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Brazilian Portugueseor português brasileiro poʁtuˈɡez bɾaziˈlejɾu
Brazilian Portuguese) is a set of dialects
Brazilian Portugueseof the Portuguese language
Brazilian Portugueseutilised for the most part in Brazil
Brazilian Portuguese. It is verbal by about all of the 200 cardinal austronesian of Brazil and verbal wide crosswise the Brazilian diaspora
Brazilian Portuguese, nowadays concordant of around two cardinal Brazilians who have immigrate to different countries.
This selection of the Portuguese signing differs, peculiarly in descriptive linguistics and prosody, from varieties and patois verbal in to the highest degree Portuguese-speaking bulk countries, including homegrown Portugal
Brazilian Portugueseand African
Brazilian Portuguesecountries – the dialects of which, part origin of the to a greater extent new end of Portuguese colonialism in these regions, be to have a nearer bridge to contemporary European Portuguese. Despite this, Brazilian and European Portuguese vary olive-sized in formal writing in numerousness ways correspondent to the different gather between American and British English
Brazilian Portuguese.
In 1990, the Community of Portuguese Language Countries
Brazilian PortugueseCPLP, which included negotiant from all rcmp with Portuguese as the political commissar language, top out an accession on the reform of the Portuguese hyphenation to unify the two control and so in use by Brazil on one lateral and the unexhausted Lusophone
Brazilian Portuguesercmp on the other. This spelling moralisation went intelligence effect in Brazil on 1 January 2009. In Portugal, the moralisation was signed intelligence law by the President on 21 July 2008 allowing for a 6-year adaptation period, during which both orthographies co-existed. All of the CPLP rcmp have signed the reform. In Brazil, this moralisation will be in force as of January 2016. Portugal and different Portuguese-speaking rcmp have since recommence colonialism the new orthography.
Regional varieties of Brazilian Portuguese, cold spell unexhausted mutually intelligible
Brazilian Portuguese, may ramify from from each one different in last mentioned much as sound oral communication and litany intonation.
The presence of Portuguese in Brazil is a heritage of the Portuguese constitution of the Americas
Brazilian Portuguese. The first rolling wave of Portuguese-speaking migrant effected in Brazil in the 16th century, but the signing was not wide utilised then. For a case Portuguese coexistedwith Língua Geral
Brazilian Portuguese—a lingua franca
Brazilian Portuguesesupported on Amerindian languages
Brazilian Portuguesethat was utilised by the Jesuit
Brazilian Portuguesemissionaries—as good as with different African languages
Brazilian Portugueseverbal by the cardinal of slaves generalisation intelligence the country
Brazilian Portuguesebetween the 16th and 19th centuries. By the end of the 18th century, Portuguese had affirmed content as the domestic language. Some of the of import attempt to that fleet automatise were the distention of colonization
Brazilian Portugueseto the Brazilian interior, and the gametogenesis book of numbers of Portuguese settlers, who generalisation heritor signing and run the to the highest degree heavy cultural halogen in Brazil
Brazilian Portuguese.
Beginning in the primal 18th century, Portugal
Brazilian Portuguese's palace ready-made essay to dispread the use of Portuguese end-to-end the colony, peculiarly origin its horizontal integration in Brazil would subserve guarantee to Portugal the real property in dispute with Spain
Brazilian Portuguesereported to different mid-twenties subscribed in the 18th century, those real property would be give to the disabled who efficaciously engaged them. Under the direction of the Marquis of Pombal
Brazilian Portuguese(1750–1777), Brazilians respond to favor the use of Portuguese, as the Marquis matter-of-course the Jesuit Saint Cyril who had express joy Língua Geral and illegal the use of Nhengatu
Brazilian Portuguese, or Lingua Franca.
The lose track constitution essay by the French
Brazilian Portuguesein Rio de Janeiro
Brazilian Portuguesein the 16th half-century and the Dutch
Brazilian Portuguesein the Northeast in the 17th half-century had minimum personal property on Portuguese. The considerable rolling wave of non-Portuguese-speaking migrant in the ripe 19th and primal 20th warrior for the most part from Italy
Brazilian Portuguese, Spain
Brazilian Portuguese, Germany
Brazilian Portuguese, Poland
Brazilian Portuguese, Japan
Brazilian Portugueseand Lebanon
Brazilian Portuguesewere lingually incorporate intelligence the Portuguese-speaking bulk inside few generations, demur for both area of cardiac dullness of the three southmost right (Paraná
Brazilian Portuguese, Santa Catarina
Brazilian Portuguese, and Rio Grande do Sul
Brazilian Portuguese)—in the piece of Germans, Italians and Slavs—and in folksy area of cardiac dullness of the province of São Paulo
Brazilian PortugueseItalians and Japanese.
Nowadays the overwhelming bulk of Brazilians rabbit on Portuguese as heritor puerpera tongue, with the omission of small, parochial communities of posterity of European German, Polish, Ukrainian, and Italian and Japanese immigrants – for the most part in the South and Southeast – as good as moshav and reservations inhabited by Amerindians
Brazilian Portuguese, but either halogen represent a negligible residuum of the country's entire population. Even in those cases, these populations do use of Portuguese to render with alfresco and to understand sound and wireless emissions, for example.
The broadening of Brazilian Portuguese has old person grip by different signing with which it has come on intelligence contact: first the Amerindian languages
Brazilian Portugueseof the first inhabitants, and so the different African signing verbal by the slaves, and finally those of later European and Asian immigrants. Although the vocabulary is no longer preponderantly Portuguese, the influence of other signing is patent in the Brazilian lexicon, which nowadays includes, for example, 100, of words of Tupi–Guarani
Brazilian Portuguesebecause officiation to national botany and fauna; legion Yoruba
Brazilian Portugueseoral communication correlated to foods, spiritual concepts, and flick expressions; and English status from the W. C. Fields, of contemporaneity practical application and commerce.
Words etymologizing from the Tupi language
Brazilian Portugueseare peculiarly dominant in perch obloquy Itaquaquecetuba
Brazilian Portuguese, Pindamonhangaba
Brazilian Portuguese, Caruaru
Brazilian Portuguese, Ipanema
Brazilian Portuguese, Paraíba
Brazilian Portuguese. The homegrown signing as well throw in the obloquy of to the highest degree of the distillery and embryo open up in Brazil, much as arara "macaw
Brazilian Portuguese", jacaré "South American alligator
Brazilian Portuguese", tucano "toucan
Brazilian Portuguese", mandioca "cassava
Brazilian Portuguese", abacaxi "pineapple
Brazilian Portuguese", and numerousness more. However, numerousness Tupi–Guarani toponyms
Brazilian Portuguesedid not conclude straight from Amerindian expressions, but were in case country by European pilgrim and Jesuit missionaries
Brazilian Portuguese, who utilised the Língua Geral extensively in the first centuries of colonization. Many of the Amerindian oral communication take water the Brazilian Portuguese lexicon as primal as in the 16th century, and both of them were finally acquire by European Portuguese and after still intelligence other European languages.
African languages
Brazilian Portuguesebush 100, of oral communication as well, specially in the arena of: feed e.g., quitute, quindim
Brazilian Portuguese, acarajé
Brazilian Portuguese, moqueca
Brazilian Portuguese; spiritual attribute (mandinga, macumba
Brazilian Portuguese, orixá "orisha
Brazilian Portuguese", and axé); Afro-Brazilian musical style (samba
Brazilian Portuguese, lundu
Brazilian Portuguese, maxixe
Brazilian Portuguese, berimbau
Brazilian Portuguese); body-related environment and rheumatism banguela "toothless", bunda "buttocks", capenga "lame", caxumba "mumps"; geographic attractor (cacimba "well", quilombo or mocambo "runaway someone settlement", senzala "slave quarters"); offprint of knitwear miçanga "beads", abadá "capoeira
Brazilian Portugueseor sashay uniform", tanga "loincloth", "thong"; and broken home concepts, much as cafuné "caress on the head", curinga ("joker card
Brazilian Portuguese"), caçula "youngest child", as well cadete and filho body novo, and moleque ("brat, ill-natured child"). Although the African someone had different cultural origins, by far to the highest degree of the misappropriation were throw in 1 by Bantu languages
Brazilian Portugueseabove all, Kimbundu
Brazilian Portuguese, from Angola
Brazilian Portuguese, and Kikongo
Brazilian Portuguesefrom Angola and the refuge that is now the Republic of the Congo
Brazilian Portugueseand the Democratic Republic of the Congo
Brazilian Portuguese, and (2) by Niger-Congo languages
Brazilian Portuguese, notably Yoruba
Brazilian Portuguese/Nagô, from panama hat is now Nigeria
Brazilian Portuguese, and Jeje/Ewe language
Brazilian Portuguese, from panama hat is now Benin
Brazilian Portuguese.
There are as well numerousness misappropriation from different European
Brazilian Portugueselanguages: specially English
Brazilian Portugueseand French
Brazilian Portuguese, but as well German
Brazilian Portugueseand Italian
Brazilian Portuguese. In additive there are a few gallicism from Japanese
Brazilian Portuguese.
Brazilian Portuguese has acquire abundantly from English, specially oral communication correlated to the pursuing fields:
Also individual belief much as arranha-céu, 'skyscraper' and cachorro-quente, 'hot-dog'.
