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Closing the health gap between Indigenous and non-Indigenous Australians relies, in part, on addressing the poor levels of nutrition in remote Indigenous communities (RIC). This article identifies and maps key influencers of food choice at the point-of-purchase (POP) in Australian RIC and identifies gaps in our knowledge. It is based on a narrative review of the literature pertaining to food in RIC from a range of disciplinary perspectives including nutrition, ethnography, public health, anthropology, and remote health to map POP drivers of food choice. In particular, the role of habit is identified as a key factor that has previously not been discussed in the literature. The conceptual framework can be used as a basis for future POP research in RIC and provides guidance for social marketers, public health, nutrition, and policy workers operating in this field.
- Aboriginal people
- Australia
- food
- point-of-purchase
A significant health gap exists between Indigenous and non-Indigenous people in Australia. At last census, Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people made up around 2% of the 23.5 million population of Australia (Australian Bureau of Statistics [ABS], 2013). Around a third of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people live in major Australian cities and around a fifth (100,000) live in remote or very remote areas defined by their distance to service centers (Australian Institute of Health and Welfare [AIHW], 2004) some literally thousands of kilometers from service centers—defined as urban centers with population clusters over 1,000 people (ABS, 2012). There are around 1,100 remote Indigenous communities (RIC) in Australia. Just under half of these RIC consist of less than 20 people but most people (72%) live in communities of 200 people or more and larger communities consist of several thousand people (ABS, 2003). The facilities available in remote communities vary depending upon size but most include fuel supply, office, school, and health clinic and a basic shop where people can purchase a range of goods including food.
Furthermore, Indigenous Australians living in remote communities carry a significant and disproportionate share of the gap with the 26% of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people living in remote communities accounting for 40% of the health gap (Vos, Barker, Begg, Stanley, & Lopez, 2009). Inadequate or poor nutrition relates to four of the top seven risk factors contributing to this gap: obesity, high blood cholesterol, high blood pressure, and low fruit and vegetable intake (Vos, Barker, Stanley, & Lopez, 2007). Diet is the leading risk of burden of disease for all Australians.
Poor nutrition in RIC relates to several factors. It has previously been argued that Indigenous Australians derive 95% of energy intake from purchased foods (A. J. Lee, Bonson, & Powers, 1996) with the remainder being sourced from traditional foods acquired through hunting and/or gathering. In more recent work, the complexity of food provisioning in remote communities has been acknowledged and whereas once the community store tended to be the only retail source of food in communities, independent takeout shops also exist (Brimblecombe, Mackerras, Clifford, & O'Dea, 2006). Sources of food supply in RIC vary and now include community care programs, school canteens, school breakfast and lunch programs, independently managed stores and takeouts, and food sources from hunting and gathering (Brimblecombe et al., 2006; Schouten, Lindeman, & Reid, 2013). Although we acknowledge that the community store is not necessarily the main source of food supply in a remote community, it is likely to be a major source.
Current food consumption in remote communities is a diet dominated by highly processed foods and characterized by high levels of sugar (predominantly from sugar-sweetened beverages [SSB] and table sugar), low intake of fruit and vegetables coupled with excessive sodium intake, and deficiency in a number of micronutrients (Brimblecombe, Ferguson, Liberato, & O'Dea, 2013). Similar high levels of SSB (>250 g/d) have been reported in remote Aboriginal communities, ranging from 298 to 497 g per day according to total community food and drink purchase data (Brimblecombe, Ferguson, Liberato, & O'Dea, 2013), as that reported for Australian children aged 2 to 16 years (436 g/d; Clifton, Chan, Moss, Miller, & Cobiac, 2011). Levels of fruit and vegetable intake of 122 g to 247 g per person reported across three remote Northern Territory communities are around a quarter of the recommended intake of 675 g, 300 g from fruit (two pieces of fruit weighing 150 g each) and 375 g from vegetables (five pieces of vegetables weighting 75 g; National Health and Medical Research Council [NHMRC], 2013).
Inconsistent access to quality fruit and vegetables and high prices are some of the reasons for the low rates of consumption (Council of Australian Governments [COAG], 2009; Meedeniya, Smith, & Carter, 2000). The issue of access is discussed below; however, price as a consumption barrier is currently being investigated by the Menzies School of Health Research in their NHMRC-funded SHOP@RIC project. This study is investigating the link between pricing and healthy food purchasing through assessing the effects of a price subsidy on certain healthy food items or through a combination of the price subsidy and an in-store nutrition education strategy (Brimblecombe, Ferguson, Liberato, Ball, et al., 2013).
