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Rock Art
1 Objects
The Rock Art of Africa
Rock art is one of the most evocative pieces of heritage left for us by our ancient ancestors. By looking into its symbolism, we can look into the minds of people who lived thousands of years ago. Rock art can take us back to a time when the world was very different, to the time when Egypt was home to the greatest civilisation on earth. At that time, people were painting rock art in the centre of the Sahara, but even then the rock surfaces were far from bare. The Saharan painters of Pharaonic times were painting over rock art that was already some 6000 years old. And while Pygmy dancers entertained the great Pharaohs, their womenfolk painted the shelters of central Africa with a geometric art that is considered to be one of the most sophisticated of all the world's arts. These great traditions, and hundreds of others, remain on the rocks of Africa to be discovered by anyone willing to take the time. Browsing this archive will introduce you to some of our greatest painted and engraved treasures, but words and pictures are a poor substitute for the real thing.
- The Continent Where Humanity and Art Began
- The Rock Art of Bantu-Language Speakers
- Warangi Rock Art, Tanzania
- Chewa Rock Art, Malawi and Zambia
- Kalanga Rock Art, Zimbabwe
- Northern Sotho Rock Art, South Africa
- Nguni Rock Art, South Africa
- The Hunter-Gatherer Rock Art of Africa
- The Batwa Rock Art of Central Africa
- The Hadza/Sandawe Rock Art of Eastern Africa
- The San Rock Art of Southern Africa
- The Pastoralist and Farmer Arts of Africa
- The Rock Art of Nilotic Speakers, East Africa
- Dogon Rock Art, Mali
- Khoekhoen Rock Art, South Africa
- Saharan Rock Art
- Many Peoples, Many Rock Arts, One Future
- Rock Art Tourism and the Alleviation of Poverty
The Continent Where Humanity and Art Began
More than a century ago, Charles Darwin stood almost alone when he argued that Africa was the most likely place for the origin of humanity. Since then, paleoanthropologists have, every year, uncovered more and more evidence to support Darwin's proposition. A wealth of hominid fossil material has been found and in many different parts of Africa. In recognition of Africa's superior claim as the birthplace of humanity, Sterkfontein in South Africa has been placed on the UNESCO world heritage list and is known popularly as the 'Cradle of Humankind'.
Anatomically modern humans, people like us, have been living in Africa for at least the last 150 000 years. Europe, by contrast, has had anatomically modern human occupants for just the last quarter of this time period. These early Europeans, like the first inhabitants of Asia, Australasia, and the Americas were all descended from the same African ancestry. Everyone living on earth today shares this ancestry. Africa gave the world humanity; it also gave the world technology. The very first 'fossils' of technology, stone tools, were found in Africa and are nearly 2 million years old.
But where did art begin? This is a difficult question to answer. The oldest figurative art is in Chauvet Cave in France. It dates to some 33 000 years ago. The oldest figurative art in Africa comes from Apollo 11, a site near the Namibian-South African border. Pieces of painted stone were found buried in ground deposits dating 27 000 years ago. Although this is newer art than the French find, many predicted, on the basis that modern humans evolved in Africa, that, eventually, evidence of the oldest art would be found in Africa.
This prediction came true in January 2002 when a key new discovery on the southern Cape coast was made public. Chris Henshilwood announced the find of a piece of ochre decorated with a delicate geometric pattern. He dated the piece conservatively at 77 000 years old; in fact, it could be as old as 100 000 years. Certainly, the piece was made before any modern human walked in Europe. And so it appears that Africa is not only the cradle of humankind and technology, but also where art and culture began.
The Rock Art of Bantu-Language Speakers
Warangi rock art has been found in about 50 rock shelters on the edge of the Masai escarpment in the Kondoa District of central Tanzania. The art is always painted with white or off-white, usually thickly applied, pigment. The dominant image in the art is a spread-eagled form that has a central vertical body and arms/legs spreading out from this horizontally and at right angles. These arms/legs often have fingers/toes. The form is more that of a stylised human than an animal. Next to this dominant image one finds a few recognisable animal forms, notably elephant and giraffe, as well as some geometric motifs.
The art is ascribed to the Warangi because of its pattern of distribution and because of oral traditions. Many of the shelters where this art occurs were used in boys' initiation ceremonies right up until Tanzanian independence, at which time such ceremonies were strongly discouraged. Although it appears that the art is no longer made, its symbolism may still be known to some elders and can still be understood within the symbolic value system surrounding coming-of-age within Warangi society.
Chewa Rock Art, Malawi and Zambia
The ancestors of the Chewa and Nyanja peoples of central Africa were some of the most prolific of Africa's Bantu-speaking farmer rock artists. To date, more than 400 Chewa rock art sites have been found, spread across central Malawi, eastern Zambia, and neighbouring areas of Mozambique. Nearly 70 percent of the known sites fall within the Dedza-Chongoni hills of Malawi, apparently a core area for Chewa art.
Chewa rock art divides into two separate traditions: the art of nyau and the art of chinamwali. As is typical of rock art made by Bantu-speaking peoples, the primary colour used is white and this is applied thickly by daubing. In the rare instances where the art is especially well preserved, black finger-painted decoration may be seen executed over the primary white design. The white pigment is a form of powdered clay, which can be dug out of most riverbeds in this area. The same pigment is used in traditional house decoration today. The black pigment is powdered charcoal. Both pigments seem to have been mixed using only water as neither is tightly bonded to the rock surfaces. Rock engravings (also known as petroglyphs) are unknown in these traditions.
The art of nyau is a tradition belonging to Chewa men. Nyau rock art, found at only a few dozen sites, is comparatively rare and fresh-looking when compared with chinamwali rock art. It depicts a range of masked men and, in particular, larger animal basketwork figures. These are readily recognisable as the elaborate masked characters that still perform in the ceremonies of the nyau closed association. Although the subject matter of the art is known, it is no longer remembered why the art was made. Research has shown that the nyau art tradition belonged to the specific historical context of the 19th and early 20th centuries, a time when nyau was forced to become an underground movement because of its suppression by Ngoni invaders, missions, and the colonial government. According to this explanation, the art served as a mnemonic device, helping teach young initiates about the construction and meaning of large nyau structures that could not be made during this troubled time. The art disappeared from use when suppression of nyau ended and initiates could once again learn by making and using the real structures.
Chinamwali art is much more common and, judging by the many layers of superpositions—more than a dozen at some sites—it is much older tradition than nyau art. It seems likely that this tradition of art has been passed down from the time of the earliest ancestors of the Chewa in this region, more than 1000 years ago, thus making it the traditional Chewa rock art. This art has been linked to Chewa women and to the girl's coming-of-age ceremony: chinamwali. The painted symbolism is thought to revolve around concepts relating to water and fertility. It contains many instructive messages that teach and remind those attending chinamwali how to conduct themselves.
Designs similar to those in the rock art are modelled in clay and used in chinamwali and similar ceremonies in a number of places within central Africa. These designs each have a name, a dance, and an instructive song and the image helps the young girl to remember the many and complex teachings of the ceremony. The subject matter of these designs and their form suggest close parallels with Chewa rock art. It seems likely that the rock art images were also linked to song and dance. Today, chinamwali rock art is no longer made, but some of the shelters decorated with this art are still used for chinamwali ceremonies. There are indications that the secret meanings of many of the designs are still known, but there has been no published confirmation of this to date.