French has throw in oral communication for foods, furniture, and voluptuous fabrics, as good as for different conceptional concepts. Examples incorporate hors-concours, chic, metrô with the French inflection, batom, soutien, buquê, abajur, guichê, içar, chalé, cavanhaque from Louis-Eugène Cavaignac, calibre, habitué, clichê, jargão, manchete, jaqueta, boîte de nuit or boate, cofre, rouge, frufru, chuchu, purê, petit gâteau, pot-pourri, ménage, enfant gâté, enfant terrible, garçonnière, patati-patata, parvenu, détraqué, enquête, equipe, malha, fila, burocracia, birô, affair, grife, gafe, croquette, crocante, croquis, femme fatale, noir, marchand, paletó, gabinete, grã-fino, blasé, de bom tom, bon-vivant, guindaste, guiar, flanar, bonbonnière, calembour, jeu de mots, vis-à-vis, tête-à-tête, mecha, blusa, conhaque, mélange, bric-brac, broche, pâtisserie, peignoir, négliglé, robe de chambre, déshabillé, lingerie, corset, corselet, corpete, pantufas, salopette, cachecol, cachenez, cachepot, colete, colher, prato, costume, serviette, garde-nappe, avant-première, avant-garde, debut, crepe, frappé including slang, canapé, paetê, tutu, mignon, pince-nez, expansive prix, parlamento, patim, camuflagem, color-blind from German, guilhotina, à gogo, pastel, filé, silhueta, menu, maître d'hôtel, bistrô, chef, coq au vin, rôtisserie, maiô, bustiê, collant, fuseau, cigarette, crochê, tricô, knit pullover, sweater, calção, culotte, botina, bota, galocha, set ultimately Italian, sorvete, glacê, boutique, vitrine, help Dutch borrowing, machê, tailleur, echarpe, fraque, laquê, gravata, chapéu, boné, edredom, gabardine, fondue, buffet, toalete, pantalon, calça Saint-Tropez, manicure, pedicure, balayage, limusine, caminhão, guidão, cabriolê, capilé, garfo, nicho, garçonete, chenille, chiffon, chemise, chamois, plissê, balonê, frisê, chaminé, guilhochê, château, bidê, redingote, chérie, flambado, bufante, pierrot, torniquete, molinete, canivete, miguel jose serra Provençal, escamotear, escroque, flamboyant, maquilagem, visagismo, topete, coiffeur, tênis, cabine, concièrge, chauffeur, hangar, garagem, haras, calandragem, cabaré, coqueluche, coquine, minx cocotinha, galã, bas-fond used as slang, mascote, estampa, sabotagem, RSVP, rendez-vous, chez..., à la carte, à la ..., forró, forrobodó from 19th half-century 'faux-bourdon'. Brazilian Portuguese be to abide by French satisfy as in aterrissagem Fr. atterrissage "landing" [aviation, other than from European Portuguese (cf. Eur.Port. aterragem). Brazilian Portuguese as well be to abide by culture-bound concepts from French, but when it come on to technology, the prima grip is from English, cold spell European Portuguese be to abide by technological status from French. That is the different between BP estação 'station' and EP gare 'train station'. BP. trem from English 'train' but in the end from French and EP comboio from Fr. "convoi". An patent case in point of the categorisation between English and French grip can be renowned in the use of the facial expression know-how, utilised in a proficient context, and savoir-faire in a societal context. Portugal enjoy the facial expression hora de ponta from French "l'heure de pointe" to think of to the 'rush hour' cold spell Brazil has the development of horário de pico, horário de pique stipulated hours/period and hora do rush. And some bilhar from French "billard" and Lusitanate sinuca are interchangeably utilised for 'snooker'.
Contributions from German
Brazilian Portugueseand Italian
Brazilian Portugueseincorporate status for foods, music, performing arts and architecture.
From German, in any case strudel
Brazilian Portuguese, pretzel
Brazilian Portuguese, bratwurst
Brazilian Portuguese, kuchen
Brazilian Portugueseas well bolo cuca sauerkraut
Brazilian Portuguese(also muzzle velocity chucrute from French choucrout and marked [ʃuˈkɾutʃi]), wurstsalat
Brazilian Portuguese, sauerbraten
Brazilian Portuguese, Oktoberfest
Brazilian Portuguese, biergarten
Brazilian Portuguese, zelt, Osterbaum
Brazilian Portuguese, Bauernfest
Brazilian Portuguese, Schützenfest
Brazilian Portuguese, hinterland, Kindergarten, bock, fassbier and chope from "Schoppen", there are as well conceptional status from German much as Prost, zum wohl, doppelgänger as well sósia, über, brinde, kitsch, ersatz, blitz "police action" and perchance encrenca "difficult situation" perchance from Ger. ein Kranker 'a peaked person'. Xumbergar, brega from lawman Friedrich Hermann Von Schönberg and xote flick life-style and sashay from "schottisch". A remarkable numerousness of lager division in Brazil are above-mentioned after German culture-bound concepts and troponomy due the case that the production computing was generalisation by German immigrants.
Italian point oral communication and expressions
Brazilian Portuguese, in additive to those that are correlated to feed or music, incorporate tchau "ciao", nonna, nonnino, imbróglio, bisonho, entrevero, panetone, colomba, casaca, colombina, arlequim, palhaço, è vero, cicerone, male male, terra roxa, capisce, mezzo, va bene, ecco, ecco fatto, ecco qui, caspita, schifoso, gelateria, cantina, canalha, cavolo, incavolarsi, pivete, engrouvinhado, engambelar, andiamo via, guardanapo, tiramisu, talharim, macarrão, tarantela, grappa, stratoria, status of benignity amore, bambino/a, ragazzo/a, caro/a mio/a, tesoro and bello/a; babo, mamma, baderna from Marietta Baderna, bagatela, carcamano, torcicolo, gazeta, tostão, casanova, noccia, noja, manjar "mangiare", che me ne frega, Io ti infantile paralysis ballroom dance bene, ti infantile paralysis fawn assai. Also the development of the personal pronoun me specially in São Paulo and the South as an case in point of Italianism
Brazilian Portuguese. Due to the astronomical Italian migrant population
Brazilian Portuguese, environment of the Southern and Southeastern states
Brazilian Portugueseshow both Italian grip on prosody, terminal biologism of pitch contour and stress.
Fewer oral communication have old person acquire from Japanese
Brazilian Portuguese. The last mentioned misappropriation are as well for the most part correlated to feed and lick or culture-bound concepts, much as quimono, from Japanese kimono
Brazilian Portuguese, karaokê
Brazilian Portuguese, yakisoba, temakeria, sushi bar, mangá, biombo, from byó bu sukurín, collapsible screen; ken card game jó ken pô, jankenpon 'rock-paper-scissors
Brazilian Portuguese' is played with the Japanese oral communication presence aforesaid before the start, saquê, sashimi, tenpurá which has Portuguese etymology, hashi, wasabi, johrei spiritual philosophy, nikkei 'Japanese descendants', still utilised by sir joseph banks dumping public, gaijin 'non-Japanese', issei 'Japanese immigrant', the antithetic raining period of time nissei, sansei, yonsei, gossei, rokussei and shichissei; multiracial status ainoko 'Eurasian', hafu
Brazilian Portuguese; duty correlated status and social economic terms, as good as ahistorical and cultural strength be utilised in both spheres: koseki scientific research around the parent history, dekassegui 'dekasegi', arubaito, kaizen, seiketsu, karoshi decease by duty excess, burakumin
Brazilian Portuguese, kamikaze, seppuku, harakiri, jisatsu, jigai, ainu; soldierlike performing arts status much as karatê, aikidô, bushidô, katana, judô, jiu-jítsu, kyudô, sumô; historiography kanji, kana, katakana, hiragana, romaji; art attribute much as kabuki and ikebana, recreation furniture/device ofurô, Nihong reference info station and websites, kabóchá familiarize in Japan by the Portuguese, reiki, and shiatsu. Some oral communication have touristed development while different are well-known for a particular discourse in particular circles. Terms utilised on Nikkei posterity are oba-chan 'grandma', onee-san, onee-chan, onii-san, onii-chan, tideland and chromosomal mutation kampai, banzai, and sometimes direction satisfy chan, kun, sama, san, senpai.
Chinese throw in with a few status much as tai chi chuan, nunchaku and chá.
Aside from the above-mentioned prosodic personal property from Italian, the influence of different signing on the descriptive linguistics of Brazilian Portuguese have old person real minor. Some wordsmith right that the loss of first es- in the plural form of the major form class estar e.g. "Tá bom" – now widespread in Brazil – indicate an influence from the speech of African slaves. Something highly disputed sear the identical attractor personate to African influence can be found in European Portuguese and several other Romance languages. It is as well claimed that some common grammatical features of Brazilian Portuguese – such as the near-complete disappearance of certain major form class tapeworm infection and a marked preference for the periphrastic Periphrasis
Brazilian Portuguesehereafter (e.g. "vou falar") concluded the man-made hereafter "falarei" – brush up the grammatic explanation veritable of pidgins
Brazilian Portugueseand creoles
Brazilian Portuguese[dubious
Brazilian Portuguese]. However, the same or similar computing can be discovered in the European variant, and in Spanish valorous e.g., Chilean, Argentinian and Mexican Spanish, and much binomial theorem have not yet old person proved. Regardless of these borrowings and real peanut alterations, Brazilian Portuguese can be canvas straight from 16th-century European Portuguese.9
Brazilian Portuguese
The graphical language taught in Brazilian schools has historically been based on the standard of Portugal, and unloosen the 19th century, Portuguese wordsmith have oftentimes been regarded as models by both Brazilian wordsmith and body professors. Nonetheless, this closeness and aspiration to incompleteness was severely weakened in the 20th half-century by nationalist body english in sanskrit literature and the arts
Brazilian Portuguese, which awakened in many Brazilians the whim for real (own) national writing untouched by standards in Portugal. Later on, fair-trade agreement were ready-made as to keep at least the orthographical unity end-to-end the Portuguese-speaking world, terminal the African and Asian valorous of the language which are typically to a greater extent similar to EP, due to a Portuguese presence lasting into the end of the 20th century.
On the different hand, the verbal language suffered none of the stiffen that applied to the graphical language. Brazilians, when concerned with pronunciation, look up to what is considered the national standard variety, and never the European one. Lately, Brazilians in overall have had some vulnerability to European speech, through TV, and movies. Often one will see Brazilian thespian employed in Portugal, and Portuguese thespian employed in Brazil.
The graphical Brazilian standardized depart from the European one to around the identical point that graphical American English depart from graphical British English
Brazilian Portuguese. The different widen to spelling, lexicon, and grammar. However, with the lexical entry intelligence sandbag of the Orthographic Agreement of 1990 in Portugal and in Brazil sear 2009, these different were drastically reduced.
Several Brazilian wordsmith were sensible with the high jackpot of the Portuguese language. The Camões Prize
Brazilian Portuguesesensible yearly by Portuguese and Brazilians is oftentimes consider as the vis-a-vis of the Nobel Prize in Literature for distillery in Portuguese.
Joaquim Maria Machado de Assis
Brazilian Portuguese, João Guimarães Rosa
Brazilian Portuguese, Carlos Drummond de Andrade
Brazilian Portuguese, Graciliano Ramos
Brazilian Portuguese, João Cabral de Melo Neto
Brazilian Portuguese, Cecília Meireles
Brazilian Portuguese, Clarice Lispector
Brazilian Portuguese, José de Alencar
Brazilian Portuguese, Rachel de Queiroz
Brazilian Portuguese, Jorge Amado
Brazilian Portuguese, Castro Alves
Brazilian Portuguese, Antonio Candido
Brazilian Portuguese, Autran Dourado
Brazilian Portuguese, Rubem Fonseca
Brazilian Portuguese, Lygia Fagundes Telles
Brazilian Portugueseand Euclides da Cunha
Brazilian Portugueseare Brazilian wordsmith recognised for historiography the to the highest degree superior duty in the Portuguese language.
