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Backgrounder #2530 on International Conflicts
March 15, 2011
March 15, 2011 | Backgrounder on International Conflicts
Abstract: The U.S. faces difficult and ongoing challenges in Afghanistan. There have been setbacks, delays, and stumbling blocks in the fight against al-Qaeda and the Taliban, but now is not the time to begin large-scale troop withdrawals or to cut civilian aid programs. By deploying 30,000 additional troops last year, the U.S. has begun to achieve military gains, particularly in the Taliban's traditional strongholds in the South. The Obama Administration must now focus on leading a process of genuine political reconciliation—with help from Pakistan—to stabilize Afghanistan and reduce the chances that the country will once again become a safe haven for terrorists. Two of The Heritage Foundation's top experts on defense and Afghanistan explain how the current U.S. counterinsurgency strategy in Afghanistan has a good chance of succeeding if fully resourced and given the appropriate amount of time.
The 30,000 additional U.S. troops deployed to Afghanistan last year are beginning to make a difference in the direction of the war. The White House Review on Afghanistan released last December indicated that the additional troops have helped the U.S. and coalition forces to begin to uproot the Taliban from some of their traditional strongholds in southern Afghanistan. Intensified U.S. efforts to train Afghan security forces are also paying dividends, and Afghan forces are strengthening their role in security operations and even taking the lead in many areas.
While the U.S. and coalition forces have made military progress in the crucial southern provinces of Helmand and Kandahar, it remains to be seen whether local civilian government can sustain itself over time. Since fighting inevitably slows in the winter months, some of the gains may be partially attributable to a conscious temporary retreat by the Taliban.
In order to build on these tentative military gains, the Obama Administration must take a stronger leadership role in driving political reconciliation in Afghanistan, intensify efforts to work with Pakistan to deny the Taliban sanctuary there, and bolster diplomatic efforts that encourage regional support for a stable, peaceful, and unified Afghanistan that is inhospitable to international terrorists.
With the recent appointment of veteran diplomat Ambassador Marc Grossman as the new Senior Representative for Afghanistan and Pakistan, there is an opportunity for the U.S. to push more aggressively for a political solution that prevents Afghanistan from sliding into civil war or reverting to its status as a haven for international terrorists. Such a political solution will not be possible, however, if the U.S. begins large-scale troop withdrawals this summer or substantially cuts funding for U.S. civilian and aid operations that are necessary to build support for a peaceful, stable Afghanistan.
Dropping Dangerous Deadlines
The Administration's decision to shift emphasis from the July 2011 date for the beginning of U.S. troop withdrawals and highlight 2014 as the end of combat operations in Afghanistan was a welcome course correction. The Administration seems finally to have accepted that repeatedly talking about a July 2011 withdrawal date was unhelpful to the overall strategy.
But senior Administration officials must be unequivocal in their statements on dropping the 2011 withdrawal date to fully dispel the perception, both in the region and among coalition partners, that America is losing its will to fight. They should demonstrate full support for NATO and U.S. forces Commander in Afghanistan General David Petraeus's counterinsurgency strategy in order to undo the damage caused by the specter of a premature U.S. withdrawal that lingered in the region last year. As the International Crisis Group noted in a November 2010 report, "Whatever policy there was has been totally undercut by [President Barack] Obama's call for a July 2011 drawdown, which erased any belief on the ground that there was a commitment to stay the course."[1]
The uncertainty created by the timeline complicated U.S. efforts to work with Afghan President Hamid Karzai, who lost faith in the U.S. as a reliable partner. Another devastating result of the July 2011 drawdown announcement was to weaken Pakistan's resolve to fight extremists on its territory. The announcement of a withdrawal date discouraged Pakistan from breaking ties with its former Taliban proxies, on whom it believes it would need to rely in the event that coalition forces depart the region prematurely.[2] Downplaying the arbitrary July 2011 timeline for U.S. military withdrawal from Afghanistan will bolster the counterinsurgency campaign in Afghanistan and increase the chances of convincing Pakistan to shift its calculations on how best to ensure protection of its own regional security interests.
Aligning U.S. and Pakistani Goals in Afghanistan
Even with more time on the clock, increasing U.S.–Pakistan cooperation in denying the Taliban safe haven on Pakistani territory is no easy task. Pakistani military leaders play for high stakes with their Afghanistan policy, and they are well aware that the U.S. is highly dependent on supply lines that run through Pakistan. Furthermore, the U.S. relies on Pakistan for valuable counterterrorism cooperation and has a vested interest in ensuring that the nuclear-armed state does not further destabilize. Thus, the U.S. finds itself in a catch-22 situation in which it requires Pakistani cooperation to fight terrorism but fears pushing the Pakistani authorities too hard on the issue because such pressure could tip the balance in favor of hard-line anti-American forces.
The Afghan strategy review reveals significant gains against al-Qaeda's core leadership in Pakistan's tribal areas, thanks to an intensified drone campaign that has eliminated key leaders and disrupted the terrorists' ability to operate and train for attacks. Pakistani military operations in parts of the tribal border areas have also helped to degrade the overall militant threat in the region.
Pakistan has deployed some 140,000 troops along the border with Afghanistan and has suffered more than 2,500 casualties in military operations over the past five years. Throughout the country, the Pakistani population continues to suffer incessant terrorist attacks that claimed nearly 3,000 lives in 2010 alone. Nevertheless, there are indications that Pakistan's government continues to support the Afghan Taliban and is reluctant to take on Taliban-allied militants like the Jalaluddin Haqqani network in North Waziristan.
Differences between Washington and Islamabad over how to approach the militant sanctuaries in the tribal areas continue to create tension in the relationship. In congressional testimony last year, General Petraeus provided an assessment of the situation along the border between Afghanistan and Pakistan, describing the region as a terrorist safe haven occupied by al-Qaeda, the Taliban, and a "syndicate of militant groups" that are fighting against the people and governments of Afghanistan and Pakistan.[3]
Pakistani leaders take a slightly different and less urgent view of the challenges in the region. Rather than viewing the various groups as connected and thus posing an existential threat to the country, Pakistani military strategists are more worried about India trying to encircle Pakistan by gaining influence in Afghanistan. They calculate that the Taliban and the Haqqani network offer the best chance of countering India's regional influence.
When asked last summer about the potential for Pakistan to take major military operations to North Waziristan (al-Qaeda and the Haqqani network's base), Muhammad Amir Rana, director of the Pak Institute for Peace Studies in Islamabad, told The Washington Post that this was unlikely since the status quo in the tribal areas works in Pakistan's favor. He said that Pakistan had an agreement with these groups and that they had refrained from conducting terrorist attacks inside Pakistan. Indeed, Rana indicated, the terrorists could be Pakistan's allies in Afghanistan at some point in the future, so it made no sense for the military to take them on at this point. The spokesman for Pakistan's military, Athar Abbas, provided different reasoning for Pakistan's ambivalence toward dealing with the terrorist base in North Waziristan, indicating the Pakistani military feared taking on too many fronts at once.[4]
However, Pakistani security officials' ambivalence toward some terrorist groups is putting them at a disadvantage when trying to stabilize and strengthen Pakistan's internal security. According to a report published by the Combating Terrorism Center at West Point, there is evidence of cooperation at the tactical level between factions of the Pakistani Taliban (which has conducted numerous suicide attacks throughout Pakistan since 2007) and factions of the Afghan insurgency. The report also notes evidence of Haqqani network members cooperating with the Pakistani Taliban to conduct kidnappings, which result in profits that the Pakistani Taliban likely uses to attack military and civilian targets in Pakistan.[5] These groups clearly see it in their interests to collaborate. Thus, the Pakistan military's policy of making distinctions among the various militant groups translates into a strategic blunder that has compromised Pakistan's military and, even more so, the stability of the state.
It is too early to tell what impact U.S. and coalition progress in Afghanistan may have on Pakistani calculations with regard to the Taliban and related militant networks. U.S. policymakers expect that coalition gains in Afghanistan will encourage Pakistan to crack down on the Taliban elements on their side of the border, but this may be wishful thinking. Given that the India factor is what largely drives Pakistani support for these groups, Islamabad may allow Taliban and other militants to retreat onto Pakistani territory.
Some analysts suggest that it is possible to make significant progress in Afghanistan without uprooting Taliban sanctuaries on Pakistan's side of the border. Such Afghan progress would likely be unsustainable over time, however. Only a decisive shift in the Pakistani security forces' posture toward the militant groups to one of "comprehensive intolerance" can ensure that any progress in Afghanistan is long-term.
The U.S. Should Drive Reconciliation
The Obama Administration must actively counter the perception that the U.S. is war-weary and ready to strike a grand bargain with the Taliban. Such perceptions weaken the U.S. position in the region and dampen prospects for the counterinsurgency strategy's overall success. The U.S. must instead continue to assert a vision for the region that strengthens those who support democracy, human rights, and religious pluralism and weakens those who adhere to destructive, extremist ideologies.
The debacle in which President Karzai, with support from NATO, was duped into negotiating with a Taliban impostor last fall demonstrates that the U.S. and coalition strategy for political reconciliation is still at the early stages and requires more serious attention. Media reports from last November indicate that a Pakistani shopkeeper from Quetta claimed to be Akthar Mohammad Mansour, the second-ranking Taliban commander after Mullah Omar, and met with President Karzai to discuss possible peace negotiations. The impostor was apparently flown to Kabul on British military aircraft and paid large sums of money before Afghan officials determined his true identity.[6]
There has been speculation in the media that the U.S. is engaged in direct, secret talks with the Taliban.[7] On February 18 of this year, Secretary of State Hillary Clinton provided a clear-cut choice to the Taliban: "Break ties with al-Qaeda, give up your arms, and abide by the Afghan constitution and you can rejoin Afghan society; refuse and you will continue to face the consequences of being tied to al-Qaeda as an enemy of the international community." Providing further hints about U.S. expectations from any negotiations, Clinton stated that:
All parties will have to commit to a pluralistic system that respects the human rights of every Afghan…. We will not abandon our values or support a political process that undoes the social progress that has been made in the past decade…. [T]he potential for sustainable peace would be subverted, if women are silenced or marginalized.[8]
While the Afghan government should take the lead in any negotiations with the Taliban and Pakistan, the U.S. must be actively involved in the reconciliation process. There are concerns in Afghanistan about the bilateral track of negotiations between Islamabad and Kabul. President Karzai's efforts to promote reconciliation have been somewhat inconsistent and threaten to inflame ethnic tensions among groups who fear that he will not protect their interests.[9] There is a widespread perception that Karzai's firing last summer of two senior government officials, Amrullah Saleh and Hanif Atmar, was at the behest of Islamabad, which viewed them as obstructionist and anti-Pakistan.[10] Pakistan believes that ethnic Tajiks and other members of the former "Northern Alliance" in the Afghan government receive support from New Delhi and that India foments separatism in Pakistan's Baluchistan province through its Afghan consulates near the Pakistan border.
