concept. When customers come to us, they realize we are also very knowledgeable about currency fluctuations in foreign markets. Pleasing the customer is our focus, and it has led us to do a number of things at our locations to make sure the customer is happy, relaxed and successful. We handle your transactions quickly and efficiently and allow you the freedom to move on to your next task or spend a little time enjoying the atmosphere at one of our internet cafes.
We are the Uno Foreign Exchange. We can handle all your foreign exchange and money transfer needs at one of our many locations throughout NYC, NY. Your convenience is important to us, so we have scattered our offices throughout NYC. Whether you are Uptown, Downtown, the Lower East Side or the Upper West Side there is a location near to you. We give customers more money for their foreign currency. We offer some of the best exchange rates in the industry; if you appreciate a higher currency exchange rate come see us. With our internet cafe based locations, we allow you to talk to your loved one face to face via the web while you send them the money they need.
- Created in 2003 by leading industry specialists
- Uno Foreign Exchange is headquartered in Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey, USA
- Omnex has recently obtained financing from private equity partners.
- Uno Foreign Exchange had been strategically established to acquire trusted ethnic money transfer brands, seeking to accelerate global growth and build synergies. Acquisitions included:
- Giromex (U.S. to Mexico)
- Uno (U.S.,Canada and Europe to Latin America)
- Le's (U.S. and Canada to Vietnam)
- Achieving leadership by offering the consumer value for their money and by being a service focused company with financial services
- We understand the business and can leverage that knowledge to customize solutions, such as ethnic programs.
A Global Company with Local Focus
- Present in over 115 countries
- Over 66,000 payout locations
- 36 -state U.S. presence (fully licensed and bonded)
- Offices in Mexico & USA
- Focus on immigrant communities in key send markets
- Relationship building with ethnic community leaders
- Targeted marketing with grass roots approach


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Now in its seventh edition, Ingrid Rima's classic textbook charts the development of the discipline from the classical age of Plato and Aristotle, through the middle ages to the first flowering of economics as a distinct discipline - the age of Petty, Quesnay and Smith - to the era of classical economics and the marginalist revolution.
The book then goes on to offer extensive coverage of the twentieth century - the rise of Keynesianism, econometrics, the Chicago School and the neoclassical paradigm. The concluding chapters analyze the birth of late twentieth century developments such as game theory, experimental economics and competing schools of economic thought.
This text includes a number of practical features:
This book provides the clearest, most readable guide to economic thought that exists and encourages students to examine the relevance of the discipline's history to contemporary theory.
Part 1: Preclassical Economics, 1. Early Masterworks as a source of Economic Thought, 2. The Origins of Analytic Economics 3. The Transition to Classical Economics, Part II: Classical Economics, 4. Physiocracy: The Beginning of Analytical Economics, 5. Adam Smith: From Moral Philosophy to Political Economy, 6. Thomas Malthus and J. B. Say: The Political Economy of Population Behaviour and Aggregate Demand, 7. David Ricardo: Economic Analysis of the Distributive Shares, 8. Building on Ricardian Foundations: The Mills, W. N. Senior and Charles Babbage, 9. Classical Theory in Review, Part III: The Critics of Classicism. 10. Socialism, Induction, and the Forerunners of Marginalism, 11. Karl Marx: An Inquiry into the "Law of Motion" of the Capitalist System, 12. First-Generation Marginalists: Jevons, Walras and Menger, 13. Second-Generation Marginalists, Part IV: The Neo-classical Tradition, 1980-1945, 14. Alfred Marshall and the Neo-classical Tradition, 15. Chamberlain, Robinson and Other Price Theorists, 16. The "New" Theory of Welfare and Consumer Behavior, 17. Neo-classical Monetary and business-Cycle Theorists, Part V: The Dissent form Neo-classicism, 1890-1945, 18.The Dissent of American Institutionalists, 19. The Economics of Planning: Socialism without Marxism, 20. J. M. Keynes's Critique of the Mainstream Tradition, 21. Keynes's Theory of Employment, Output and Income, Part VI: Beyond High Theory, 22. The Emergence of Econometrics as a Sister-Discipline of Economics, 23. Neo-Keynesians, Neo-Walrasians and Monetarists, 24. The Analytics of Economic Liberalism: The Theory of Choice, Part VII: Competing Economic Paradigms, 25. From Economic Heterodoxy to Pluralism and the Revival of Political Economy