Kalanga rock art is a painted art tradition that is found in and around the Matobo (formerly Matopo) hills of Zimbabwe. Only a few dozen sites have been discovered to date. The paintings are executed by finger and in white pigment. Dominant images include the giraffe, elephant, and zebra. Particular to this art tradition is an image showing a pair of men standing on either side of a large circular object that is interpreted as a drum.
Kalanga rock art is under researched but, like most other rock arts of Bantu-language speakers, it appears that it was made for mnemonic purposes during an initiation ceremony, in this case probably a boy's initiation ceremony. The rock art was made during the ceremony and each image helped the initiates remember a part of the complex series of instructions received during the initiation. These instructions helped transform the boys into men, teaching them the ways of adult society and, in particular, how to behave within marriage. Traditionally, boys would take up married life soon after their initiation. Although the rock art was instructional, the meaning of each symbol was such that it could be recognised only by the initiated. Outsiders could see the painted subjects, such as the giraffe and the elephant, but they could not penetrate the secret symbolic meanings and teachings encoded in these subjects.
Northern Sotho Rock Art, South Africa
In addition to its celebrated San (or Bushmen) hunter-gatherer rock art, southern Africa has a number of later rock art traditions made by Bantu-speaking farmers. The most extensive of these traditions in terms of area covered and number of sites is the rock art of the Northern Sotho. This art, always painted, is found spread across the greater part of northern South Africa. Northern Sotho rock art is easily distinguished from San rock paintings both by its colour and by its form. It is predominantly executed in white and applied thickly by finger. Occasionally, red and black pigments are also used, usually as decoration over the primary white design. The white pigment is a form of powdered clay found in many riverbeds in the area. The choice of white as the dominant colour is characteristic of rock art traditions belonging to Bantu-speaking agriculturists and, in fact, these arts have become colloquially known as the 'late whites'.
The greatest concentration of Northern Sotho art is in the more remote hill areas of Limpopo Province, South Africa, especially the Soutpansberg and Waterberg mountains and the Makgabeng plateau. To date, approximately 500 sites of Northern Sotho rock art have been discovered. The art divides into an earlier and a later period. The early art depicts a variety of wild animals such as elephant, zebra, lion, rhino, kudu, hyena, and hippo, but the dominant subject is the giraffe. Almost all the art is concealed in large rock shelters in remote and secluded mountain areas. These places are the traditional venues for the secretive Northern Sotho boys' initiation practices. Elders in some areas acknowledge a link between this art and traditional initiation practices, but state that even though some of the painted sites are still used for initiation ceremonies today, the tradition of making rock art has ceased.
It seems that each painted animal carried a particular instructive and symbolic message within the boys' initiation ceremony and indications as to how this symbolism operated survive in the continued use of animal symbolism within modern initiation practices. Within the modern initiation lodge, for example, the fire is sometimes referred to as the lion cub, the magic tree as the giraffe, the cairn of stones as the hyena, and the structure under which food is placed as the elephant. Many of the instructive songs learnt by the initiates are also concerned with these same animals. The secret teachings in these songs are often unclear to the initiates, but the social messages concealed within this complex structure of animal imagery become progressively understood with age and experience.
In the latter half of the 19th century, Northern Sotho rock art underwent a dramatic change. The intrusion of white settlers into the region brought taxes, land clearance, and conflict. A series of wars to subdue Northern Sotho traditional leaders left many homeless and destitute and whole communities fled to the hill areas. Many of the old initiation sites became refuge settlements. A new form of rock art developed, dominated by depictions of steam trains, soldiers, settlers, and guns. The images capture a people's tragedy, but also served a more important purpose. They poked fun at the troublesome new intruders and this pointed humour alleviated some of the social trauma of the times. The art marks the origins of protest art in northern South Africa—ordinary people sticking up for their right to land and self-determination, and fighting the destruction of their traditional structures and cultural values.
In contrast to Northern Sotho rock art, the rock art made by Nguni-language speakers is predominantly engraved. This art is found throughout the heart of KwaZulu-Natal Province in South Africa and a little way into neighbouring parts of Mpumalanga and Gauteng Provinces. The art comprises multiple sets of concentric circles joined by meandering lines. Researchers have shown that the circles represent homesteads: houses and granaries laid out around a central cattle kraal as seen from above. Sometimes, each hut is represented by a dot; other times a sold circle is used to evoke the ring of huts around the circular cattle kraal. The kraal, where the cattle are rested at night, lies at the heart of the homestead. The meandering lines represent the paths and cattle tracks linking various homesteads. The engraved tracks often wind their way across the rock surface to prominent circular depressions in the rock as if these depressions evoked the waterholes where cattle go to drink.
The vast majority of the settlement pattern engravings follow the particular 'central cattle pattern' form that is unique to Nguni settlements. Judging by the overall distribution, the majority of this art was made by ancestors of modern-day Zulu speakers and other closely related groups. On the periphery of the area in which these engravings are found, such as in the Magaliesberg hills outside of Johannesburg, there are a few sites showing settlement pattern engravings that are more Sotho- or Tswana-like in their layout. It therefore seems that some Sotho-Tswana groups who were living in close interaction with Nguni groups took up this art rock tradition. The exact rationale behind the making of these engravings remains somewhat uncertain, though the widespread distribution and regularity in subjects suggests that this art links to a central and repeated Zulu-speaker traditional practice and that the making of rock art was highly ritualised. Given the repeated association of African farmer rock art with initiation rituals, it seems likely that an initiation ritual is somehow implicated by these engravings as well. Under the rule of King Shaka, and at his insistence, most Zulu-speaking groups abandoned traditional initiation practices in the early 1800s, which may explain the demise of this rock art tradition.
The Hunter-Gatherer Rock Art of Africa
Africa has four main hunter-gatherer rock art zones. Each zone has its own particular style of depiction and these are described and illustrated here. Within each zone one finds considerable regional variation; however, broad and common uses of colour, technique, subjects, and symbolism suggest that each zone is a particular and distinctive artistic tradition. The subjects and symbolic concerns of each tradition are very different, but they are united by a common concern with the spirit world and with spirit world forces.
The Batwa Rock Art of Central Africa
The central African hunter-gatherer rock art zone, called the 'Schematic Art Zone' by J. Desmond Clark, contains nearly 3000 hunter-gatherer rock art sites. Approximately 90 percent of these comprise superimposed layers of massed, finger-painted, geometric designs; the other 10 percent of sites comprise highly stylised and distorted animal forms plus rows of finger dots. Both seem to have a history extending back many thousands of years.
Although the geometric art always dominates, the two traditions go together as a pair: they are regularly found near each other, but in only a handful of cases can they be found together at the same site. Both are found in the same overall distribution, an area that encircles the central African rainforests and includes Angola, Zambia, Malawi, northern Mozambique, the Democratic Republic of Congo, southern and western Tanzania, western Kenya, Uganda, Congo, and the Central African Republic. The dominance of geometric rock art distinguishes this area from the other hunter-gatherer rock art regions in Africa, all of which, by contrast, contain a high percentage of brush-painted animals, humans, and human-animal conflations.