Consumers in RIC face many challenges and barriers in relation to healthy food provisioning and consumption. Many of the external and environmental factors accounting for food choice in RIC have been linked to issues of poverty (see, for example, Brimblecombe et al., 2014; Brimblecombe & O'Dea, 2009; Carson, Dunbar, & Chenhall, 2007; Drewnowski & Darmon, 2005; Saethre, 2005), and while not wanting to minimize the profound impact of poverty on healthy food choice and consumption, further research to understand decision making and behavior at the point-of-purchase (POP) will add another perspective to the task of addressing food-related issues in RIC. These challenges to some extent have been explored from different disciplinary perspectives and have included anthropology (for example, Saethre, 2005), nutrition (Brimblecombe et al., 2014; Brimblecombe, Liddle, & O'Dea, 2012), economics (Campbell, 2013) and public health (Brimblecombe & O'Dea, 2009), and a research method approach—action research (Adams et al., 2012).
An area that could contribute different frameworks for exploring these challenges is social marketing. Through incorporating "other approaches," social marketers can draw on the broad range of literature rather than just focusing on a silo approach to challenges, as can often be the case in addressing challenges faced by RIC. Any social marketing program that seeks to address the influence of POP on people's food choices in RIC will need to take into account the environmental, social/cultural, store level, and individual factors to develop a strategy which encompasses upstream, midstream, and downstream approaches. Social marketing practice has tended toward a binary approach: upstream or downstream (Russell-Bennett, Wood, & Previte, 2013). Midstream approaches, although not entirely ignored (see, for example, Sacks, Swinburn, & Lawrence, 2009) are not often considered. We would argue that all three approaches need to be used to facilitate long-term change in healthier eating practices in RIC.
A narrative literature review was undertaken to map the influencers of food choice in RIC. This form of literature review is useful "when attempting to link many studies . . . for the purposes of reinterpretation or interconnection" and consequently it is a "valuable theory building technique" (Baumeister & Leary, 1997, p. 312). Scopus, Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander HealthInfoNet, Web of Knowledge, and Google Scholar databases were searched. No date limits were set but the literature search initially concluded in November 2013 and was updated in August 2015. The following terms were used across all the databases: (Indigenous or Aborig* or Torres Strait Islander) AND (remote communit*) AND (food). A search of the grey literature from government and non-government agencies was also undertaken. In addition, reference lists of selected papers relevant to the topic drivers of food choice at the POP in RIC were used as further sources of information. The search was limited by the dearth of available literature.
Papers were reviewed for factors that influenced consumer choice at the POP either directly or indirectly. Factors influencing food choice in RIC go beyond the store level and for this reason they are explored to contextualize buying behavior at the POP. Factors were separated into categories adapted from social marketing approaches: upstream, midstream, and downstream. These provide a useful framework for understanding systems which impact individual decision making.
Upstream Context
Upstream social marketing approaches focus on environmental factors including the social determinants of health (Donovan & Henley, 2010), food availability and choice, and food price, as well as advocacy and lobbying to influence policy (Gordon, 2011; Wymer, 2011). It also includes focusing on a range of actors that have an influence on the environment of the target audience which can potentially include politicians, local government policy-makers, media figures, community activists, corporations, schools, and foundations (Brimblecombe et al., 2015; N. R. Lee & Kotler, 2011, p. 147).
The Australian Government initiative Closing the Gap has influenced and been a feature of health policy in the Northern Territory and was a response to the Close the Gap campaign organized by a coalition of Indigenous and non-Indigenous health and community organizations (Oxfam Australia, 2009). The campaign focuses on "closing the gap" between non-Indigenous and Indigenous health outcomes by 2030. Unfortunately, some aspects of single policy efforts have made little impact on improving nutrition at the population level in RIC. For example, the Northern Territory Emergency Response (NTER) income management policy appeared to have no impact in its early stages of implementation on increasing people's purchasing of fruit and vegetables or decreasing purchasing of SSB (Brimblecombe et al., 2010), both factors that contribute to health. Income management, in combination with the community stores licensing program that addresses store infrastructure, food quality and availability, may have (Australian National Audit Office [ANAO], 2014; Cultural and Indigenous Research Centre Australia [CIRCA], 2011). Rigorous evaluation of these strategies is needed to provide the public and communities with robust evidence on effect. Continued work in influencing policy needs to focus on housing issues that will improve people's ability to prepare, cook, and store food. Health Habitat has been instrumental in providing data to demonstrate that poor design, construction, and a lack of routine maintenance are central to people's abilities to store, prepare, and cook food and not, as is currently perceived, damage by residents (Health Habitat, 2013).