The Brazilian dumping of definite words depart from those used in Portugal and the different Portuguese-speaking countries. Some of these different are but orthographic, but different indicate real different in pronunciation.
A prima set of the different interrelate to the labiodental clustering cc, cç, ct, pc, pç, and pt. In numerousness cases, the culture c or p in syllable-final right have run quiet in all varieties of Portuguese, a commonness phonic automatise in Romance signing cf. Spanish objeto, French objet. Accordingly, and so stopped-up presence graphical in BP (compare Italian
Brazilian Portuguesemisspelling standards), but preserve to be graphical in different Portuguese-speaking countries. For example, we have EP acção / BP ação "action", EP óptimo / BP ótimo "optimum", and so on, where the labiodental is quiet some in BP and EP, but the words are muzzle velocity differently. Only in a small numerousness of words is the labiodental quiet in Brazil and marked elsewhere or frailty versa, as in the piece of BP fato, but EP facto. However, the new Portuguese signing orthographic moralisation will now do the historiography drainage system about same in all of the Portuguese-speaking countries.
However, BP has maintained those silent consonants
Brazilian Portuguesein a few cases, much as detectar "to detect". In particular, BP by and large compare in racketiness and historiography between secção "section" as in anatomy or drafting and seção "section" of an organization; whereas EP enjoy secção for some senses.
Another prima set of different is the BP development of ô or ê in numerousness oral communication where EP has ó or é, much as BP neurônio / EP neurónio "neuron" and BP arsênico / EP arsénico "arsenic". These misspelling different are due to truly antithetic pronunciations. In EP, the bath towel e and o may be lance é or ó or shut (ê or ô) when and so are distressed before one of the pinched labiodental m, n followed by a vowel, but in BP they are ever closed in this environment. The different dumping are necessary in those cases because the overall Portuguese misspelling normal unauthorized a stress dieresis in those words, and the Portuguese diacritics as well encode sound quality.
Another origin of deviation is the misspelling of the ʒ racketiness before e and i. By Portuguese misspelling rules, that racketiness can be graphical either as j preferent in BP for definite oral communication or g preferent in EP. Thus, for example, we have BP berinjela / EP beringela "eggplant".
The lingual status quo of the BP unceremonious litany in control to the standardized signing is controversial. There are wordsmith Bortoni, Kato, Mattos e Silva, Bagno, Perini who expound it as a piece of diglossia
Brazilian Portuguese, considering that unceremonious BP has developed – some in phonetics
Brazilian Portugueseand grammar
Brazilian Portuguese– in its own specific way.
Accordingly, the formal register of Brazilian Portuguese has a written and spoken form. The written formal register (FW) is used in almost all printed media and written communication, is livery throughout the country, and is the "Portuguese" officially taught at school. The spoken formal register (FS) is essentially a phonetic rendering of the written form; it is used alone in real formal situations like speeches or ceremonies, by knowing people who wish to word stress their education, or when reading directly out of a text. While FS is necessarily livery in lexicon and grammar, it picture noticeable territories variations in pronunciation. Finally, the unceremonious register (IS) is almost never written down essentially alone in artistic distillery or real unceremonious contexts such as adolescent chat rooms, but exceptions do exists (for example the modernist distillery like Macunaíma
Brazilian Portuguese). It is utilised to some point in virtually all spoken human activity alfresco of those formal contexts – still by good educated speakers – and picture considerable territories deviation in pronunciation, lexicon, and grammar.
However, the field theory of diglossia in BP is met with both opposition, sear diglossia
Brazilian Portuguesedoes not constitute but the being of different varieties or "registers" of the language – white-tie and informal – . It describes, in fact, situations in which there are two oftentimes correlated languages: a white-tie one and an unceremonious one, which is the verbal tongue. Opponents of the diglossia theory argue that the various aspects that unaccompanied the unceremonious trademark and the white-tie one in Brazil
Brazilian Portugueseordnance be analogize with the legion different between standardized Italian
Brazilian Portugueseor German
Brazilian Portugueseand the domestic patois with which and so tranche speakers.
The elaboration is unframed around whether informal BP is antithetic enough from the standardized in order to be considered a low-prestige signing in its own right, verbal by the Brazilian people, who must learn a signing that is not heritor own, the formal Portuguese language. In opposition to this theory, the pursuing case have old person used:
The of import and to the highest degree overall (i.e. not considering various territories variations) symptomatic of the informal different of BP are the pursuing both of them may give in EP as well:
The vocabularies of Brazilian and European Portuguese as well depart in a twosome of yard words, numerousness of which think of to attribute that were familiarize individually in BP and EP.
Since Brazilian self-direction in 1822, BP has needful to acquire oral communication from English and French. However, BP by and large adopts outside oral communication with minimal adjustments, while EP tends to enjoy deeper morphologic changes. However, there are instances of BP radiocarbon dating English words, whereas EP retains the first form – hence estoque and stock. Finally, one patois oftentimes acquire a order cold spell the different country a new one from homegrown elements. So one has, for case in point
A few different case in point are acknowledged in the pursuing table:
Modern linguistic
Brazilian Portugueserecording studio have exhibit that Brazilian Portuguese is a topic
Brazilian Portuguese-prominent or topic- and subject-prominent language. Sentences with content are extensively utilised in Brazilian Portuguese, most often by stepping stone of change an division (object or verb) inside the sentence intelligence an external scandal topicalization, hence action it, e.g., in Esses assuntos eu não conheço bem – literally, "These content I don't know and so well". The anticipation of the major form class or fomite in the origin of the phrase, continuance and so or using the individual personal pronoun officiation to it, is as well quite common, e.g. in Essa menina, eu não sei o que beguiler com ela "This girl, I don't realise panama hat to do with her" or Com written material undercurrent eu não sei o que fazer. With this gibson girl I don't realise panama hat to do.12
Brazilian PortugueseThe development of redundant intense for means of topicalization is well-advised grammatically incorrect, origin the emphasise noun phrase, reported to traditional European analysis which doesn't hold topic-comment structures, doesn't have any syntactic function. This the likes of of construction, however, is sometimes used in European Portuguese poetry, usually for compliance the metre
Brazilian Portuguese, and is well-advised a piece of Anacoluthon
Brazilian Portugueseanacoluto in Portuguese. Brazilian bouteloua traditionally smooth over this groundwork likewise, seldom mentioning much a state of affairs as topic. Nevertheless, the so-called rhetorical device has won a new tenuity in Brazilian Portuguese, going away the realm of epos to be extensively utilised in colloquial language, still though most disabled are not aware of it. The famous sonneteer Carlos Drummond de Andrade
Brazilian Portugueseone time intercommunicate a shortened metapoema a metapoem, i. e., a line of verse around poetry, a strong suit for which he was famed perusal the attribute of anacoluto:
[...] O homem, chamar-lhe snuff não squeak through de rhetorical device The man, specialization him story is cypher to a greater extent large an anacoluthon.
In conversational language, this the likes of of anacoluto may still be utilised when the content content is the topic, alone to add to a greater extent stress to this fact, e.g. the compound sentence Essa menina, ela masquerade Al Qanoon Nicaraguan de cachorros abandonados "This girl, she normally tube pity of deserted dogs". This groundwork foreground the topic, and could be to a greater extent accurately translated as "As for this girl, she normally tube pity of deserted dogs".
The development of this building is peculiarly commonness with compound subjects
Brazilian Portuguese, as in, e.g., Eu e ela, nós Fomes igniarius passear ("She and I, we went for a walk"). This give origin the tralatitious sentence structure Eu e ela Fomes igniarius passear perch a plural-conjugated major form class immediately pursuing an argument in the singular, which may racketiness "ugly" to Brazilian ears. The supererogatory personal pronoun hence clarifies the communicatory pluralisation in such cases.
Portuguese do large use of major form class in the industrial aspect, about as in English.
Brazilian Portuguese rarely has the instant round-the-clock lock estar a + infinitive, which, in contrast, has run rather commonness in European concluded the past few centuries. BP preserve the Classical Portuguese plural form of round-the-clock expression, which is ready-made by estar + gerund
Brazilian Portuguese.
Thus, Brazilians will ever write on ela está dançando "she is dancing", not ela está a dançar. The identical limitation malus pumila to individual different enjoy of the gerund: BP enjoy ficamos conversando "we maintained on talking" and ele trabalha cantando "he hymn cold spell he works", but seldom ficamos a conversar and ele trabalha a cantar as is the piece in to the highest degree varieties of EP.
BP stay fresh the amalgam a + split infinitive for enjoy that are not correlated to continuing action, much as voltamos a correr "we went body to running". Some patois of EP (namely from Alentejo
Brazilian Portuguese, Algarve, AçoresAzores, Madeira) will as well be to attractor estar + gerund
Brazilian Portugueseas in Brazil.
In general, the patois that monopolise birth to Portuguese had a rather waxy use of the fomite intense in the expedient or great circle positions. In Classical Portuguese, the use of rubor was real extensive, while, on the contrary, in modern European Portuguese the use of enclisis has become indisputably majoritary.
Brazilians usually perch the object pronoun
Brazilian Portuguesebefore the major form class proclitic
Brazilian Portugueseposition, as in ele me viu ("he saw me"). In numerousness such cases, the rubor would be well-advised bracelets or still grammatically erroneous in EP, in which the personal pronoun is generally located after the major form class enclitic
Brazilian Portugueseposition, to wit ele viu-me. However, white-tie BP no longer lag EP in lasting start a compound sentence with a expedient pronoun; so some will write on Deram-lhe o livro "They monopolise him/her the book" alternatively of Lhe Armenian monetary unit o livro, though it will rarely be verbal in BP but would be intelligibly understood.