As the U.S. drives a genuine reconciliation process, it should continue to encourage the broader Afghan–Pakistani peace track. In early January, Afghanistan's High Peace Council, led by former Afghan President Burhanuddin Rabbani, visited Pakistan, where Rabbani met with Pakistani Chief of Army Staff General Ashfaq Kayani. During his visit, Rabbani struck a conciliatory tone, declaring that "no third country would be allowed to damage Afghanistan–Pakistan relations" and that Afghans "would never allow their soil to be used against Pakistan." The recent ratification of the long-pending Afghanistan–Pakistan Transit Trade Agreement is a major milestone in beginning to normalize relations between the two countries.[11] The agreement is expected to increase trade and investment opportunities in both countries.
Addressing Pakistani regional security concerns vis-à-vis India will necessarily be part of any reconciliation process. Asia specialist Dan Twining recommends establishing a transparent system of agreed-upon red lines to govern how India and Pakistan exercise influence in Afghanistan.[12] Now that their official dialogue has resumed, there is an opportunity for Islamabad and New Delhi to start a serious discussion on Afghanistan.
Pakistani claims about growing Indian influence in Afghanistan are often overstated. Moreover, Pakistani officials' complaints about India's burgeoning role in Afghanistan overlook the fact that India has legitimate security interests in Afghanistan and the right to extend its influence in the country. Indeed, India's support for building up Afghanistan's democratic institutions and economic infrastructure contributes to the U.S. and NATO's goal of stabilizing the country over the long term. Still, a sustained and multifaceted Indo–Pakistani dialogue that includes Afghanistan as a topic of discussion could help to defuse tensions and reduce Pakistani fears of India's regional influence.
Splitting the Taliban from al-Qaeda: Pakistani Cooperation Needed
The fundamental question is whether the Taliban and al-Qaeda can be split apart after supporting each other on the battlefield for the past several years. The Taliban have benefited significantly from their relationship with al-Qaeda, receiving strategic direction and ideological inspiration, access to international financial networks, and recruits and training for suicide attacks inside Afghanistan.[13]
Some indications point to a Taliban leadership that has become so fused with al-Qaeda and its virulently anti-West, pan-Islamic ideology that it would be nearly impossible for the leadership to break those ties without losing its raison d'être.[14] Other analysts argue, however, that the Taliban and al-Qaeda have differing goals and ideologies and that friction exists between them.[15]
Officials within Pakistan's military and Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) agency likely understand better than anyone else how to break apart the Taliban–Haqqani–al-Qaeda nexus. ISI has had close relationships with members of these groups for three decades and likely has a well-developed understanding of the dynamics among the organizations and the strengths and weaknesses of each of the groups' leaders. As Secretary Clinton noted on February 18, "For reconciliation to succeed, Pakistan will have to be part of the process. It will have to respect Afghan sovereignty and work with Afghanistan to improve regional stability."[16]
The Other Regional Players
While the U.S. seeks to convince Pakistan to crack down on the Taliban and related extremists, it should also work with other regional players interested in Afghan stability, particularly the Central Asian states, India, Russia, and China. Some analysts argue that, given the history of outside interference in Afghanistan, a regional solution involving these other nations is the only way to guarantee stability in the country over the long run.
Washington must also continue to build up the Northern Distribution Network (NDN) in order to reduce its dependence on Pakistani territory as a means of resupply for U.S. troops in Afghanistan.[17] The NDN currently supports the transit of about half of all resupply cargo to Afghanistan.[18] The U.S. has already opened five supply routes from countries north of Afghanistan, and a more robust dialogue with Russia could help the U.S. to secure even more routes through the north, thus reducing its dependence on Pakistan.[19]
Central Asian States. The Central Asian republics by and large support the U.S. goal of promoting stability in Afghanistan, but each country has varied in the degree to which it offers its territory to facilitate U.S. logistics and supply into Afghanistan. Russian pressure to limit U.S. presence in Eurasia and American support for human rights and democracy are the defining factors that limit the Central Asian regimes' cooperation with the U.S.
After first having shut down the American air base at Karshi-Khanabad in 2005 after the Andijian Revolt, the Uzbek government agreed in 2009 to allow U.S. non-military supplies to pass through Uzbekistan to Afghanistan. Uzbekistan is also extending its rail system to Mazar-e-Sharif and sending electricity to Kabul.[20]
Kyrgyzstan's President Kurmanbek Bakiyev forced the U.S. to triple its payment for use of its Manas Air Base near Bishkek in 2009 after going back on a promise to Moscow to shut down the base altogether. Moscow repeatedly pressured Kyrgyzstan to shut down Manas, or at least control the fuel supply to the base. The base is used for transport, refueling, and supply. Kazakhstan and Turkmenistan allow U.S. overflight for humanitarian missions.
Russia . Russia is critical to establishing an effective Northern Distribution Network. Moscow has an interest in seeing a stable Afghanistan in which Islamist extremism is contained. Russian territory has been targeted by Islamist extremists and terrorists that receive foreign financing and training.
At the same time, Moscow's deeply held resentment at being defeated by the U.S.-supported mujahideen in Afghanistan in the 1980s and its suspicions of current NATO involvement in the region affect its calculations on Afghanistan policy.[21] Russia considers the Central Asian states its "exclusive sphere of national interests," to use President Dmitry Medvedev's term, and is generally opposed to these countries negotiating separate deals with the U.S. During the 2009 Obama–Medvedev summit, Russia agreed to allow overflight of its territory for U.S. weapons transports to Afghanistan.
India . India has consciously strengthened its traditionally cordial ties to Afghanistan over the past six years and is now a major donor for the country's reconstruction, pledging over $1.3 billion. New Delhi has developed a wide array of political contacts and provided assistance for the new parliament building, a major highway in Nimruz Province, and a major electricity project in Kabul. India has invested in the Iranian port at Charbahar to gain trading access to Afghanistan, given Pakistani reluctance to allow Indian goods to transit Pakistan.
An estimated 4,000 Indians are working on development projects in Afghanistan. India has sent about 500 Indo–Tibetan border police to guard its workers. There have been four major attacks on Indian interests in Afghanistan in the past two and a half years, including a 2008 suicide bombing of the embassy that killed two senior Indian officials and reportedly was backed by Pakistani intelligence and an attack on a guesthouse in Kabul in 2010 that killed seven Indian citizens. Indian officials blamed the Pakistan-based Lashkar-e-Tayyiba terrorist group for that attack.
China . While China is wary of a long-term U.S. military presence in the region, the volatile situation with its Muslim Uighur population in the western Xinjiang province bordering Afghanistan plays a role in its policy toward Kabul. China won a $3.5 billion contract to develop the Aynak copper field in Afghanistan in 2008, marking the largest foreign direct investment in the country's history.
The Chinese government is reportedly "studying" the U.S. proposal for Beijing to participate in the Northern Distribution Network.[22] While China has shown commercial interest in Afghanistan and may be willing to increase its economic stake in the country, thus facilitating economic development and stabilization, Beijing has been unwilling to assist U.S. and NATO forces directly.
Saudi Arabia . Saudi Arabia has a long history of involvement in Afghanistan. The Saudis provided significant financial support to the mujahideen in the 1980s. Riyadh also supported the Taliban when they controlled Afghanistan in the mid-to-late 1990s and was one of only three countries, including Pakistan and the United Arab Emirates, to recognize the Taliban government officially.
The Saudis and the U.S. have differing goals in Afghanistan; the Saudis would support an Islamic government that enforces strict moral codes and thus would likely not share U.S. concerns about ethnic minority and women's rights.[23] The Saudis are preoccupied with denying Iran influence in Afghanistan and view with suspicion any Iranian involvement in the country. U.S. engagement with Saudi Arabia on Afghanistan has been limited primarily to stemming illicit money flows to the Taliban, although there are indications that the U.S. is seeking to raise Afghanistan as a higher priority in its bilateral discussions with Saudi officials in an effort to leverage Saudi Arabia's influence in the region.[24]
Iran . There is good reason to believe that Iran does not want a stable U.S.-aligned Afghanistan to emerge from the current fighting. Such a state would be an obstacle to the establishment of Iranian regional hegemony and could assist possible future efforts to undermine the Iranian regime.
U.S. Defense Secretary Robert Gates has accused Iran of playing a "double game" of both supporting the Afghan government and providing assistance to the Taliban, while Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Admiral Mike Mullen acknowledged last year that a "significant shipment of weapons" had moved from Iran into Kandahar.[25] These accusations show that Iran is carefully watching the action unfolding in Afghanistan and is looking for an opportunity to expel American influence and increase its regional geopolitical profile. Former U.S. Ambassador to Afghanistan Zhamay Khalilzad says that Iran may use western Afghanistan as a "bargaining chip" if conflict should erupt over its nuclear ambitions.[26]
At the same time, Iran is worried about Sunni extremism, hostile warlords, and cross-border drug-trafficking and has taken action to protect its porous border with Afghanistan.[27] Afghanistan's opium trade has helped to create an estimated 4 million to 5 million Iranian drug addicts. Iran therefore has a vested interest in cooperating with the Afghan government to secure the border and reduce drug smuggling, but Tehran would prefer a weak and pliable Afghan government that would be open to Iranian influence. For this reason, it would like to see a U.S. military defeat in Afghanistan and a United Nations–led effort to stabilize the country, thus minimizing U.S. influence in the region.