Access to healthy food in remote communities was raised as a concern in the National Strategy for Food Security in Remote Indigenous Communities (COAG, 2009). If healthy food is unavailable for purchase in a remote store, clearly it cannot be consumed. The Stronger Futures in the Northern Territory Act (2012) addressed concerns raised in the COAG report through the Food Security component of the Act. This is aimed at improving access to healthy food in remote communities through the licensing of remote stores (the community stores licensing program) and ensuring these stores stock an appropriate range of healthy food, including a minimum range of fruit and vegetables.
Availability and choice
The impact of policy upon availability was noted in the previous section; however, food shortages resulting from inability of stores to be replenished during the wet season can also have an effect on food availability. A recent study in one RIC found that food scarcity (not just healthy food) had a significant effect on food purchases with perishables, such as meat and fruit and vegetables, the most affected categories of food—with mean sales dropping by 75% when the store could not be replenished due to wet season conditions (Scelza, 2012).
Some stores have made specific policies about what to stock effectively resulting in choice editing. Choice editing has been defined as "cutting out unnecessarily damaging products and getting real sustainable choices on the shelves" (Sustainable Consumption Roundtable, 2006, p. 2). This process involves removing products from shelves which are not sustainable. In the case of food, we can use the concept of choice editing to support the removal of unhealthy food. An example is the Mai Wiru Regional Stores Policy in the Anangu Pitjantjatjara Yankunytjatjara (APY) Lands, South Australia. This is a community-driven policy developed with extensive community consultation and incorporating all stakeholders. The policy aim was to address access to healthy food in remote communities. Within this policy framework, one community successfully removed the top three selling sugar-sweetened drinks from their store to encourage a transition toward lower sugar or zero sugar based drinks and resulted in an overall reduction in available kilojoules consumed from SSB (Butler, Tapsell, & Lyons-Wall, 2011). Recent research on the broader efforts of the Mai Wiru stores to improve nutrition on the APY Lands found that despite the decreased intake of sugar in this one store, overall diet quality across stores has decreased since 1986 and additional ongoing resources are required to ensure diet quality improves (Lee et al., 2015).
Store managers' attitudes and beliefs toward food in RIC can influence the range of products stocked and their stock management practices, which affect the choice, quality, and availability of healthy food. For example, A. J. Lee, Bonson, and Powers (1996) found that a perceived lack of consumer "demand" was used to justify not stocking certain healthy food as the manager claimed these foods were "unpopular." This was in contrast to other communities in the study where the managers focused on ensuring a quality supply of healthy food, which did generate demand. Similarly, a review of nutrition policy of the Arnhem Land Progress Association (a retailing cooperative in the Arnhem Land, Northern Australia) found that store managers' actions resulted in varying levels of policy implementation across the communities (A. J. Lee, Hobson, & Katarski, 1996). Thus, despite policy and legislation, there is still a degree of influence that store managers have upon the range of products carried in remote stores and this can potentially affect dietary intake as well as influence habit formation.
The price of food in RIC in the Northern Territory is significantly higher than in Darwin or regional centers such as Alice Springs. The annual Northern Territory Department of Health Market Basket Survey found that the average cost of a food basket in remote stores across the Territory was $824 compared with $558 in supermarkets in major centers (e.g., Alice Springs, Darwin, and Katherine; Department of Health [DoH], 2015). This price differential is even greater when actual food purchasing data are used rather than that of a hypothetical basket (60% vs. 53%). This price differential means that people in remote communities on low incomes are paying much more for food than urban living Australians (Ferguson et al., 2015).
Furthermore, research suggests that a healthy diet is more expensive. Diets considered healthy based on lean meat, fish, and seafood; reduced fat dairy foods; whole grain cereals; and fruit and vegetables are more costly in terms of the amount of kilojoules provided per dollar compared with high sugar and processed foods which are nutritionally poor but cheaper in energy value (Andrieu, Darmon, & Drewnowski, 2005; Brimblecombe & O'Dea, 2009; Drewnowski & Darmon, 2005). Brimblecombe, Ferguson, Liberato, O'Dea, and Riley (2013) found that although diet could be improved within current expenditure, it would still not meet Australian dietary guidelines. The energy value of food appears important particularly for families experiencing financial constraints (Andrieu et al., 2005; Brimblecombe & O'Dea, 2009).