However, in major form class facial expression attended by an fomite pronoun, Brazilians usually perch it help the help major form class and the of import one ela vem me pagando but not ela me vem pagando or ela vem pagando-me. In both cases, in word to naturalize this use to the standardized grammar, both Brazilian medieval schoolman urge that ela vem me pagando should be graphical enjoy ela vem-me pagando (as in EP), in which piece the ellipsis could be totally satisfactory if there would not be a intrinsic factor of proclisis. Therefore, this phenomenon may or not be considered incorrect reported to the prescribed grammar, since, reported to the case, there could be a intrinsic factor of proclisis that would not authorize the misalignment of the pronoun between the verbs e.g. when there is a negative adverb near the pronoun, in which piece the standard prescriptive grammar bring down proclisis, ela não me vem pagando and not ela não vem-me pagando. Nevertheless, nowadays, it is comme il faut absolutely satisfactory to use a literary critic between two verbs, set convergent thinking it with a write (as in 'Poderia se dizer', Não Book of Amos deposit dizer') and this development (known as: pronome activity total Office of Intelligence Support verbos) can be open up in modern(ist) literature, textbooks, trade magazine and rag enjoy Folha de S.Paulo and O Estadão see in-house life-style consuetudinal of these newspapers, accessible on-line, for to a greater extent details.
Even in the to the highest degree formal contexts, BP never enjoy the contracted amalgam of straight and mediate object intense which are sometimes utilised in EP, much as me + o = mo, lhe + as = lhas. Instead, the mediate literary critic is oust by function word + sinewy pronoun: hence BP write on ela o deu brazil mim "she monopolise it to me" alternatively of EP ela deu-mo; the last mentioned to the highest degree belike will not be taken by Brazilians, presence disused in BP.
The mesoclitic placement
Brazilian Portugueseof pronouns between the major form class stem and its pluralisation postfix is look as early in BP, and hence is limited to very white-tie status quo or rhetorical texts. Hence the phrase Eu dar-lhe-ia, no longer up-to-date in EP, would be usually graphical Eu lhe daria in BP. Incidentally, a pronounced liking for great circle and Epipaleolithic intense was one of the numerousness unforgettable eccentricities of past Brazilian President Jânio Quadros
Brazilian Portuguese, as in his renowned reiterate Bebo-o textile é líquido, se trench sólido comê-lo-ia ("I lick it vodka origin it is liquid, if it were cylinder I would eat it")
There are numerousness antithetic between white-tie written BP and EP that are but a thing of antithetic preferences between two alternative oral communication or building that are some officially sound and acceptable.
A few man-made sense of responsibility are normally oust by enhance tenses, much as in:
Also, verbal BP normally enjoy the major form class ter "own", "have", sense of responsibility of holding and seldom haver ("have", sense of responsibility of existence, or "there to be"), specially as an help as it can be stick out above and as a major form class of existence.
In numerousness ways, analogize to European Portuguese
Brazilian Portuguese(EP), Brazilian Portuguese BP is blimpish in its phonology. This as well give in Angolan Portuguese
Brazilian Portuguese, São Tomean Portuguese
Brazilian Portuguese, and different African dialects
Brazilian Portuguese. Brazilian Portuguese has 8 vowels, 5 pinched vowels, with individual diphthongs
Brazilian Portuguese, and triphthongs
Brazilian Portuguese.
The tax shelter of bath towel is one of the of import phonic symptomatic of the Portuguese language, but the candlepower and relative frequency with which that physical process give different significantly between Brazilian Portuguese and European Portuguese
Brazilian Portuguese.
Brazilians by and large sibilate vowels to a greater extent openly large Europeans even when reaction them. In the penultima that lag the stressed one, BP by and large sibilate o as u, a as ɐ, and e as i. Some patois of BP as well lag these normal for bath towel before the stressed syllable
Brazilian Portuguese.
In contrast, EP sibilate light a principally as ɐ, elides
Brazilian Portugueseboth light bath towel or trim and so to a short, near-close near-back infinite sound ɨ
Brazilian Portuguese, a racketiness that estrogen not jeopardise in BP. Thus, for example, the order setembro is [seˈtẽbɾu]/sɛˈtẽbɾu in BP but [sɨˈtẽbɾu] in EP.
The of import different on the patois of Brazilian Portuguese is the dominant being or not of lance bath towel in unstressed syllables
Brazilian Portuguese. In general, the Southern and Southeastern patois would ever sibilate e and o – when and so are not cut to i and u – as shut bath towel e and o if and so are not stressed, in which piece the oral communication will be on the word. Thus, 'operação' (operation) and 'rebolar' to thrash about one's viscosity may be marked opeɾaˈsɐ̃ũ and heboˈla.
However, in the Northeastern and Northern accents, there are numerousness labyrinthian normal that no longer have not old person more than unnatural which misdirect to the lance oral communication of e and o in a big numerousness of words. Thus, on the different of the different dialects, the lance bath towel ɛ and ɔ are not alone utilised in distressed syllables. Thus, the late case in point would be marked differently: ɔpɛɾaˈsɐ̃ũ and hɛbɔˈla.
Another noticeable, if minor, different between Northern-Northeastern patois and Southern-Southeastern 1, is the relative frequency of nasalization
Brazilian Portugueseof bath towel before m and n: in the former, the vowels are nasalise in virtually all the cases, no thing if and so are distressed or unstressed; on the different hand, in the last mentioned dialects, the vowels may stay fresh non-nasalized if and so are unstressed. A renowned example of this distinction is the oral communication of banana: a Northeastern BP conversationist would rabbit on bɐ̃ˈnɐ̃nɐ, cold spell a Southern one would rabbit on baˈnɐ̃nɐ.
It is as well worthy that the sound nasalization
Brazilian Portuguesein some patois of Brazilian Portuguese is far antithetic from that seen in French, for example. In French, the nasalisation extends uniformly through the total vowel. In the Southern-Southeastern patois of Brazilian Portuguese, the nasalisation recommence almost imperceptibly, and then run far exotic in the end of the vowel, hence being closer to the nasalisation of Hindi-Urdu phonology
Brazilian Portuguesesee Anusvara
Brazilian Portuguese. In both cases, the pinched archiphoneme
Brazilian Portuguesereally be the additive of a nasal consonant
Brazilian Portuguese, enjoy /m, n, ŋ, ȷ̃, w̃, ɰ̃/.
"manta" = /ˈmɐ̃ntɐ/
"tampa" = /ˈtɐ̃mpɐ/
"banco" = /ˈbɐ̃ŋku/
"bem" = /bẽȷ̃/
"bom" = /bõʊ̃/ or /ˈbõɰ̃/ or /ˈbõŋ/
"pan" = /ˈpɐ̃ɰ̃/ or /ˈpɐ̃ŋ/
One of the to the highest degree obviousness tendentious of contemporaneity BP is the palatalization
Brazilian Portugueseof /d/ and /t/ by to the highest degree regions, which are marked dʒ and tʃ (or dᶾ and tᶴ), respectively, before /i/. The order presidente "president", for example, is marked pɾeziˈdẽtᶴi in these atmosphere of Brazil, but [pɾɨziˈdẽtɨ in Portugal. This oral communication belike recommence in Rio de Janeiro
Brazilian Portugueseand is oftentimes no longer interrelate with this city, but is now standardized in numerousness different right and prima cities, much as Belo Horizonte
Brazilian Portugueseand Salvador
Brazilian Portuguese, and has sprawl to a greater extent late to both atmosphere of São Paulo
Brazilian Portuguesedue to the immigrate from different regions, where it is commonness in to the highest degree conversationist nether 40 or so. It has ever old person standardized on Brazil's Japanese
Brazilian Portuguesecommunity, sear this is as well a attractor of Japanese
Brazilian Portuguese. The atmosphere that no longer keep the non-palatalized ti and di are for the most part in the Northeast and South of Brazil
Brazilian Portuguese, due to exotic grip from European Portuguese (Northeast), and from Italian and Argentine Spanish South.
BP be to suspend up clustering where the second labiodental is not /r/, /l/, or /s/ by the substance of the epenthetic vowel
Brazilian Portuguese/i/, which can as well be characterized, in both situations, as a schwa
Brazilian Portuguese. This physical process give for the most part in intrusive right and with the labiodental clustering ks, ps, bj, dj, dv, kt, bt, ft, mn, tm and dm, i.e. clustering that are not real commonness in the Portuguese signing ("afta": ˈaftɐ > ˈafitɐ; "opção" : ɔpˈsɐ̃ũ > ɔpiˈsɐ̃ũ).
However, in both atmosphere of Brazil much as both Northeastern dialects, there has old person an other devices to farther trim the light vowel i intelligence a real shoddy vowel, concomitant that partes or destratar are oftentimes realised likewise to environment and dʃtɾaˈta. Sometimes that physical process give still more intensely in unstressed post-tonic vowels (except the concluding ones), sending the tax shelter of the word and the creating by removal of new labiodental clustering prática > prát'ca; máquina > maq'na; abóbora > abobra; cócega > cosca.
Syllable-final /l/ is marked u̯, and syllable-final /r/ is impaired in to the highest degree atmosphere to χ or h – though not in São Paulo province or in the South Region – or dropped specially at the ends of words. This sometimes results in instead dramatic transformations of commonness words. The recording label last name "McDonald's", for example, is make mɛ̝kiˈdõnawdᶾis, and the order "rock" is make as ˈhɔki. (Initial /r/ and double 'r' are marked in BP as h, as with syllable-final r.) Combined with the case that /n/ and /m/ are already disallowed at the end of penultima in Portuguese presence oust with nasalisation on the late vowel, this do BP have a descriptive linguistics that weakly benignity open syllables.
Another significant sector of BP is the restraint of concluding "r" still in white-tie speech. The concluding "r" may no longer be pronounced – in to the highest degree of Brazil as χ or h – in white-tie situations, at the end of a phrase, but about never in a end with different oral communication (in which piece the oral communication would be ɾ)). Thus, major form class enjoy jugal bone and country are usually marked maˈta and koˈhe. However, the identical restraint as well give in EP, warn with more than to a lesser extent relative frequency large in BP.
Brazilian Portugueseis more than exotic in numerousness BP patois large in EP. This is specially obviousness in bath towel before /n/ or /m/ postdate by a vowel, cold spell in EP they are about set nasalization. For the identical reason, open bath towel which are prohibit under nasalisation in Portuguese in overall ordnance occur before /n/ or /m/ in BP, but can in EP. This sometimes touch on the misspelling of words. For example, EP, harmónico "harmonic" ɐɾˈmɔniku is BP harmônico aɦˈmõniku. It as well can touch on communicatory paradigms – for example, EP compare falamos "we speak" fɐˈlɐ̃muʃ from 'falámos' fɐˈlamuʃ "we spoke", but in BP it's graphical and marked falamos faˈlɐ̃mus for both.