Progress on Training Afghan Forces
The creation of a functional, non-corrupt security apparatus is essential for a successful counterinsurgency strategy and the long-term creation of an Afghan identity. Stepped-up U.S. and coalition efforts to train Afghan forces have put the country on track to meet the target of 171,000 soldiers and 134,000 police by October 2011.
However, in order to shift responsibility for the country's security fully to the Afghans, NATO has had to confront the daunting prospect of generating a professional Afghan National Security Force (ANSF) almost from scratch. The challenge of standing up a new self-sustaining army, police force, border force, air force, and paramilitary-style police force has been complicated by Afghanistan's extraordinarily low literacy rates and years of brutal Taliban rule during which professional skills and judicial rule were practically nonexistent.
Initial training efforts were beset by what the commander of the recently established NATO Training Mission-Afghanistan (NTM-A), General William Caldwell, described as "a lack of unity of effort."[28] In 2001, Germany assumed responsibility for leading police reform but grossly underestimated the systemic corruption and chronic illiteracy rates among police recruits. With too few trainers and limited resources, Germany's initial efforts did not produce meaningful results. Since 2001, the United Nations, the U.S. Department of Defense, the European Union, individual European nations, and Provincial Reconstruction Teams have all staked a claim in the training of the Afghan National Army (ANA) or the Afghan National Police (ANP), each with separate training standards and separate instructions from their national capitals.
The NTM-A was established on November 21, 2009, to address this lack of unity and to take charge of the 19 countries involved in training all branches of the ANSF. Although some national contingents—such as the German police training mission in Mazar-e-Sharif or the EU Police (EUPOL) Training Mission-Afghanistan—will not subsume their efforts under the command of the NTM-A for political or constitutional reasons, NTM-A is at least coordinating national contributions and directing training missions in a less duplicative fashion. It has created a program to "train the trainers" and has established a streamlined program of instruction on basic soldiering and police skills so that all trainers can teach a single curriculum.
However, General Caldwell states that he is still discovering separate training programs across the country that do not coordinate with NTM-A. This undermines NATO's effort to bring coherence to this huge endeavor.[29]
Upon its establishment in November 2009, NTM-A outlined a two-pronged strategy. First, it concentrated on force-generation issues—recruiting sufficient numbers of trainees to form a credible national army and national police force. Second, NTM-A turned its attention to the professionalization of the ANSF—investing in leadership development to create an Afghan officer class, which is necessary to sustain the force over the long term.
Police. The scale of the challenge of training a professional police force was outlined by General Caldwell last September when he noted that most police recruits had never driven a vehicle or loaded a gun.[30] Illiteracy is a major problem as recruits are unable to read even basic numbers, let alone take statements and file intelligence reports. Since the ANP and the Afghan National Civil Order Police (ANCOP)[31] are also bearing the brunt of the insurgency in many areas—with leave periods haphazard and unpredictable—attrition rates present a huge obstacle to the growth of the ANP. Current attrition rates are 47 percent for the ANP[32] and as high as 70 percent for ANCOP.[33]
In 2007, the European Union took over German-led training of the Afghan police. Over the past decade, the EU has stated that civilian training missions are the types of missions that are perfectly suited to its Common Security and Defense Policy. However, in February 2011, Britain's House of Lords European Union Committee released a damning report on the €54.6 million ($75.6 million) per year EUPOL mission, stating that it is at real risk of failing.[34] Echoing criticisms from a 2008 NATO Parliamentary Assembly report,[35] the House of Lords concluded that EUPOL-Afghanistan was too small, too bureaucratic, too disconnected from NATO, too geographically restricted (largely to Kabul), and unlikely to succeed in its overall mission of achieving a literate, non-corrupt Afghan police force. The report states that:
[Training Afghan police] was an opportunity for Europe to pull its weight in Afghanistan in a discipline and skills area where it had great expertise. In this, despite the dedication and risks taken by those on the ground, the EU's Member States have not yet succeeded. Not only was the resource allocation of 400 staff in practice woefully inadequate for this important task, [but] the fact that even those numbers have never been met has undermined the reputation of the mission. As military withdrawal deadlines approach, the dedication of much more resources will be necessary if the mission is to be able to achieve its aims. This has been a troubled mission undertaking a vital task in the reconstruction of Afghanistan. Despite achieving local successes, overall there is a strong risk of failure.[36]
As a result, NTM-A has taken the lead for Afghan National Police training. It has begun by investing significant resources in improving literacy skills and marksmanship among ANP recruits.[37] Recruits are now required to complete 64 hours of mandatory literacy instruction. In 2011, the nongovernmental organization (NGO) community and the United Nations will need to provide more literacy teachers if this effort is to be successful. Mobile police-training teams are also being deployed into the field to "back-train" previous recruits who have not had the levels of training required of new recruits. This puts greater pressure on already overburdened NATO trainers, interpreters, literacy teachers, and other key enablers.
NTM-A has begun slowly to chip away at the rampant corruption that has scarred prior police training. For example, the fuel used in police cars is dyed so that it can be easily identified if it is stolen; a portion of the recruit's paycheck is sent directly to his family so that it cannot be stolen by corrupt commanders; the location of a recruit's training is determined by lottery rather than by bribe; police pay has been increased and is equivalent to that of ANA recruits; policemen who work in the more dangerous areas of the country receive hazardous duty pay; rotational leave has been introduced so that policemen can now predict break periods more accurately; and as the ANP grows in numbers, time can now be set aside for additional training periods for more advanced recruits.
General Caldwell states that ANP professionalism will develop only when there is an attitudinal change among recruits: when they feel they are a professional group of law enforcement officials working in the service of their country. Mentoring ANP recruits once they are deployed is important to enforce standards in the field and raise the professionalism of the service. Additional Police Operational Mentor and Liaison Teams (POMLTs) are desperately needed to guide new recruits who have completed their training. Complementing recruits' training with long-term career development and training in officer candidate school and established institutions is another element of creating a self-sustaining force.
The current goals for the ANP are 120,000 police by March 2011 and 134,000 by October 2011. Outlining his specific needs in order to fulfill this goal, Caldwell has called for more training centers across the country, greater direction from the Afghan Ministry of Interior, and a stronger officer class within the ranks of the ANP.[38]
To train a professional Afghan police force, NTM-A needs police-training centers throughout the country, not just those restricted to the relative safe-zone of Kabul and staffed with qualified police instructors provided by individual European governments. Contractors who have been recruited to backfill gaps in NTM-A requirements are not a long-term alternative to the high-quality European trainers who have operational experience. NTM-A also needs trainers to commit to longer rotations so that they can mentor recruits into the field. The short-term deployments for many NATO member states have hampered the continuity of training by the NTM-A.
Army. NATO is expanding the Afghan National Army at a phenomenal rate, and ANA training has been a greater success than ANP training has been. It is estimated that development of the ANA is 18 months ahead of development of the ANP, with far lower attrition rates.[39] Once again, however, the greatest challenge for the NTM-A is the shortage of trainers from International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) members. Europe has not sent nearly as many trainers as the U.S. expected or requested, and President Obama has mirrored former President George W. Bush's repeated requests for additional trainers from his NATO partners. Far too much training is performed by contractors because of a shortage of NATO-supplied trainers. However, contractors have not performed to the levels necessary to create a self-sustaining ANA.[40]
Afghan soldiers receive approximately $165 per month and up to $240 per month in hazardous areas such as Helmand.[41] NTM-A has focused on improving basic soldiering skills as well as on improving leadership development.[42] All recruits receive literacy and weapons training, after which some recruits are selected for greater professional development. As with the ANP, NTM-A wants to inculcate "an ethos of service and loyalty" through professional-development facilities, such as the National Military Academy of Afghanistan.[43]
Again, mentoring in the field is essential to holding new recruits accountable and aiding them through the initial transition from recruit to soldier. Battle-tested soldiers who have served in war zones are able to mentor units from the schoolroom to the battlefield and do "on-the-job" training. More Operational Mentor and Liaison Teams (OMLTs) are therefore needed, as well as new equipment and combat enablers such as surveillance and reconnaissance teams, explosives ordnance disposal experts, and medical personnel.
Vital Steps for the U.S.
In order to build on the recent security gains, the U.S. must energize a political strategy for Afghanistan that is supported by Pakistan and other key regional players. The U.S. must also maintain momentum in training Afghan security forces and refine its aid strategies in the region. More specifically, the U.S. should:
Sharpen diplomacy toward Pakistan. The Administration must make it a priority to develop a strategy that will align the U.S. and Pakistani visions for the future of Afghanistan more closely. The U.S. can do this only if it demonstrates a willingness to make a long-term commitment to the region. Any progress on the Afghan battlefield will not be sustainable over the long term unless there is a decisive shift in the Pakistani security forces' posture toward the militant groups on their side of the border to one of "comprehensive intolerance."
As part of this effort, the U.S. must demonstrate that a continuing Pakistani policy of supporting the Afghan Taliban and Jalaluddin Haqqani network will come at a cost to Pakistan's foreign policy interests. The U.S. must be willing to use its leverage with Pakistan—both America's influence on global opinion toward Pakistan and its substantial economic and military aid—to convince the Pakistani military to shift its strategy in Afghanistan so that it does not invest in the Taliban and instead develops political alternatives. Washington should make clear to Islamabad that it is prepared to devote substantial military, economic, and diplomatic resources to both Afghanistan and Pakistan to prevent the return of a Taliban-dominated Afghanistan. Washington must make equally clear that it is prepared to withdraw assistance to Islamabad if Pakistan fails to demonstrate commitment to the same goal.
The U.S. should recognize that the Pakistani military's ability to make strategic decisions in the interest of long-term stability in Pakistan is clouded at present by its fixation on India. A sustained and multifaceted Indo–Pakistani dialogue could help to reduce Pakistani fears of India's regional influence. Ultimately, Pakistani strategists must recognize that a robust economy and a moderate and cohesive society provide the most assured path to maintaining Pakistan's national strength and regional influence, but these goals will remain elusive so long as Pakistan tolerates extremism and fails to enforce the rule of law against terrorists and their supporters.