Research into the price elasticity of food in Australia found that some categories of food are inelastic (bread, fresh vegetables, sugar, and jam) whereas for other categories, demand is elastic (meat, rice, margarine, and preserved vegetables), and dairy products, fresh fruits, and some other meat categories (ham, sausage, bacon) are estimated to have unit elastic demand (Ulubasoglu, Mallick, Wadud, Hone, & Haszler, 2010). It is likely that the elastic categories (where people are sensitive to changes in price and stop or reduce buying when price increases) compete with non-food items such as electricity bills and other household items including mobile phones. The mobile phone is a valued commodity and usage continues to increase in remote Australia (Kral, 2012; A. Taylor, 2012).
In contrast to the concept of price elasticity/inelasticity, a paper based on the experience of Arnhem Land Progress Aboriginal Corporation (ALPA) states that "Aboriginal people will pay almost anything for something they want; conversely if they do not want something it is impossible to giveaway" (McMillan, 1991, p. 283). More recent research observed an apparent increase in soft drink sales throughout the Australian Government stimulus payment period (Brimblecombe et al., 2010). This suggests that while price is likely to be an influencing factor, people also need to value the item they are buying. Healthy food may be less valued for some of the reasons outlined in this article and when goods in general cost more, there is less money available to make healthy food choices.
Price subsidies are a tactic being touted as a means of increasing consumption of healthier food. A systematic review examining the effectiveness of price subsidies in promoting healthy food purchase and/or consumption found that, with one exception, subsidies increased purchase and/or consumption (An, 2012). Subsidies were trialed on a large scale in the Healthy Incentives Pilot which is a United States–based project in which low-income households enrolled in the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP) received fruit and vegetable subsidies and found that participants consumed almost 26% more fruit and vegetables than non-participants (Bartlett et al., 2014).
Along with independently owned stores, Outback Stores and ALPA are the two main organizations providing management assistance to retail stores in RIC in the Northern Territory. Both these organizations have health and nutrition policies in place which are aimed at increasing and facilitating intake of healthy food in RIC. In relation to price, ALPA subsidizes 100% of freight costs on fresh fruit and vegetables (ALPA, n.d.). Outback Stores are less prescriptive but state that they "employ effective pricing strategies favoring the affordability of healthy food lines" (Outback Stores, n.d.). An evaluation of these strategies could help inform similar policies for independently managed RIC stores.
Midstream Context
Midstream social marketing focuses on the impact of people's more immediate environment on behavior such as workplaces, schools, local communities, and service delivery organizations (Gordon, 2013). This can also include friends, family, and influential others (N. Lee, Rothschild, & Smith, 2011). Thus, social and cultural norms come into play in a midstream approach.
Demand sharing
The distribution of goods and services in RIC Indigenous communities takes many forms. Demand sharing is one such form and relates to the "demanding" rather than sharing of resources such as use of vehicles, alcohol, tobacco, and food (McDonnell & Martin, 2004). It is a complex behavior (Peterson, 1993) and can occur in both verbal and non-verbal forms and can be direct or indirect (Altman, 2011). It is not our aim to discuss the various ways in which demand sharing operates but rather to explain how it can impact upon consumer decision-making and choice at the POP.
The literature suggests that demand sharing can influence choice at the POP in three ways: First, as a practice where people purchasing food are obligated culturally through kinship ties to buy or provide food for others when requested (Smith & Daly, 1996). Saethre (2005) illustrates this with an example of a woman purchasing extra food knowing others (in addition to those in her household) would request a share. Second, through avoiding such requests (or potential "demands") by keeping food purchases to a minimum or by buying takeout to ensure there is no "extra" food which can be requested by others (Saethre, 2005, p. 7) or by being selective in the types of foods purchased to minimize cost in sharing food. Finally, people may also choose times of the day to shop when they believe fewer people will be demanding food and may therefore purchase and consume more expensive items in these visits (Saethre, 2005). In each instance, the concept of demand sharing influences what food is purchased at the store level.
Indulging children
Similar to the rise of "pester power" in non-Indigenous households throughout Australia (Dixon, Scully, & Parkinson, 2006), children in RIC can have a significant impact upon what is purchased at the store or supermarket. Children's demands for sweet food and drink are at most times indulged and these demands become a driver of food provisioning and consumption (Hamilton, 1981). Peterson (1993) discussed the upbringing of children as "highly indulgent" (p. 863) compared with typical Anglo-Saxon child-rearing practices. Similarly, Kruske, Belton, Wardaguga, and Narjic (2012) found that Indigenous beliefs around children are markedly different to those of non-Indigenous. This includes the belief that "each child is an independent, autonomous human being, capable of communicating his or her needs from birth" (Kruske et al., 2012, p. 783). Not surprisingly, this impacts upon parental choices in food decision making and provisioning.
