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Kevin Trotman - N5PRE
Newsdesk, Website
Born and raised in Texas (explaining the callsign), Kevin is currently living in Aiken, SC, USA.
Callsign History:
Oct. 10, 1989 - KB5KSZ - Novice
July 3, 1990 - N5PRE - Tech Plus
Jan. 10, 2009 - N5PRE - General
March 21, 2009 - N5PRE - Extra
Occasionally works 2m or 440 in the Aiken area. Still active in SWL and listening to commercial stations on Internet. Kevin also enjoys listening to HF and SW on an Icom PCR-1000 hooked up to his MacBook Pro. As a lot of hams nowdays, he's saving for a decent HF rig.
Since sometime in 2009, Kevin has been posting the weekly Amateur Radio NewslineTM newscasts as a podcast available on iTunes (see any page on this site for a link). In February, 2012, Kevin was instrumental in assisting a move from the old Amateur Radio NewslineTM website to a new one hosted by a different provider. He continues to assist with web related content and postings each week.
Kevin has a talant and passion for photography. You can find some of his better work here:
Other web presences for Kevin are...
site: radioactivegeek.com
Callsign: N5PRE
E-Mail: firstname.lastname@example.com


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As the school year picks up in Palm Beach County, help your kids eat healthy and get active at school and home with First Lady Michelle Obama's Let's Move! campaign.
In the last three decades, the rate of childhood obesity in America has tripled. Today, nearly one in three children is overweight or obese. Since becoming first lady in 2009, Obama has committed herself to the Let's Move! campaign's ultimate goal of ending childhood obesity within a generation.
|First Lady Michelle Obama in The White House Garden. Her Let's Move! campaign promotoes healthy eating and exercise to end childhood obesity within a generation.
Implementing Let's Move! this school year is easy. Begin with food. In 2012, the U.S. Department of Agriculture released new guidelines for school lunches, the first major revision in 15 years. The changes boost the nutritional quality of the meals, requiring more whole grains, fruits and vegetables as well as less fat and sodium. Portion size is also a key amendment, with menus planned for grades K-5, 6-8 and 9-12 to ensure and demonstrate proper portions.
Healthy choices can also be made at home. To promote better nutrition, the USDA introduced MyPlate, a new food icon that serves as a visual reminder to make fruits and vegetables half of every meal, filling the rest of your plate with whole grains, lean protein and low-fat dairy. The Let's Move! website also has sample 2,000-calories-per-day menus with recipes for everything from breakfast burritos to spinach lasagna roll-ups and Hawaiian pizza. When it comes to eating healthy as a family, always remember the three P's: Plan meals and snacks for the week, purchase when you aren't hungry and stick to your grocery list, and prepare meals in advance on days when you have free time.
The final component to the Let's Move! campaign is physical activity. The initiative recommends students between the ages of 6 and 17 be active for 60 minutes a day at least five days a week, while adults should be active for 30 minutes five times a week. There are many ways to meet these quotas and spend time together as a family: Schedule a pre-dinner jog, participate in a weekend relay race or take a cue from the White House and plant a garden.
Photography courtesy of The White House/Chuck Kennedy

subset: commoncrawl


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The B CHAMBER
The "B" tone chamber will give a little more brilliance (better for using with most bands).FACINGS
Facing (3, 5, or 7):... Click To Read More About This Product
The B CHAMBER
The "B" tone chamber will give a little more brilliance (better for using with most bands).FACINGS
Facing (3, 5, or 7): The facing is determined by the distance from the tip of the reed to where it first touches the mouthpiece. The bigger the facing number, the farther back the reed goes before actually touching the mouthpiece. Changing the facing of the mouthpiece will generally change the volume of the instrument. With a shorter facing (3), less of the reed is vibrating, so the instrument will tend to be quieter, with a longer facing (7), more of the reed is vibrating, so the instrument will tend to be louder.
Reviewed by 2 customers
Best Uses
Comments about Rico Graftonite Baritone Saxophone Mouthpiece:
Most bari mouthpieces are really expensive, but this one isn't. A quality piece with a good tone at an affordable price.
Best Uses
Comments about Rico Graftonite Baritone Saxophone Mouthpiece:
I got this mouthpiece to get accustomed to playing bari before trying out higher-end pieces. It plays beautifully on a friend's Yamaha 52 bari, but on my 1928 Buescher True Tone, it is inordinately sharp and CANNOT be brought down in-tune. I haven't had a whole lot of experience with bari equipment, so I don't know if it's the exception or the norm for these to play this way on vintage horns, but my friend's Selmer S80 had the same problem. Either way, if your bari is older than, say, 1970, avoid this mouthpiece. I'd be curious to try a Metalite, too, but I have a feeling I'll have similar problems.
This does use an odd ligature size for a low-end piece - it works with ligatures that fit standard hard rubber tenor mouthpieces like Selmers and Vandorens (Rovner size 2R) - and since it doesn't include a ligature, rememeber that for when you get one.
I would still recommend this to high school-level bari players, since I've never seen a school bari I wouldn't call modern. If you're playing any Yamaha bari, a Rico B3 or B5 would be a great change from a stuffy little Selmer C*, and can tackle marching, concert, and jazz band equally well. Just soften your reed strength by a half or whole when you switch.
P.S. For those of you who know your instrument history, my bari is low-pitch, so it isn't the horn.
Our product catalog varies by country due to manufacturer restrictions. If you change the Ship-To country, some or all of the items in your cart may not ship to the new destination.


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$ 160.00
$ 160.00
Colour Raven
This item is currently not availablefind in local store
The Rovic is the foundation style for the RAW Cargo line. Now using a leaner cut and edited design details, the style is updated each season while retaining cargo pockets and canvas tape details. In lightweight cotton risptop with a woven crosshatch pattern.
The RAW Cargo collection blends G-Stars inventive take on apparel with the functional aesthetic of military attire. This season camouflage informs the collection.
Tapered Fit: Regular fit at waist, hip and thigh; tapered from knee to ankle. Regular rise at front and back.
Fabric: Combat ripstop. 100% cotton.
Colour: Raven
Art nr: 21.142.81103D.6370.976
SizingModel is 6'3 and is wearing a size 33/32 (Waist 33", Hips 40").
Washing instructions
Produced By
G-Star would like to keep you informed on where your G-Star products were made. Visit our G-Star Manufacturing Map to see where this item was manufactured.


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Body Solid 65 cm Exercise Ball
Product Information:
The Body Solid ® 65 cm Exercise Ball is compatible with a variety of exercises. This anti-burst exercise ball is durable and easy to clean after use. Ideal for increasing core strength, stability and flexibility, this exercise ball will help you make the best of your home fitness routine.
- Durable anti-burst ball
- Easy to clean after use
- Aid for rehabilitation
- Suitable for home or light commercial use
- Recommended user height: 5'7" to 5'11"
- Size: 65 cm
Country of Origin: ChinaWeb ID: 11913771


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Fishing Report 6/2-6/6
Well, it took me a while, but I figured I'd post a Smokies report for last week. I spent much of the time fishing the East Prong of Little River (my fiancee, Regan, was tying up some loose ends for our wedding in Townsend in October that I couldn't really be a part of, and she was gracious enough, as always, to let me chase after wild trout and zen out on the streams). I spent a couple days exploring the lower river in the Park between the Y and the Sinks early in the week, then upstream of Metcalf Bottoms mid week, and fished Road Prong on Friday in the afternoon (along with several other anglers).
I noticed that few folks on this forum have been fishing Little River below the Sinks recently, but for anyone interested, especially with nymphing, the fish are there--I caught a number of wild Rainbows, most 4-8", and including a couple 10", and one that was a good 11", the last just beautiful, with olive green and lemon yellow sides, and warm red stripe and gill plates. I also missed or lost at least as many as I landed, these trout are lightning quick, and on Monday hooked what I believe was a large Brown over 15" in a nice riffle run (about halfway between the Y and the Sinks), but the fly simply came out in heartbraking fashion. Also, I found a bunch of good-sized hatchery bows throughout this stretch in the deeper runs, and kept 4 of these, 11-13", for dinner (something I haven't done in 10 years) for Regan and I, along with some of her friends from back in high school; I figured the hatchery trout with any survival instinct decided to make for the cooler waters of the Park. Nymphs worked best for me in this stretch, especially a #10 BH brown Rubberlegs for the point on 5X, and a #16 BH PT on 6X for the dropper.
Above Metcalf Bottoms, I caught mostly 4-7" Rainbows and a few Browns, both on the nymphs above and on a #16 Neversink Caddis yellow (I tied some of these up after reading the posts here, I love this fly) on 6X, and also caught another Rainbow that was a solid 11", a dark, strong fish that grabbed the PT from a deep swirling pocket in the evening, and again, missed lots of others, including an 11-12" Brown from the tail of a long flat run that rose to a #12 black foam beetle, on Friday morning. I didn't detect any larger Browns up here on this trip, but I know they are in there.
Friday afternoon at Road Prong was wonderful, although I suspect another angler or two fished through the water I visited before me, as many of the pockets and pools seemed absent of fish, from the 4th bridge up to the falls. All the same, I caught a handful of specs (my first in the Smokies), the best being a brilliant 7.5" fish with a crimson orange belly that seemed to glow like embers, and just clobbered the Neversink Caddis (I tried a yellow PA and Elk Hair Caddis, but the fish seemed to prefer the Neversink). Road Prong is a special place, with each plunge pool and cascade seemingly more lovely than the last--I can see why people on this site like this stream so much. Incidentally, I also backtracked close to the 2nd bridge in early evening, fished up to the 3rd bridge, and found only Rainbows, including one colorful 10" bow.
Sooooooo, I had a pretty good time of it fishingwise, the brookies were probably the highlight, but good to see some larger wild Rainbows as well in Little River, looks like some of them weathered the drought from last year. I can't wait to return to the Smokies with Regan to get married this fall, and maybe we can chase a few trout together as well!
Many thanks to LRO as well, spent some $$ on hats, maps, and a pair of Chota wading booties (I noticed some other folks on the forum bought these as well, they're great), all the folks there were friendly, knowledgeable, and helpful.
I'll try to post some pics, too, once I get the film developed!
Tight lines, Iain
Sorry but... um... Specs? Another word for brookies or what? Brookies are the only trout that come to mind with orange bellies.
You got it. Specs is just another term for brookies (spots or specs on their sides).
Charlie B
His eye is on the sparrow and I know He watches me.
I was on of the guys on Road Prong Friday afternoon. I took my old man up there, and almost killed him on the mile walk to the fourth bridge. We had a pretty slow start, as there were two guys had just fished the water ahead of us. As it got into evening we started finding some fish and each brought a 7-incher to hand. We hightailed it down to the Little between Elkmont and Metcalf for the last bit of light and we each hooked big browns right next to each other. I got a good look at the old man's fish before it broke his tippet and that ole boy had to be 16-18 inches. I hooked a big one right after that, but I guess I had gotten a little too used to hoisting brookies out of the water, because I horsed the fish a little too much and pulled the fly out of his mouth after he ran to the bottom of the pool. Driving back toward Maryville in the dark I saw a good-sized, healthy looking bear drag itself out of the little river, run through my headlights, and the scale the cliff next to the road. He stopped halfway up and looked back over his shoulder to make sure we weren't chasing him, and he looked like Spiderman clinging to that slope. Fantastic end to a great day.
I love fishing with the old man, but things have changed. He commented on the way back to the truck from Road Prong how our roles had reversed in fishing. I'm 32 and he's 57. He couldn't see the 7X tippet in the shadows well-enough to tie his own flies on, so he reluctantly asked me to help him. I carried water for him to drink. I walked behind him on the trail so that we would go at his pace. I held his rod when he needed both hands on the rocks. And I started thinking, by the time my boys are old enough to keep up with me, I won't be able to keep up with them
Life is hard. But it's a lot harder if you're stupid.
Also, fished Road Prong today for the first time, and got a few brookies which were my first in the park. As many others have said that has to be one of the best streams in the park.
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CENTRAL BANK OF INDIA RTGS HO Branch in PATUWAHA - Address, IFSC, MICR Code
CBIN0282835MICR Code
PURAB BAZAR (PATUWAHA)Contact
PURAB BAZARDIST-SAHARSABIHAR-852201City
What is IFSC Code of CENTRAL BANK OF INDIA situated at PURAB BAZAR (PATUWAHA)- RTGS-HO?
IFSC Code of CENTRAL BANK OF INDIA situated at PURAB BAZAR (PATUWAHA) - RTGS-HO is
What is the meaning of IFSC Code, MICR Codes in Banking industry?
IFSC or Indian Financial System Code is the code allocated to all banks branches. Bank branches use this code to participate in RTGS and NEFT transactions.
What is the significance of IFSC Code and how we can use it?
IFSC Code is a 11 digit code and we can use this code to communicate between different branches of different banks. Upon receiving the request for fund transfer it is easy for a bank to identify the payee branch. First four characters are code of bank, last six digits are branch code and fifth character is left 0, for any future use.