To facilitate a transition to a policy of comprehensively cracking down on the Taliban and related militant groups, the Pakistani leadership must alter the narrative it has developed about Afghanistan and the region over the past several years. The new narrative must acknowledge Pakistani shortcomings in stanching the terrorist threat and reduce the level of blame on U.S. policies in the region for Pakistan's current woes.
Enlist more NATO aid for training Afghan forces. In order to achieve projected levels of growth within the ANSF and to address the three key challenges facing the NTM-A—developing leaders, stemming attrition, and improving literacy rates for 100,000 recruits by summer 2011—mentors, trainers, embedded training teams, and equipment are needed from a great number of NATO members. The U.S. cannot be expected to bear the entire burden of the NTM-A.
A number of countries have the capacity to staff additional OMLTs and POMLTs in Afghanistan, as several nations committed to do at the NATO summit in Lisbon last November. Although it withdrew its combat troops last year, Canada pledged to deploy a 700-strong training mission with 200 additional support troops. Italy, Portugal, Croatia, and Bulgaria also announced relatively small increases in their number of mentoring and training teams.[44] It is critical that these nations make good on their pledges. Those members of the alliance that have comparably small deployments—Belgium, Greece, Hungary, Spain, and Turkey—should also provide additional deployments.
Many European NATO members also have home guard, paramilitary, and armed police resources that could provide the civil–military and paramilitary police training needed for ANCOP. These include the Luxembourgian Gendarmerie, the Dutch Paramilitary Royal Military Constabulary, the Slovenian Armed Paramilitary Police and Reservists, the Romanian Gendarmerie, the Spanish Guardia Civil, and the Turkish Gendarmerie/National Guard and Reservists.
Maintain U.S. troop levels until progress is solid and irreversible. The Obama Administration has indicated that any troop withdrawals this summer would be driven by conditions on the ground. U.S. and NATO Commander in Afghanistan General David Petraeus is best placed to determine whether conditions on the ground merit troop redeployments. While the recent progress in the South is encouraging, it is too early to tell whether the progress is sustainable through the spring and summer, when fighting traditionally picks up.
Maintain civilian aid and improve accountability. There are budgetary pressures to reduce U.S. foreign aid, but robust civilian assistance to both Afghanistan and Pakistan is necessary to the overall counterterrorism strategy in the region. There is a need to improve the way U.S. aid is distributed, particularly in Pakistan, and to sharpen accountability and monitoring mechanisms. The U.S. has provided more than $6 billion in economic assistance to Pakistan over the past nine years, but Pakistanis complain that there is little to show for it.
A recent Government Accountability Office report on U.S. civilian assistance to Pakistan recommends several steps to improve the monitoring and accountability of U.S. aid to Pakistan, including requiring Pakistani organizations that receive contracts or grants to implement a conflict-of-interest policy, recruit more qualified internal audit and procurement staff, embed approved certified public accountants, and participate in a capacity-building program.[45] While it is helpful that the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) wants to channel more of its aid to local NGOs, USAID must pay more attention to the absorptive capacity of these local NGOs. U.S. aid levels to individual organizations should reflect the NGO's ability to absorb the aid, not Washington-driven political expediencies.
Pakistan is facing a youth bulge that requires innovative solutions to enhance skills and create jobs. The U.S. can play a positive role by helping private companies to expand and find and train young workers. The Pakistani–American Enterprise Fund Act, introduced last year by Senators John Kerry (D–MA) and Richard Lugar (R–IN), would use existing funds authorized under the Enhanced Partnership with Pakistan Act of 2009 to provide direct financial capital and technical assistance to commercially viable small and medium businesses.[46] The fund should be used to assist individuals and firms that have not previously received assistance in order to ensure a broader set of genuinely viable recipients.
Enhance trade initiatives. The U.S. Congress should provide Pakistani textiles access to the U.S. market on favored terms. There are major disparities in the overall tariffs the U.S. places on Pakistan compared to other countries because Pakistan's economy is so highly dependent on textile exports, and the U.S. imposes higher tariffs on textiles than it does on other consumer goods. The textile sector employs nearly 40 percent of Pakistan's industrial labor force and accounts for 60 percent of its exports. Boosting Pakistan's textile industry would substantially increase the number of jobs and export revenues for Pakistan, thus improving the country's overall economic performance.
Improving trade ties also has the advantage of enhancing U.S.–Pakistani relations without creating a sense of dependence on the U.S. There is concern that Islamabad has become overly dependent on foreign aid, which is detrimental to the overall health of the economy and fosters resentment within the society toward the U.S.
Strengthen regional diplomacy. Now that the new Senior Representative for Afghanistan and Pakistan, Marc Grossman, is in place, he must lead efforts to engage Afghanistan's neighbors in stabilizing Afghanistan. While it is not necessary to create a formal international compact among the regional players, it is important for Washington to prioritize the stabilization of Afghanistan in its bilateral relations with China, Russia, India, and the Central Asian republics. The U.S. must focus on convincing each of these countries that its interests intersect with those of the U.S. Washington must coax these countries into investing in economic endeavors in Afghanistan that will help it to become a trade corridor that connects the economies of South and East Asia to the markets and energy resources of Central and West Asia.
The current U.S. counterinsurgency strategy in Afghanistan, if fully resourced and given the appropriate amount of time, has a good chance of succeeding. By deploying 30,000 additional troops last year, the U.S. has begun to achieve gains, particularly in the Taliban's traditional strongholds in the South.
Now is not the time to begin large-scale troop withdrawals or cuts in civilian aid programs. Instead, the Administration must focus on leading a process of genuine political reconciliation, with help from Pakistan, to stabilize Afghanistan and reduce the chances that it will once again become a haven for international terrorists.
—Lisa Curtis is Senior Research Fellow for South Asia in the Asian Studies Center, and Sally McNamara is Senior Policy Analyst in European Affairs in the Margaret Thatcher Center for Freedom, a division of the Kathryn and Shelby Cullom Davis Institute for International Studies, at The Heritage Foundation.
Show references in this report
[1]"Afghanistan: Exit vs Engagement," International Crisis Group Asia Briefing No. 115, November 28, 2010, p. 4, at http://www.crisisgroup.org/en/regions/asia/south-asia/afghanistan/B115-afghanistan-exit-vs-engagement.aspx (March 10, 2011).
[2]Lt. Gen. David Barno, USA (Ret.), and Andrew Exum, "Responsible Transition: Securing U.S. Interests in Afghanistan Beyond 2011," Center for a New American Security, December 7, 2010, p. 22, at http://www.cnas.org/node/5403n (March 10, 2011).
[3]"The Posture of U.S. Central Command," statement by Gen. David Petraeus before the Committee on Armed Services, U.S. Senate, March 16, 2010, at http://armed-services.senate.gov/statemnt/2010/03%20March/Petraeus%2003-16-10.pdf (March 10, 2011).
[4]Karen De Young and Griff Witte, "U.S., Pakistan Seek to Bridge Divide on North Waziristan," The Washington Post, April 14, 2010.
[5]Gretchen Peters, "Crime and Insurgency in the Tribal Areas of Afghanistan and Pakistan," Combating Terrorism Center at West Point, October 2010, p. 92.
[6]Dexter Filkins and Carlotta Gall, "Taliban Leader in Secret Talks Was an Impostor," The New York Times, November 22, 2010, at http://www.nytimes.com/2010/11/23/world/asia/23kabul.html (March 20, 2011).
[7]Steve Coll, "U.S.–Taliban Talks," The New Yorker, February 28, 2011, at http://www.newyorker.com/talk/comment/2011/02/28/110228taco_talk_coll (March 10, 2011).
[8]Hillary Rodham Clinton, "Remarks at the Launch of the Asia Society's Series of Richard C. Holbrooke Memorial Addresses," U.S. Department of State, February 18, 2011, at http://www.state.gov/secretary/rm/2011/02/156815.htm (March 10, 2011).
[9]"Afghanistan: Exit vs Engagement," p. 8.
[10] Ibid.
[11]S. Frederick Starr, "Afghanistan Beyond the Fog of Nation Building: Giving Economic Strategy a Chance," Central Asia–Caucasus Institute & Silk Road Studies Program, January 2011, p. 17, at http://www.silkroadstudies.org/new/docs/silkroadpapers/1101Afghanistan-Starr.pdf (March 10, 2011).
[12]Daniel Twining, "Reversing Pakistan's Sponsorship of Militancy: A Strategy to Alter the Logic of Pakistan's Use of Terrorist Groups as a Tool of Statecraft," Counterterrorism in South Asia, ORF–Heritage Foundation New Delhi Dialogue, 2010, p. 198.
[13]Lisa Curtis, "Taliban Reconciliation: Obama Administration Must Be Clear and Firm," Heritage Foundation Backgrounder No. 2384, March 11, 2010, at http://www.heritage.org/research/reports/2010/03/taliban-reconciliation-obama-administration-must-be-clear-and-firm.
[14] Ibid.
[15]Alex Strick van Linschoten and Felix Kuehn, "Separating the Taliban from al-Qaeda: The Core of Success in Afghanistan," New York University Center on International Cooperation, February 2011, at http://www.cic.nyu.edu/afghanistan/docs/gregg_sep_tal_alqaeda.pdf (March 10, 2011).
[16]Clinton, "Remarks at the Launch of the Asia Society's Series of Richard C. Holbrooke Memorial Addresses."
[17]The Northern Distribution Network is a U.S. logistical corridor connecting the Baltic and Black Sea ports with Afghanistan via Russia, Central Asia, and the Caucasus. States currently involved in the Northern Distribution Network are Latvia, Azerbaijan, Georgia, Kyrgyzstan, Kazakhstan, Russia, Tajikistan, and Uzbekistan.
[18]"The Posture of U.S. Central Command," Statement by General James N. Mattis, U.S. Marine Corps Commander, U.S. Central Command, before the Committee on Armed Services, U.S. Senate, March 1, 2011.
[19]William Branigin, "U.S. Shift from Iraq to Afghanistan Presents Massive Logistical Operation for Army," The Washington Post, April 2, 2010.
[20]Starr, "Afghanistan Beyond the Fog of Nation Building," p. 12.