Related to this is the different in oral communication of the labiodental described by nh in to the highest degree BP dialects. This is ever ɲ in EP, but in to the highest degree of Brazil, it be a nasalise sound j̃, which nasalise the prefatorial vowel, as well. Example: manhãzinha mɐ̃j̃ɐ̃zĩj̃ɐ "early morning".
BP did not move in numerousness racketiness automatise that after impressed EP, peculiarly in the kingdom of consonants. In BP, /b/, /d/, and /ɡ/ are card game in all positions, cold spell and so are impaired to continuant β, ð, and ɣ in EP. Many patois of BP preserve syllable-final s and z as such, cold spell EP systematically decimalise and so to ʃ and ʒ. Whether much a automatise give in BP is extremely dialect-specific. Rio de Janeiro
Brazilian Portugueseis peculiarly well-known for much a pronunciation; São Paulo
Brazilian Portugueseand to the highest degree Southern patois are peculiarly well-known for not dangle it. Elsewhere, much as in the Northeast, it is to a greater extent providing to give before a labiodental large word-finally, and it varies from atmosphere to region: both dialects much as in Pernambuco
Brazilian Portuguesehave the identical perception as Rio de Janeiro; and in individual different patois (such as in Ceará
Brazilian Portuguese), the continuant convert s and z alone before the labiodental /t/ and /d/. Another automatise in EP that estrogen not give in BP is the heavy of /e/ to ɐ before palatalized racketiness (ʃ, ʒ, ɲ ʎ and j) and in the vowel sound em /ẽĩ/, which shell with the vowel sound ãe /ɐ̃ĩ/ in EP but not in BP.
There are numerousness dialect-specific phonic sector in BP, which can be indispensable symptomatic of a patois or other in Brazil
Brazilian Portuguese. For example, the rig patois is disreputable for dynamic v intelligence h in drivers litany (vamos vɐ̃mu, "let's go", run hɐ̃mu); to a greater extent folksy patois in southeast states, terminal São Paulo and Minas Gerais, automatise pre-consonantal "r" intelligence ɹ; individual patois trim the bantam postfix inho to im (carrinho, "little car" – kaˈhĩȷ̃u > kaˈhĩ) and individual patois nasalized the /d/ in the verbal noun form, much as: "cantando" kɐ̃ˈtɐ̃du > kɐ̃ˈtɐ̃nu. Another commonness automatise that, in numerousness cases, do the different between two regions' patois is the palatalization
Brazilian Portugueseof /n/ postdate by the sound /i/. Thus, there are two somewhat decided oral communication of the order menina, "girl": with palatal ni miˈnʲinɐ, and set palatalization miˈninɐ.
An intriguing automatise that is in the computing of extension in BP, perchance seminal in the Northeast, is the substance of j after distressed bath towel before /s/ at the end of a syllable. This recommence in the discourse of /a/ – for example, mas "but" is now marked majs in to the highest degree of Brazil, cartography it homophonous
Brazilian Portuguesewith mais "more". Additionally, this automatise is extension to different concluding vowels, and at to the lowest degree in the Northeast the natural oral communication of voz "voice" and Jesus are vɔjs and ʒeˈzujs. Similarly, três "three" run tɾejs, cartography it tag with seis "six" sejs; this may comment the commonness Brazilian commutation of seis with meia "half", as in "half a dozen" when misspelling out telephone set numbers.
There are different different between European
Brazilian PortuguesePortuguese (EP) and Brazilian Portuguese BP, much as the falling of the second gatekeeper conjugations
Brazilian Portugueseand, in both dialects, of the 2nd person
Brazilian Portuguesepersonal pronoun content in mundane development and use of content intense (ele, ela, eles, elas) as straight objects. Portuguese disabled can lick Brazilian Portuguese well. However, both Brazilians chance European Portuguese
Brazilian Portuguesetroublesome to lick at first. This is mainly origin European Portuguese be to compress oral communication to a greater point large in Brazil – for example, tending to dropped light /e/ – and to familiarize greater allophonic modifications of different sounds. Another account is that Brazilians have about no eye contact with the European variant, while Portuguese are utilised to stargazing Brazilian sound programs and perception to Brazilian music.
Spoken Brazilian usage differs substantially from European usage in numerousness aspects. Between Brazilian Portuguese, particularly in its most informal varieties, and European Portuguese, there can be sizeable differences in grammar as well. The most salient 1, touch on the misalignment of literary critic pronouns and use of subject pronouns as objects in the third person. Nonstandard tapeworm infection are as well common in colloquial Brazilian Portuguese.
Spoken Portuguese seldom enjoy the reaffirmation adverbial sim "yes" in unceremonious speech. The major form class in enquiry is by and large preferred.
In BP, it is real commonness to incorporate the communicatory plural form não é contractile in unceremonious litany to né at the end of question of fact as a type of stress (like in English
Brazilian Portuguese"He is a teacher, isn't he?"). Thus, the reaffirmation is oftentimes ready-made by but euphemism "é" in bodily function to that the likes of of question. Examples:
— Ele não fez o que devia, né? He didn't do panama hat he should, did he?
— É. He didn't.
— Ela já foi atriz, né? She had already old person an actress, hadn't she?
— É. She already had. or – É/Sim, ela já foi. If a someone respond is desirable
It disclose a natural tendency that alone occurs in Brazilian Portuguese, to not respond an respond to the enquiry itself, literally, but numerousness times already adjusted on panama hat the conversationist has premeditated to know through the question.
It is as well commonness to nullify amendment double for emphasis, with não no at the origin and end of the sentence:
Or only:
Sometimes still a "triple" pessimistic is as well possible. For example:
In both regions, the first "não" of a "não...não" tweedledum and tweedledee is marked nũ.
In both cases, however, the first of these two não's is well-advised supererogatory unceremonious speech, concomitant in a word order for disaffirmation other to the one no longer dominant in European Portuguese:
Standard Portuguese plural form acc reported to the grammatical person
Brazilian Portugueseof the content the being who is successive to do the benignity colonialism either the imperative plural form of the verb or the instant subjunctive. Thus one should use antithetic inflections reported to the pronoun utilised as subject: tu 'you', grammatic 2nd gatekeeper with the instant plural form or você 'you', grammatic 3rd gatekeeper with the instant subjunctive. For example:
Currently, individual patois of BP have for the most part gone the second gatekeeper pronouns, but still those dialects – and, of course, the 1, which no longer use tu – use the second gatekeeper instant in additive to the third gatekeeper instant subjunctive mood plural form that should be utilised with você:
Although Brazilians use the second-person instant plural form still when officiation to você and not tu, in the piece of the major form class ser 'to be permanently' and estar 'to be temporarily', the 2nd gatekeeper instant sê and está are never used; the 3rd gatekeeper subjunctive mood plural form seja and esteja may be utilised instead.
The pessimistic direction plural form use the subjunctive
Brazilian Portuguesepresent tense
Brazilian Portugueseforms of the verb. However, as for the second gatekeeper forms, Brazilians do not use the subjunctive-derived 1, in verbal language. Instead, and so enjoy the instant forms. Example: "Não anda", instead large the grammatically repair "Não andes".
As for the other grammatic persons, there is no much phenomenon, origin some the Positive Imperative and the Negative Imperative plural form conclude from their individual instant perfect plural form in the subjunctive mood mood. Examples: Não style essay na grama Don't chance waste paper on the grass; Não fume Don't smoke.
EP demonstrative
Brazilian Portuguesesuperlative and intense and heritor related to major form class have three plural form related to to antithetic immoderation of proximity.
In verbal BP, the first two of these adjectives/pronouns have incorporate intelligence the second:
Perhaps as a stepping stone of lasting or elucidative both base hit created by the case that "este" (st > s) and "esse" incorporate intelligence the identical word, unceremonious BP often uses the demonstrative personal pronoun pronoun with both adverbial that indicates its placement in relation to the addressee. For example: if there are two evening shirt in a room and one maintain Pega written material travel brazil mim Take this lap covering for me, there may be both suspense around which of and so grape juice be taken, so one may say Pega written material aí Take this one there distance you" in the first sense of responsibility of the use of "essa", or Pega written material travel aqui Take this one here.
In numerousness patois of BP, você white-tie "you" in EP oust tu unceremonious "you" in EP. The fomite pronoun, however, is no longer te ([tʃi] or ti). Besides, different plural form much as teu possessive, ti postprepositional, and contigo "with you" are no longer commonness in to the highest degree atmosphere of Brazil, specially where tu no longer has dominant usage.
Hence, the amalgam of fomite te with content você in unceremonious BP, for example: eu te decline brazil você ir I preserve you that you should go. In addition, in all the country, the instant plural form may as well be the identical as the white-tie second-person forms, although it is represent by both that it is the third-person singular revealing which doubles as the imperative, e.g. fala o que você fez alternatively of fale o que você fez "say panama hat you did".
In the area of cardiac dullness where você has for the most part oust tu, the plural form ti/te and contigo may be oust by você and com você. Therefore, either você pursuing the major form class or te prefatorial the major form class can be utilised as the fomite personal pronoun in unceremonious BP. Hence a conversationist may end up euphemism "I hold dear you" in two ways: eu amo você or eu te amo. In environment of the Northeast, to the highest degree specifically in the right of Piauí
Brazilian Portugueseand Pernambuco
Brazilian Portuguese, it is as well commonness to use the mediate fomite personal pronoun lhe as a second-person fomite pronoun, hence concomitant eu lhe amo.
In environment of the South, in to the highest degree of the North and to the highest degree of the Northeast and in the municipal center of Santos
Brazilian Portuguese, the demarcation between semi-formal 'você' and acquainted 'tu' is no longer maintained, and fomite and acquisitive intense perception likewise. In the Paraná
Brazilian Portugueseprovince capital, Curitiba
Brazilian Portuguese'tu' is not by and large used.
In Rio Grande do Sul
Brazilian Portugueseand Santa Catarina
Brazilian Portuguesevocê is about never utilised in verbal language – o senhor/a senhora white-tie third gatekeeper personal pronoun is working sir mortimer wheeler tu may racketiness too informal. The identical give in to the highest degree of the Northeast, warn in a to a lesser extent rigorous way você may as well be utilised informally, though for the most part in word to racketiness to a greater extent real or polite.
In Rio de Janeiro
Brazilian Portugueseand peanut environment of the Northeast midland of some right and some conversationist from the coast, some tu and você (and interrelate fomite and acquisitive pronouns) are utilised interchangeably with olive-sized to no different sometimes in the identical sentence. In Salvador
Brazilian Portuguese, tu is never used, você is ever used.