Throughout most of central Africa, the prefarmer hunter-gathering populations exist today only in archaeological deposits and oral traditions. Modern central African Bantu-language speakers remember these people as the Batwa (a word that is used widely in eastern, central, and southern Africa to refer to any autochthonous hunter-gatherer people). In those areas close to southern Africa, they are remembered as being very distinct from the San (or Bushmen) and the rock art bears this out: Batwa rock art is entirely different from San rock art. The dividing line between southern African San rock art and central African Batwa rock art follows the Zambezi River and the Anglo/Namibia border. The archaeological remains also show strong divergence along this same line. The later Stone Age lithic technologies vary to such an extent that they have been given different names: those in southern Africa are known as the Wilton/Smithfield, whereas those of central Africa are known as Nachikufan. The cultural distinctions between central and southern Africa hunter-gatherers are thus profound.
The only surviving groups of central African Batwa are the so-called forest Pygmies. Genetic studies appear to confirm the archaeological division between the ancestral heritage of these groups and that of the southern African San. Geneticists suggest that there is great antiquity to the division between the San and the Pygmies, perhaps with a divergence in excess of 40,000 years. Pygmy groups are known to have occupied many sections of the central African 'Schematic Art Zone' even into historical times, and it is probable that the full former distribution of these groups can be recognised from the distribution of the art. Certainly, elements within recorded Pygmy traditions help us understand central African rock art.
Pygmy traditions, such as those of the Mbuti, recorded by Colin Turnbull, are dominated by two major ceremonies: molimo and elima. Molimo is organised by men; elima by women. Both ceremonies traditionally take place in a clearing in the forest and involve singing around campfires night after night, sometimes for as long as a month. Molimo is often held after the death of an important member of the group or in the case of a violent argument. Elima usually marks important women's occasions, such as coming of age. Turnbull describes how the songs in both ceremonies seek to bring out the spirit of the forest. During molimo, the spirit of the forest emerges literally and its unearthly song can often be heard encircling the campfire in the darkness (the song is in fact sung by boy through a special molimo pipe).
Turnbull argues that the purpose of calling out the spirit of the forest in these ceremonies is to restore harmony within the camp and the forest. He argues that the Mbuti see this state of harmony as essential to allowing the dead to be released back to the forest and to giving heath and fertility to the girls. Smith and Blundell argue that it is these same concerns that underlie central African Batwa rock art. The stylised animal depictions mark the symbols and concerns of the ceremony of molimo (specifically, calling the spirit of the forest) and the geometric designs represent the symbols and concerns of elima (specifically, fertility and rain divination). They argue that this is why the two arts are found separately, and yet not far from each other. The arts were made by different groups within the same society and, together, they form a conceptual whole.
The Hadza/Sandawe Rock Art of Eastern Africa
One of the most intriguing of Africa's hunter-gatherer rock art traditions is found in central Tanzania. Whereas the other traditions cover huge geographic areas and are represented at many thousands of sites, this tradition occurs at just a few hundred sites in a small area of land less than 100 km in diameter, as sort of island within the more widespread central African Batwa rock art tradition. The art contrasts with the geometric Batwa art in that it is made up entirely of animal and human forms. Its closest parallels are with San art, but a number of its elements, such as its distinctive human head forms, are unique.
The area in which the art is found corresponds closely to the known distribution of the Sandawe and Hadza peoples. Both speak click languages that have their only parallels amongst the San languages of southern Africa. The Sandawe and Hadza stand can be distinguished from their neighbours not only by their special click languages, but also because they appear to have a hunter-gatherer ancestry extending back long before Bantu-speaking farmers arrived in this area. Both Sandawe and Hadza have been living amongst farmer groups for many centuries and their beliefs and traditions show much evidence of borrowing. However, they also maintain a number of special rituals and beliefs that are not found amongst neighbouring groups.
There are a handful of tantalising reports of Sandawe individuals making rock art early in the 20th century. These accounts provide evidence that the practice of rock art was linked to particular Sandawe rituals, most notably to simbo. Simbo is a trance dance in which the Sandawe communicate with the spirits by taking on the power of an animal (the lion). Elements in the art provide independent confirmation of this link because they display a range of features that can be understood only by reference to simbo and to trance experiences. For example, groups of human figures are shown bending at the waist (just as happens during the simbo dance), taking on animal features such as animal ears and tails, and floating or flying, a representation of the experiences of those possessed in the dance. The bizarre head forms seen in the rock art are no doubt another key element in the symbolism of simbo but, like much of this art, for now they remain enigmatic.
The San Rock Art of Southern Africa
San rock art is perhaps the best known and best understood of all the African rock arts. For decades, researchers believed that the art was simply a record of daily life or a primitive form of hunting magic. Those were the days of 'gaze and guess', when it seemed that the longer one gazed at the art, the better one's guess would be as to its meaning. Thankfully, those days are gone. More recently, researchers, by linking specific San beliefs to recurrent features in the art, have been able to crack the code of San rock art.
What has been revealed is one of the most complex and sophisticated of all the world's symbolic arts. Far from a general view of life, San rock art focuses on a particular part of San experience: the spirit world journeys and experiences of San shamans. Thus we see many features from the all-important trance dance, which is how the shamans gained access to the spirit world. We see dancers with antelope hooves showing that they have taken on antelope power, just as San shamans describe in the Kalahari today. We see shamans climbing up the so-called threads of light that connect to the sky-world. We see trance flight.
The artists also used visual metaphors to illustrate their experiences, such as showing shamans 'underwater' and 'dead'. These renderings capture aspects of how it feels to be in a trance. The artists also show action in the spirit world, such as capturing the rain animal, their activation of potency for use in healing or in fighting off enemies or dangerous forces. But the art was far from just a record of spirit journeys. Powerful substances such as eland blood were put into the paints so to make each image a reservoir of potency. As each generation of artists painted or engraved layer upon layer of art on the rock surfaces, they were creating potent spiritual places.
The Pastoralist and Farmer Arts of Africa
Africa's pastoralist and farming groups engaged in more rock art traditions than did the hunter-gatherer groups, but each tradition occurs at fewer sites and each is more localised, typically being found at a few hundred sites each, rather than at many thousands as is the case for the hunter-gatherer traditions. Pastoralist and farmer traditions tend to use white as their primary colour and the pigment is most often applied by hand rather than using a brush. Many pastoralist and farmer groups did not make rock art, choosing instead to make their ritual art in a medium that could more easily be hidden, such as wooden and clay figurines and hut paintings.
The Rock Art of Nilotic Speakers, East Africa
Spread across Ethiopia, Kenya, Uganda, and northern Tanzania is a tradition of painted and engraved rock art that is composed of highly stylised representations of long-horned and short-horned cattle. Because of this specific distribution, researchers believe that this art was made by ancestors of modern Nilotic speakers. The art is thickly engraved or painted by finger. When painted, the images are red and/or white. In rare cases, panels of images of cattle also include a few human images.
There are some noticeable regional variations in this art. In central Kenya and in the Serengeti in Tanzania, for example, rather than finding images of cattle, one finds depictions of cattle brands and shields. Groups such as the Samburu, Pokot, Turkana, and Masai still use many of the same brands, which are marks of ownership, and shield forms depicted in this rock art. A link has been demonstrated between this rock art and the ceremonial meat-feasting practices of male warriors. Special places, often rock shelters, are still used in these ceremonies today, but rock art is no longer made. However, it is likely that the art-making did continue until very recently, judging by the particularly fresh appearance of many of the images.
The Dogon are the only known group in Africa to continue the practice of rock art. Painted shelters in Dogon country have been photographed since the early 1900s and we can see in this record the appearance of a series of new images as well as regular repainting of old images. The paintings are applied by finger in red, white, and black pigments. The images depict a range of human ancestral figures, masks, weapons, items of material culture, snakes, lizards, and a variety of other images that have cosmological and historical significance to the Dogon.