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Enter your Email Address and click 'Continue' Example: email@example.com For further assistance in retrieving your
password, please call:
(800) 770-3387 Submit Cancel Forgot Password Close /TravelSmith/US/Global/Popups/forgot_password Enter your email address
false pdp {"scheme":"product1_cr"}
false pdp {"scheme":"product2_cr"}
Rated 3.9 out of 5 by 24 reviewers.
Rated 5 out of 5 by Darrah Great for Travel I purchased these shirts for my husband just before we left for Spain for a whole month. He wore one and brought one and washed it out when he took a shower. They dried in such a short time, that he really only needed one. At home, I wash them in the washer, but do not put them in the dryer (although I think I could), but they are almost dry when I take them out of the washing machine. He liked them so much that we ordered the underpants also. June 13, 2014
Rated 5 out of 5 by Mirsy Good shirt for travel We haven't traveled with this yet, but I'm sure it will be great. Bought this on sale instead of the more expensive brand and have ordered more. July 3, 2014
Rated 5 out of 5 by MickeyH Comfortable! These 'T's are so comfortable, they will be my "every day" from now on. Effectively wick away moisture. I'm only taking four shirts and four underpants for a 16-day trip because you can wash them in the hotel sink, and they're dry by the next morning. September 13, 2014
Rated 5 out of 5 by Ralph1234 Excellent Purchase The shirts are a perfect fit in size medium for 6 ft 160 lb man. I've washed them 3 times and all seems OK. The shirts are well made. The sleeve length is fine and the V neck is not too deep -- yes it could be tad less deep, but it is fine. As soon as there is another sale on these I'll purchase 4 more of them. November 15, 2014
Rated 5 out of 5 by TravelerIte Small t shirt The Tshirt runs small in size . However it seems to be good quality that can be washed & dried in a day or two. December 10, 2014
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Rated 5 out of 5 by DougInMaine Great T-Shirts for Travel or Other These t-shirts are just what I want for travel. They fit well, are the right material to keep me fresh, and wash and dry easily. Moreover, they are compact and will take little space in my luggage which I manage to keep to a minimum. Moreover, they are great t-shirts just to wear in occasional use right here in my "home port." February 11, 2015
Rated 5 out of 5 by aihh Better than ExOfficio I prefer these to the ExOfficio underwear. The Travelsmith version is made of polyester, and the ExOfficio is nylon. The polyester is both more comfortable and less sweat inducing. They both dry overnight (provided that you wrap them in a towel and walk on the towel to squeeze the excess water out.) Construction quality is about the same. I like the depth of the V neck. I wear these as undershirts, and the V is deep enough that the T-Shirt doesn't show when I leave the top button of my shirt unbuttoned. Both the Travelsmith and ExOfficio versions bleed slightly when washed, so unless you get white, you'll have to wash them separately from your other clothing (unless that clothing is gray or black). Not a big deal, but I've switched from gray to white as a consequence. May 17, 2015
Product:76052-TravelSmith Qwik-Dry V-Neck T-Shirt


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In case you missed out on the postcards that Paramore had at their two signings at The Bamboozle, we're including the few postcards that were left over in orders from The Paramore Webstore while supplies last. It features a never-before-seen photo of the band by Lindsey Byrnes.
Thank you to everyone who came out to see Paramore at their signings!
photo by Michael Dubin