A midstream approach could focus on modifying social norms around healthy eating and in feeding children. Current norms include indulging children such as meeting demands for unhealthy food and drinks. Further research needs to be undertaken to better understand these cultural norms and how they specifically influence and impact upon healthier eating practices. Other midstream approaches that are already in practice include the policy work undertaken by some Indigenous organizations to manage the supply of healthy food in their communities (Butler et al., 2011). Having store policies that ensure confectionery is not placed at eye level of children or within easy reach could assist parents in coping with demands of children.
Food literacy
Consumer knowledge of what constitutes healthy food is important if people are to consciously choose food that is nutritionally sound. It has been recognized as a priority in the recent National Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Health Plan (Commonwealth of Australia [CoA], 2013). Food literacy can be defined as follows:
A collection of inter-related knowledge, skills and behaviours required to plan, manage, select, prepare and eat foods to meet needs and determine food intake.
Food literacy is the scaffolding that empowers individuals, households, communities or nations to protect diet quality through change and support dietary resilience over time. (Vidgen & Gallegos, 2012, p. 72)
As identified in the above definition, food literacy needs to be considered at more than just an individual level: This reinforces that environmental and individual behaviors are interdependent. For instance, if a community store in a RIC is stocked with a variety of highly prominent sugar-sweetened breakfast cereals, individuals require knowledge and skills about how to make healthier choices in what is referred to as the "obesogenic environment" (Vidgen & Gallegos, 2012, p. 72).
Recent research into exploring ways of promoting and supporting culturally appropriate healthier food choice in one RIC suggests that community members prefer to gain knowledge through practical means such as observing and participating in food gathering and preparation in a social context either in home, via family role models, or out of home in community-based organizations (Colles, Maypilama, & Brimblecombe, 2014). This approach to food literacy requires further research but is consistent with earlier community-directed programs (Rowley et al., 2000). The findings of two recent studies suggest dietary benefits for Aboriginal participants from "hands-on" programs that aim to enhance food preparation and food literacy skills (Abbott, Davison, Moore and Rubinstein, 2012; Nilson, Kearing-Salmon, Morrison & Fetherston, 2015; Pettigrew, Jongenelis, Moore & Pratt, 2015.
Indigenous people probably share a common knowledge of healthy/unhealthy food as the general Australian population, but perceive non-Indigenous people to have a much greater knowledge of non-traditional food products and diet equivalent to their in-depth understanding of traditional foods (Brimblecombe et al., 2014).
Downstream Context
Finally, downstream social marketing focuses on the individual and tends to place responsibility for change with the consumer. As such, it's often been criticized for ignoring the larger environmental issues and other social determinants of health that are beyond the control of the individual (Donovan, 2011; Lefebvre, 2011). However, it is the category where behavior occurs and such programs clearly have their place in a holistic approach to the issue. It is also the arena where most service providers engage. For example, public health nutritionists providing nutrition services to communities not only provide dietary counseling to patients referred to them through health services but also often carry out cooking demonstrations and other nutrition education and promotional activities. Other examples in the non-government arena include programs such as the Uncle Jimmy Thumbs Up! operated by the Jimmy Little Foundation. This program uses music, education, and store signage to promote healthier food choices among young people in RIC.
The majority of consumer purchase decisions are made at the POP. This includes any decisions made at the store including at the shelf, end of aisle, and check out. Inman, Winer, and Ferraro (2009) found that just under half of consumer buying decisions are made at POP although this can increase to 93% depending upon the context. Other market research has estimated this figure to be around 90% (Gander, 2005). Intuitively, this would suggest the POP to be an area worth exploring in relation to consumers in RIC. In the context of RIC, research has not identified a clear and cohesive picture of drivers that influence decision making and choice at the POP which could be used to enact social marketing campaigns targeting behavioral change. The remainder of this article explores and maps both store and individual POP influencers of food choice.
POP Store-Level Factors Affecting Consumer Buying Behavior
Packaging can play a role in product choice at the POP. McDonnell and Martin (2004, p. 17) identified the impact a change of product packaging played in altering consumer behavior:
During interviews a number of store managers detailed experiences of products no longer selling because companies changed their packaging.