[21]Andrew C. Kuchins and Thomas M. Sanderson, "The Northern Distribution Network and Afghanistan: Geopolitical Challenges and Opportunities," CSIS Report, January 2010, pp. 2–3.
[22] Ibid., p. 21.
[23]Christopher Boucek, "Saudi Arabia," in Is a Regional Strategy Viable in Afghanistan? ed. Ashley J. Tellis and Aroop Mukharji, Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, May 2010, p. 46.
[24] Ibid., p. 48.
[25]"Gates Warns Iran Over Afghan 'Double Game,'" CBS News, March 8, 2010, at http://www.cbsnews.com/stories/2010/03/08/world/main6277025.shtml (March 10, 2011), and "U.S. Says Weapons from Iran Sent to Afghanistan," Reuters, March 31, 2010, at http://www.reuters.com/article/idUSTRE62U33L20100331 (March 10, 2011).
[26]"Iran Pours Cash into Afghanistan, Seeking Leverage Against U.S.," Bloomberg, July 16, 2008, at http://www.bloomberg.com/apps/news?pid=20601087&sid=aNaIqaODpvrU&refer=home (March 10, 2011).
[27]George Gavrilis, "Harnessing Iran's Role in Afghanistan," Council on Foreign Relations Expert Brief, June 5, 2009, at http://www.cfr.org/publication/19562/ (March 10, 2011).
[28]Lt. Gen. William B. Caldwell IV and Nathan K. Finney, "Building Police Capacity in Afghanistan: The Challenges of a Multilateral Approach," PRISM, Vol. 2, No. 1 (December 2010), pp. 121–130, at http://www.ndu.edu/press/lib/images/prism2-1/Prism_121-130_Caldwell-Finney.pdf (March 10, 2011).
[29] Ibid.
[30]Lt. Gen. William B. Caldwell IV, "No Trainers, No Transition: Address to the NATO Military Committee," NTM-A, September 27, 2010, at http://ntm-a.com/caldwell/speeches/1433-no-trainers-no-transition-address-to-the-nato-military-committee?lang (March 10, 2011).
[31]ANCOP is a special police unit whose mission is to provide civil order patrols, prevent violent public incidents, and provide crisis response in urban areas.
[32]Elisabeth Bumiller, "U.S. General Cites Goals to Train Afghan Forces," The New York Times, August 23, 2010, at http://www.nytimes.com/2010/08/24/world/asia/24military.html?_r=2&hp (March 10, 2011).
[33]Lynne O'Donnell, "Six Months into Training, Afghan Policemen Struggle," Agence France-Presse, May 30, 2010, at http://www.google.com/hostednews/afp/article/ALeqM5iqDMZjM6MGVQygJpNsVwUl1I8XoA (March 10, 2011).
[34]House of Lords, European Union Committee, The EU's Afghan Police Mission: Report with Evidence, HL Paper 87, February 16, 2011, at http://www.publications.parliament.uk/pa/ld201011/ldselect/ldeucom/87/87.pdf (March 10, 2011).
[35]NATO Parliamentary Assembly, "NATO Operations: Current Priorities and Lessons Learned," 158 DSC 08 E bis, 2008 Annual Session, at http://www.nato-pa.int/Default.asp?CAT2=1458&CAT1=16&CAT0=2&COM=1476&MOD=0&SMD=0&SSMD=0&STA=&ID=0&PAR=0&PRINT=1 (March 10, 2011).
[36]House of Lords, The EU's Afghan Police Mission.
[37]Lt. Gen. William B. Caldwell IV, "Speech to the High Level Interministerial Committee of the European Gendarmerie Force," NTM-A, May 20, 2010, at http://ntm-a.com/caldwell/speeches/721-speech-to-the-high-level-interministerial-committee-of-the-european-gendarmerie-force?lang (March 10, 2011).
[38] Ibid.
[39]Lt. Col. Todd M. Manyx, "NATO Training Mission-Afghanistan," Marine Corps Gazette, July 2010, at http://www.marinecorpsgazette-digital.com/marinecorpsgazette/201007/?pg=4#pg17 (March 10, 2011).
[40]Caldwell, "No Trainers, No Transition."
[41]Bumiller, "U.S. General Cites Goals to Train Afghan Forces."
[42]Lt. Gen. William B. Caldwell IV, "Update on Progress—and Challenges—in Developing an Afghan Security Force," The Wonk Room, September 6, 2010, at http://wonkroom.thinkprogress.org/2010/09/06/caldwell-an-enduring-force (March 10, 2011).
[43] Ibid.
[44]"Afghanistan: Monthly Progress Report November 2010," Defence Viewpoints, at http://www.defenceviewpoints.co.uk/military-operations/afghanistan-monthly-progress-report-november-2010 (March 10, 2011).
[45]U.S. Government Accountability Office, "Department of State's Report to Congress and U.S. Oversight of Civilian Assistance to Pakistan Can Be Further Enhanced," GAO-11-310R, February 17, 2011, at http://www.gao.gov/new.items/d11310r.pdf (March 10, 2011).
[46]Press release, "Kerry, Lugar Call for Pakistani–American Enterprise Fund," Committee on Foreign Relations, U.S. Senate, July 29, 2010, at http://foreign.senate.gov/press/chair/release/?id=7966cfa5-54a9-4986-a0e9-37af5527b9ae (March 10, 2011).


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It's The Only Open Beach You'll Find in Sioux Falls. Come Out to the 'Parrot Heads of the Prairie Party With A Purpose!
The stage is set for the Parrotheads of the Prairie Party With A Purpose! All the fun starts Friday night (March 7th)!
The Parrotheads of the Prairie present Make a Difference 2014- -Party With A Purpose! It is coming up on Friday, March 7th at the El Riad Shrine Mosque. Jimmy Buffett tribute band Cruze Control is here again this year bringing the tropical spirit rocking back to life.
There will be raffles, a silent auction, gift ideas for that Jimmy Buffett fan in your life and you can dance your flip-flops off! In fact tropical attire is strongly encouraged, so dig out your shorts, flip-flops, hula skirt, and coconut bra!
The party is a blast, but every year, the best part is the fact that all money raised goes to organizations which help children and their families. This year P.H.O.P has chosen three:
- Horsepower– -they do therapy with horses for special needs children
- Spirit Camp– -a week long camp for kids with spina bifida
- Camp New Hope– -a four day camp for children who have suffered a traumatic loss such as a parent or sibling
Last year the Parrotheads of the Prairie raised $28,000 dollars and are hoping to do even more this year and with all of us "partying with a purpose", it will happen!
Tickets are only $15.00 each. Purchase Tickets online! Tickets purchased online will be available at "will call" at the El Riad Shrine the night of the event after 6:30pm. See ya there!

subset: commoncrawl


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Church Music Resources
Church Keep your choir singing their favorite worship songs and praise songs with our collection of choral music and hymnals. Family Christian also carries hymn books perfect for any congregation.
At the Cross (Love Ran Red) Choral Book
Bradley Knight$8.99Add Your ReviewAt the Cross (Love Ran Red) is a magnificent and heart-wrenching musical masterpiece from Bradley Knight. This new Easter musical reminds us of how Jesus endured and suffered on His journey to the cross and the glorious recounting of His resurrection! ''Death has died. Love ... Learn More
Worthy Is The Lamb Choral Book
Mason Brown, Sue C. Smith$6.99Add Your Review"In a loud voice they were saying: 'Worthy is the Lamb, who was slain, to receive power and wealth and wisdom and strength and honor and glory and praise!'" Revelation 5:12 (NIV) The season of Easter is a glorious time to rejoice in the miraculous resurrection of our Lord... Learn More
We're Glad You Came - Choral Book
Jeff Bumgardner$8.95Add Your ReviewThis heartfelt musical for Christmas is full of gratitude and expressions of joy. Grateful voices join together proclaiming powerful praise and thanksgiving to the Son of God, born that we may know Him as our Savior and King. It features stellar new songs and narration, We'r... Learn More
Fa La La La La - Choral Book
Various$8.95Add Your ReviewWe love to sing at Christmas more than any other time of year. Carols, hymns, funny songs, sad songs, songs about the Christmas story and about the Savior, songs about being home for the holidays, songs about reindeer that can fly and mistletoe and pumpkin pie, and everythin... Learn More
Hope Was Born This Night - Choral Book
Dale Mathews, Douglas Allen, Sarah Huffman$7.95Add Your ReviewChristmas is a time to sing, a time to rejoice. It's a time to celebrate the glorious birth of our Savior King and the dawn of hope that was born that night long ago. Hope Was Born This Night offers your choir the opportunity to lead your congregation in singing a song of ce... Learn More
When Earth Received Her King - Choral Book
Marty Parks$7.95Add Your ReviewGod's people had long awaited a King. Scriptures prophesied of His coming, and with great desire and longing His people waited. To some, when He finally came, the simplicity of His birth seemed to contradict the magnitude of His purpose. This musical for senior adults from v... Learn More
The Christmas Cross
Jeff Slaughter, Max Lucado, Preston Dalton, Spencer DaltonAdd Your Review
Starting at $12.00Ginger Breadhouse, Carolyn Bells, Holly Branch, Candy Cane, and Ned and Mary! These are a few of the names to be found among the case of the new musical from Jeff Slaughter, The Christmas Cross. It is a super, easy-to-learn musical designed to help you celebrate the season w... Learn More
The Kids Hymnal Sing-Along DVD
N/A, Hendrickson Worship, Hendrickson Worship$9.97Add Your ReviewEverybody can participate with this wonderful complement to The Kids Hymnal! Loaded with 80 hymns, praise and worship selections, Scripture songs, kids' favorites and seasonal classics, you'll see the lyrics for each song over a coordinating background on your TV screen so k... Learn More
All the Best Songs for Kids
Ken Bible$3.99Add Your ReviewTwo hundred thirty songs divided into age-group sections: early childhood, early elementary, and late elementary. Includes words only. Learn More
Sunday Morning Special Services Companion (Piano) Arr. Victor Labenske$24.99Add Your ReviewThe sixth volume in the Sunday Morning series; this book contains music for times of celebration; times of sorrow; and times of sacrament. Over a third of the arrangements are for weddings; another large portion is devoted to music for memorial services and funerals; and the... Learn More


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Girl4Beats wrote:Well Tiger,
I met Paul at the State Department in 2001 and got his autograph so my next thing will be to go to England. I have been planning to go to England since 1964 and through the years one thing or another has halted it. A move. A job. A house. Redecorating a house. But this time I am going for sure. My nephew and I will be going May 2013, if all goes well, and I will Finally get to tell everyone I FINALLY made it to England. We are going for one week. I hope I can see The Beatles London and The Beatles Liverpool and still see the other sights in one week. I guess I will be non-stop moving once I get there.