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Get ready for extreme action with the Sony Ski & Surf Accessory Kit , perfectly designed for your Sony ActionCam. These waterproof accessories mean your camcorder can join you on the most high-paced action shoots. Perfect when youre in wet or damp environments, the anti-fog sheet helps to prevent foggy build-ups that can ruin the view, whilst the wrist mount lets you record everything from your own point of view. It can be rotated through 360 degrees. The door pack protects your camera whilst enhancing sound quality. No matter where youre going, capture fantastic video with the Sony Ski & Surf Accessory Kit .Only one offer can be applied per basket , so youll be eligible for the biggest saving of all the items you buy when you reach the checkout.
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Flowers have an expression of countenance as much as men and animals. Some seem to smile; some have a sad expression; some are pensive and diffident; others again are plain, honest and upright, like the broad-faced sunflower and the hollyhock.
Saturday, July 14, 2012
Hollyhocks, and Note to Self
The frisket I was using was old. It was too thick and would not rub off the paper; ruined my hollyhock and pig picture. Kept trying. Failed.
Must try to watercolor hollyhocks again. Get new frisket at store.
11 comments:
Ugh, I am so sorry about the frisket! Very frustrating. I've had the same thing happen to me before. But I want to encourage you not to abandon the painting! The pigs look great! There is a professional artist in our town who leaves his frisket right there on the painting. Not sure why, but he does and it works well. And personally I have found that I sometimes like my painting better before I take the frisket off - I think because the pigment over the frisket gives a softer light than the stark white paper. Just a thought:-)
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Answer: A lot depends on the flexibility of the Internet Service Provider (ISP). If you get broad enough access to the ISP's system you should be able to install and register your components. The ISP may want to run your applications in a separate memory space just in case they crash. That precaution would avoid bringing down the rest of their Web sites. One solution, which is half-way between running on the ISP's common server and setting up your own Web server, would be to co-locate. That way, you'd have a dedicated server at the ISP's site. You wouldn't need to worry about the hassle of connecting to the Internet, and you would have greater control of the machine. Also, if you co-locate, the ISP wouldn't have to worry about the security and integrity of the remainder of their system.
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The Freedom Dog Cushion is a great practical investment with the thick padding making it a warm and cosy place to relax on. The grey cover made from easy-care cotton mix and the quilted surface and firmly stitched edges help to keep its shape and make it more durable. Your dog will be comfortable even on the chilliest of tiles and the cushion can also double up as a cover to protect your sofa cushions from annoying dog hairs and other dirt. The Freedom Dog Cushion is perfect when you are on the road because it can easily be rolled up for easy storage. Take it along on your next trip or holiday and make sure your dog always has a comfortable place to rest its head. With its many uses this cushion can occasionally get dirty. No problem simply put the Freedom Dog Cushion in the washing machine at 30 C and itll come out good as new. Freedom Dog Cushion at a glance Padded quilted cushion for home and on the move Insulating Perfect for cold or hard floors and protects furniture from dog hairs Durable and keeps it shape Quilted with firmly sewn edges Easy to take care of The cushion can be machine washed at up to 30C Embroidered Bone Decoration Colour Grey Material Cover 65% polyester 35% cotton mix Filling 100% polyester Dimensions 100 x 70 x 4 cm (L x W x H) (function(d s id) { var js fjs = d.getElementsByTagName(s)[0]. if (d.getElementById(id)) return. js = d.createElement(s). js.id = id. js.src = //connect.facebook.net/en_GB/sdk.js#xfbml=1&appId=743041095711802&version=v2.0. fjs.parentNode.insertBefore(js fjs). }(document script facebook-jssdk)). window.___gcfg = {lang en-GB}. (function() { var po = document.createElement(script). po.type = text/javascript. po.async = true. po.src = https//apis.google.com/js/platform.js. var s = document.getElementsByTagName(script)[0]. s.parentNode.insertBefore(po s). })(). Tweet!function(dsid){var jsfjs=d.getElementsByTagName(s)[0]p=/^http/.test(d.lodogion)?httphttps.if(!d.getElementById(id)){js=d.createElement(s).js.id=id.js.src=p+//platform.twitter.com/widgets.js.fjs.parentNode.insertBef
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Does sleeping in mid-air make your dreams more exciting? The Guardian's Lyn Gardner joins a surreal project in the Norfolk woods and reports back.
This article titled "Hanging around: my night in the AirHotel" was written by Lyn Gardner, for The Guardian on Sunday 13th May 2012 17.46 UTC
On a rainy night last week, I climbed gingerly up a ladder and stepped into a red structure hanging like a balloon from a tree, deep in the woods of Holt Hall in Norfolk. The balloon began to expand as if by magic, its sides unfurling like petals; I lay down and the sky was visible through a porthole above me. There was a strange, soothing singing; a hand and face appeared at the porthole, and a smiling woman dressed in a kimono descended, set out four cups and saucers, and offered me tea.
A cross between a pop-up hotel, an art installation, a performance and a retreat, AirHotel has just embarked on its UK premiere at the Norfolk and Norwich festival. The project is the brainchild of Time Circus, a collective of Belgian artists whose previous installations include a fairground where the rides are powered by the audience, and (currently in development in Antwerp) a sustainable floating village.
AirHotel's seven mobile structures, made from recycled materials, sleep between two and six people. They are beautiful and playful, like something designed by a mad professor with lots of help from a very imaginative child. The Love Nest looks as if some mythical bird has fashioned an outsize nest; El Ambassador, where I eventually ended up spending the night, is a cocoon that sways in the wind. Inside each room there are mosquito nets, embroidered linen, nightlights and notebooks in which to record your dreams.
"We think of ourselves more as scenographers of the imagination than theatre-makers," explains producer Sara Dandois. "As we were building, we began to wonder whether where you slept would affect your dreams. Does sleeping in mid-air make your dreams more exciting?"
There is certainly something very dreamlike about the whole experience. You might be invited to take a turn in the ecological Wellness Machine, to guest at the staff disco, or to hear a lecture on the theory of "too muchism". "People only stay one night," says Dandois. "But some of them turn up with enough luggage for two weeks, laden down with phones, iPads, iPods." Guests are permitted just one string bag of possessions.
Was the quality of my dreams improved by a night in the AirHotel? To be honest, on a wild and particularly rain-soaked night, with no other humans on site (I was the first guest), I barely slept a wink.
But the morning was different: the milkman had been, and as I started picking my way across the mud in search of civilisation, my spirits soared. A fox and a deer ran past, and I felt the exhilaration of someone who had survived a mad adventure that I will be embellishing for years to come.
guardian.co.uk © Guardian News & Media Limited 2010
Published via the Guardian News Feed plugin for WordPress.