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Backgrounder #2721 on Labor
August 27, 2012
August 27, 2012 | Backgrounder on Labor
Abstract: Unions negotiate workers' terms of pay, promotion, layoff, and retirement; union members may not bargain for themselves. However, very few union members voted for this representation. Once organized, unions remain certified indefinitely: Most union members join as a condition of employment. At the very least, unions should regularly stand for re-election. Even better, Congress and state legislatures should allow workers to choose whether they want union representation, and if so, who represents them—unionized or not. This would give workers the ability to negotiate terms that represent their needs, instead of being forced into a one-size-fits-all contract. The right to join, or refuse to join, a union rests on freedom of association. Union members should have the same rights as other citizens to decide who will represent them.
Under general union representation, employees relinquish their individual negotiating authority to a union. The union becomes the sole representative of the employees in negotiations with their employer. Unionized employers must negotiate employment terms with the union and the union alone. They may not bargain with individual workers. Whether employees like the terms their union has negotiated or not, they cannot negotiate them separately. The union decides how to trade off pay, benefits, and other working conditions at the bargaining table. Ostensibly, the union will negotiate better terms collectively than the workers could individually.
However, unions have institutional interests that conflict with their members' interests. In these cases unions usually place their interests first. For example, unions want to increase their membership and dues income. In states without right-to-work laws, they bargain for "union security" clauses, which require employers to fire workers who do not pay union dues. Such clauses substantially boost union revenues—employees have no choice but to pay. Unions agree to lower compensation in exchange for forced dues.[1] While this benefits the union, it hurts employees by both cutting their pay and forcing them to pay union dues out of what remains.
Some unions will sacrifice their members' compensation to facilitate organizing drives. Rian Wathen, the former Director of Collective Bargaining for United Food and Commercial Workers Local 700 in Indianapolis, described a situation he once witnessed. His union had organized several stores in a local grocery chain. During contract negotiations the union accepted substantial cuts in their existing members' health benefits. In exchange, the employer agreed not to resist their organizing efforts at his non-union stores.[2] The contract meant hundreds of thousands more dollars for the union, but hurt the existing members. The Service Employees International Union expanded its ranks in California nursing homes by agreeing in advance to concessions in exchange for organizing assistance.[3] Unions can exercise their bargaining power in ways that harm their members.
Inherited Unions. Very few union members chose their union to represent them. Most accepted union representation as a condition of employment, but did not separately choose either general representation or the specific union that represents them.
This happens because the National Labor Relations Act (NLRA) does not require private-sector unions to stand for re-election. And only one state, Wisconsin, requires government unions to stand for re-election. A unionized workforce remains unionized until the employer goes bankrupt, or the workers decertify it (a prohibitively difficult undertaking). New employees are represented by the union for which previous employees voted. The overwhelming majority of workers in both the private sector and in government inherited collective representation in this manner.
Unions in the Private Sector. Just 7 percent of private-sector union members voted for their union.[4] The remaining 93 percent are automatically represented by a union they had no say in electing. This number may seem high, but the labor movement organized far more workers in the past than today. In 1964, for example, nearly 487,000 private-sector workers voted in certification elections.[5] In 2011, despite a significantly increased population and labor force, only 72,000 did so.[6] The vast majority of unions that exist today are inherited unions. Few current employees had a say in forming them.
The United Auto Workers (UAW), which organized General Motors' Michigan factories in 1937, is a case in point. Michigan does not have a right-to-work law, so union-represented workers must pay the union's dues or get fired. General Motors' current employees never had the chance to vote for or against the UAW. UAW representation was a non-negotiable condition of their employment.
Chart 1 shows the number of private-sector workers that voted for union representation each year, as well as the number of those employees still working for their original employer. Between retirements, layoffs, and job changes, unions represent only a small number of their original supporters.
Unions in Government. Inherited representation occurs even more often in government. Private-sector unions must constantly organize new businesses to replace members they lose at bankrupt firms. The government does not go out of business. Most state laws that give government employees collective bargaining powers were passed in the 1960s and 1970s. After they finished their initial organizing drives, unions had few school districts or cities left to organize. In most states, little recent organizing activity has taken place in government. As a result, the vast majority of unionized government workforces were organized at least 30 years ago. Few of today's employees worked for the government then.
The situation of public-school teachers demonstrates how few government employees choose their union representation. Federal statistics track how long teachers have worked in the public-school system. Chart 2 shows these figures for several states. The median teacher has been on the job between nine and 14 years. In none of these states have more than 12 percent of teachers worked longer than 30 years. Very few of today's teachers participated in the decades-old election that selected their current bargaining representatives.
In December 1975, New Hampshire passed a law giving government unions collective bargaining powers. Most of the unionizing elections took place within the next five years. Just 9 percent of New Hampshire's teachers were hired before their school district voted to unionize. Only 9 percent of teachers were asked if they wanted their union to represent them. The other 91 percent had to accept union representation as a condition of teaching. (Appendix Table 1 displays the proportion of unionized public-school teachers that had the opportunity to vote on unionizing in each school district in New Hampshire.)
Table 1 shows the proportion of unionized public-school teachers that had the opportunity to vote on unionizing in several other states.[7] Florida passed legislation giving government unions collective bargaining powers in 1974, and by 1975 the state's 10 largest school districts had unionized. Just 1 percent of current teachers were on the job in 1975. Fully 99 percent of the teachers in Florida's largest school districts had no choice about being represented by their union.
Michigan gave government unions collective bargaining powers in 1965. Seven of the 10 largest school districts in the state had already unionized (even without full collective bargaining powers) before then or organized that year. One of the state's largest school districts unionized in 1971, and two others did so in the 1980s. Across Michigan's 10 largest school districts, just 1 percent of teachers had the opportunity to decide who would represent them.[8]
In some states, the unionizing votes took place so long ago that the government has no records of the election. South Dakota passed legislation requiring government employers to meet and negotiate with union representatives in 1970.[9] The state Department of Labor no longer has the records showing when those elections took place.[10] Lawsuits decided by the South Dakota Supreme Court show that the Rapid City school district was organized by 1980, and the Aberdeen School district was organized by 1972.[11] At most, 9 percent of Rapid City public-school teachers and 1 percent of Aberdeen public-school teachers had the opportunity to vote on unionizing.
In other states, unionizing elections occurred so long ago that no current teachers voted for the union that negotiates their contracts. New York City public-school teachers voted to join the United Federation of Teachers (UFT) in 1961,[12] and the same union continues to represent teachers to this day. U.S. Department of Education data show that virtually every teacher who voted in that election has since retired.[13] Joel Klein, the former chancellor of New York City's public schools, identified UFT opposition to reform as one of the greatest obstacles to improving New York City public schools.[14] The UFT hurts the education of hundreds of thousands of children, but no current teacher in New York voted to give them that power.
Similarly, no current teachers voted for their union in many school districts in Kansas. The state's legislature passed legislation giving unions collective bargaining powers in 1970. By 1971, several of Kansas's largest school districts had unionized. However, statistically speaking, none of the teachers in these districts have worked for more than 40 years.[15] They never voted to be represented by the Kansas National Education Association.
Almost all union members in both the private sector and in government inherited union representation their predecessors voted for. The law did not give them the opportunity to decide for themselves whether general representation would benefit them and—if so—which union would provide the best representation. This leads to worse contracts for employees.
Union membership has costs and benefits. On the benefit side, unions try to raise pay and benefits. In a competitive economy, however, they have limited power to do so. Raising pay raises costs. If competition prevents a unionized company from also raising prices then such raises could bankrupt it. Unions know this and do not want to lose dues-paying members. Consequently, most union contracts at newly organized companies do not raise wages.[16] Unions only raise pay at companies with competitive advantages that can afford higher costs.[17]
Unionizing also has downsides. The most obvious are the union dues, which can run from several hundred to several thousand dollars a year.[18] Workers do not benefit from being charged hundreds of dollars a year to negotiate a contract that does not raise their pay.
General representation also has less obvious drawbacks. A collective bargaining agreement (CBA) is a collective contract. One contract sets the pay for every employee in the bargaining unit. Such a contract cannot reflect individual effort or contributions. Instead, unions precisely spell out pay with rigid job classifications and seniority schedules. Most unions do not allow companies to reward individual workers with raises or bonuses.[19]
Such one-size-fits-all CBAs were workable when all workers brought essentially the same skills to the bargaining table. But the nature of work in the economy is changing. Employers are automating many repetitive tasks. The fastest growing job sectors have been those requiring individual skills: professional specialty, executive and managerial, and technical and sales jobs.[20]
At the same time, employers are also flattening the job hierarchy. The line between management and workers is blurring. Employers increasingly expect workers to exercise independent judgment and take initiative on the job.[21] The unique skills of individual financial planners, web developers, or medical specialists do not lend themselves to general representation. Employers want to reward—and employees want to be rewarded for—individual contributions that no collective contract can reflect. Many workers feel that a contract prohibiting individual performance-based raises would hold them back.
Private-sector union membership has dropped sharply because workers' demand for union representation has also fallen.[22] Employees should be allowed to choose whether they negotiate individually or collectively, instead of automatically inheriting general representation.
Unaccountable Unions. Workers who choose general representation should also get to choose which union represents them. Allowing unions to remain workers' representatives indefinitely reduces their accountability. Currently, unions have few institutional incentives to represent their members well. Whether the union negotiates a good contract or a bad one it will stay in business. This can lead unions to ignore workers' interests at the bargaining table.
Members of the United Healthcare Workers-West (UHW-West), a California chapter of the Service Employees International Union (SEIU), witnessed their union ignoring their interests firsthand. In order to expand its membership—and thus dues income—the national SEIU gave nursing homes that agreed to support their organizing drives a special deal.[23] The SEIU negotiated contracts that gave the owners of nursing homes who signed "alliance agreements" the "exclusive rights to run the company." All employee relations (such as pay rates, incentives, promotions, and demotions) were left to the sole discretion of the employer, completely circumventing the union.[24] The union also agreed to give up its right to strike. It would, however, be allowed to charge employees mandatory dues.
Many companies were willing to support unionization if the union legally committed to doing little except collect dues. SEIU membership and income soared, but these new union members had no more influence over their working conditions than before.
Even when unions do not sell out their members, workers' lack of choice makes unions less responsive to their members' concerns. They do not have to work hard to serve their members to remain their exclusive bargaining representatives.
Wasted Dues. Inherited representation reduces the pressure on unions to be prudent with their members' money. Workers cannot shop around for less expensive representatives. This lets unions spend dues wastefully.
Fully 60 percent of union members object to their dues being spent on political causes. [25] These objections do not prevent the AFL–CIO from spending one-sixth of its budget on lobbying and other political activities, often to support candidates its members oppose.[26]
Inherited representation also inflates union salaries. Mary Kay Henry, president of the SEIU, made $290,000 last year. Eliseo Medina, the SEIU's secretary-treasurer, made $331,000.[27] Joseph Hansen made $361,000 as president of the United Food and Commercial Workers representing hourly workers at grocery stores.[28]
If workers could choose the union that represents them, union officers would have to earn their salaries. SEIU members upset over contracts in which the union agreed to do little would probably look for a new union. A full 57 percent of union members say they do not get enough value for their dues.[29]
Existing Options Limited. Existing laws do little to hold unions accountable to their members. Workers dissatisfied with their union representation can attempt to replace their union representatives in internal union elections, but local chapters of unions are subordinate to the national union. If the local's policies clash with the policies of the national union, the national can place the local under trusteeship.
This happened to the SEIU's members in UHW-West. The local's elected leaders believed that the national's "growth" strategy of signing contracts that gave away the union's bargaining powers betrayed their members. The leaders actively resisted the policy of organizing by agreeing in advance to do little.[30] So the national SEIU forced the UHW-West into trusteeship in 2009, replacing the local's elected officers with appointees loyal to the national.[31] The rank-and-file members of UHW-West had no power to elect local officers who would put their interests ahead of the SEIU's bottom line.
Alternatively, workers can petition for a decertification election to remove their union. However, both the law and unions make this prohibitively difficult: The National Labor Relations Act requires workers to collect signatures from 30 percent of the employees in the bargaining unit. These signatures may not be collected while employees are on the clock or in work areas, and employees have a one-month window every three years to collect them.[32] This makes gathering enough signatures to trigger an election extremely arduous, especially if the unit spans multiple cities.
Unions heavily pressure workers not to sign decertification petitions, and most unions expel workers who support decertification. The UAW constitution, for example, calls for the expulsion of any member "affirmatively engaged in efforts to decertify the International Union or any subordinate body thereof."[33]
Being expelled from the union means that a worker cannot vote in elections for union officers or vote on ratifying a new contract. Signing a decertification petition means that workers lose the little say they have in how their union operates—even though it will still represent them if the decertification attempt fails.
As a result, decertification votes are extremely rare. Only 38,000 private-sector union members voted in a decertification election between 2009 and 2011.[34] That amounts to 0.5 percent of the 8 million private-sector workers unions represented during this time. Given the opportunity, however, many union members voted against their representatives: Unions lost 58 percent of these decertification elections.[35]
The difficulty of decertifying a union means that unions do not need to cultivate employee support. As long as dissatisfied workers grudgingly tolerate their union, it will continue to represent them.
Expanding Worker Choice. The law should allow workers to freely and easily choose whether they want collective representation and—if so—who that representative will be. Workers should not remain stuck with a union others elected decades ago. Nor should unions be allowed to automatically represent new members. They should have to earn employees' support.
There are two good ways Congress and state legislatures can give workers that choice and make unions accountable to their members: They could either (1) require unions to run for re-election on a regular basis, or (2) let workers choose anyone as their bargaining representative, irrespective of who other employees have designated.
Union Re-Elections. Governors and legislators do not serve indefinitely. They must regularly stand for re-election. The most straightforward way to expand workplace choice is requiring unions also to run for re-election. Re-election votes every two to four years would allow employees to regularly assess their union's performance as their representative. This would significantly increase unions' accountability to their members—no matter how workers vote.
Workers who were dissatisfied with their representation could easily remove their union. Workers who were satisfied with the union could just as easily re-elect it. Many union members would probably re-elect their union. They should still get a vote on whether to do so.
Having to run for re-election would make unions more accountable and more responsive to their members' concerns. Voters re-elect their congressmen about 95 percent of the time.[36] That does not make election campaigns superfluous. The fact that they have to prove themselves by running for re-election makes politicians better representatives than they would be if they served indefinitely.[37] How often would Members of Congress vote against pay increases if they did not face re-election? How concerned would they be with their constituent services or with the views of their constituents? Elections give voters an opportunity to evaluate their representatives' performance. This forces often self-interested politicians to pay more attention to their constituents' needs.
Re-election votes would similarly benefit union members. Wisconsin recently made membership in government unions voluntary and required unions to run for re-election. Many unions believed they would lose and did not file for re-election. Membership in the American Federation of State, County, and Municipal Employees fell by 55 percent.[38] Of the unions that ran for re-election 85 percent won.[39] To win the elections, however, many of them cut their dues. The Wisconsin Education Association, for example, reduced dues by 30 percent.[40]
Unions are not entitled to workers' dues. They should have to earn them. If a union cannot convince employees that it has improved working conditions, they are probably better off without it. Most union members agree: 83 percent of union households believe that workers should have the right to regular votes on remaining unionized.[41] Union members understand that re-election votes benefit them.
Structuring Election Votes. Legislation before Congress, the Employee Rights Act, would require private-sector unions to run for re-election every three years.[42] As Wisconsin demonstrated, states can also require their government unions to stand for re-election. Congress and state legislatures should seriously consider requiring unions to do so. A crucial issue to consider in structuring such votes is whether the union should have to win the support of a majority of employees in the workplace, or just a majority of those who vote. Wisconsin required unions to win support from a majority of all employees. The Employee Rights Act requires unions to win a majority of those who choose to participate in the election, even if that majority represents a small portion of the overall workforce.
There is a good reason to require unions to obtain support from a majority of all workers: It prevents a small minority from imposing a bad contract on everyone else. This happened recently in Michigan when the SEIU petitioned for an election among 43,000 home health care aides paid by Medicaid. Most of these "employees" were family members taking care of disabled relatives. The state conducted a mail-in election, in which only 20 percent of homecare aides participated.[43] Most families threw away the ballots believing they were junk mail. The SEIU, however, mobilized its supporters and won the low turnout election. The union then negotiated a contract in which it provided virtually no benefits for these family members but required them to pay dues. Parents of disabled children soon found union dues being taken from their Medicaid payments when they had no idea an election had even taken place.[44]
Union leaders claim that requiring unions to get majority employee support unfairly counts non-voters as "no" votes. However, unions negotiate on behalf of all employees, and all workers are bound by the contract. Unions should need majority support to receive this power. The best policy would require unions to stand for re-election, and require that they win the support of a majority of all employees.[45]
If policymakers believe the argument against requiring majority support has merit, they should at least require unions to demonstrate substantial employee support. They could, for example, require the number of pro-union votes to constitute at least 40 percent of the workforce for the union to win certification. This would prevent a small minority of employees from imposing a union on an entire workplace. If a union can get the votes of only 20 percent of workers, it should not negotiate on behalf of everyone.
Representative Choice. Letting workers vote to re-elect their bargaining representatives is a straightforward reform that would benefit workers. A more comprehensive approach would provide workers with even greater benefits.
The law currently forces workers in a bargaining unit to accept a single representative. If the majority votes for a certain union, then everyone must accept the same representative, and the contract that union negotiates. This leads to one-size-fits-all contracts that ignore the needs of individual employees. Merely requiring unions to run for re-election does not solve this problem. It still leaves every worker represented by the same agent and under one contract.
Congress and state legislatures should give workers representative choice: allow employees to designate any person as their bargaining representative. The law should allow individual workers to select different unions to represent them, or to represent themselves if they so choose.[46]
Representative choice would allow workers to negotiate contracts tailored to their situations. Workers who support their union and its priorities could continue to select it as their representative. Workers with different preferences—such as parents who value flexibility and paid leave over other benefits—could negotiate different contracts through another union or individually.
Allowing workers to switch bargaining representatives would force unions to respond to their members' concerns. Like re-election votes, it would hold unions accountable to their members. Unlike re-election votes, it would fix one of the major downsides of unionizing: one-size-fits-all contracts.
Worker Voice vs. Monopoly Face. Unions perform two roles in the workplace: They express the collective employee voice, and they function as monopolists.[47] Most Americans are familiar with the "voice" role of unions. Unions communicate employees' desires and concerns collectively to management. As workers' representatives, unions inform employers about safety concerns, shortcomings in benefit structures, and other workplace concerns. While managers might discount individual employee complaints, they take concerns communicated collectively quite seriously. Economists believe this collective voice improves working conditions and productivity.
Unions also act as monopolists. Because unions exclusively represent all workers, they control a firms' labor supply. They use this power to restrict entry and reduce output, raising their compensation. Unions are essentially labor cartels. This "monopoly face" imposes significant economic costs. If a city wants to hire employees it must hire them on the terms the union sets—even if some employees would accept different terms.
Free trade and deregulation have severely limited the monopoly power of private-sector unions—even if they control the labor of one company, consumers can buy elsewhere. This is why unions do not raise pay at most companies they organize. The government, however, has no competitors. Unions can substantially raise pay in government without risking jobs—the state or county simply has to raise taxes. Consequently, they do. In California, the average government employee earns 30 percent more than a comparable private-sector worker.[48] Their monopoly allows unions to force taxpayers to pay for government employees to retire at 55, and makes it impossible to reward excellent teachers or remove bad ones.
Representative choice would preserve the "voice" role of unions while removing their monopoly powers. Unions would still represent employees' concerns to management. But if potential municipal employees were willing to work until age 65, one union could not stop them from separately agreeing to work for the city. Ineffective teachers could try to hold out for a contract that bases all raises on seniority, but they could not stop a school district from hiring better teachers unafraid of performance evaluations.
Equal Representation. Representative choice would also force unions to pay attention to the concerns of all their members. Unions currently do not represent all workers equally. Union contracts typically benefit workers with more influence in the union at the expense of those with less. One-size-fits-all contracts allow unions to force a bad contract on employees with less clout.
For example, unions usually negotiate seniority-based layoffs: When bad times come, the newest hires get laid off first. This is why Nevada laid off seven Teachers of the Year.[49] Senior union members strongly support the seniority-based layoffs. Newer workers would rather not be sacrificed to protect senior employees. They would prefer layoffs based on performance. However, junior employees have little clout in the union, so unions negotiate seniority-based layoffs.
Similarly, senior union members highly value retirement benefits—they are much closer to retirement. Having gained seniority-based raises, they care less about starting salaries. New graduates care much more about starting pay and less about retirement benefits.[50] Since senior employees have more clout in the union, union contracts reflect their preferences—not those of new hires. A disproportionate share of the compensation of public-school teachers, for example, goes toward retirement benefits.[51] This makes it harder for school districts to attract good potential teachers.