I would love to go to Cancun but England is my main priority before I leave this earthly plane.
May I be the first to welcome you to our shores...Here's hoping you have a great time providing it stops raining of course.


text:
Reed's company is problematic
Editor, OBSERVER:
Like most Upstate New Yorkers, I respect the Second Amendment as settled law. Anyone who has troubled to actually read the SAFE Gun Act knows the law does nothing to infringe on the right of law abiding and mentally sound New Yorkers to access and own firearms.
Congressman Tom Reed rejects this sensible legislation. On April 27, he attended and spoke at an anti-SAFE Gun rally in Horseheads where he said, "They don't know what they stepped into up in Albany by trying to take away people's freedom."
Congressman's Reed's ignorance is surpassed only by the company he keeps. One proclaimed sponsor of the rally was the Oath Keepers. Oath Keepers is a right wing extremist group that encourages military personnel and peace officers to disobey "unconstitutional orders." Its website targets as "Red Coats" individuals as centrist as retired general Stanley McChrystal and Congressman Peter King of Long Island.
Congressman Reed has embarrassed himself and his constituents by appearing at a rally where the Oath Keepers manned a booth and took such a visible role. An informed politician would know better than to keep company with such extremists. Sensible residents of the New York 23rd Congressional district will not forget the company Tom Reed keeps in November 2014.


text:
You limited your search to:
Partner: UNT Libraries Government Documents Department
Serial/Series Title: armers' bulletin (United States. Dept. of Agriculture)
Collection: Government Documents A to Z Digitization Project
The common cabbage worm and its control.
Date: May 1926
Creator: Chittenden, F. H. (Frank Hurlbut), 1858-1929.
Description: Describes the characteristics and life history of the common cabbage worm, the damage it can cause, and methods of control.
Contributing Partner: UNT Libraries Government Documents Department


text:
You may have heard the bridal saying, "something old, something new, something borrowed, something blue." Well, the Head Liquidmetal 4 fits this saying pretty well. The "old" comes from the concept and manufacturing process of the Liquidmetal 4. All Liquidmetal racquets are made in Austria, with the same high standards which players have come to expect from the company since the original Prestige racquets became world renowned. The "new" comes in the form of Head's latest technology, Liquidmetal. Developed by the California Institute of Technology (Caltech), Liquidmetal alloy has proven to be stronger than Titanium. Head has placed the Liquidmetal alloy in four locations (the silver areas visible on the racquet head) to create what it calls Total Sweetspot Construction (TSC). TSC is designed to increase torsional stability and extend the sweetspot out towards the 2, 4, 8 and 10 o'clock areas of the racquet head. With the inclusion of Head's proven Twin Tube technology, the Liquidmetal 4 borrows a technology which originally found great success in the Head Radical line of racquets back in 1995. As for the blue... well, one look at this racquet will clue you in to that one.
We strung our playtest Liquidmetal 4 with 17 gauge multifilament synthetic gut string at 59lbs. Our playtest was conducted over a three-week period, here's what we learned.
From the baseline, the Liquidmetal 4 plays light and maneuverable. Our team found the 102 sq. inch head had a generous sweetspot, and the racquet offered a comfortable feel. First up was Wendi, who said, "I liked the initial feel of the Head Liquidmetal 4 on my groundstrokes. It is much lighter than my normal racquet so I felt charged at the beginning of the set. I was able to generate some great deep forehands with decent topspin. As the set went on, I noticed how much harder I was working to get my normal pace on the ball. I had the best results with this racquet when on the run or when I had to make a quick adjustment."
Noticing the power of the Liquidmetal 4 from the baseline was Josh. "The Liquidmetal 4 plays bigger than its medium power-level rating," said Josh. "I was able to hit deep shots off the forehand and backhand sides without much effort. Anytime I went for a big winner, though, I found the ball sailing toward the back fence. I'm not convinced the Liquidmetal 4 is best suited for players with a one-handed backhand. Even though my groundstrokes had good depth, each backhand lacked the control I'm accustomed to. I was, however, addicted to hitting backhand slices with this racquet. I found myself attacking balls hit high to my backhand and charging the net behind the slice."
Playtester Chris also enjoyed hitting slice backhands with the Liquidmetal 4. He said, "the Liquidmetal 4 offers a good level of comfort when hitting groundstrokes. The feel from the stringbed is very dampened and I never felt any harsh vibration or racquet shock. My favorite shot with the Liquidmetal 4 was the backhand slice. I was able to both punch and float slice shots with good accuracy and control. Hitting an effective slice required very little effort on my part. I had less success when hitting the ball with topspin or when hitting flat. The Liquidmetal 4 was just a little too powerful for me, and I felt like I had to hold back too much when moving the ball around the court. I tended to get even more apprehensive with this racquet on short balls and approach shots. I found the power could really get me in trouble when moving forwards. I think the Liquidmetal 4 would be better suited to a player with a medium fast swingspeed." Groundstrokes Score 71
The Liquidmetal 4 performed well at the net for our team. The light weight and maneuverability we noticed at the baseline made for some quick racquet movement on reflex volleys and low pick-ups. Josh found the maneuverability of the Liquidmetal 4 especially useful from the mid-court. He said, "the weight of the racquet allowed for easy maneuverability and the 102 sq. in. head size wasn't cumbersome. Half-volleys were easy to place with this racquet, and I didn't have to generate much power from the mid-court to hit the baseline. I struggled at the net with passing shots that lacked pace, and I was forced to concentrate on punching through the ball more than usual."
Chris fared much better at the net with the Liquidmetal 4 than he had at the baseline. "On the whole, my volleys felt pretty clean with this racquet, even though the dampening doesn't give much of a crisp feeling. The Liquidmetal 4 also played quite light, and this made it easy to maneuver for reaction volleys. I found more control when at the net, and the Liquidmetal 4 seemed to play better the less I swung it. I also had better touch at net compared to baseline play. Short angled volleys came off with a predictable feel and good direction. The maneuverability of the Liquidmetal 4 worked to my advantage when scrambling for low volleys and I was able to make some nice pick-ups."
Wendi said, "I felt this racquet was solid at the net. It had good maneuverability and stability. My volleys could have been a little deeper, as I wasn't getting much pop from the racquet. I found half-volleys were surprisingly easy to control, but on the other hand, I was having some trouble placing touch volleys." Volley Score 73
When serving and hitting overheads our team would have liked a little more mass than the Liquidmetal 4 had to offer. Wendi said, "the Head Liquidmetal 4 didn't do much for my already slow serves. I couldn't get the speed out of it that I wanted. It was light and comfortable, but not hefty enough for me. On overheads it provided great control, but not the pace to ensure a winner."
Josh found good placement when serving with the Liquidmetal 4, saying, "this is a fun racquet to serve with, but watch the weight! Placing the ball in the corners and down the 'T' on first and second serves was easy. I had to restrain myself from hitting too many hard first serves because the racquet was too light. I could feel some fatigue in my shoulder and elbow after only a couple of service games."
"I got some good pop on first and second serves and was able to whip the racquet through the contact zone," said Chris. "Spin was decent, and I found slice a little easier to generate. I found I had to concentrate on really generating lots of spin on second serves to avoid over-hitting. However, the extra power felt pretty good when blasting flat serves down the center 'T'. I picked up a few more cheap points per set serving with the Liquidmetal 4. When hitting overheads, I found the maneuverability of the Liquidmetal 4 to really pay off when hitting lobs that were hit low and with pace. If my opponent didn't get enough height with the lob, it was easy to whip the racquet through quickly and keep the ball out in front. When hitting higher, floating lobs, I would have liked a little more mass from the racquet to keep it stable through contact. I felt like I could have added some weight to the head and handle of the racquet. I would add a touch more to the handle so that I could benefit from some extra mass without losing a lot of maneuverability." Serves & Overheads Score 78
The power from the Liquid Metal 4's 102 sq. inch stringbed allowed our playtesters to have success with short, compact swings on the return. Josh found hitting deep returns with the Liquidmetal 4 didn't require a whole lot of effort. "Again, the word 'ease' comes to mind with this racquet, said Josh. "I kept everything compact and simply used the existing pace of the serve to hit returns. Unfortunately, I couldn't take my return game to the next level with the Liquidmetal 4. I was never able to truly attack a second serve from either side. The racquet was just too powerful." Chris agreed, saying, "a short compact swing or chip return worked best for me. If I tried to accelerate through the ball and drive it, I found my shots flirting with the baseline with little room for error. I would have liked a little more weight for stability when returning heavy serves, although comfort was very good."
Wendi found the Liquidmetal 4 fit her return game well. "This is where I really liked the Head Liquidmetal 4," said Wendi. "I think its light weight served me well to make quick adjustments for oncoming serves. I used the power from the serve and put it to work for me. I was able to hit aggressive returns as well as block returns on harder serves." Returns Score 74
'Tweener racquets, such as the Liquidmetal 4, tend to combine characteristics from game improvement racquets and player's racquets - depending on the type of player the racquet is designed for. The Liquidmetal 4 fits more towards the power and game improvement end of the 'tweener spectrum of racquets. The large sweetspot and built-in comfort technology gives the Liquidmetal 4 a slightly dampened feel. Our team members did not notice any harsh vibration or racquet shock during the playtest. In fact, each team member praised the comfort of the racquet at some point during the playtest. The weight and balance of the racquet makes it easy to get around, and we noticed that a player need not take a long swing to generate power. Improving players looking to move up from a powerful, game improvement racquet should give the Liquidmetal 4 a try, as it is a racquet that could serve them well through to the 4.0-4.5 level. Likewise, more advanced players with slower swing speeds will find they can generate plenty of pop with the Liquidmetal 4, although they may want to beef up the weight of the racquet to better manage heavy hitting opponents. Overall, the Liquidmetal 4 is best suited to 3.0-4.5 level players. Overall Score 76
(Scores are determined by averaging individual play test scores)
Playtester Profiles
|5.0 baseline player currently using a Yonex MP Tour-1 Midsize. Chris uses a full-western forehand grip, has a fast swing style and hits a one-handed backhand.
|5.0 all court player currently using the Wilson ProStaff Original 85. Josh has a long, loopy swingstyle, hits with a one-handed backhand and a semi-western forehand.
|3.0 player currently using a Babolat Pure Control Plus. Wendi is a steady but aggressive player who hits with a semi-western forehand grip and a two-handed backhand.