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CybertronPC 5150 Unleashed Gaming PC - AMD Quad-Core FX-4100 3.60GHz, 8GB DDR3, 1TB HDD, DVDRW, 1GB AMD Radeon HD 6670, Windows 8 64-bit, Keyboard & Mouse, - TGM1223E
Item#: C122-C1314 | Model#: TGM1223ECurrently Out Of Stock!
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CybertronPC AMD FX 1TB HDD 8GB DDR3 Gaming PC Product Details
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Manufactured by: Cybertron
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UPC No: 844750020075
Mfg Part No: TGM1223E -
Box Size:
( Length:23, Width:24, Depth:15)
Shipping Weight: 40.0000 pound(s)
Click here for full warranty and support information - Cybertron logos are registered trademarks of Cybertron. All others trademarks and copyrights mentioned herein are the property of their respective owners.


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High Power Relay Modules DIN-Rail Mounting - 788 Series - Wago 788-349, This relay module consists of a 110V DPDT-CO miniature switching relay together with an electrical and mechanical power indicator, both mounted in a DIN-Rail mounting socket. The switching specification of 4kVA and 250V AC means that this relay module is suitable for a wide variety of applications. WAGO 788-349 Relay DPDT-CO 110VDC IP20
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Five Sign National Letters of Intent to Play Softball at GW
Colonials Add Five Recruits to 2013 Roster
Nov. 22, 2011
WASHINGTON – George Washington softball coach Stacey Schramm announced on Tuesday that Carlee Gray (1B, 6'0"), Morgan Matetic (C/U, 5'3"), Maura Murphy (I/U, 5'8"), Meghan Rico (P, 5'7") and Laura Thompson (P/U, 5'8") have signed National Letters of Intent to play for the Colonials during the 2012-13 school year.
"We are very excited to welcome these five players to the GW softball family," Schramm said. "This group brings a wealth of talent to the field, as well as great character off the field, and I know the players will represent this University well. We expect this class to have an immediate impact on our program."
Gray, a three-year letterwinner from
"Carlee is an athletic first baseman with great potential," said Schramm. "She is a terrific defender and will have a big impact on our infield. On the offensive end, Carlee has a lot of power and consistently reaches base at a high rate."
Hailing from
"Morgan is a complete hitter and is capable of batting for both average and power," Schramm said. "She can play multiple positions and will help deepen our line up with her ability to fill different offensive roles."
Murphy, from
"Maura is a consistent and dependable player," said Schramm. "Offensively, she has the ability to drive the ball to gaps in the field. On defense she is very steady and her ability to play multiple positions is extremely valuable."
Rico, a native of
"Meghan has been a dominant pitcher at every level," Schramm said. "She hits the strike zone with pure velocity and spin and she consistently works ahead in the count."
Thompson, a four-time all-county selection from
"Laura is a strong player who will make an immediate offensive impact in the circle," said Schramm. "She is a great competitor and she locates her pitches well. She also has a nice ability to drive in runs."
The GW softball team opens the 2012 season at the Coastal Carolina Invitational on Friday, Feb. 10.