Unions can only benefit some workers at the expense of others because all employees must accept their representation. If junior teachers could negotiate separately with the school board, they would receive a contract that reflected their concerns. They could negotiate a contract with performance-based layoffs, a higher starting salary, and less expensive retirement benefits. Representative choice would prevent unions from making some workers more equal than others.
Freedom of Association. Wisconsin Governor Scott Walker closed a $3.6 billion budget deficit by sharply limiting the collective bargaining powers of government unions. Unions protested vehemently that Walker had stripped them of their "collective bargaining rights." They organized recall elections against Walker and legislators who voted for the reforms. While Wisconsin voters re-elected Walker, the unions succeeded in recalling three state senators who voted for the reforms.
The union campaign was fueled by the moral argument that Walker had attacked their "collective bargaining rights."[52] A long-standing moral tradition holds that workers have the right to form and join labor unions. In the 1891 Encyclical Rerum Novarum, Pope Leo XIII argued that "to enter into [a trade union] is a natural right of man; and the State has for its office to protect natural rights, not destroy them."[53]
However, this right is founded upon the principle of freedom of association. For this reason the same moral tradition also holds that union membership should be voluntary. [54]
Representative choice allows workers to bargain collectively, and it enhances their freedom of association: It allows employees to join any union, irrespective of who their colleagues or predecessors selected. It fully preserves the "voice" and "association" functions of unions while removing their harmful monopoly. Unions would have difficulty arguing that representative choice takes away their rights. It simply reforms collective bargaining to let workers choose their own representatives. No union should have the right to force employees to accept its services.
State Initiatives. The law should not require all workers to accept representation from one and only one union. Neither should the law force workers to be represented by a union that actively ignores their concerns. Congress and state legislatures should revise collective-bargaining statutes to allow private-sector and government employees to choose anyone as their bargaining representative. Unions would still represent workers, but they would no longer exclusively represent every employee unless every employee voluntarily chose them.
Some state constitutions, such as Florida's, expressly guarantee the ability of employees to bargain collectively. The Missouri Supreme Court has ruled that the Missouri constitution similarly gives government employees collective-bargaining powers. Unions are attempting to amend the Michigan constitution to include a similar guarantee. Wisconsin-type reforms are illegal in any state whose constitution guarantees collective-bargaining powers. These state constitutions still permit representative choice, however. Nothing in any state constitution mandates that employees must be forced to use the same bargaining representative.
It may prove difficult to modify private-sector labor law—Congress has not substantively modified the National Labor Relations Act since 1959. However, many states have revised the collective-bargaining powers they give unions.[55] State legislatures should lead the way in giving workers representative choice. If several states passed and demonstrated the benefits of representative choice, they could serve as a model for labor reforms at the federal level.
The Freedom Foundation has developed model legislation to establish representative choice in government workforces.[56] State legislatures should seriously evaluate this proposal. If they opt not to enact representative choice, they should at least require unions to stand for re-election.
Unions represent employees in the workplace, but most workers never chose their union. The overwhelming majority of workers accepted union representation as a condition of being hired at a unionized firm. They inherited the union that their predecessors voted for decades earlier. Just 7 percent of private-sector workers voted for their union. An even smaller portion of government employees chose their union. For instance, virtually all of the teachers who voted to unionize Kansas's largest school districts in 1971 have since retired. The current teachers did not choose their representative.
Inherited representation encourages unions to put their interests first—at the expense of the workers they ostensibly represent. Congress and state legislatures should require unions to run for re-election, or allow workers to designate their own bargaining representative. Workers should not be forced to accept a union's services.
— James Sherk is Senior Policy Analyst in Labor Economics in the Center for Data Analysis at The Heritage Foundation. The author extends his gratitude to Heritage Foundation interns Michael Quinn, Stephanie Jaczkowski, and Alex Entz for their invaluable research assistance with this paper.
To determine the proportion of unionized public-school teachers that had an opportunity to vote on unionizing, The Heritage Foundation combined data on statewide teacher tenure collected by the U.S. Department of Education's National Center for Education Statistics with data on unionizing elections in various school districts.
The teacher tenure data came from the 2007–2008 Schools and Staffing Survey (SASS).[57] One of the survey instruments consists of interviews with a representative sample of public-school teachers in each state. One of the interview questions identifies teachers as union members or non-union members. Two other questions identify the number of years since the individual began teaching full-time in public schools, and the number of years since the individual began teaching part-time in public schools. Heritage Foundation analysts constructed a new variable—public-school tenure—defined as the maximum of these two variables.
This constructed tenure variable will slightly overstate the portion of teachers who voted in the unionizing election. It measures the tenure of teachers in all public schools, not just the school district in which they now teach. If a veteran teacher moved to a district after it unionized, but that individual started teaching before that time, this methodology counts that teacher as having voted in the election. These results should thus be considered an upper bound on the portion of teachers who had the opportunity to vote.
Chart 2 displays the distribution of public-school tenure for unionized teachers in several states. The sample sizes[58] for these surveys are:
Florida: 510 respondents
Kansas: 420 respondents
Michigan: 680 respondents
New Hampshire: 480 respondents
New York City: 650 respondents
South Dakota: 370 respondents
The Heritage Foundation used multiple data sources to determine the date of the most recent unionizing elections.
Florida: Florida passed legislation creating collective bargaining in government in 1974. The Heritage Foundation made public-records requests by phone for four district unions (Polk, Lee, Palm Beach, and Miami–Dade) between June 6 and June 8, 2012. Five other unions (Broward, Hillsborough, Duval, Pinellas, and Orange) published the dates on which they were certified on their websites. The teacher association in Brevard responded to a public-records request for their unionization timeline via e-mail. In all but two of these districts, the teachers voted to unionize before 1974, even though they did not have full collective-bargaining powers. It is unclear whether they voted again under the 1974 law. Consequently, 1974 was used as the latest possible election date for unions formed before then.
Kansas: Kansas instituted collective bargaining in government in 1970. The starting dates of three district unions (Shawnee Mission, Kansas City, and Topeka) were taken from the National Directory of Nonprofit Organizations.[59] The organization date for the union in the Olathe district was cited in a court case: Unified School District No. 233 Johnson County v. Kansas Association of American Educators (2003). The President of the Wichita Teacher Association provided the certification date of his union via a telephone interview.[60]
Michigan: Michigan gave government unions collective-bargaining powers in 1965. The 10 largest school districts in the state are unionized. Secretaries in the union's main office gave the dates of unionization for the Detroit City School District, Dearborn City School District, and Walled Lake Consolidated Schools.[61] The dates for the formation of the other seven school districts' teachers unions were obtained from the National Directory of Nonprofit Organizations.[62] In six of these districts, the teachers voted to unionize before 1965, even though they did not have full collective-bargaining powers. It is unclear whether they voted again under the 1965 law. Consequently, 1965 was used as the starting date for unions formed before then.
New Hampshire: The New Hampshire legislature instituted collective bargaining in government with the passage of the Public Employee Labor Relations Act on December 21, 1975. Unlike most other states, the New Hampshire Public Employees Labor Relations Board (PELRB) maintains records of most union certifications going back to the 1970s. However, no central database records the holding of representative elections.[63] The only way to obtain this information is to review each representation file since 1976. The state PELRB suggested using the date of certification to approximate the date of the election—as certification forms are issued after a representative election.
On the union certification forms, if a representation proceeding had been conducted in accordance with "RSA 274-A, Section 10," it was assumed an election had occurred—as this refers to the section of the New Hampshire Public Employee Labor Relations Act that relates to the election process.
A reference, instead, to Chapter 490:3 in a PELRB certification indicates that it went through the "grandfathering" process—that is, no election was conducted by the PELRB. While this means an election may have occurred earlier, it was not supervised by the PELRB, as such an election would have occurred before the Public Employee Labor Relations Act. Unions grandfathered under the act were assumed to have voted in 1976, the latest date possible under the law. This represents a lower bound on the length of time since the election.
If a modification petition was used to create a new bargaining unit, the board may conduct elections for the "modification proceedings." Elections are also held if the modification petition seeks to create a new unit. However, if the union lost the election, the bargaining unit would not be amended, and thus the certification would not record each election conducted. Elections may also occur during "challenging" petitions of modification (in the hopes of changing representation) and such failed attempts may also not be recorded. If the union lost the election to challengers or to a "no representation" vote, it would either lose certification or the PELRB would issue a new certification.
In order to ascertain the nature of the modification proceedings and whether they involved a new vote, Heritage Foundation analysts examined the board decisions that dealt with each of the relevant unions between 1976 and 2012, as well as noting the original certification date (a certain representative election). The Heritage Foundation used the date of the most recent election conducted.
The election date information was combined with the teacher tenure distribution to estimate the portion of teachers working in that school district on or before the election date. For example, Manchester Public Schools in New Hampshire voted to unionize in 1977. Three percent of teachers in New Hampshire have been working for 35 or more years. Thus, Table 1 indicates that at most 3 percent of Manchester Public Schools' teachers voted on whether they wanted to be represented by the Manchester Education Association. This does not mean that 3 percent of teachers voted for the union, only that at most 3 percent of teachers could have participated in the election.
New York City: The United Federation of Teachers published a book celebrating its 50th anniversary as collective bargaining representatives in New York City.[64] That book identified the original certification election as occurring in 1961.
South Dakota: South Dakota required local governments to meet and negotiate with government unions in 1970. However, the state Department of Labor does not maintain records of unionizing votes from before the 1990s, so it is not possible to determine exactly when the states' school districts voted.[65] South Dakota Supreme Court decisions reference negotiations with the Aberdeen and Rapid City teacher associations, and the earliest dates mentioned in these decisions were used as the start date of collective bargaining. These dates are lower bounds on the length of time these school districts have bargained.[66]
The analysis embodied in Table 1 and Appendix Table 1 assumes that teacher tenure is distributed normally throughout each state. It also assumes that the distribution of teacher tenure has not changed substantially since the 2007–2008 survey. In other words, if 3 percent of teachers in Manchester Public Schools had been on the job for 35 years in 2007–2008, the same would be true in 2012.
This assumption will be violated if unionized teachers delayed their retirement during the recession. However, even assuming that no teacher retired between 2007 and 2012 would increase the estimated proportion of teachers with the opportunity to select their union by at most a few percentage points. In some districts, such as New York City, it would not increase the proportion of potential voters at all.
Show references in this report
[1]In most cases newly organized unions do not raise their members' pay. See footnote 16 for details. However, virtually all new union contracts in non-right-to-work states require all employees to pay dues or lose their job.
[2]Rian Wathen, "Protecting Employee Rights," Heritage Foundation panel discussion, March 20, 2012, http://www.heritage.org/events/2012/03/protecting-employee-rights.
[3]Matt Smith, "Union Disunity," San Francisco Weekly, April 11, 2007, http://www.sfweekly.com/2007-04-11/news/union-disunity/ (accessed August 15, 2012).
[4]Analysis of data on job tenure of union members released by the Bureau of Labor Statistics, and data on union organizing from the National Labor Relations Board, conducted by J. Justin Wilson, "Job Tenure and Union Elections: Non-voting Union Membership in the Private Sector, 1964 to 2009," Center for Union Facts, March 2012, http://www.unionfacts.com/downloads/Union_Tenure_Elections.pdf (accessed August 15, 2012). (accessed August 15, 2012).
[5]These figures are for workers covered under the National Labor Relations Act, which applies to most private-sector workers. The Railway Labor Act covers workers on railways and on airlines.
[6]National Labor Relations Board, Election Reports, FY 2011, "Election Data, FY 2011," http://www.nlrb.gov/sites/default/files/documents/3429/election_data_fy_2011_.xls (accessed August 15, 2012), and Twenty-Ninth Annual Report of the National Labor Relations Board for the Fiscal Year Ended June 30, 1964 (Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1965), Table 14, http://www.nlrb.gov/sites/default/files/documents/119/nlrb1964.pdf (accessed August 15, 2012).
[7]Heritage Foundation calculations using data on the tenure of unionized public-school teachers from the Schools and Staffing Survey (SASS) 2007–2008, and separately collected data on union organizing by school district. See the appendix of this Backgrounder for details.
[8]Ibid. Average across school districts weighted by the number of teachers in each district.
[9]In 1973, the requirement was expanded to meet and negotiate "in good faith."
[10]The Heritage Foundation requested information on the dates of unionizing elections in South Dakota and was informed by the state Department of Labor that it did not have records for votes before the1990s. E-mail correspondence on June 29, 2012.
[11] Aberdeen Ed. Ass'n v. Aberdeen Bd. of Ed., Aberdeen Independent School Dist., 88 S.D. 127 (1974), and Rapid City Educ. Ass'n v. Rapid City Area School Dist. No. 51-4, 376 N.W.2d 562 (1985).
[12]United Federation of Teachers, "50 Years: United Federation of Teachers 1960–2010," http://www.uft.org/files/attachments/uft-50-years-book.pdf (accessed August 15, 2012).
[13]Heritage Foundation calculations using data from the 2007–2008 Schools and Staffing Survey. Based on a sample of 650 unionized full-time and part-time teachers in New York City public schools. See the appendix of this Backgrounder for details. The maximum tenure of unionized public-school teachers in New York in this sample was 41 years. Note: It is possible that a few teachers not sampled have worked longer than this, but the number of such veteran teachers is not statistically distinguishable from zero.
[14]Joel Klein, "The Failure of American Schools," The Atlantic, June 2011, http://www.theatlantic.com/magazine/archive/2011/06/the-failure-of-american-schools/8497/4/?single_page=true (accessed August 15, 2012).
[15]Heritage Foundation calculations using data from the 2007–2008 Schools and Staffing Survey. Based on a sample of 420 unionized full-time and part-time teachers in Kansas Public Schools. See the appendix of this Backgrounder for details. Note: This means that no teachers in the representative sample have been working for more than 40 years. It is possible that some teachers not sampled have worked longer, but the number of such veteran teachers is not statistically distinguishable from zero.
[16]Robert J. Lalonde, Gerard Marschke, and Kenneth Troske, "Using Longitudinal Data on Establishments to Analyze the Effects of Union Organizing Campaigns in the United States," Annales d' Economie et de Statistique, Vol. 41–42 (January–June 1996), pp. 155–185; Richard B. Freeman and Morris M. Kleiner, "The Impact of New Unionization on Wages and Working Conditions," Journal of Labor Economics, Vol. 8, No. 1 (January 1990), pp. S8–25; and John DiNardo and David S. Lee, "Economic Impacts of New Unionization on Private Sector Employers: 1984–2001," The Quarterly Journal of Economics, Vol. 119, No. 4 (November 2004), pp. 1383–1441.
[17]James Sherk, "What Unions Do: How Labor Unions Affect Jobs and the Economy," Heritage Foundation Backgrounder No. 2275, May 21, 2009, http://www.heritage.org/research/reports/2009/05/what-unions-do-how-labor-unions-affect-jobs-and-the-economy.
[18]The Indiana Local of the International Union of Operating Engineers charges average dues of $2,000 to $2,500 a year. See "Union Seeks Restraining Order on Right-to-Work Law," Associated Press, February 29, 2012, http://www.bsudailynews.com/union-seeks-restraining-order-on-right-to-work-law-1.2708444 (accessed August 15, 2012).
[19]James Sherk and Ryan O'Donnell, "RAISE Act Lifts Pay Cap on Millions of American Workers," Heritage Foundation Backgrounder No. 2702, June 19, 2012, http://www.heritage.org/research/reports/2012/06/raise-act-lifts-pay-cap-on-millions-of-american-workers.
[20]James Sherk, "A Good Job Is Not So Hard to Find," Heritage Foundation Center for Data AnalysisReport No. 08-04, June 17, 2008, http://www.heritage.org/research/Labor/cda08-04.cfm.
[21]Assar Lindbeck and Dennis Snower, "Centralized Bargaining and Reorganized Work: Are They Compatible?" European Economic Review, Vol. 45, No. 10 (December 2001), pp. 1851–1875.
[22]Henry S. Farber and Alan B. Krueger, "Union Membership in the United States: The Decline Continues," NBER Working Paper No. 4216, 1992.
[23]Smith, "Union Disunity."
[25]"Benchmark Study of Union Employee Election Year Attitudes," The Word Doctors, October 2010, Question 41, http://www.theworddoctors.com/docs/Benchmark%20Study%20of%20Union%20Employee%20Election%20Year%20Attitudes.pdf (accessed August 15, 2012). Representative sample of 760 union members; margin of error + or – 3.7 percent. The Word Doctors is Frank Luntz's polling and focus group firm.
[26]U.S. Department of Labor, Office of Labor-Management Standards (OLMS), "Form LM-2 Labor Organization Annual Report," filed by the American Federation of Labor–Congress of Industrial Organizations, 2010, File No. 000-106, http://www.unionreports.gov (accessed August 15, 2012). These figures cover cash compensation. They do not include benefits or deferred compensation.
[27]U.S. Department of Labor, Office of Labor-Management Standards (OLMS), "Form LM-2 Labor Organization Annual Report," filed by the Service Employees International Union, 2011, File No. 000-137, http://www.unionreports.gov (accessed August 15, 2012). These figures cover cash compensation. They do not include benefits or deferred compensation.
[28]U.S. Department of Labor, Office of Labor-Management Standards (OLMS), "Form LM-2 Labor Organization Annual Report," filed by the United Food and Commercial Workers, 2011, File No. 000-056, http://www.unionreports.gov (accessed August 15, 2012). These figures cover cash compensation. They do not include benefits or deferred compensation.
[29]"Benchmark Study of Union Employee Election Year Attitudes," The Word Doctors, Question 34.
[30]United Healthcare Workers-West, "The California Alliance Agreement: Lessons Learned in Moving Forward in Organizing California's Nursing Home Industry," January 4, 2007, http://media.sfweekly.com/789842.0.pdf (accessed August 15, 2012).
[31]Evelyn Larrubia, "Bay Area Health Union Seeks Vote on Membership," Los Angeles Times, February 3, 2009, http://www.latimes.com/news/local/la-me-nuhw3-2009feb03,0,4633353.story (accessed August 15, 2012).
[32]National Labor Relations Board, "Basic Guide to the National Labor Relations Act," 1997, pp. 8–10, http://www.shrm.org/Publications/hrmagazine/EditorialContent/Documents/basicguide.pdf (accessed August 15, 2012).
[33]Article XXXI, Section 24 of the constitution of the United Automobile, Aerospace, and Agricultural Implement Workers of America.
[34]Heritage Foundation calculations using data from the National Labor Relations Board, "Election Reports," FY 2009 to FY 2011, http://www.nlrb.gov/election-reports (accessed August 15, 2012). During this time 214,000 workers voted in union certification elections.
[35]Ibid. Note: Since decertification elections occur only in workplaces where workers are sufficiently upset with their union to navigate the obstacles to calling an election, unions are more likely to lose these votes than they would in a randomly selected bargaining unit.
[36]John N. Friedman and Richard T. Holden, "The Rising Incumbent Reelection Rate: What's Gerrymandering Got to Do With It?" The Journal of Politics, Vol. 71 (April 2009), pp. 593–611.
[37]See, for example, Claudio Ferraz and Frederico Finan, "Electoral Accountability and Corruption: Evidence from the Audits of Local Governments," American Economic Review, Vol. 101, No. 4, June 2011, pp. 1274–1311.
[38]Douglas Belkin and Kris Maher, "Wisconsin Unions See Ranks Drop Ahead of Recall Vote," The Wall Street Journal, May 30, 2012, http://online.wsj.com/article/SB10001424052702304821304577436462413999718.html (accessed August 15, 2012).
[39]Tom Tolan and Erin Richards, "Majority of Education Unions Vote to Recertify," Journal Sentinel (Milwaukee), December 8, 2011, http://www.jsonline.com/news/education/education-unions-vote-to-recertify-sd3caui-135285458.html (accessed August 15, 2012).
[40]Steven Verburg, "Recall Aftermath: Public Unions Face Uncertain Future," Wisconsin State Journal, June 10, 2012, http://m.host.madison.com/wsj/news/local/govt-and-politics/recall-aftermath-public-unions-face-uncertain-future/article_82fa0a7e-b25f-11e1-9c50-001a4bcf887a.html (accessed August 15, 2012).
[41]Poll of 3,021 adults conducted by CARAVAN Surveys between August 5 and August 15, 2011, "Poll of Union Members Regarding the Employee Rights Act," http://www.employeerightsact.com/poll.html (accessed August 15, 2012).
[42]S. 1507, The Employee Rights Act, §2(b).
[43]Suzanne Lowe, "PERA Bargaining Unit Exclusion, S.B. 1018 (S-1): Analysis as Passed by the Senate," Michigan State Senate Fiscal Agency Bill Analysis, March 28, 2012, http://www.legislature.mi.gov/documents/2011-2012/billanalysis/Senate/pdf/2011-SFA-1018-B.pdf (accessed August 15, 2012).
[44]The Mackinac Center for Public Policy, "The SEIU in Michigan: Home Health Aides," July 7, 2011, http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=G4g9ILNUr_8 (accessed August 15, 2012).
[45]A further concern about union re-elections is their cost. The Employee Rights Act requires private employers and unions to split the cost of conducting union re-elections. A similar provision in such a bill applying to government unions would add slightly to strained government budgets. States could solve the problem of these higher costs by requiring government unions to pay for the cost of holding the elections. This is how internal union elections are paid for under the Labor Management Reporting and Disclosure Act (LMRDA). The LMRDA requires unions to conduct regular elections for union officers, and unions—not taxpayers—cover the cost of holding these elections. Government unions spend only a portion of their budgets representing their members. The rest they spend on other causes, such as lobbying. Unions can easily afford to pay for certification elections without negatively impacting the services they provide.
[46]Under this proposal, workers could also select non-union agents as their bargaining representative, i.e., a co-worker, lawyer, or a representative from a professional association.
[47]Bruce E. Kaufman, "What Unions Do: Insights from Economic Theory," Journal of Labor Research, Vol. 25, No. 3 (July 2004), pp. 351–382.
[48]Jason Richwine and Andrew Biggs, "Are California Public Employees Overpaid?" Heritage Foundation Center for Data Analysis Report No. 11-01, March 17, 2011, http://www.heritage.org/research/reports/2011/03/are-california-public-employees-overpaid.
[49]Paul Takahashi, "Teachers New to District—Even the Outstanding Ones—Face Uncertain Future," Las Vegas Sun, June 9, 2012, http://www.lasvegassun.com/news/2012/jun/09/teachers-new-district---even-outstanding-ones---fa/ (accessed August 15, 2012).
[50]This is especially true for those who want to teach for a few years, not their whole lives.
[51]Jason Richwine and Andrew G. Biggs, "Assessing the Compensation of Public-School Teachers," Heritage Foundation Center for Data Analysis Report No. 11-03, November 1, 2011, http://www.heritage.org/research/reports/2011/10/assessing-the-compensation-of-public-school-teachers (accessed August 15, 2012).
[52]Walker did not in fact prevent state employees from joining unions. He only removed those unions' monopoly control over the state of Wisconsin's labor force.
[53]Pope Leo XIII, Rerum Novarum, 1891, §51, http://www.vatican.va/holy_father/leo_xiii/encyclicals/documents/hf_l-xiii_enc_15051891_rerum-novarum_en.html (accessed August 15, 2012).
[54]For example, Pope Pius XI argued that "just as inhabitants of a town are wont to found associations with the widest diversity of purposes, which each is quite free to join or not, so those engaged in the same industry or profession will combine with one another into associations equally free for purposes connected in some manner with the pursuit of the calling itself." (Emphasis added.) Quadragesimo Anno,1931, §87, http://www.vatican.va/holy_father/pius_xi/encyclicals/documents/hf_p-xi_enc_19310515_quadragesimo-anno_en.html (accessed August 15, 2012).
[55]Recent examples include Ohio (though the law was blocked by a referendum), Oklahoma, Tennessee, and Wisconsin. Other states like Idaho, Nevada, and South Dakota have passed education reform laws restricting the ability of unions to negotiate provisions like tenure in their contracts. Other states like Michigan and New Jersey have required government employees to pay more for health benefits.
[56]Evergreen Freedom Foundation, Sweeping the Shop Floor: A New Labor Model for America," 2010, "Appendix B: Public Employee Choice in Representation Act," http://www.myfreedomfoundation.com/files/pdf/SWEEPINGTHESHOPFLOOR.pdf (accessed August 15, 2012).
[57]U.S. Department of Education National Center for Education Statistics, "Schools and Staffing Survey," 2007–2008, http://nces.ed.gov/surveys/sass/ (accessed August 15, 2012).
[58]Federal guidelines require researchers who publish data generated from the Schools and Staffing Survey to round their sample sizes to the nearest 10. These sample sizes have been rounded accordingly.
[59] National Directory of Nonprofit Organizations, ed. by Bohdan Romaniuk, 27th ed. (Detroit: Gale, 2012).
[60]Interview on August 8, 2012.
[61]Telephone interviews conducted June 6–8, 2012.
[62] National Directory of Nonprofit Organizations, ed. by Bohdan Romaniuk.
[63]New Hampshire Public Employee Labor Relations Board, "Board Decisions," 1976–2012, http://www.nh.gov/pelrb/decisions/board/index.htm (accessed August 15, 2012).
[64]United Federation of Teachers, "50 Years."
[65]E-mail correspondence with the state Department of Labor, June 29, 2012.
[66] Rapid City Educ. Ass'n v. Rapid City Area School Dist. No. 51-4, 376 N.W.2d 562 (1985).