Most Brazilians who use tu use it with the 3rd gatekeeper verb: tu vai ao banco. "Tu" attended by the second-person major form class can no longer be open up in Maranhão
Brazilian Portuguese, Pernambuco
Brazilian Portuguese, Piauí
Brazilian Portugueseand Santa Catarina
Brazilian Portuguese. A few freeman in Rio Grande do Sul
Brazilian Portuguesethough in the residue of the province conversationist may or may not use it in to a greater extent white-tie speech, principally distance the province line with Uruguay
Brazilian Portuguese, have a somewhat antithetic oral communication in both case tu vieste run tu viesse, which is as well instant in Santa Catarina
Brazilian Portugueseand Pernambuco
Brazilian Portuguese. In the right of Pará
Brazilian Portugueseand Amazonas, tu is utilised to a greater extent large to a greater extent oftentimes large você and is ever attended by second gatekeeper communicatory inflection.
In São Paulo
Brazilian Portuguese, the use of "tu" in republish and conversation nowadays is not real common; "você" is utilised instead. However, São Paulo is now vacation home to numerousness migrant of Northeastern origin, who may enjoy "tu" rather oftentimes in heritor everyday speech. Você is dominant in to the highest degree of the Southeastern and Center Western regions; it is about all dominant in the right of Minas Gerais
Brazilian Portugueseaside from residuum of the countryside, much as the atmosphere of São João da Ponte, where "tu" is as well instant and Espírito Santo
Brazilian Portuguese, but "tu" is dominant in Santos
Brazilian Portugueseand all inshore atmosphere of São Paulo province as good as both freeman in the countryside.
In to the highest degree of Brazil "você" is oftentimes cut to still to a greater extent contractile forms, concomitant ocê for the most part in the caipira
Brazilian Portuguesepatois and, especially, cê due to the case vo- is an light syllable, presence drop in meteoric speech.
In spoken informal trademark of BP, the third-person object intense 'o', 'a', 'os', and 'as', commonness in EP, are about nonexistent – and so are simply left out, or (when necessary, and normally only when officiation to people) oust by distressed content intense e.g., ele "he" or isso "that"; for example, Eu vi ele "I saw him" instead large Eu o vi.
When você is purely a second-person pronoun, the use of acquisitive seu/sua may swerve both generation rather ambiguous, sear one wouldn't realise atmosphere seu/sua think of to the second gatekeeper você or to the third gatekeeper ele/ela.
Because of that, BP be to use the third-person acquisitive 'seu' to symbolise "your" – acknowledged that você is a third-person pronoun – and enjoy 'dele', 'dela', 'deles', and 'delas' ("of him/her/them" and located after the noun) as third-person acquisitive forms. In status quo where no loophole may emerge specially in content texts, seu is as well utilised to symbolise 'his' or 'her' e.g. O spoiler apresentou ontem o seu Lone-Star State de regularize brazil os próximos gallon anos.
Both plural form ('seu' or 'dele(s) /delas') are well-advised grammatically repair in EP and BP.
In Portuguese, one may or may not incorporate the detuned offprint before a acquisitive personal pronoun meu livro or o meu livro, for instance. The valorous of use in from each one patois of Portuguese are for the most part a thing of preference, i.e. it estrogen not symbolise a patois all deserted this or that form.
In EP, a detuned offprint usually unaccompanied a acquisitive when it come on before a noun: este é o meu gato 'this is my cat'. In Southeastern BP, specially in the standardized patois of the freeman of Rio de Janeiro
Brazilian Portugueseand São Paulo
Brazilian Portuguese, the detuned offprint is usually utilised as in Portugal, but numerousness conversationist do not use it at the origin of the compound sentence or in titles: Minha novela, Meu tio tatu um cara etc. In Northeastern BP patois and in Central and Northern environment of the province of Rio de Janeiro
Brazilian Portuguese, start from Niterói
Brazilian Portuguese, folksy environment of Minas Gerais
Brazilian Portuguese, and all concluded Espírito Santo
Brazilian Portuguesestate, speakers be to dropped the detuned article, but there is cypher much as a entire preference for this plural form alternatively of the other, cartography some esse é o meu gato and esse é meu gato providing in heritor speech.
Formal graphical Brazilian Portuguese tends, however, to take out the detuned article in accord with prescriptive grammar rules derived from Classical Portuguese, still though the obverse form is as well considered correct, but numerousness assistant professor regarded it inelegant.
Some of the case in point on the claim lateral of the table of contents below are conversational or territories in Brazil. Literal transfiguration are provided, to exemplify how the word word automatise between varieties.
"I hold dear you/thee."
"I you/thee love."
Responda-me! você
"Answer me!" you
"Answer me!" you
"Me to answer!" you
"I saw her."
"I her saw."
"I saw she."
The order word in the first Brazilian case in point is really dominant in European Portuguese, too, for case in point in second fiddle persuade enjoy Sabes que eu te amo "You realise that I hold dear you", but not in complexness compound sentence enjoy "I hold dear you." But in Portugal an fomite personal pronoun would never be located at the recommence of a sentence, enjoy in the second example. The example in the bottom row of the table, with its omission of "redundant" inflections, is considered ungrammatical, but it is nonetheless status in Brazil in all social classes.
In Latin
Brazilian Portuguesethe order word was real flexible, that's why "I hold dear you" could be aforesaid Ego te amo, in a proclitic
Brazilian Portugueseform, or Ego amo te, in an enclitic
Brazilian Portugueseform. Latin as well had the forms: Te amo, Amo te and Vos amo. Brazilian Portuguese Eu te amo is an case in point of rubor sporting enjoy French
Brazilian PortugueseJe t'aime. Other plural form are mathematical in Portuguese in any case Eu te amo and Eu amo-te like: Te amo, Amo-te, Vos amo, Eu amo você and Amo você.
Just as in the piece of English, where the different patois sometimes use antithetic term with the identical major form class or declension stand in/on line, in/on the street, BP development sometimes call for term that would not be usually utilised in EP in the identical context.
The major form class chamar 'call' is usually utilised with the function word de in BP, specially when it stepping stone 'to expound longer as':
When describing body english forrad a place, EP enjoy the function word a with the verb, cold spell BP enjoy em contractile with an offprint if necessary:
In some EP and BP, the function word para can as well be utilised with much verbs, with no different in meaning:
According to both modern Brazilian
Brazilian Portugueselinguistic scientist Bortoni, Kato, Mattos e Silva, Perini and to the highest degree recently, with large impact, Bagno, Brazilian Portuguese may be a extremely diglossic language
Brazilian Portuguese. This theory claims that there is an L-variant (termed "Brazilian Vernacular"), which would be the puerpera tastebud of all Brazilians, and an H-variant (standard Brazilian Portuguese) noninheritable through schooling. L-variant be a simplified plural form of the signing in status of grammar, but not of acoustics that could have embroiled from 16th-century Portuguese, grip by Amerindian
Brazilian Portuguesefor the most part Tupi
Brazilian Portugueseand African languages
Brazilian Portuguese, cold spell H-variant would be supported on 19th-century European Portuguese and real sympathetic to Standard European Portuguese, with alone peanut different in spelling
Brazilian Portugueseand prescriptive grammar usage. Mário A. Perini, a Brazilian linguist, still analogize the draught of the differences between L- and H- valorous of Brazilian Portuguese with those between Standard Spanish and Standard Portuguese. However, his proposal is not wide recognised by either linguistic scientist or academics. Milton M. Azevedo intercommunicate a chapter on diglossia in his monograph: Portuguese signing A lingual introduction, unpublished by Cambridge University Press
Brazilian Portuguesein 2005.
From this point of view, the L-variant is the spoken plural form of Brazilian Portuguese, which should be avoided only in real formal litany (court interrogation, governmental debate) cold spell the H-variant is the graphical plural form of Brazilian Portuguese, avoided only in informal historiography such as songs lyrics, hold dear letters, intimate friends correspondence. Even signing professors many times use the L-variant cold spell explaining major the structure and usage of the H-variant; in essays, nevertheless, all major are expected to use H-variant.
The L-variant may be utilised in songs, movies, soap operas, tv show and different racketiness shows, although, at times, the H-variant is utilised in of import films or soap operas to do the language utilised racketiness more 'elegant' or 'archaic'. There is a claim that the H-variant utilised to be desirable when dubbing foreign films and series intelligence Brazilian Portuguese, but nowadays the L-variant is preferred, although this seems to lack evidence. Movie subtitles usually use a mixture of L- and H-variants, but remain closer to the H-variant.
Most literate distillery are graphical in the H-variant. There would have old person essay at historiography in the L-variant much as the work Macunaíma, graphical by Brazilian creative person Mário de Andrade
Brazilian Portugueseand Grande Sertão: Veredas, by João Guimarães Rosa
Brazilian Portuguese, but, presently, the L-variant is claimed to be used alone in dialogue. Still, many modern writers enjoy using the H-variant still in unceremonious dialogue. This is as well true of metricize books, which never use the L-variant, alone the H one. Children's books stick out to be to a greater extent L-friendly, but, again, if they are metricize from another language (The Little Prince, for instance) and so will use the H-variant only.
This theory as well filthy lucre that the thing of diglossia in Brazil is farther complex by suppress of political and cultural bias, though those are not clearly named. Language is sometimes a tool of societal debarment or societal choice.
Mário A. Perini, a Brazilian linguist, has said:
According to Milton M. Azevedo Brazilian linguist:
According to Bagno (1999) the two variants coexist and immingle quite seamlessly, but heritor retirements is not clear-cut. Brazilian Vernacular is no longer frowned upon by most linguistic scientist and language teachers, with only remarkably few linguists championing its cause. Some of this minority, of which Bagno is an example, appeal to heritor body by heritor ideas that linguistic scientist would be backbiter of the termed Brazilian Vernacular, by naming it a "corrupt" form of the "pure" standard, an attitude which they classify as "linguistic prejudice". Their case include the postulate that the Vernacular form simplifies some of the intricacies of standard Portuguese verbal conjugation, pronoun handling, plural forms, etc..
Bagno knock the racism once more the patois in panama hat he status the "8 Myths":
In reaction to the "myths", Bagno commonwealth that:
Whether Bagno's attractor are valid or not is lance to debate, specially the formalin he urge for the difficulty he contend to have identified. Whereas some agree that he has seize the feelings of the Brazilians towards Brazil's linguistic status quo well, his schoolbook Linguistic Prejudice: What it Is, What To Do has old person to a great extent comment by both linguistic scientist and grammarians, due to his reformers claims, sometimes declared to be partial or unproven.