Review date: Oct, 2003. If you found this review interesting or have further questions or comments please contact us.
All content copyright 2003 Tennis Warehouse.


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Crystal Visions
A Manhattan mirror atelier discovers new shapes and guises
Each custom-made mirror that emerges from Mirror Fair's three-story workshop on East 95th Street bears a certificate declaring it to be "handcrafted in the borough of Manhattan in the city of New York." It's a rare boast nowadays—especially on the Upper East Side, home to some of the priciest real estate in the world, where the locals are more likely to bask in reflected glory than they are to fabricate it.
And yet, since 1963, when Mirror Fair's factory moved there from midtown, it has produced some of the world's finest reproduction mirrors—from convex Federal models to ornate Queen Anne styles. The company, which sells only to the trade, is a favorite of such decorators as Tony Ingrao and Brian McCarthy. Fashion designer Tory Burch recently commissioned Mirror Fair to create Adam-style mirrors for her New York showroom. "We're the last 18th-century-style factory in Manhattan," says Stefan Cavallo, a former NASA test pilot who, at 90, still runs the firm alongside his son, Stephen.
The elder Cavallo inherited the business from his parents, who founded it in 1911 and sold antiques and reproduction furniture. In the 1960s, Cavallo and his son decided to specialize in mirrors and changed the company's name to Mirror Fair. Today they operate showrooms on New York's Third Avenue and in High Point, North Carolina.
The Cavallos also repair mirrors for antiques dealers and museums around the world. As a result, they have handled numerous priceless examples. "Sometimes you wonder, is it luck or genius that they were able to get such great proportions?" Stefan says of the antique mirrors he has worked on. They obtain permission to replicate antique mirrors for Mirror Fair's core collection, and they also manufacture licensed reproductions for the Winterthur Museum and British Stately Homes.
The Cavallos teach their employees, a team of 13 artisans from around the world, methods that go back centuries. Many of the frames are built up with gesso and rabbit-skin glue—"still the best," says Stefan—and then gilded in 22-karat gold leaf using camel-hair brushes and agate tools. Molten glass is poured and shaped to create countless effects, from beveling to pleating to elaborate engraving. "We do everything by hand, much of it the way it was done 500 years ago," Stefan says, "from building the frames to water gilding and handblowing the glass. It's all bespoke."
They also pioneered their own proprietary methods for silvering glass so that it looks authentically aged. The results are so effective that it is difficult—even for museum professionals—to tell the difference between a Mirror Fair mirror and a mercury-and-tin model made centuries ago.
The firm also produces mirrored furniture, from Venetian-style cocktail tables to Queen Anne–inspired three-panel screens. Lately, it has been expanding into a new area: architectural mirrored glass. Bergdorf Goodman in New York ordered a mirrored fireplace surround for a holiday window, and architect Peter Pennoyer asked the Cavallos to fabricate a mirrored entrance foyer for a client's Federal-style house. "They crafted the entire room, down to the moldings, in mirrored glass," he explains.
His son supervises the factory, but the elder Cavallo still walks to work on most weekdays from his townhouse down the street. (On weekends, he pursues his hobby of flying his Cessna Cardinal along the East Coast.) Since business is good and they own their factory's building, they promise that Mirror Fair's designs will be handcrafted in Manhattan for years to come. "Anything made in the city is a collectible," says Stefan, with visible pride. "They're antiques of the future. That's the way we feel about it."


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iHerb Customer Reviews
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Another great Weleda product!
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I really respect Weleda products - not tested on animals and no petrochemicals. They're the most respected brand in Germany. No false promises, either. Face creams cannot make you look younger - skin and other organs of the body rely on good food - fresh, clean, organic vegetables etc. If you eat crap, don't expect your skin to be beautiful - simple but true. You are what you eat.
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Open Your Mind: Amazon Is NOT Netflix
But, man, that's a bad way to float through life, especially from an intellectual standpoint. Things change. And even if they don't, there's often a legitimate exception to what you think is the rule.
At times, that thing you can't seem to wrap your head around is indeed the product of an irrational world. That doesn't mean you're right ... right now. It just means that, at times, you'll end up vindicated. I expect that to happen with me vis-a-via Apple (AAPL) . It happened with me on Netflix (NFLX) in 2011. I expect the same to happen again in 2013 or 2014 .
I'm proud of myself for how I'm handling Netflix this time around. I'm executing the intellectual exercise stubborn folk such as myself loathe -- I'm budging. In 2011, when I was certain Netflix would crash, I jumped in the front of the train that was NFLX stock. I refuse to make the same mistake twice. I know Netflix should crash again, but I have been bullish on the piece of paper that is NFLX stock from around $60.
Sometimes you have to budge; at other times, you just have to come completely out of your comfort zone and come to terms with a reality you not only cannot comprehend, but think is patently absurd. That's what bewildered bears absolutely must do with Amazon.com (AMZN) . Quite frankly, the persistent bearish sentiment in the face AMZN moving higher -- almost in a straight line -- has become comical.
Quarter after quarter, I tell you what will happen with AMZN. And, quarter after quarter, it pretty much goes down something like this: Amazon reports whatever it reports -- it really doesn't matter -- the stock initially drops, bears think the world finally righted itself, but, lo and behold, AMZN finds support and moves higher. This next leg will take the stock towards and quite possibly past $300.
If you're a media member, stop writing completely asinine things such as the following lead to Tuesday's The New York Times earnings rehash: "Amazon sold many more things in the fourth quarter while barely bothering to eke out a profit" (emphasis added).
And, if you're an otherwise intelligent Tweeter (cuz I see Tweets from this guy @cordial all of the time and I know he's no dummy), stop, drop and roll before you Tweet things like this:


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Hello all.
So, I recently received an order from Norbu tea, containing a 2011 spring Tie Luo Han Wuyi oolong. The problem is, I can't get much flavor out of it. I use about 8-9 grams for a 180 ml gaiwan (around half way full of dry leaves). I use water around 208-210 degrees f, and steep it for 15 seconds, (I have tried up to 25). The resulting liquor does not have much aroma or flavor. What should I do? I am quite new to Wuyi oolongs, so the problem is probably me. I do use tap water for all my teas, because it's really good water, and tastes fine.


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Skip to comments.Weaponeer on Nagasaki A-Bomb Dies at 94
Posted on 12/06/2005 12:59:00 PM PST by Borges
SANTA FE, N.M. - Frederick L. "Dick" Ashworth, the weaponeer aboard the B-29 that dropped the atomic bomb on Nagasaki, Japan, in 1945, has died at 94.
He died Saturday while undergoing heart surgery in Phoenix, family friend Glen Smith said.
Ashworth, who retired in 1968 as a Navy vice admiral, was assigned to the Los Alamos-based Manhattan Project that built the A-bomb.
Three days after the bombing of Hiroshima, he was aboard the bomber that dropped a weapon nicknamed Little Boy on Nagasaki on Aug. 9, 1945. Ashworth was assigned as the weaponeer, responsible for arming the bomb during the flight. Estimates of the death toll in Nagasaki range from 60,000 to 80,000.
Ashworth, in an August talk to a Los Alamos historical group, said the mission was "fraught with problems," including clouds that hid the city of Kokura, which was the primary target, the potential for a crash landing with the bomb aboard and low fuel after the weapon exploded.
The weather over Kokura was so bad that B-29 named Bock's Car after its usual commander, Frederick Bock flew on to Nagasaki.
Ashworth said that during the return flight, the crew heard a radio report that the Japanese had approached the Swiss about surrender. "That gave us a pretty good inkling that maybe, by golly, the war might be over," he recalled.
Japan surrendered unconditionally on Aug. 15.
Ashworth was born in Beverly, Mass., and graduated from the U.S. Naval Academy in 1933. After the war, he did military liaison work with the Atomic Energy Commission and commanded the Navy's Sixth Fleet, then based in France.
He is survived by his wife, Ercie Bell Ashworth; three sons; three grandchildren; and one great-grandson.
Services are set for Thursday at Santa Fe National Cemetery.
He saved millions of lives! God Bless him! True Hero!
Bocks Car still resides at the Wright-Patterson AFB museum.
Thousands of WWII veterans visit it every day. They run their hands along the plane, (that is still 100% intact and probably flyable) and cry.
Thank you, it had to be done. May his family remember him with pride.
Thank you, it had to be done. May his family remember him with pride.
Another of our World War II airman gone. Very sad. My father, who piloted B-17s is now 81. He's doing OK, but I know I won't have him with me forever. We are losing that generation at an accellerating pace.
As usual the AP proves they're a bunch of morons.
"Little Boy" was dropped on Hiroshima. "Fat Man" was dropped on Nagasaki.
Correction to post 3
Thousands visit it every year, not day.
I wonder how quickly the "insurgents" would stop if we nuked one the "sunni trianle cities"?
Dart board approach to which city works for me!
Mecca works just fine.
During the Haj is even better.
I know a geologist in town who is in his eighties and was a B-17 pilot whose plane went down and was a POW in Germany.
May God bless and keep him.
Ashworth had a flying career in Europe prior to his stint at Los Alamos. Basically, he became an atomic ballistics guy like Deak Parsons. Ashworth's job was much easier than Parson's. Ashworth, iirc, only had to switch the arming plugs on Fat Man from Green (Safe) to Red (Live). Parsons had to actually go into the bomb bay and arm the rifle in Little Boy's ass end.