These managers suggested that it was a failure by customers to recognize the new packaging as being the same product. Other research supports this. For example, McMillan (1991) argues that high brand loyalty to packaging is the result of familiarity with packaging: "If tea comes in a blue packet you don't buy it in a yellow one. The fact that one is Bushells and one is Liptons is beside the point" (p. 283). Since this study was undertaken (over two decades ago), there is now increased television and media access in RIC and people are likely to be exposed to brands via advertising and other forms of communication not as easily available at the time of the study. Either way, visual recognition and familiarity is a driver in food purchase behavior: If consumers are unable to recognize a product, they are less likely to purchase it (Dahlen, Lange, & Smith, 2010, p. 90).
In-store cues
In-store stimuli (such as shelf talkers and posters) have been noted to increase the degree of involvement and consequently purchase, even with low involvement purchases (Mitchell & Harris, 2005); however, a review of specific nutritional interventions on POP behavior found that grocery store interventions were less successful than those in workplaces and universities (Seymour et al., 2004) and POP in-store nutritional information had mixed results (Glanz & Yaroch, 2004). In addition, people tend to go to those sections of a retail outlet that they feel are relevant to their shopping needs (Puccinelli et al., 2009). Other in-store cues include physical product placement on shelves and end of aisle gondolas and displays. Chandon, Hutchinson, Young, and Bradlow (2009) used eye-tracking experiments and found that although top- and middle-shelf positions gained more attention than low-shelf positions, it was only products located in top shelf positions that led to brand evaluation, a precursor to purchase. Hence, it is important to ensure that in-store behavior in RIC is understood so that signage and POP cues are placed in high traffic areas and evaluated.
A recent project by the Menzies School of Health Research aimed at improving nutrition by developing a resource package for using shelf labels that highlight and promote healthier food and drink choices in RIC found there were several nutritional labeling programs used in RIC including Queensland Health Green Label Program; Heart Foundation Tick and Jimmy Little Thumbs Up! This research also tested community developed labels in four pilot sites and found that the data suggested that "shelf label projects could have the potential to increase sales of labeled items within product groups where there is a clear healthier option" such as breakfast cereals (Menzies School of Health Research, 2013, p. 28).
In addition, the appearance of fresh fruit and vegetables can influence purchase. The quality of fresh fruit and vegetables in RIC has been raised as an issue (Leonard, 2003). Factors such as storage, transportation, and poor retail stocking and presentation practices can result in fresh fruit and vegetables appearing less than visually appealing. As appearance is a key measure of quality in the fresh fruit and vegetable category, dried out, shriveled, or limp produce can deter purchase (Grunert, 2002; J. Taylor & Westbury, 2000).
POP Influencers: Individual Factors Affecting Purchase Decisions
Recent research suggests that most routine purchase decisions are based on habit, constituting as much as 95% of buying behavior (Martin & Morich, 2011). Habits make choice at the POP easy as there is little conscious engagement with the buying process: Consumers act on auto pilot and choice is based on repeat purchase behavior. For example, a study of one remote community in the Northern Territory, Lajamanu, found that despite the store stocking an assortment of food, only a narrow range of food was purchased. In particular, Saethre (2005) observed that only some types of food stuffs were purchased despite there being wider range of food available for purchase (p. 155).
A more recent study of food patterns in a remote community found that there was a high intake of refined carbohydrates and a low intake of fruit and vegetables (Brimblecombe & O'Dea, 2009), and a limited number of food types providing the majority of nutrients. The pattern was strong enough to suggest habitual buying behavior. Some research suggests that this food habit stems from the days of rationing where white bread and sugar were staples (Saethre, 2011), and these staples continue to form the basis of people's diets. This habit results in a failure to purchase new potentially healthier food unless consumers are encouraged to try these foods through marketing or sales promotions. The concept of habit plays an important role in food choice and is well recognized by the food industry in their use of marketing strategies to alter unfavorable brand buying behavior and encourage habitual behavior aimed at brand loyalty. However, as yet, it has not been explored within the remote Indigenous context.
The role of habit (at the realm of the individual) has been previously ignored in the RIC food context: possibly because the focus is on finding things that are unique to the context rather than seeking similarities or sameness with consumers in the general Australian population. A rarely used theory which may assist in understanding habit is the Theory of Interpersonal Behavior (Bamberg & Schmidt, 2003; Triandis, 1977). This considers behavior to be a function of intention; habit and situational constraints or facilitators. With the exception of "intention," we have explored in this article the impact of habit and situational factors on the impact of food buying in RIC. Further research is required on habit as is research into situational factors such as in-store cues—we would suggest both are important in directing behavioral change at the POP.