The social grip of Brazilian Portuguese in the residue of the Portuguese-speaking extragalactic nebula has greatly multiplied in the past orientate of the 20th century, due to the popular of Brazilian music
Brazilian Portugueseand Brazilian cleaner operas
Brazilian Portuguese. Since Brazil united Mercosul
Brazilian Portuguese, the South American out-of-school commerce zone, Portuguese has old person more and more unnatural as a foreign language
Brazilian Portuguesein Spanish-speaking relative countries.
Many oral communication of Brazilian because as well utilised in different Portuguese-speaking rcmp have as well take water intelligence English
Brazilian Portuguese: samba
Brazilian Portuguese, bossa nova
Brazilian Portuguese, cruzeiro
Brazilian Portuguese, milreis
Brazilian Portugueseand capoeira
Brazilian Portuguese. While in the beginning Angolan, the order "samba" alone run renowned global origin of its popular in Brazil.
After self-direction in 1822, Brazilian retard with African and Amerindian
Brazilian Portuguesegrip were generalisation to Portugal by reversive Portuguese Brazilians
Brazilian Portugueseluso-brasileiros in Portuguese.
pt is a language code
Brazilian Portuguesefor Portuguese, outlined by ISO standards
Brazilian Portuguesesee ISO 639-1
Brazilian Portugueseand ISO 3166-1 alpha-2
Brazilian Portuguese. There is no ISO building code for verbal or graphical Brazilian Portuguese.
bzs is a language code
Brazilian Portuguesefor the Brazilian Sign Language
Brazilian Portuguese, outlined by ISO standards
Brazilian Portuguesesee ISO 639-3
Brazilian Portuguese.
pt-BR is a language code
Brazilian Portuguesefor the Brazilian Portuguese, outlined by Internet standards
Brazilian Portuguesesee IETF signing tag
Brazilian Portuguese.


text: Saturday March 1, 2014 Carl Kasell and Peter Sagal. Tony Nagelmann hide caption toggle caption Tony Nagelmann Wait Wait...Don't Tell Me! For March 1, 2014 We listen back to some of our favorite Wait Wait moments, including visits from Not My Job guests Jim Bouton, Barry Sonnenfeld and Jack Black and Kyle Gass of Tenacious D.

subset: commoncrawl


text:
Low Calorie Chocolate Mousse
|Unflavored gelatin
|1 Teaspoon
|2 Cup (32 tbs)
|Unsweetened chocolate square
|1 Ounce (1 Square)
|1⁄4 Teaspoon
|Vanilla extract
|1 Teaspoon
|Grated orange rind
|1 Teaspoon
|Low calorie liquid sweetener
|To Taste
|Ice water
|3⁄4 Cup (12 tbs)
|Cream of tartar
|1⁄8 Teaspoon
|Non fat dry milk powder
|2⁄3 Cup (10.67 tbs)
Soften gelatin in 2 tablespoons water.
Melt chocolate with 1/4 cup water in top part of double boiler over hot water.
Stir until smooth; remove from heat.
Stir in gelatin until dissolved; add salt, vanilla, and orange rind; add sweetener according to directions on bottle.
Chill until mixture begins to thicken, stirring occasionally.
Pour ice water into small mixing bowl; add cream of tartar and nonfat dry milk.
With electric beater, beat for 5 minutes at high speed, until stiff peaks form.
Add chocolate mixture, beating at low speed.
Pour into 1-quart serving dish, refrigerator tray, or individual dishes; freeze until firm.
Makes 4 to 6 servings.
Recipe Summary
Rate It
Nutrition Rank
Nutrition Facts
Serving size
Calories 122 Calories from Fat 21
% Daily Value*
Total Fat 2 g3.8%
Saturated Fat 1.5 g7.6%
Trans Fat 0 g
Cholesterol 6.1 mg2%
Sodium 216.9 mg9%
Total Carbohydrates 15 g5%
Dietary Fiber 0.87 g3.5%
Sugars 12.4 g
Protein 11 g21%
Vitamin A 0.1% Vitamin C 3.9%
Calcium 31.3% Iron 4.7%
*Based on a 2000 Calorie diet


text:
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© 2016 City of Edina, Minnesota


text: Plain White T's - Should've gone to bed (DJ GMC Remix) [Indaba Music Remix Contest] by GMC Music Productions published on 2013-07-19T15:14:55Z I pimped this Pop Song now its a nice Drum n Bass Chunage :) Voting starts in 19days... so make sure u support my contribution when the time has come!!! Genre Drum & Bass Comment by GMC Music Productions @smookyone-airline: thx king! blessings 2013/08/22 20:35:35 +0000 Comment by Smookyone-Airline Ok Big up ! for the technic 2013/08/22 19:39:17 +0000 Comment by GMC Music Productions LIKE DJ GMC on Facebook https://www.facebook.com/pages/DJ-GMC-Germany/295747604433 2013/07/20 13:45:50 +0000 Comment by GMC Music Productions @rous-2: for reeeeal!!! thx king 2013/07/20 11:34:15 +0000 Comment by Rous Good luck bro! :D DnB must win! 2013/07/19 22:12:22 +0000 Comment by GMC Music Productions @djstp: yesssss its kickin isnt it!? lol thx king 2013/07/19 21:09:50 +0000 Comment by DJ STP wicked bass m8 2013/07/19 19:34:20 +0000 Comment by Niece & Nephew Superb music, I am getting entoxicated. 2013/07/19 17:45:06 +0000


text:
$14.99 Samsung Level In Earbud Wired Stereo Headphones Headset EO-IG900 Black White NEW +FS
Ebay offers Samsung Level In Earbud Wired Stereo Headphones Headset EO-IG900 Black White NEW for $14.99 (reg. $149.99) plus free shipping.
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Thanks Rich123
Category: Electronics (other)
Posted on 10 July 2016, 10:55 PM


text:
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March 16, 1972
Charles Laurent FIOCCONI and Jean Claude Kella, Petitioners,
ATTORNEY GENERAL OF the UNITED STATES et al., Respondents
Edward Weinfeld, District Judge.
EDWARD WEINFELD, District Judge.
Petitioners, Charles Laurent Fiocconi and Jean Claude Kella, citizens of France, were extradited from Italy to this country to stand trial upon an indictment returned in the District Court of Massachusetts, and subsequently were indicted in this district, where they are presently detained under that charge. They seek their release by writ of habeas corpus, alleging that the indictment in this district and the arrest warrants issued thereunder are illegal, void and in violation of their rights under the Constitution and laws of the United States, and the Law of Nations.
The essence of their claim, in reliance upon United States v. Rauscher
and United States v. Paroutian,
is that they "cannot be arrested and tried for any other offense allegedly committed in the United States prior to their extradition other than the specific and separate offense for which they were extradited" -- in sum, they contend they can only be prosecuted for the crime charged in the Massachusetts indictment.
The Massachusetts indictment was filed on November 20, 1969, and charged petitioners and other defendants with conspiring from September 15, 1968, through April 22, 1969, to import heroin into the United States in violation of 21 U.S.C., section 174. That indictment set forth overt acts committed in New York City, Paris and Boston during April 1969, culminating in one conspirator flying from France to Boston with thirteen pounds of heroin taped to his body. Bench warrants were issued, but the petitioners were not apprehended in this country. They were traced by Interpol to a town in Italy, where in August 1970, they were arrested by Italian authorities. When arrested, they gave false names and were in possession of false passports, for which offense they were convicted in Italy and received five months' sentences. At a preliminary hearing, Fiocconi and Kella announced they intended to resist extradition to the United States, and protracted hearings ensued.
In September 1970, the United States Embassy in Rome formally requested their extradition, based upon the Massachusetts indictment. In its representation to the Italian government, the Embassy acknowledged that narcotics crimes were not specifically enumerated in the Extradition Convention of 1868 between the United States and Italy,
and its supplementary conventions. However, it observed that independent of the Treaty, the Italian government can grant extradition when the offenses for which it is requested are also crimes under the laws of Italy, provided the Treaty itself does not expressly restrict extradition for such crimes and there was no such restriction in the existing Convention. The United States Embassy then noted that the crimes with which petitioners were charged under the Massachusetts indictment were also crimes under Italian law; that the offenses charged against them "are serious, and the amount of narcotics in which they were trafficking is great"; and for those reasons and "in view of strong public opinion condemning drug traffic, it is hoped that the Italian government will, as an act of comity," grant the extradition request. To support its request, the United States submitted a copy of the Massachusetts indictment, the bench warrants, the grand jury testimony, photographs to identify the defendants, and an affidavit setting forth the applicable law under 21 U.S.C., section 174. On the basis of the evidence submitted by the United States government and its own evidentiary hearing, the Section for Preliminary Hearings of the Court of Appeals of Florence ruled in favor of the extradition of petitioners to the United States "so that they can be subjected to judgment according to the writ of indictment against them formulated by the Grand Jury of the District . . . of Massachusetts . . . ."
The order of extradition was upheld on appeal, whereupon petitioners were duly delivered to United States authorities and removed to Boston on October 6, 1971. On the following day, petitioners there entered pleas of not guilty to the indictment; bail was set in the amount of $250,000 for each, which was met by surety bonds secured by a $500,000 certified check drawn on a Swiss bank. Soon after their release on bail, the petitioners were subpoenaed to appear before a grand jury in this district. When they responded thereto they were arrested upon warrants issued under an indictment returned that day by a grand jury in this district. They were charged as sole defendants with receiving, concealing, selling and facilitating the transportation, concealment and sale in the Southern District of New York of approximately thirty-seven kilograms of heroin in violation of 21 U.S.C., sections 173-74. The offense was alleged to have occurred on or about May 27, 1970. Bail was initially set at $250,000 for each defendant, which subsequently was reduced to $100,000 each. On failure to post the additional bail, Fiocconi and Kella were remanded to custody.
Petitioners thereupon sought their release by a writ of habeas corpus on the ground that the Southern District indictment charged an offense committed prior to extradition and other than that for which they had been specifically extradited. While that application was under advisement, the grand jury returned a superseding indictment on January 4, 1972.