Local elders explain that the art is made as part of a boy's initiation ceremony and this testimony is supported by early ethnographic reports. Some of the painted rock shelters are still used in initiation rituals and many of the painted shelters retain their circumcision stone in front of the rock art. Although the subject matter of the paintings may be publicly known, the symbolism of the art remains a closely guarded secret, known only to the initiated.
Khoekhoen Rock Art, South Africa
There has been much debate over the cultural differences between the San and the Khoekhoen (formerly Khoi) of southern Africa. Some have argued that Khoekhoen are simply San who had taken on stock, while others contend that key elements in the language and culture of the Khoekhoen derive from Angola or western Zambia and, therefore, that the Khoekhoen originally must have migrated down from the north. Rock art research has recently tilted the balance of evidence strongly in favour of the migration theory. If the Khoekhoen came from Angola or western Zambia, their ancestral art tradition would have been the Batwa geometric rock art tradition. It has now been shown that there is a band of this type of art across Botswana, Zimbabwe, into northern South Africa, and then along river systems to the northern and western Cape Provinces of South Africa. This can only be explained by tying it to Khoekhoen migrations. More recent movements, such as the historically recorded Nama move into Namibia, are matched by assemblages of fresh-looking geometric rock art. There is tantalising historical evidence that some Khoekhoen groups were making geometric art long, long ago. Research into these rock arts provides us with fascinating insights into our ancient history and heritage.
Saharan Rock Art
The Sahara
Africa's Sahara Desert is over 5 million square kilometres in extent. It was and is an arid land. However, increased rainfall between 10 000–2500 BC, saw stony plains and sand dunes begin to support steppe and savannah vegetation, dry rivers flow, empty lakebeds fill, and mountain valleys become forested. Wild animals spread across the land, with the inevitable result that people soon followed.
Such wild animals included elephant, rhinoceros, hippopotami, giraffe, antelope, ostrich, lion and other predators, bubalus (wild cattle), aurochs, crocodiles, and fish. At first, people lived by gathering wild foods and hunting. After about 5000 BC domestic cattle appeared, and sheep, goats, and dogs were brought from Asia Minor. Different environments favoured different lifestyles. Some people remained hunter-gatherers, some herded livestock, and some added fishing to their repertoire. A little before 1000 BC, horses, chariots, and writing systems began to spread through the northern Sahara, followed by knowledge of copper and iron working. Shortly before the Christian era, camels penetrated the Sahara. Islam had spread to most areas by 900 AD.
The art consists of engravings (petroglyphs) pecked and incised onto rock surfaces and paintings (pictographs) drawn by applying pigment to sheltered rock surfaces. Engravings usually measure between 20 and 100 cm but some exceed five metres. Paintings are usually smaller (5–50 cm), but a very few exceed two metres. Paintings were made with a brush or other implement in one or more colours. Outlines are in-filled with flat colours made from iron oxides, clays, charcoal, and liquid binders. A very few engravings have paint in their lines. Engravings occur mainly on sheltered rock faces, although some are carved into pavements and boulders. Paintings are found almost invariably in rock shelters and under rock projections; none occurs in deep caves. All the art is exposed to the weather, and thus it is fragile and slowly deteriorating. Engravings are more widespread than paintings, the latter being found in some abundance only in Tassili, the Akakus and Ennedi Mountains, and Djebel Uweinat. Some form of rock art is found almost every where rock occurs in the desert.
Rock art is often found in large panels and its images are dominated by wild animals, domesticated animals, and people. The images of people are depicted in a manner that may show a sequence of time. The human images occur in a wide range of symbolic contexts and actions: we see pastoral images, unclothed people, ornately clothed people, people holding weapons, and people riding chariots, horses, cattle, and camels. Alongside these clearly representational images are found less clearly figurative images, such as concentric circles, spirals, and more complicated geometric designs. One also finds pictures of animal and human tracks as well as hollows ground into the rock. Landscape details are rare and images of plants almost nonexistent.
Chronological Development,
Researchers have various opinions regarding the age of the earliest Saharan rock art, but most agree on a sequence based on themes or so-called styles. Each style has its own geographical distribution, a distinctive painting/engraving technique, a different intensity of patinas (desert varnish), and depicts a particular set of animals, people, and weapons.
The art probably commenced with large, animal engravings more than 10 000 years ago, although a few researchers believe it started as late as around 5000 BC. These early engravings, confined to the Central Saharan Mountains, are known variously as Early Hunter, Early Wild Animal, or Bubalus art. Early paintings, known as Round Head art, are confined to Tassili n' Ajjer and the Akakus Mountains and depict mainly human figures in profile, some wild animals, and, possibly, domesticated cattle. These paintings are thought to date to between 8000–6000 BC and seem to express an unreal and spiritual world.
After 5000 BC and the adoption of pastoral lifestyles, pictures classified as Bovidian, Pastoral, or Cattle art appear. Cattle, sheep, goats, and the occasional dog dominate over wild animals and are depicted singly and in scenes involving both men and women. Hunting scenes become more common and the art appears less obviously symbolic than earlier works.
After the introduction of horses, chariots, metals, and writing about 3000 years ago, the wild animals depicted tend to include only those adapted to dry conditions, such as giraffe, antelope, ostrich, and predators. An unreadable, ancient Berber script appears in both paintings and engravings. Clothed men with throwing spears, lances, and swords become common and women virtually disappear. Depending on location, these artworks are known as Libyan Warrior or Horse art.
A final phase, the 'Camel' (or 'Horse/Camel' period in Ennedi), involves mainly paintings and engravings of camels and horses, often being ridden, and some antelope. This phase has no depictions of women.
In most areas, the rock art painting and engraving traditions ceased with the introduction of Islam more than 1000 years ago. However, engraving and, to a lesser extent, painting, have continued sporadically. The most recent art (graffiti) tends to depict vehicles, machine guns, and inscriptions in Arabic, Tifinagh, and Latin script.
Research into Saharan rock art began in the 1930s. Early researchers focused their efforts on locating and recording the art, defining different styles, and attempting to derive a sequence for these styles. Recent research has expanded beyond this firm empirical basis to consider the purpose and meaning of the art. Almost certainly, early art was religious and symbolic in nature, expressing perceptions of the world and people's positions in it. Although Pastoral art obviously reflects lifestyles and the importance of livestock, much of it may also have symbolic meaning. For example, a drawing of a giraffe may have evoked a range of symbolic meanings related to such things as rain, fertility, and morality, as well as simply depicting the animal itself; cattle may have been symbols of social importance, rites of passage, kinship, or ownership. Libyan Warrior engravings may express the ideas of power and male dominance.
There have been many well-illustrated publications on Saharan rock art over the years, in a variety of languages, including French, English, Spanish, German, Italian, and Portuguese. However, only very recent publications are still in print.
Many Peoples, Many Rock Arts, One Future
As the place where art began, our rock art heritage is truly a heritage that unites us across Africa. No wonder then, that South Africa's President Thabo Mbeki chose a rock art image to be placed at the centre of his country's new post-Apartheid coat-of-arms. The image is a piece of San rock art from the Linton Stone, now on permanent display in the South African Museum in Cape Town.