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Can you believe it's been TEN WHOLE YEARS since the last 'Barbershop' movie? Well, it's back! Set to premiere on April 15 across the country, South Florida based Exclusive Access got an exclusive one on one with Ice Cube while he was in town to promote his soon to be box office hit, 'Barbershop: The Next Cut'…… Continue reading
Category Archives: New Movies
'@PainGainMovie': A dark comedy with wild style and surprising turns (movie review)
Wow, Michael Bay must have been a bad boy. Somebody took all his giant toys away.
And thank heavens, too.
Because without his "Transformers" to play with, the genius-stupid filmmaker has actually turned out a pretty good movie, with some wild style and surprising turns.
"Pain & Gain" is still a Michael Bay movie, of course – which means fiery explosions, slow motion, blaring music and an endless parade of young women in thongs.
Restraint? In Bay's movies, that's something the cops put you in when you start mouthing off.
But even with all that, the picture still manages to be a strange contradiction – a polished piece of crude entertainment.
Pain and Gain
Who: Directed by Michael Bay. With Mark Wahlberg, Dwayne Johnson, Anthony Mackie, Tony Shalhoub.
Rated: R for bloody violence, crude sexual content, nudity, language throughout and drug use.
Running time: 124 minutes.
When: Opens Friday.
Where: Area theaters.
Grade: C-
The story – based on fact – is a slice of the kind of true-crime sleaze that only Florida can deliver. But basically it involves a crew of criminal body builders, a couple of shady businessmen, extortion, torture, Eastern European strippers and a private eye.
You know, just another weekend in South Beach.
Mark Wahlberg and Dwayne Johnson are the chief beefcakes here, and they're the obvious box-office draws — and, sadly the weakest parts of the picture.
Neither is a stupid man – you don't get to be as rich as they are, with as small a skill set as they have, out of stupidity. But they don't play stupid well. Wahlberg just pops his eyes. Johnson grins, sweetly.
They're hard workers, but they're not deft enough to get at the best jokes – that Wahlberg's character is an idiot who thinks he's smart, and Johnson a psychopath who thinks he's a saint.
Pumping iron is one thing, but pushing irony is beyond them.
But there are some far better actors here in the supporting cast, including Anthony Mackie, Ed Harris, Tony Shalhoub and, as Mackie's large-and-in-charge wife, Rebel Wilson. Each one shines.
And Bay understands that this crime movie is really about American ambition – it's no mistake that one character quotes the De Palma "Scarface," or a few scenes recall a goofball "Goodfellas."
In a rare, subtle touch, the soundtrack even channels the Tangerine Dream score for "Risky Business" – another crime-as-capitalism picture that trafficked in aspirational larceny.
It's so subtle it may even be unconscious – Bay pounds points home like twopenny nails. Most of the movie is shot from absurdly low angles (as if you needed them to make The Rock loom large.) Tiny, dashboard cameras and oversaturated colors also come into play.
But for once, Bay steps back a little bit from the Cuisinart editing and slambang chases to give some space to other effects. Like a few, sly performances. And an appreciation of the sunbaked, sideshow tilt-a-whirl that Miami can be (a world Bay clearly knows, even if he hasn't visited it onscreen since the "Bad Boys" movies).
"Pain & Gain" is definitely sleazy (private eye Ed Harris and his 30-years-too-young wife are the only moral characters in the whole film). Even a little queasy (violent as Wahlberg and his gang are, they still get more sympathy from the filmmaker than their victims).
But it may be the best movie Michael Bay's ever made. And suggests that, if you just kept his toys put away a little longer, someday he might even make a better one.
Written by:
@StephenWhitty, Newark Star-Ledger