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- Anonym
- Bulgarien, Kvinde, 31-40
- Nybörjarnomad
- 2 Recensioner
I would like to recommend the hotel Neos Olympos. When I arrived in, there was a very nice person at reception desk who had very good level of English, so the conversation went smouthly and I've got very comfortable room, although a bit noisy due to proximity to the road. In overall, it was good stay for 3-day trip, the hotel itself is near to metro station and Larissa station which was good if you should get early to the airport.
- Anonym
- Peru, Man, 41+
- Entusiastisk resenärer
- 14 Recensioner
Perdí mi reserva porque no pude confirmarla 24 hrs antes. Sin embargo me dieron alternativa de una habitación individual con baño común, desayuno incluido, y todo bien.
Hostelworld mobilappar
Boka på språng med de nya Hostelworld-mobilapparna


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Santa Fe, New Mexico
Here you can pick up handmade jewelry: long, dangly necklaces made with antique glass baubles; cabochon rings from vintage materials; and silver and bronze earrings with fresh-water pearls and semiprecious stones. Most days, owner and designer Laurie Lenfestey is busy in the next room working on her latest creation.
Last Reviewed
May 2015
901 Canyon Rd.
Santa Fe, NM


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I Wanna Sing Like Sarah "Sassy" Vaughan
"There are notes between notes, you know." -- Sarah Vaughan
Saturday, February 21, 2009
Mr. SLS is sick
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Use your inside voice ... or I'll put you outside. -- SingLikeSassy
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FDA Approves Sivextro to Treat Skin Infections »
"The U.S. Food and Drug Administration today approved Sivextro (tedizolid phosphate), a new antibacterial drug, to treat adults with skin infections.
Sivextro is approved to treat patients with acute bacterial skin and skin structure infecti"...
Read the FDA Approves Sivextro to Treat Skin Infections article »
For eradication of scabies (Sarcoptes scabiei) and for symptomatic treatment of pruritic skin.
In Scabies: Thoroughly massage into the skin of the whole body from the chin down, paying particular attention to all folds and creases. A second application is advisable 24 hours later. Clothing and bed linen should be changed the next morning. A cleansing bath should be taken 48 hours after the last application.
In Pruritus: Massage gently into affected areas until medication is completely absorbed. Repeat as needed.
LOTION: Shake well before using.
- Take a routine bath or shower. Thoroughly massage Eurax (crotamiton cream, lotion) cream or lotion into the skin from the chin to the toes including folds and creases.
- Put Eurax (crotamiton cream, lotion) cream or lotion under fingernails after trimming the fingernails short, because scabies are very likely to remain there. A toothbrush can be used to apply the Eurax (crotamiton cream, lotion) cream or lotion under the fingernails. Immediately after use, the toothbrush should be wrapped in paper and thrown away. Use of the same brush in the mouth could lead to poisoning.
- A second application is advisable 24 hours later.
- This 60 gram tube or bottle is sufficient for two applications.
- Clothing and bed linen should be changed the next day. Contaminated clothing and bed linen may be dry-cleaned, or washed in the hot cycle of the washing machine.
- A cleansing bath should be taken 48 hours after the last application.
Eurax (crotamiton USP)
Cream: 60g tubes (NDC 0072-2103-60; NSN 6505-00-116-0200).
Lotion: 60g (2 oz.) bottles (NDC 0072-2203-60, NSN 6505-01-153- 4423).
454g (16 oz.) bottles (NDC 0072-2203-16).
SHAKE WELL before using.
Store at room temperature.
Keep out of reach of children.
Westwood-Squibb Pharmaceuticals, Inc. A Bristol-Myers Squibb Company, Princeton, NJ 08543, USA. FDA Rev date: 6/26/2003
This monograph has been modified to include the generic and brand name in many instances.Last reviewed on RxList: 6/12/2008
Eurax FDA Prescribing Information
Additional Eurax Information
Eurax - User Reviews
Report Problems to the Food and Drug Administration
You are encouraged to report negative side effects of prescription drugs to the FDA. Visit the FDA MedWatch website or call 1-800-FDA-1088.
Women's Health
Find out what women really need.


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Admissions & Info:
To consult with Bonnie Auslander on best practices for incorporating writing or speaking into your classroom, please call (202) 885-1920 or email Bonnie Auslander. She can visit your classes, develop group workshops tailored to your students' needs, or offer specific types of individualized tutoring. You may also schedule an appointment to discuss your own writing or presentations.