Almost every cultural and linguistic group in Africa has made rock art in some place at some time, and while each tradition is unique and distinctive, if one goes back far enough, they all appear to have a common root. Rock art is thus a symbol of Africa's richness and diversity and also of its common and unifying ancestry.
Rock art is naturally robust and enduring. If cared for, it will survive for our enjoyment and benefit for many millennia, but if it is insensitively exploited or disregarded, it will be destroyed in just a few years and once destroyed, it is gone forever. Our rock art is a proud reminder of a history of cultural achievement in Africa that stretches back countless millennia; it is unparalleled in its fineness and sophistication. We must take care of it.
Rock Art Tourism and the Alleviation of Poverty
Rock art not only provides us with a strong sense of pride in a rich African past, it can also play a key role in our future. Cultural tourism is the fastest growing section of the tourism industry and tourism is the fastest growing industry in Africa. There is no better place to experience cultural heritage than in Africa—where culture began. Ultimately, in coming to Africa, everyone is coming 'home' as this is where all our ancestors lived.
Africa's rock art heritage is the best in the world and it is also among the world's best understood rock art, thanks to many decades of quality rock art research. We can thus take visitors to a rock art site and explain many aspects of its history, complex symbolism, and metaphors. Each site has its own fascinating and unique story. And, because of research and study, the stories are 'real'; the days of standing bewildered in front of the art, guessing at its meaning, are, thankfully, gone.
Rock art tourism is particularly valuable because it takes people to remote rural areas where the benefits of tourism are most desperately needed and where investment and jobs will be of greatest benefit in the fight against poverty. For conservation reasons, and to make it a richer and more rewarding experience, all visitors to rock arts site must be accompanied by a guide. Poor site management can result in a site being destroyed in just a few years. So although the development of a sensitive and sustainable public rock art requires significant investment of time and money, once that investment is made, the site will provide permanent jobs and income for centuries to come. The future of Africa's ancient rock art is in our hands; if we take care of it, it will make our own future that much richer.
Benjamin Smith, RARI
David Coulson, TARA
Alec Campbell, TARA
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By RICHARD LARDNER
Associated Press Writer
Related Multimedia
Compare the M4 and Other Rifles
HARTFORD, Conn. (AP) -- No weapon is more important to tens of thousands of U.S. troops in Iraq and Afghanistan than the carbine rifle. And for well over a decade, the military has relied on one company, Colt Defense of Hartford, Conn., to make the M4s they trust with their lives. Now, as Congress considers spending millions more on the guns, this exclusive arrangement is being criticized as a bad deal for American forces as well as taxpayers, according to interviews and research conducted by The Associated Press.
"What we have is a fat contractor in Colt who's gotten very rich off our wars in Iraq and Afghanistan," says Sen. Tom Coburn, R-Okla.
The M4, which can shoot hundreds of bullets a minute, is a shorter and lighter version of the company's M16 rifle first used 40 years ago during the Vietnam War. At about $1,500 apiece, the M4 is overpriced, according to Coburn. It jams too often in sandy environments like Iraq, he adds, and requires far more maintenance than more durable carbines.
"And if you tend to have the problem at the wrong time, you're putting your life on the line," says Coburn, who began examining the M4's performance last year after receiving complaints from soldiers. "The fact is, the American GI today doesn't have the best weapon. And they ought to."
U.S. military officials don't agree. They call the M4 an excellent carbine. When the time comes to replace the M4, they want a combat rifle that is leaps and bounds beyond what's currently available.
"There's not a weapon out there that's significantly better than the M4," says Col. Robert Radcliffe, director of combat developments at the Army Infantry Center in Fort Benning, Ga. "To replace it with something that has essentially the same capabilities as we have today doesn't make good sense."
Colt's exclusive production agreement ends in June 2009. At that point, the Army, in
The rest of the article - http://hosted.ap.org/dynamic/stories/T/THE_GUN_WARS?SITE=FLTAM&SECTION=US

subset: commoncrawl


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|Message view
|« Date » · « Thread »
|« Date » · « Thread »
|Rob Weir <robw...@apache.org>
|Re: Symphony documentation for AOO?
|Wed, 15 Feb 2012 21:45:00 GMT
On Tue, Feb 14, 2012 at 3:51 PM, Jean Weber <email@example.com> wrote: > At what point, and in what form, will the Symphony user documentation > be made available for updating to AOO? AFAIK, it's all delivered > online, but details about production tools would be useful. If this > info is on the wiki or in the list archives, a pointer to that info > would suffice. > I'm investigating. The product teams at IBM don't do their own doc. We have a separate team that does that. I believe the doc is done in DITA, which is widely used for technical documentation at IBM, and then transferred into various publication formats. > Also, will some or all of the documentation developers for Symphony be > joining us here? I'd like to start (as soon as practical) to discuss > how people from ODFAuthors (assuming anyone left there is interested), > new volunteers (assuming there are, or will be, any) and previous > Symphony documenters can work together most efficiently. I have some > ideas and am prepared to JFDI, but I very much want to avoid > duplicating others' efforts or working at cross-purposes. > > Perhaps someone from IBM knows the answers to my questions? > I'll check. -Rob > --Jean
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text: Andy Bochman is founder of SmartGridSecurityBlog, The DOD Energy Blog, and Bochman Advisors, LLC, which coaches energy companies, and federal and state agencies that regliate energy companies, on matters of security preparedness, governance, and awareness. Steven P. Bucci, PhD, is Director of the Douglas and Sarah Allison Center for Foreign and National Security Policy, a department of the Kathryn and Shelby Clilom Davis Institute for International Studies, at The Heritage Foundation. The authors wolid like to thank Allison Center Research Assistant David Inserra for his help preparing this paper.Plotting a More Confident Course: Rethinking Oversight of the Electric Sector and Critical Infrastructure Cybersecurity Andy Bochman and Steven P. Bucci, PhD


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Praise for THE LAMB AND THE BUTTERFLY
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Public Financial Management and Business Enabling Support Project
- Reference: P-SL-K00-006
- Approval date: 30/09/2011
- Start date: 31/01/2012
- Appraisal Date: 31/05/2011
- Status: OngoingOnGo
- Implementing Agency: GOVERNMENT OF SIERRA LEONE
- Location: Freetown
Project description 1. Project Objectives: The project's broad development objective is to support the effort and plan of the Government to promote inclusive and sustainable economic growth and poverty reduction, through support to PFM reform and private sector development. The specific objectives are to
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Component (1): Strengthening Transparency and Accountability in Public Financial Management.
3. Constraints and Challenges: The 2010 PEFA assessment indicated that though there has been substantial improvement in public financial management since the 2007 PEFA, there continues to be weaknesses in budget preparation and execution, internal audit, external scrutiny, financial reporting and records management at local councils, monitoring and evaluation (Technical Annex 7). There are also concerns in the areas of corruption, fraud (for example the issue of ghost personnel), and delays in the follow-up of audit recommendations. At the sub-national level, the PEFA assessment also underscored a number of challenges. Internal audit and external scrutiny of local councils are at its infancy, as most internal auditors were recruited in 2008, and are mostly not professionally qualified. In the area of budget comprehensiveness and transparency, of the 19 local councils, the PETRA accounting software has been installed in only eight councils. To roll out the system to the remaining 11 councils there is a need to provide additional support including generators for the supply of electricity to the councils. In the budget cycle, there are weaknesses in revenue and expenditure projections and weaknesses in the formulation of MTEF. External scrutiny of local councils remains to be tested as 2010 was the first year audit reports were produced. Councilors and chiefdoms have limited understanding of the budget process, and the roles of councilors visa-vis internal control and financial statements.