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The Legend of the Legendary Heroes
The Estabul Revolt
Episode 8 | TV-14
Miran provokes mutiny in Roland's neighboring kingdom Estabul—the same kingdom that unleashed its Fifty Magic Knights on Sion's school troop years ago. The rebellion's leader, Lady Noa Ehn, faces the cruel reality of a life of politics.
Sub Expires: 11-15-2013
Dub Expires: 03-21-2015
Official Site: www.funimation.com/shows/the-legend-of-the-legendary-heroesHide Details


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Les Brigues Apartments Reviews
Les Brigues apartments are the same as Les Brigues Odalys, clean, fully functional and acceptably cramped for a week. Very quiet with a free ski shuttle bus from outside direct to the 1550 gondola station with direct access to 1850 and all the lifts. Ski rep kindly returned all our shoes rather than tramp in our ski boots. Very warm weather (Easter), adequate snow but too tired for après-ski.
Apres Ski: 2/5
Tony Gould
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NU-Telecom acquires Sleepy Eye Telephone Company
NEW ULM – NU-Telecom announced the completion of its acquisition of Sleepy Eye Telephone Company, effective Dec. 31, 2012.
This transaction is a result of the spin-off from Hector Communications Corporation, which was jointly owned by New Ulm Telecom, Inc., Arvig Enterprises, Inc. and Blue Earth Valley Communications, Inc. The three owner/shareholder companies of Hector Communications entered into a spin-off agreement under which Hector agreed to distribute its independent local exchange company subsidiaries to its three owners/shareholders. As a result of this acquisition, NU-Telecom will now also serve the communities of Sleepy Eye, Goodhue, Hanska, White Rock, Mazeppa and Bellchester.
Bill Otis, CEO of NU-Telecom, stated, "We look forward to serving Sleepy Eye, Goodhue and the surrounding areas under the NU-Telecom name. Customers in these areas will continue to enjoy the convenience of local support, yet have access to new products, services and the expanded expertise of the NU-Telecom staff. NU-Telecom is committed to being involved in the communities we serve, and we are excited about these new opportunities."
NU-Telecom is a well established communications company with headquarters in New Ulm, that provides voice, Digital TV, Internet, Managed Services, computer sales and computer repair services. NU-Telecom sells and services cellular phones and accessories and customer premise equipment. NU-Telecom serves the Minnesota communities of New Ulm, Glencoe, Goodhue, Hutchinson, Litchfield, Redwood Falls, Sleepy Eye and Springfield as well as Aurelia, Iowa. NU-Telecom also operates TechTrends, a technology retail store, located in New Ulm. In addition, NU-Telecom offers television and Internet services in Cologne, Mayer and New Germany. NU-Telecom also holds partial ownership in FiberComm, LC, based in Sioux City, Iowa.
New Ulm Telecom, Inc. is a publicly held corporation with a symbol of NULM.OB. For more information visit www.nutelecom.net.