Brave men, all.
BTW, Bock's Car is in flyable condition, with some restoration at the Boeing facility in Wichita. Enola Gay has been restored to such condition that it, too, could be brought into airworthy condition after reworking and rewiring at Boeing.
Be Seeing You,
The aiming point on that Sunday morning was the Nagasaki cathedral. In less than a minute, these American Christians did what Japanese shintos had been unable to do in three centuries: they obliterated the worshipping Christian community in that city.
If the japanese were talking to the Swiss they wee wasting their time. Switzerland didnt have any A bombs in the air.
They certainly knew who to call after Nagasaki.
I hate AP. Bockscar dropped "Fat Man" on Nagasaki. "Little Boy" was the Hiroshima bomb.
How many Christians died at Pearl Harbor or the Bataan Death March, or in the Rape of Nanking. And how many would have been slaughtered by the Japanese had we not dropped Fat Man and Little Boy?
I would like to personaly thank him and his family for keeping my father from going back to the Pacific theater for a Japan, main island, invasion (after resting state side in a military hospital) and for making ME possible.
Actually the assigned aiming point was missed by miles as Nagasaki was covered in clouds. Bock's Car had enough fuel for only one pass before heading for Okinawa. If they couldn't drop visually (as required by their orders) they were going to drop by radar. However, the bombardier found a hole in the clouds and released the weapon. It actually landed in the industrial area of the city which was in a valley. Because of this, the number of dead was much lower than at Hiroshima even though Little Boy had a yield of 12.5 Kilotons while Fat Man had a yield of ~21 Kilotons.
When was Bocks Car moved from Wright Patterson? I saw it there in the nuke display 3 years ago.
Interesting comment. The nuns who taught me something they called "history" when I was a kid always harped on that point as proof that the Protestant leaders in the US deliberately chose Hiroshima and Nagasaki as targets for the atomic bombs in order to wipe out Catholicism in Japan. I didn't buy it then either.
"I know a geologist in town who is in his eighties and was a B-17 pilot whose plane went down and was a POW in Germany."
Bock's Car is still at Wright Patterson.
From Wikipedia:
"Bockscar is on display at the National Museum of the United States Air Force in Dayton, Ohio."
That's Wright Patterson.
My apologies.
I re-read your post and applied english grammar from Sister Ann Marie.
Oh please.
What about the Germans? Do you regret their loss too?
Would it be OK if Only Shintos were obliterated?
God bless this true hero who saved millions of Americans!
"Three days after the bombing of Hiroshima, he was aboard the bomber that dropped a weapon nicknamed Little Boy on Nagasaki on Aug. 9, 1945"
Hey! Fat Man was dropped on Nagasaki! Not Little Boy--that was Hiroshima! What idiots write this crap?? Funny this jerks don't have an email address to point out their stupidity! If ya can't get it right, then don't even do it!
Well, this cautionary tale should be told to all the school children: atomic power is bad. Due to the radiation he recieved from being so close to an atomic blast, his life was cut short.
Yep. And did a damned fine job of it!
My Dads ship had been hit and almost sunk twice by Kamakazie raids. He was back near Japan dreading the ivasion of the country. He had three brothers in the service that were Army and would have got to be in the invasion. I know they and their mates are thrilled about not having to go in. We are blessed that our Heavenly Father gave us the pride of our power to end this debackle. We have all but lost that pride today by not stomping islime like the satanic cockroach that it is.
Urban legend. By the way, 9 August 1945 was a Thursday, not a Sunday. To think that Charles Sweeney, the Roman Catholic pilot of Bocks Car, made three passes over the primary target, Kokura, instructed Beahan not to drop the bomb because of cloud cover, then flew to Nagasaki, placing himself, his crew and the airplane at additional extreme risk, and then had the bombardier pick out the Catholic Cathedral through the overcast just so the relatively few number of Catholics living in Nagasaki prefecture could be "obliterated" is absurd. Your tin-foil hat is too tight.
Incidentally, the name of the Catholic Cathedral in Nagasaki was and still is Urakami Cathedral.
May he see the face of God, and may God bless him and keep him forever. My prayers are with hs family, and he was a great patriot and warrior. We need more like him today.
Ashworth armed the bomb after takeoff.
Ohboy...here it comes...swine reporter.
Yer busted. Bock's Car is at Wright. I saw it on line. My wife and I were going to visit her, but Katrina was blowing through Ohio when we were there....
Little Boy was tough to measure. I think it was the only U-235 bomb built. I could be wrong. I've been called an imbecile before....
(Briol was wifey's uncle)
Thank you!
Thought you may be interested.
One of a few. There were some uranium-only weapons tested in the various programs following the war. Operation Ivy, for example, had the Ivy King test, a 500 kt uranium bomb, that was part of the program that produced the first thermonuclear explosion (Ivy Mike).
Disclaimer: Opinions posted on Free Republic are those of the individual posters and do not necessarily represent the opinion of Free Republic or its management. All materials posted herein are protected by copyright law and the exemption for fair use of copyrighted works.


text:
City accepts grant to seal unused well
MARSHALL – It was a disappointing thing to do, especially at a time when the city of Marshall is exploring new municipal water sources, city officials and council members said. But it looked like capping a free-flowing well within city limits was the best option available.
At their regular meeting Tuesday night, members of the Marshall City Council approved a grant agreement with the Minnesota Department of Health to seal the well, which is located north of Kossuth Avenue.
Marshall Public Works Director Glenn Olson said the artesian well was left over from the time when a rendering plant was located in the area. The well discharges about 50 gallons of water per minute into the city storm sewer and ultimately the Redwood River, he said.
"I hate capping a well when we're looking for water," Olson said, but it didn't look like the city had other options. The water couldn't be allowed to continue flowing into the storm sewer. But the well would be at risk of freezing up in the winter if the city decided to use the water, he said.
The task of sealing the well was originally included with the recent Kossuth Avenue street reconstruction project, but Olson said the well's condition meant it would be a job more expensive than first estimated. The grant agreement with the state health department would provide a maximum of $50,000 to help seal the well.
Council members voted to accept the grant agreement.
"I don't think we have any choice but to do this, sad as it is," said council member Larry Doom.
Later in the meeting, council members approved another step forward in the implementation of local sales taxes passed in November. Marshall City Financial Director Tom Meulebroeck presented the council with an agreement between the city and the Minnesota Department of Revenue to collect the .5 percent general sales tax and 1.5 percent prepared food and beverage tax. The Department of Revenue already collects state sales taxes from local businesses and would also be equipped to collect the local taxes.
Meulebroeck said under the agreement, the Department of Revenue would be responsible for collecting the taxes and then give the money back to the city, minus a percentage to reimburse the state for its services.
A local lodging tax was also included in the tax measures voters approved in November. However, Meulebroeck said that tax will be collected by the city and not the Department of Revenue. Marshall already collects local taxes on lodging, and a smaller number of businesses are affected, he said.
The council had a public hearing on a planned water, sewer and street reconstruction project on West Lyon Street and North 7th Street and approved a motion to advertise for bids on the project. Olson said the project would affect West Lyon Street between 6th Street and the Burlington Northern railroad property and North 7th Street between West Main Street and West Marshall Street. He said the project will address issues with water main breaks in the area, and update storm and sanitary sewer lines.
The city and MMU will each cover some of the cost of the project, Olson said. The maximum amount that homeowners would be assessed for the construction would be $5,500. Olson said properties assessed for an earlier reconstruction project on 6th Street would have those assessments credited against the ones from the new project.


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1.Returns are accepted within 30 days of the shipped date.
2. Merchandise must be unworn/unused, in its original condition and accompanied by the original receipt or packing slip.
3. This Return and Exchange Policy applies only to online purchases made through comorsports.com. (For returns from in-store purchases, please contact the store for details.)
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Please note: Buyers are responsible for return shipping and insurance costs, except in the case of a Comor Sports error. We strongly suggest obtaining a tracking number. *We reserve the right to charge a re-stocking fee or refuse a return if the conditions outlined above are not met.
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Comor Sports has three locations within the lower-mainland, and one in Whistler Village. We would be happy to return your item in-store for an exchange or store credit if this option is more favorable to you. To make your return in-store, you only need two things:
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Read more about Free Shipping.xPrice:Actual Price:Our price is lower than the manufacturer's "minimum advertised price." As a result, we cannot show you the price in catalog or the product page.
You have no obligation to purchase the product once you know the price. You can simply remove the item from your cart.Our price is lower than the manufacturer's "minimum advertised price." As a result, we cannot show you the price in catalog or the product page.
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text:
By TIMES STAFF
Published June 5, 2007
Unless otherwise noted, phone numbers are area code 727.
Peace vigil: The public is invited to participate in a weekly peace vigil from 4:30 to 6 p.m. Wednesdays at Edgewater Park, next to the Dunedin Marina, at Alt. U.S. 19 and Main Street, Dunedin. For information, call (727) 733-1177 or (727) 734-8945 or visit www.stpeteforpeace.org.
Friday Night Fun: The public is invited for dinner and entertainment from 5 to 8 p.m. every Friday at American Legion Post 119, 130 First Ave. SW, Largo. Seafood or chicken dinners will be available. Cost is $5.50- $6. Bill Johnson and his karaoke machine will entertain from 7 to 11 p.m. Call 584-2038.
Dinner & Music: The public is invited for dinner and entertainment from 5 to 8 p.m. every Saturday at American Legion Post 119, 130 First Ave. SW, Largo. Filet mignon, potato and salad will be featured. Cost is $6.50. Music provided by Ann Marie. Call 584-2038.
Fish fry: Feast on fish and/or shrimp with side dishes from 6 to 8 p.m. Fridays at the AMVETS Post 67, 1825 N Highland Ave., Clearwater. Cost is $7 per person. Call 631-0067.
Dixieland Dance: The Bayside Banjo Band plays Dixieland and old-time songs from 7:30 to 9:30 every Monday at the American Legion Post 7, 1760 Turner St., Clearwater. Free. Call 447-9204.
[Last modified June 5, 2007, 00:30:08]
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