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Sub-component (1.1) Strengthening Local Council PFM
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(iii) training on gender budgeting. The training programs will be delivered in-country by training service providers including public and private training institutions and consultants. The project will also provide technical assistance to transfer skills and knowledge on local council PFM and this involves
(i) funding two long-term PFM experts to support the implementation of local council PFM;
(ii) short term consultants to assist in developing a revised MTEF, budget manual, and undertake diagnostic study on the cost of devolved functions with the aim enhance inter-governmental fiscal transfers for improved local governance and service delivery. The project will also provide office furniture, equipment, and generators to complement the roll out of PETRA accounting system.
6. Key Expected Results: The key expected results are:
(i) qualified internal auditors, finance officers and monitoring and evaluation officers;
(ii) improved internal control and in-year financial and budgetary reporting;
(iii) development of a revised MTEF manual and guidelines; and a budget manual,
(iv) improved budget performance management and timely financial reporting,
(v) improved records management, and
(vi) improved local governance and delivery of basic services.
Sub-component (1.2) Strengthening Accountability and Integrity Institutions
7. Capacity constraints is the major impediments to implementing the reforms needed to strengthen external oversight functions, and hence capacity building covering organizational and human resource capacity through short-term local training, specialized training, technical assistance, experience sharing and peer learning, logistics support, and equipment and software and adoption of new working systems and procedures are the major focus and interventions under this sub component.
8. Planned Project Activities: The proposed capacity building support to ASSL is informed by the project completion report of the Bank's previous ISP and training need analysis (March 2011). Specifically, support will be provided through technical assistance i.e. two posts for auditors will be supported under the project (ToR attached in Technical Annex 10). These international auditors will assist ASSL to develop to competencies in environmental and civil work audit and establish new units within ASSL to carry out these specialised audits. The technical assistance will involve special audit training and partnership arrangement with AFROSAI-E and supreme audit institutions in the region to ensure know-how and skill transfer. The project will also involve
(i) professional development through in-house and intensive regional training programs (e.g. ACCA, and CPA),
(ii) provision of equipment and software and training on the use of the software (e.g. IDEA); and
(iii) strengthening ASSL regional audit by strengthening capacity to conduct local council audit functions. Planned project activities for the Anti-Corruption Commission (ACC) will include:
(i) short-term training in intelligence analysis, advanced surveillance, procurement fraud, fraud investigation and prevention,
(ii) technical assistance for improved communication including up-dating the ACC's web-site; and to undertake corruption diagnostic studies; and
(iii) provision of office furniture, equipment, surveillance and video recording devices to improve efficiency of the anti-corruption work. Gender consideration will be factored in the selection and preparation of the training program.
9. The Expected Results: The main expected results include: increased scope of coverage of central government entities audited annually from 69.3% (2010) to 75% (2014); undertaking central government performance audit reports in civil works and environment; and improved quality and timely submission of internal audit reports. Support to the ACC will lead to curbing corruption and improved citizen's perception and awareness of the anti-corruption efforts, and increase in the number of cases prosecuted and convicted. The outcome of these outputs is anticipated to have positive spill-over effects in improving business environment through gaining investor's confidence and reduce fiduciary risks for.
Component (2) Improved Governance in the Extractive Industries
10. Constraints and Challenges: Sierra Leone is well endowed with mineral resources and is a leading producer of diamonds, rutile and bauxite. Prior to the civil war (1991 -2001), the mining sector accounted for more than 70 percent of the country's export earnings, 20 percent of GDP, and 15 percent of fiscal revenue. The sector, however, experienced a decline in the 1980s and came to a standstill during the 1990s due to the decade-long civil war (1991 -2001). As a post-conflict economy moving toward becoming a transition economy, Sierra Leone seeks to integrate mining development into economic planning to ensure that it contributes to economic growth and poverty alleviation. However, the sector faces significant governance challenges in terms of contract awards and licensing; regulation and monitoring, mining cadastre; and collection of taxes and design of the minerals fiscal regime. The government has since 2005 implemented several legal, regulatory, fiscal and institutional reforms within the sector. Notwithstanding these reforms, the institutional capacity to manage the sector, negotiate agreements, enforce regulations, and monitor compliance remains weak. Other main constraints include:
(i) lack of transparency and accountability in the management of revenues generated from the mining sector; and
(ii) inadequate capacity in monitoring mining activities, mainly because of lack of field and laboratory equipments, as well as shortage of trained technical staff to carry out such activities. Sierra Leone launched in March 2010, the first EITI report on payments made by mining companies and revenue received by government from extractive sector for the fiscal year 2006-07. The report contains a number of recommendations for how the extractive industries revenue management can be improved over the next period. In August 2010, the SLEITI validation report was completed which acknowledge progress but also made comments and proposed specific remedial actions required in order for Sierra Leone to be an EITI compliant country. The project will provide technical and financial support to address the critical findings and recommendations from Sierra Leone EITI reconciliation and validation reports, and mining sector review.
Sub-component 3.1: Support to the Sierra Leone Extractive Industry Transparency Initiative (SL-EITI)
11. Planned Activities: This Support to the SL EITI Secretariat will involve the provision of technical and financial assistance to
(i) develop transparent systems for the collection and reporting of the revenues and payment from the extractive industries,
(ii) support to EITI information, education and communication activities, and
(iii) support to preparing EITI legislation (drafting, consultation and validation). In addition the project will support civil society participation and capacity building for multi-stakeholder dialogue and partnership on extractive industries, especially support to National Advocacy Coalition on Extractives (NACE) to undertake
(i) license and contract monitoring,
(ii) revenue and expenditure monitoring;
(iii) review of contract agreements and concessions to ensure compliance with the law and fiscal benefit for the country; and
(iii) in-country training, public awareness raising and sensitization campaigns directed at parliamentarians, local government councillors, paramount chiefs and chief administrators, women and youth groups, as well as civil society organizations on the need for improved transparency and accountability in the mining sector and the impact of mining on the environment.
12. Anticipated Results: The anticipated results will include the audit report and reconciliation report of the revenues from mining; and improved transparency of mining sector revenue and their collection as a result of the review of the concession agreements and contracts, and reporting systems of the revenues and payments from the extractive industries under the EITI. The training and sensitization provided will increase awareness of the population and civil organizations to engage in transparency and accountability of the extractive sector. The Bank's support will enable the country to attain EITI compliance status, and thereby attract investment and increase revenue from the mining sector in financing social and infrastructure projects.
Sub-component 2.2 Institutional Support to the Ministry of Mines and Mineral Resources and to the National Mining Agency (NMA)
13. Planned Activities: This sub component will complement the World Bank's Eextractive Industries Technical Assistance Project approved in May 2011 by providing additional support to the implementation of the Ministry of Mineral Resources Transformation Plan and the Establishment of a National Mining Agency (NMA). Specifically, support will be provided to
(i) establish a functional laboratory for the Geological Survey Department to effectively undertake surveys for mapping and resources assessment, to evaluate reports and manage geological data; and
(ii) strengthen human resource capacity of the institutions responsible for managing the mining sector. This involves technical assistance and provision of office equipment and post-graduate training for five geologists and one geo-chemist as well as laboratory technicians.