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TRAINING LEVEL: Accomplished
CLASS SIZE: Minimum: 20 Maximum: 30
This course provides proven methodology for the safety performance of geometric design decisions for multilane highways in a like manner to that of predicting capacity and level of service based upon large scale definitive research. The crash prediction models for total crashes based upon lane width, shoulder width, roadside hazard, traffic volume (exposure) and other characteristics are presented. Examples of safety performance prediction are presented for highway segments and intersections.
Discussion of research and the interactive effects on safety performance for median width and barriers, of access (driveways) and side streets and intersection turning lanes are presented. Each student receives a copy of the "Safety Effects of Highway Design Features" manual.
IMPORTANT: Participants should bring a scientific notation calculator as the course involves calculating decimal value to decimal power for crash prediction values.
Upon completion of the course, participants will be able to:
State and local highway engineers and consultants involved in the design of multilane highways.
If you have questions about this NHI training, please contact NHI at
email@example.com or 877.558.6873.
There are no sessions available.
Sign up for session alerts
to receive email alerts when sessions of this course are scheduled.
The National Highway Institute (NHI) has been accredited as an Accredited Provider
by the International Association for Continuing Education and Training (IACET).
In obtaining this accreditation, NHI has demonstrated that it complies with the
ANSI/IACET Standard which is recognized internationally as a standard of good practice.
As a result of their Accredited Provider status, NHI is authorized to offer IACET CEUs
for its programs that qualify under the ANSI/IACET Standard.