According to the theory of interpersonal behavior, intentions are influenced by four factors including affect toward the behavior (i.e., emotions attached to a behavior), cognitive consequences of the behavior, social norms, and obligation to perform the behavior according to an individual's values (Donovan & Henley, 2010, p. 137; Triandis, 1977). Improving our understanding in this area will assist the development of targeted social marketing strategies using new technologies. For example, the increasing use of social media in RIC suggests this is a tool that can be incorporated into a social marketing strategy. One approach could be to develop a mobile APP to assist people to make healthier food choices at the POP allowing people to seek out the information they needed, when they needed it (Henryks, Brimblecombe, & Bidstrup, 2014).
Who buying for
The recipient of the food can influence what is being purchased. A study in an urban Aboriginal community found that providing filling meals to satiate hungry children was a key concern of research participants (Adams et al., 2012). This resulted in high energy foods, such as white bread spread with margarine, being utilized to "fill up" family members. In one remote community, people referred to "lifelong foods" to be those most commonly purchased (such as bread and sugar) as they filled one up, could be shared, and easily stored (Brimblecombe et al., 2014).
Older Indigenous people will often prefer familiar foods including packaged and soft foods which could be related to poor dental health (K. Schouten, personal communication, August 7, 20131). Other preferences relate to early life experiences and current food supply and can include high consumption of tinned corn beef, fatty meat including lamb chops, sausages, and mince which is occasionally flavored with packet soup mix, damper, tea, sugar, white bread, and full cream milk powder (Kouris-Blazos & Wahlqvist, 2000; Wahlqvist, Kouris, Gracey, & Sullivan, 1991). This also relates to habit as a POP driver.
In non-Indigenous communities, adolescents buying for themselves are more likely to choose nutritionally poor food as health and nutrition concerns are not strong drivers of food choice (Story, Neumark-Sztainer, & French, 2002). Anecdotal evidence suggests that children in remote communities are given a lot of autonomy including their own money to shop and thus younger people buying for themselves are often more likely to buy high sugar beverages in preference to water. Similarly in broader Australia, younger people consume more high sugar beverages (ABS).
Marketing and media influence
The impact of mainstream advertising on remote community food choices is a topic that requires further research, with a recent study (Brimblecombe et al., 2014) citing this as a potential factor in the food choices made by younger people in the community. Older people in this community expressed concern for the influence they felt advertising was having on young people's food choices. Research from the early 1990s suggested that media campaigns and the mobility of Aboriginal people influenced demands for branded sugar-sweetened products just as in non-Indigenous Australia (McMillan, 1991). A recent systematic review of food marketing to children found that "food marketing influences children's food behavior and diet-related health" (Cairns, Angus, Hastings, & Caraher, 2013, p. 214) and although not explored in the RIC context, there is no evidence to suggest that children in RIC respond differently to marketing as children in other contexts.
A characteristic of food purchasing in low-income and disadvantaged communities is the cycle of "feast and famine" linked to the fortnightly income payment cycle (Saethre, 2005). Food is purchased when the payment is received and then as the fortnight progresses and money dwindles, food items considered staples and cheaper are purchased (which are often those with low nutritional value) until the money runs out or money is obtained from others. In the feast part of the cycle, a larger range of foods (including fruit, vegetables, and meat) is purchased (Cutter, 1978, cited in NHMRC, 2000). Food insecurity is experienced at a much higher rate in the Indigenous population than the non-Indigenous. One in five Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people live in a household where someone goes without food when the household runs out compared with less than one in 20 non-Indigenous people (ABS, 2015).
Convenience and the practicality of cooking
Convenience in relation to food in RIC does not only refer to the motivation to save time (as it often does in consumer behavior literature) but carries other implications such as issues around the practicality of storage and food preparation. It is not uncommon to find houses without adequate cold food storage or working cooking facilities (McDonnell & Martin, 2004; Saethre, 2005). A study of all houses found that 62% of houses were not considered functional in relation to infrastructure required for the storage and preparation of food (Bailie & Runcie, 2001). This included basic components such as a kitchen bench (missing in 26% of houses) stove top and oven (missing or not functional in 41% and 42% of homes respectively). Furthermore, only 42% of houses were identified as having a functioning refrigerator. Indicators suggest that not much has improved. Health Habitat, working with Indigenous Australians, found that only 6% of 7,800 houses tested between 1999 and 2013 have the entire functioning infrastructure required to being able to store, prepare, and cook food (Health Habitat, 2013). The data are sourced from over 190 projects across Australia (and not just remote communities) that have tested items in more than 7,500 houses and represents the living conditions of over 50,000 Australians.