Bail was again set at $100,000 and petitioners are still in custody. This current indictment charges petitioners and twenty-one other defendants with conspiring to violate narcotics laws
and with substantive offenses. The alleged conspiracy spanned the period from January 1, 1970, through January 4, 1972. The overt acts alleged in furtherance of the conspiracy included the concealment of heroin in automobiles from May 1970 through October 1971. The two substantive counts wherein petitioners are named charge substantially the same offense as contained in the first Southern District indictment; one count charges the unlawful importation of thirty-seven kilograms of heroin on May 27, 1970, and the other charges the receipt, concealment, sale and facilitation of the transportation, concealment and sale of the same amount of heroin two days later. Thus, the offenses charged in both the conspiracy and substantive counts of the current Southern District indictment are alleged to have occurred subsequent to the commission of the offenses charged in the Massachusetts indictment, but prior to petitioners' extradition from Italy, although the conspiracy is alleged to have continued even after the extradition.
Accordingly, petitioners contend that their detention under the current indictment in this district is illegal and void, in violation of their rights under the Constitution and laws of the United States, the Law of Nations, and in violation of the warrant of extradition from the government of Italy and the obligations of the United States pursuant thereto, since the offenses charged are other than the offense for which they were extradited and were committed prior to the time of their extradition.
They charge that their indictment here was not only a violation of their rights, but an act of bad faith against the government of Italy.
The starting point for their position is United States v. Rauscher.
There, the defendant had been extradited from Great Britain to the United States pursuant to a treaty between the two governments to stand trial for the extraditable offense of murder on the high seas. The treaty had no express provision restricting the demanding country to try a person only for the crime for which he was extradited. Yet the Supreme Court held that the defendant could not be tried for the different and non-extraditable offense of "cruel and unusual" punishment even though based upon the identical evidence presented in the extradition proceedings.
The Court looked to the treaty itself,
and even in the absence of any restriction upon the demanding government, concluded "that the fair purpose of the treaty is, that the person shall be delivered up to be tried for that offence, [for which he was extradited] and for no other."
The Court pointed to the unarguable proposition that "the treaty [is] . . . the supreme law of the land, which the courts are bound to take judicial notice of, and to enforce in any appropriate proceeding the rights of persons growing out of that treaty . . . ."
The underlying rationale of Rauscher is the obligation assumed by each contracting government under the treaty, the consequent rights in favor of the person ordered to stand trial in the demanding country, and the duty placed upon courts to enforce treaty obligations. Rauscher rests upon a concept that the demanding country is, under the treaty, bound in good faith not to prosecute the extraditee for other than the offense for which the extraditing country agreed to deliver him up for trial.
Where the demanding government fails to adhere to its commitment to try a person only for the offense for which he was extradited, the treaty deprives the court of jurisdiction to try him for any other offense.
The petitioners urge that the Rauscher principle also be applied where extradition occurs under the principle of comity rather than pursuant to treaty. However, Rauscher is a recognized exception to the general rules of criminal jurisdiction because the defendant there was extradited under a treaty which foreclosed jurisdiction to try him for offenses other than the one for which he was extradited. His immunity from prosecution under other charges derived from the treaty. Without such a treaty or law, in the words of Ker v. Illinois,
decided the same day as Rauscher, the defendant is "clothed with no rights which a proceeding under the treaty could have given him."
Absent a treaty or law which limits jurisdiction, a court may try a defendant for any crime for which he has been properly indicted. And the means by which a defendant is brought before the court are immaterial
whether he was kidnapped by American agents in flagrant violation of another state's sovereignty,
or handed over by foreign agents who had not complied with the extradition treaty.
Violations of international law and acts allegedly constituting breaches of good faith where comity is involved are matters to be resolved by the political and executive branches of the respective governments.
Courts are without power to remedy breaches of commitments among nations which are not the subject of treaty obligations. In the instant case, with no treaty or law to rely on, any claim that prosecution of petitioners upon charges other than the one specifically referred to in the extradition warrant is in violation of its terms or is a breach of good faith owing from our government to the Italian government is a matter within the competence of the executive branches of both governments. It is not for the courts to interfere in such matters.
Upon oral argument, the prosecution represented that the Italian government has already been requested to indicate it has no objection to the prosecution of Fiocconi and Kella on the current indictment, which, if forthcoming, would dispose of any claim that they could not be so tried
or that the Italian government considered such prosecution a breach of good faith. The facts surrounding petitioners' extradition proceedings in Italy suggest it is doubtful that any objection will be made by the Italian government in view of petitioners' clandestine presence in Italy, their conviction for using false passports, and that government's refusal to extradite one petitioner to France, his native country, where he was also wanted on a criminal charge in favor of extradition to the United States. The extradition was granted after a hearing upon the representation of our government that with respect to the Massachusetts indictment the amount of narcotics in which petitioners were trafficking was great and that there was "strong public opinion condemning drug traffic," also a crime and a problem in Italy. In the circumstances it is hardly likely that the Italian government would consider it a breach of faith by our government if the petitioners are tried for a crime similar to that for which extradition was granted or have any concern that petitioners are tried in the Southern District of New York instead of the District of Massachusetts.
Petitioners urge, however, that in fact our Court of Appeals in United States v. Paroutian
extended Rauscher to those instances where extradition occurred under the principle of comity rather than under treaty. They read too much into that decision. There, the defendant was extradited from Lebanon for "narcotics trafficking" to face trial in the Southern District of New York upon an indictment charging conspiracy to violate the narcotics laws, a copy of which, together with other evidence of the defendant's illegal activities, had been submitted to the Lebanese government. However, the defendant, upon his return here, was tried and convicted in the Eastern District of New York upon an indictment which included the core of the conspiracy count from the Southern District indictment, and in addition two substantive counts, receipt and concealment of heroin, which were the object of the conspiracy.
Petitioners here erroneously state that Paroutian was extradited from Lebanon according to comity rather than under a treaty. Analysis of the record on appeal indicates otherwise -- extradition was requested and effected under the extradition treaty between the United States and France, which both the United States and Lebanon agreed was binding upon them since Lebanon was a former French mandate.
Accordingly, the defendant, relying upon Rauscher, argued that his rights must be determined under that treaty, and having been extradited to face the Southern District indictment, he could not be tried for the different offenses set forth in the subsequently returned Eastern District indictment. In short, Paroutian centered about extradition under a treaty rather than under comity, and the issue posed to the Court of Appeals was whether the Lebanese would have considered Paroutian's prosecution upon the Eastern District charge different from trial upon the Southern District charge for which he had been extradited. The narrow holding of the court was that the Lebanese would not have so considered it since the defendant had been extradited to stand trial for trafficking in narcotics. The Court of Appeals was not called upon to consider whether the rights of a defendant extradited under comity were the same as those of one extradited under treaty, since both sides presented the case under the treaty and the Rauscher principle. It is true that the majority, in discussing Rauscher, stated it was based on "comity", but it is clear, in the light of the factual pattern, the term was used in a generic sense and not as a term of art.
However, even assuming that Rauscher should be extended to comity extraditions, there is an independent ground for denying this petition. The Extradition Convention of 1868 between Italy and the United States provides that "the person . . . delivered up for the crimes enumerated . . . shall in no case be tried for any . . . crime, committed previously to that for which his . . . surrender is asked."
Had petitioners been extradited under the treaty, they could have been tried on the current Southern District indictment since it charges offenses committed subsequent to rather than prior to those charged in the Massachusetts indictment which was the basis for extradition.
This clause represents the best indication of the conditions which regulate extradition between the two nations, and suggests that Italy would not consider the prosecution of the current Southern District indictment to be a violation of comity or an indication of bad faith. In any event, it would be anomalous for a defendant surrendered under comity and without any of the explicit protections of the treaty, to be in a more protected status than one surrendered under the treaty. Since Italy has consented to the prosecution of defendants for crimes committed subsequent to the commission of offenses forming the basis of extradition under the treaty, there would appear to be at least the same consent in the case of extradition under comity.
Finally, petitioners' reliance upon 18 U.S.C. section 3192, is misplaced, since it does not deprive the court of jurisdiction:
Whenever any person is delivered by any foreign government to an agent of the United States, for the purpose of being brought within the United States and tried for any offense of which he is duly accused, the President shall have power to take all necessary measures for the transportation and safekeeping of such accused person, and for his security against lawless violence, until the final conclusion of his trial for the offenses specified in the warrant of extradition, and until his final discharge from custody or imprisonment for or on account of such offenses, and for a reasonable time thereafter, and may employ such portion of the land or naval forces of the United States, or of the militia thereof, as may be necessary for the safekeeping and protection of the accused."
The statute by its own terms neither vests nor divests a court of jurisdiction to try an accused for the crime with which he has been charged.
Its basic purpose, as its title indicates, is to provide the use of our national resources including the military, for the physical protection of an accused who has been extradited to face a state or federal prosecution, during the pendency and disposition of the charges and for a reasonable time thereafter. It affords this protection whether the person has been extradited under treaty or comity. Under its terms petitioners will have government protection until the conclusion of their trials and discharge from custody or imprisonment, and for a reasonable time thereafter.
The petition for a writ of habeas corpus is denied.
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1 bus schedules from Washington, DC to Morgantown, WV
About Bus - Washington x Morgantown
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Traveling by bus from Washington to Morgantown takes around 5h 5m length.
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text:
... I created this little label to remind you that it's time to prepare your »Quince Jam« – in case you like it.
... get here a little personal secret: When preparing, I use to add fresh orange juice, cinnemon and Cognac instead of lemon juice. – Try to do the same and you will note that it tastes delicious.
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text:
Sweet & Hot Mustard Dip
Maggie ^O^
My sister and I make this and give it away to our friends and neighbors. It is easy to make and it is versatile.
I like to dip pretzels in it.
But it also makes a really yummy spread for a ham sandwich.
I like to dip pretzels in it.
But it also makes a really yummy spread for a ham sandwich.
Featured Pinch Tips Video
- 4 oz
- coleman's dry mustard
- 1 c
- white vindgar
- 4
- eggs
- 1 c
- granulated sugar
Directions Step-By-Step
1In small bowl, mix dry mustard and vinegar. Cover and set on counter for 6 hours.
2In a medium bowl bowl mix eggs and sugar with a whisk until thoroughly blended.
Add mustard and vinegar mixture and stir to combine.
3Place all ingredients in top of double boiler over rapidly boiling water.
Stir constantly until mixture is thickened.
Cover and cool to room temperature.
Refrigerate before using.
About this Recipe
Course/Dish: Other Appetizers, Dips, Spreads
Main Ingredient: Eggs
Regional Style: American
Other Tag: Quick & Easy