14. Anticipated Results: Through the support provided, the capability of the MMR and the NMA will be improved in terms of its role in monitoring the extractive industries which in turn will contribute to the increased revenues from the mining sector. The project will also contribute to establish a functional laboratory which reduces the costs of geological sampling analysis currently done in overseas and transparency in sector governance.
Component 3: Improving Business Enabling Environment for Private Sector Development.
15. Constraints and Challenges: The country has moved 13 positions upwards in the rankings of the World Bank's Doing Business scale, from 156 out of 183 countries in 2009 to 143 out of 183 economies in 2011. However, challenges still exist in the areas of registering a business, access to credit, enforcing contracts, closing a business, paying tax and trading across borders. Despite the recent improvement in the country's standing in terms of the World Bank's Doing Business (Technical Annex 8), the policy and institutional environment for private sector development continues to be constrained. The doing business report and growth diagnostics studies concluded that the private sector is confronted with several challenges including:
(i) poor infrastructure (electricity, roads, and transport);
(ii) lack of access to finance;
(iii) administrative barriers; and
(iv) lack of entrepreneurial and vocational skills. Government has put in place the necessary policy framework and reform strategy to promote private sector in Sierra Leone, however, capacity constraints are the major impediments to implementing the reforms. One of the major challenges is the weak implementation capacity of the Ministry of Trade and Industry and business associations to meaningfully engage with government and promote the role of the private sector in the economy. Challenges also exist with SME according the diagnostic studies (e.g. Enterprise Survey, 2009), the main obstacles identified by small and medium size enterprises were: access to finance, corruption, tax rate, electricity, as well as weak technical and operational capacity. The project attempts to address these challenges through three sub-components.
Sub-component 2.1: Strengthening Private Sector Development Institutions
16. Planned Activities: Under this sub-component, the project will support the private sector development institutions such as the Ministry of Trade and Industry(MoTI), Sierra Leone Investment and Export Promotion Agency (SLIEPA), Sierra Leone Chamber of Commerce (SLCC), and Sierra Leone Business Forum (SLBF) to better coordinate reform and program of private sector development In this respect, the project will support the
(i) establishment of the Private Sector Directorate (PSD) within the MoTI,
(ii) capacity building support to SLCC and SLBF to facilitate dialogue and effective engagement in fostering private sector development. The project will also provide:
(i) technical assistance in the form of short-term consultancy to undertake analytical and advisory services,
(ii) human resource capacity building through local training, workshops and seminars,
(iii) equipment and furniture, and
(iv) technical assistance to effectively implement a short to medium term doing business reform action plan, develop effective monitoring and evaluation system to track progress and reform implementation. It will also involve the formulation and launching of a nation-wide sensitization and communication campaign of the reforms already adopted.
17. Expected Results: A major result would be the creation of a strong Private Sector Directorate (PSD), capable of streamlining procedures for business registration and termination, and creating improved awareness of both investors and related public sector institutions on the Doing Business reforms. The training provided will build capacity in formulating appropriate private sector development policies and improve the capability for monitoring private sector growth and development. The anticipated results include improved business environment, and reduction in costs and risks of doing business in terms of administrative barriers relating to business registration, closing down businesses and reduction in time of trade across borders.
Sub-component 2.2: Support to Small and Medium Enterprises
18. Planned Activities: The project complement Bank's and other development partners efforts to private sector development including AfDB's support to Bank of Sierra Leone ( payment system development project, and FSF Pillar III support to financial sector development program), by focusing on provision of training to SMEs. The project involves
(i) training in the areas of business management, marketing, financial management and accounting, human resources management, and operations management;
(ii) technical assistance to assist government develop a model for business development in Sierra Leone. Attention will be given to gender in the selection of SMEs and prioritization of training needs to ensure that women entrepreneurs are benefitted from the project.
19. Anticipated Results: The study on Business Development Services will open new horizons of cooperation between SMEs and local business service providers. The training provided will also contribute to improved performance of SMEs.
Component 4: Project Management
20. The proposed project II will use the existing Integrated Project Administration Unit (IPAU) within MOFED. The IPAU has been instrumental in the successful implementation of ongoing donor funded projects in line with Aid Effectiveness principles of using government systems and avoid the use of parallel project implementation units. The Government and donors agreed to centralize the implementation of all PFM and donors funded capacity building projects through the IPAU. The project will contribute funds to enhance the financial and procurement functions of the IPAU without getting involved in determining and recruitment of staff required for the IPAU. The contribution from the ISP will be used to cover the costs of audit services, some of the running costs of the Unit and organize regular meetings and training sessions for the IPAU staff.
21. The expected output will be timely production and quality of financial and progress reports of the project, and improve the fiduciary environment including addressing the risk mitigation measures identified in Technical Annex B4. There will be a broader benefit in terms of institutional capacity to coordinate and implement reform projects
The project's broad development objective is to support the effort and plan of the Government to promote inclusive and sustainable economic growth and poverty reduction, through support to PFM reform and private sector development. The specific objectives are to
(i) strengthen transparency and accountability in the use of public resources through organizational and human resource capacity building of local councils and oversight and integrity institutions, and
(ii) promote private sector development through business enabling reform, and capacity building of Small and Medium Enterprises and private sector support institutions.
I1.2. Rationale for Bank's Involvement
1.2.1 The proposed project will build capacity of key institutions to deepen and implement reforms in Public Financial Management (PFM), extractive industries transparency and accountability, and private sector development. Since the end of the civil conflict, economic policies in Sierra Leone have focused on rebuilding the economy and laying the basis for long term growth. The Government of Sierra Leone has put in place the necessary policy and institutional framework to improve public financial management and private sector development in the country; however, challenges remain due to capacity constraints. The need for Bank's involvement is to sustain and build on the gains realized through previous interventions by both the Bank and other development partners. In this regard, the proposed project will continue supporting government's reform priorities that are critical for effective implementation of the PRSP II.
1.2.2 Achieving the strategic objective of the PRSP II requires building institutions and government systems based on accountability and transparency. This will requires:
(i) continued and deeper reforms to strengthen PFM to enhance local governance and decentralized service delivery; reduced corruption and greater accountability for the use of public funds;
(ii) strengthened capacity of the external audit and anti-corruption commission and enhanced oversight role; and
(iii) capacity building to foster transparency and accountability of extractive industries.
1.2.3 The project complements and adds value to Government and other development partners' efforts to meet the challenges faced by the country. The rationale for the project is three-fold: first, severe organizational weaknesses in the PFM institutions constitute one of the most critical constraints to development, poverty reduction and sustainable peace in Sierra Leone. Hence tackling these weaknesses is a priority for the Government and its development partners. Second, by strengthening the fiduciary systems in government institutions, the proposed project will also help to curb corruption and leakage in public funds. Third, the project will help consolidate gains in financial and economic governance reform supported under the previous project and ongoing PFM reform.
1.2.4 The 2010 PEFA report indicates that donors' support to PFM has been concentrated on PFM reforms at central government and in particular Ministry of Finance and Economic Development. Consequently, the Bank and government agreed to increase focus on local government PFM system improvement in view of the ongoing decentralization process and increased fiscal transfer to local councils (for example: over 15% of the 2011 national budget is allocated for local councils.. The PRSP II has identified corruption as a key challenge for Sierra Leone, in both reality and perception. The enactment of the Anti-Corruption Act (2008) devolved prosecution powers to the Anti-corruption Commission, without the prior consent of the Attorney-General and Minister of Justice . Government has put in place Anti-corruption Strategy to accelerate and deepen reform. Additional support to Audit Service Sierra Leone (ASSL) and Anti-corruption Commission (ACC) will strengthen the external oversight function which is essential for reducing fiduciary risks and inspiring confidence in the government's use of funds.