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Posts Tagged 'Broken Angel'
Genre-Hopping: SF & Espionage0
March 10, 2011 by Reader's Connection
In some respects, the two titles here couldn't be more dissimilar. One is a spy story, and one is a Christian science fiction yarn. One author casts a dark eye on…
Category Booklist | Tags: A Most Wanted Man, Broken Angel, Flight of Shadows, John Le Carré, Sigmund Brouwer


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Holiday Inn Paris - Montparnasse Pasteur
Holiday Inn Paris - Montparnasse Pasteur
10 Rue Gager Gabillot
10 Rue Gager Gabillot
Check In: 2PM
Check Out: 12PM
Check-in Age: 18
Distance from Airport
Book With Us Advantage
- Best Price Guarantee
We promise you access to the guaranteed best available prices, or your first night is free.
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Your room is guaranteed.
- No Booking Fees!
We do not charge any booking fees for making reservations directly with us.
- Data Privacy and Site Security
IHG takes your privacy seriously and works to protect you. All personal information you provide is encrypted and secure.
Welcome to Holiday Inn Paris - Montparnasse Pasteur
Do not forget to book your stay in Paris at the Holiday Inn Paris-Montparnasse Pasteur hotel, 2 metro stops from the Porte de Versailles Paris Expo centre, Paris' premier event venue.
A leafy street leads to the Holiday Inn Paris-Montparnasse Pasteur hotel, a relaxing base for doing business at Paris Expo or seeing the Eiffel Tower, a 25-minute walk away. Our 8-floor hotel is a home-from-home with wireless internet access in 60 modern Guest rooms. Step out into the real Paris of Montparnasse boutiques and cafes.
It's 2 metro stops from the Holiday Inn Paris-Montparnasse Pasteur to Paris Expo Porte de Versailles. Our hotel's 2 meeting rooms are tailor-made for business, with wireless internet access and refreshments available. A location 1.5 km from the Paris ring road and an underground car park make arriving by car easy.
Rise refreshed for a stroll to the iconic Eiffel Tower or a leisurely shop in Montparnasse. You can check your emails at the 24-hour business centre. Ask the friendly staff at our 24-hour Front Desk for anything you need.
Take in the garden view and unwind with free newspapers and wireless internet access in the Lobby bar at the Holiday Inn Paris-Montparnasse Pasteur hotel.
Free High-Speed Internet
- Standard wired Internet service is free for all IHG® Rewards Club members
- Wireless Internet Available in Rooms, Suites, Business Center, Public Areas and Meeting Spaces.
- Standard Wireless Internet service is free for all IHG® Rewards Club members
Shuttle/ Parking
- From the hotel, we propose you a shuttle service to go to the aeroport. You must book 24 hours before the service.
- Daily Parking:19 EUR
Pet Policy
- No pets allowed
- Service Animals Allowed
Languages Spoken by Staff
Credit Cards
- American Express
- Visa
- MasterCard
- Smoke-Free Facility
- Number of Floors: 8
- Total Number of Rooms: 60
- Number of Non-Smoking Rooms: 60
- Number of Accessible Rooms: 3
- Connecting Rooms Available
- Public Entrance
- Guest Rooms
- Elevators
- Public Restrooms
Accessible Hotel Areas
- Telephone with TDD
- Communication Kits with Visual Alarms
Provided by Hotel


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Sheehy, Julia (js1802) | Teachers College Columbia UniversitySkip to content Skip to main navigation
328 HMann
Office Hours:
By appointment
Educational Background
Scholarly Interests
Selected Publications
Sheehy, J. (2014). Book review of "Women's Bodies in Psychoanalysis." Rosemary Balsam. Psychoanalytic Psychology.
Sheehy, J. (2013). Eating Disorders. Epidemiology of Women's Health. Ruby Stein (Ed.) New York: Jonas & Bartlett.
Sheehy, J. (2009). Book review of "Bodies in Treatment: the Unspoken Dimension." Francis Sommers Anderson (Ed.) Psychoanalytic Psychology.
Sheehy, J., & Commerford, M. (2006). Eating Disorders. College Mental Health Practice. Paul Grayson and Philip Meilman (Eds.) New York: Brunner Routeledge.
Sheehy, J. (Spring, 2005). Wedding Cake: Eating Before Meaning. Eating Disorders: The Journal of Treatment and Prevention.
Smith, L., Baluch, S., Bernebei, S., Robohm, J., & Sheehy, J. (Spring, 2003). Applying a social justice framework to college center practice. Journal of College Counseling, 6 (1), 3-13.
Sheehy, J. (Winter, 2002). Forging a Lifeline. Eating Disorders: The Journal of Treatment and Prevention, 10 (4), 345-350.


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Craig Remsburg column: Detroit pros need amulet
Maybe it's the water. Or the air. Or perhaps Detroit's pro teams are under some sort of dark cloud when it comes to staying healthy.
It's almost as if Joe Btfspik, a character in the comic strip "Li'l Abner" by late cartoonist AL Capp, is alive and well in the Motor City.
Joe is the world's worst jinx, bringing misfortune to everyone around him. He's perpetually hounded by a small, dark rain cloud over his head.
How else do you explain the injuries suffered by pro athletes in Detroit the last couple of months?
The latest was Detroit Pistons guard Rodney Stuckey, who underwent surgery Friday to repair a broken bone in his right thumb after catching it in a car door.
He'll be sidelined at least two weeks and probably more.
Stuckey's injury rivals the one suffered by Detroit Lions wide receiver Nate Burleson. He broke his forearm in an automobile accident when he tried to stop a pizza box from falling from his car seat to the floor.
He'll be out 3-5 weeks.
Teammate and wide receiver Louis Delmas, who never seems to stay healthy, has a knee injury; tight end Tony Sheffler is out with a concussion; and Calvin "Megatron" Johnson – the best receiver in the NFL – sat out last Sunday's game against the Packers with a knee problem and is questionable vs. the Browns today.
All are key players the Lions can't lose for any length of time. Football is a physical, contact sport, but still …
The Detroit Red Wings haven't escaped the injury bug, either.
Speedy forward Darren Helm, who sat out most of last year with various ailments, has back and groin problems that won't let him play yet this season. Both he and veteran forward Patrick Eaves (leg) are on inured reserve.
The two of them provide checking skill and top-notch penalty killing.
The Detroit Tigers haven't been injury-free, as well. Catcher Alex Avila spent some time on the sidelines with a concussion and slick-fielding shortstop Jose Iglesias missed a week due to a bruised left hand.
Relief pitchers Phil Coke (flexor forearm tendintis) and Bruce Rondon (elbow inflammation) have been sidelined for a considerable amount of time.
But perhaps the Motor City's No. 1 injury this season has involved third baseman Miguel Cabrera. Baseball's best hitter has been hampered by groin and abdominal issues for about six weeks that have helped limit him to two home runs since Sept. 1.
Miggy's playing, but he's also hurting and not 100 percent. His effectiveness the rest of the playoffs will be tested.
Maybe Detroit pro athletes need to wear some kind of special amulet that will keep them free from harm and injury the rest of their collective seasons.
Maybe that would keep Joe Btfspik away.
Craig Remsburg can be reached at 906-228-2500, ext. 251. His email address is firstname.lastname@example.com


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为了使您在Abcam官网的浏览体验更顺畅,请使用最新版本的浏览器比如 Google Chrome
Diagnosis: Normal
This product belongs to a set of lysates that were extracted from a specific tissue. Two extractions from each tissue were performed, extraction 1 yielding the soluble protein fraction and extraction 2 the insoluble protein fraction. Please find below products that relate to ab44558: Extraction 1: soluble protein fraction ab44557 Human Prostate Normal Tissue lysate Extraction 2: insoluble protein fraction ab44558 Human Prostate Normal Tissue lysate
ab44558 has not yet been referenced specifically in any publications.
Please note: All products are "FOR RESEARCH USE ONLY AND ARE NOT INTENDED FOR DIAGNOSTIC OR THERAPEUTIC USE"


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We've seen pastels, watercolors and barely-there eye makeup lining up for spring, but perhaps these wishy-washy tendencies are about to be balanced by something a little more electrifying.
According to analysts at Allure.com, neon eyeliner will work just as well for everyday women as it does for the runway models that have been sporting the stuff as of late. The liner can be worn in a range of thicknesses and you can apply it to various parts of your eyes for different effects. The news source reports that this can often make for an "[updated] mod look" and a scintillating alternative to dark, smoky eyes.
For eyes that up the voltage level this spring, go wild in your selection of cobalt blue, lime green, barbie pink, or primary yellow eyeliner. For a relatively moderate daytime look, draw a thin line on just your top lid - you can go all the way around and thicken it up too once you're out on the town.
To finish the look, apply a few coats of blinc Mascara for stand-out lashes. Its water-resistant tubing formula will stay on your lashes without flaking or smudging, so your vibrant color will get all the attention.


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WOMEN Lulu Guinness Graphic Short Sleeve T-Shirt B
Lulu Guinness
Lulu Guinness (OBE), internationally recognised for her unique and glamorous British handbags and accessories, launched her company in 1989. Instant praise in the fashion media paved the way for Lulu Guinness stores and stockists worldwide. UNIQLO has collaborated with Lulu Guinness again to create a flirty and stylish collection using the brand's most iconic prints and images. The classic Lulu Guinness colour palette of black, white and red has been used for a touch of 'Lulu' glamour.
© Lulu Guinness Ltd.


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Freeport's Energy Deal: the Real Reason Behind It
NEW YORK ( TheStreet) -- There were a number of points to examine regarding Freeport-McMoRan Copper & Gold's (FCX) $9 billion purchase of two energy companies. Sadly, it doesn't appear that the Corporate Media has latched on to any of them.
One report characterized the deal as:
... a bold bid to diversify into the U.S. energy sector as copper's prospects wane.
While this quote does absolutely nothing to explain the Freeport deal, it does perhaps come close to a record for cramming the most idiocy into a 14-word sentence fragment.
Let's begin with the suggestion that "copper's prospects" have waned. Has anyone heard the government of China (or any of the other Asian Tigers) proclaim that they planned to "stop growing" their economies? Has anyone ever heard of a modern economy that could develop itself without large amounts of copper (particularly copper wiring)?
The three-quarters of the world's population in "emerging economies" are at most a quarter of the way toward catching up with the more technologically advanced West. This means we are still in the early stages of the longest/strongest global economic boom in history. Thus, the inference that Freeport is somehow bailing out of copper production and moving into oil and gas is just silly.
Similarly, the suggestion further into the same article that it has become "too hard to find" new copper projects to develop (and that's why Freeport is moving into energy) is an absurd interpretation of the actual dynamics here. Unlike oil, no one is talking about "peak copper." There is plenty of copper in the world. All that has changed is that as the richest deposits get mined, these mega-producers have been forced to move toward lower-grade projects -- in order to find the mega-tonnages that these mining giants lust over.
Here we get to the true purpose of the Freeport deal: hedging. What we are supposed to believe here is that none of the business news reporters from Forbes, Reuters or other Corporate Media enclaves understand that mining companies use lots of energy . Apart from wages, energy costs are far and away the largest cost of production.
As lower-grade copper deposits (in the future) make copper miners like Freeport even more energy-intensive , and Peak Oil ensures that energy prices will increase at least as fast as copper prices, this is not a "bold" move at all. Rather, it would be reckless for these mining giants to forge ahead with their operations without some strategic plan in place to mitigate against rising energy prices.
Indeed, the Reuters article explicitly notes that "a handful of major miners" have already added oil and gas assets. Yet, despite several examples of what is an obvious hedging strategy, we're supposed to believe that no one in the Corporate Media can figure out what is really going on here?