1.2.5 The medium-term economic development potential from the mineral sector is much greater than that of any other sector in the Sierra Leonean economy. To realize this potential, there are a number of institutional constraints within the Ministry of Mineral Resources and associated institutions that need to be addressed. Recent reviews of the mineral sector by the World Bank has identified a range of institutional reforms and capacity building programs that need to be implemented if Sierra Leone is to attract the investment necessary to provide economic benefits to the government and the people of the country. A new Mines and Minerals Act came into effect in January 2010, and the Ministry of Mineral Resources Transformation Plan envisages establishing an autonomous National Minerals Agency (NMA). The legislation for the creation of the NMA has been drafted, and is expected to be enacted into law before the end of 2011. The rationale for the Bank's involvement in the Extractive Industries is mainly to support Government's reform agenda in the mining sector which is key to future growth and poverty reduction prospects in Sierra Leone. Another rationale for the Bank's involvement within the extractive industries is to assist Sierra Leone in improving transparency and accountability in the management of public revenues generated from the mineral resources. Towards this end the country became an EITI candidate in 2008, and has developed a two-year EITI work plan. In view of this, it is important to support implementation of the extractive industries transparency initiative to enable Sierra Leone become an EITI compliant country.
1.2.6 Private sector-led economic growth is a cornerstone of the Government's poverty reduction strategy. The private sector is expected to be the major engine of growth while the government will focus on maintaining peace and security, ensuring rule of law, providing basic infrastructure and promoting human development. The Doing Business Report and Growth Diagnostics Studies concluded that the private sector is confronted with several challenges including:
(i) poor infrastructure (electricity, roads, and transport);
(ii) lack of access to finance;
(iii) administrative barriers; and
(iv) lack of entrepreneurial and vocational skills. In tackling these challenges, the Government has formulated and is currently implementing the Private Sector Development Strategy (2009-2014). The strategy has five inter-related objectives:
(i) promoting and supporting entrepreneurship,
(iii) reducing the cost and risk of doing business,
(iii) increasing access to finance,
(iv) making markets work better, and
(v) providing adequate infrastructure. The Government has also developed specific reform action plan to establish business enabling environment to help diversify the economy over time and create jobs for the poor. The project will complement ongoing capacity building program supported by development partners by focusing on implementation of the doing business reform plan, and small and micro-enterprises (SMEs) to develop entrepreneurial skills, and linking up with financial institutions and large firms to better access credit and market respectively.
1.2.7 The proposed PFMBESP complements the AfDB's Economic Governance Reform Program (EGRP II) as presented in Technical Annex A1. The EGRP supports institutional reforms in the area public expenditure management, and mining sector. The proposed PFMBESP complements the EGRP II through capacity building of local government councils and accountability institutions (e.g. ASSL, ACC, and EITI). The project will contribute towards improving budget execution at local councils and thereby improve local governance and service delivery. By strengthening the capacity of ASSL and ACC, the proposed project will help also to address the risks mitigation measures identified in the EGRP II and enhance development outcomes.
Expected/designed cross-cutting focus/benefits. The project will enhance government capacity to implement reform (PFM and business enabling) and manage public resources efficiently and effectively. This will strengthen and leverage the impact of budget support on delivery of services, and poverty reduction more broadly through increasing efficiency and effectiveness of resource allocation and execution in line with the policy. Strengthening anti-corruption activities will also reduce risks and improve development outcome of the budget support program. Reform measures aimed at improving business climate and support to SMEs will create more jobs and income to the unemployed youth, and women in the country. The project will incorporates gender issues in capacity building activities including training of women entrepreneurs and civil servants as well as local council training on gender budgeting. In addition, the proposed project will have no adverse impact on the environment rather it will make positive contribution through improving the monitoring capacity of the National Mining Agency to assess potential risks and mitigation of adverse impacts of mining operations, including environmental and social impacts
In focusing on institutions involved in public financial management and private sector development, the direct beneficiaries are: the Ministry of Finance and Economic Development (MoFED), and the nineteen local government and town councils, the Auditor General (ASSL), the Anti-Corruption Commission (ACC), the Ministry of Trade and Industry (MoTI), the SL EITI, the Ministry of Mining and Mineral Resources, the Investment and Export Promotion Agency (SLIEPA), the Chamber of Commerce (SLCC), and the Standards Bureau (SLSB).The indirect beneficiaries are the general population who will benefit from improved PFM and enhanced fiscal space for pro-poor social service delivery; as well as private sector actors who will benefit from improved business environment.
Key contacts
BANDIAKY Julien - OSGE1
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Staybridge Suites Omaha 80th and Dodge
The Staybridge Suites Omaha 80th and Dodge is conveniently located to offer the best of Omaha. Our suites are the perfect option for leisure and business travelers alike, with convenient proximity to the Children's Hospital, University of NE Omaha, Nebraska Medical Center, Methodist Hospital, Bergan Mercy Hospital and many other businesses and institutions. At Staybridge Suites, we offer you all the comforts of home, along with service that is sure to impress. Our staff is highly trained to ensure that your stay is comfortable, convenient and unforgettable.
Each suite includes a fully equipped kitchen, so you can feel a bit more at home whether for an extended stay or for a quick trip. Of course, there's no need to cook breakfast, as our daily free hot breakfast buffet is a favorite among our guests. On Monday-Wednesday evenings, enjoy a complimentary meal and evening beverages at our Evening Social Reception. Our expanded Fitness Center, indoor pool and free laundry facilities cater to all visitors, while our free high-speed Internet is a must for business travelers.
Be sure to ask a friendly member of our staff about Omaha's sites and experiences. Among our favorite are the Joslyn Art Museum, Lauritzen Gardens, the Old Market and Omaha's Henry Doorly Zoo. Experience Omaha by dining at one of our local restaurants with several great options within walking distance of the hotel. We look forward to taking care of you during your next stay.
Quick Info
- Check In: 3:00 PM
- Check Out: 12:00 PM
- Minimum Check-In Age: 21
- Late Check Out Available
- Parking: Free
- Print Fact sheet
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Hotel Highlights
- On-site Guest Self-Laundry Facilities
- Housekeeping Full Service
- Complimentary Breakfast Buffet
- Standard Wireless Internet service is free for all members
- On-Site Fitness Center Available
- Complimentary Shuttle Available
Guest Reviews
Overall Experience
Okay but not great.
January 21, 2017
Staff was friendly and helpful. Amenities were plentiful. Room was not as clean as I would hope. Refrigerator had funny smell. Couch was old and cushions were torn. Social hour was fish and chips so much of the hotel smelled like fish.
Good hotel
January 15, 2017
Super nice, clean, good price
free breakfast,and laundry facility
friendly staff
highly recommended
Awesome hotel!
January 11, 2017
This hotel is great especially if you are traveling with your family. The rooms are like your home, spacious and well-equipped with your everyday needs. Staybridge provides your entertainment and fitness needs finishing with an awesome breakfast in the morning! Totally will recommend to anyone!
Great stay
January 11, 2017
Location is convenient and close to hospitals. Stayed while family was having surgery at UNMC. Very pleased with our experience.