Some forms of food preparation rely on access to stoves or microwaves and potentially refrigeration to store ingredients or prepared food that is not immediately consumed. Outdoor cooking is also an option; however, cooking on open fires is complicated by the potential for demand sharing. The process of cooking food outside may draw people who can see the food and either directly or indirectly demand a share (Saethre, 2011). In addition, cooking outside involves additional effort and like non-Indigenous Australians, people in RIC do not always have energy or time to collect wood when they want to eat. However, it should be noted that these are observations and, to our knowledge, have not been explored from the perspective of Indigenous people.
The lack of basic cooking and storage equipment influences buying behavior at the POP as people are more likely to purchase either prepared meals (e.g., takeout), food that can be reheated in store (e.g., using store microwaves), or food that requires minimal preparation (e.g., tinned meat and bread). If healthier convenience type foods are not available, the purchase and consumption of less healthy options cannot be prevented. These behaviors are a way of getting around having to cook and can also be viewed as a strategy to circumvent the lack of cooking facilities; however, it also means that children of these households have limited exposure to and opportunity to learn food preparation skills.
Implications and Further Research
POP drivers and influencers provide guidance for developing a social marketing strategy to address the challenge of nutrition in RIC. These factors individually or in tandem drive decision making at the POP. The results of colonization including the transition from a traditional food diet to a non-traditional diet that is high in refined carbohydrates and sodium and low in fiber and several micronutrients has resulted in entrenched poor health issues and thus long-term plans are critical: change will not happen in the short term. However, with many stores now being owned by the community in which they operate, opportunities exist to research effective POP strategies that would not only support but also facilitate healthier eating in RIC.
The role of habit (the realm of the individual) has been previously ignored in the RIC food context: possibly because the focus is on finding things that are unique to the context rather than seeking similarities or sameness with consumers in the general Australian population. As previously stated, further research is required on habit as is research into situational factors such as in-store cues—we would suggest both are important in directing behavioral change at the POP.
A significant health gap exists between Indigenous and non-Indigenous people in Australia where Indigenous Australians living in remote communities carry a significant and disproportionate share of this gap. Inadequate or poor nutrition is a key contributor to this health disparity and burden of disease for Indigenous Australians (Vos et al., 2007). The challenge of poor nutrition in RIC has been researched from a variety of disciplines and perspectives. This article adds a new perspective on the issue by discussing the extant literature through the lens of social marketing. Specifically, drivers of food choice at the POP have been mapped and although they have been drawn from existing literature, our article suggests that in addition to upstream and midstream approaches, habit and intention should be a key focus for future research.
Article Notes
Declaration of Conflicting Interests The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Funding The author(s) received no financial support for the research and/or authorship of this article.
↵1. Kellie Schouten is a Remote Area Accredited Practicing Dietician operating out of Alice Springs in the Northern Territory, Australia.
- © The Author(s) 2016
This article is distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution 3.0 License (http://www.creativecommons.org/licenses/by/3.0/) which permits any use, reproduction and distribution of the work without further permission provided the original work is attributed as specified on the SAGE and Open Access page (https://us.sagepub.com/en-us/nam/open-access-at-sage).
Author Biographies
Joanna Henryks's research focuses on transformative consumer behaivour and communication. She is a professional associate with the University of Canberra and currently lives and works with ngos in Central Australia.
Julie Brimblecombe is a principal research fellow at the Menzies School of Health Research. Her research is focused on improving population level diet in communities in remote Indigenous Australia. She has a particular interest in use of commercial marketing strategies to promote healthy food in retail stores.


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Gender: Boy
Meaning: Lord Vishnu
Origin: Indian
Religion: Hindu
Samarendu is a Hindu Boy name, meaning of the name is Lord Vishnu and origin of the name is Indian. This name is mostly used in Hindu.
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subset: commoncrawl


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Can I apply for K1 visa for my fiance although I live overseas and don't have financial sponsor in US
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Nitansh Rastogi|August 8 2014 |Android Phones, Android, Karbonn
"Have some doubts about the KarbonnTitanium Octane Plus? Read on to find an answer"
Karbonn is one of the leading mobile phone brands in India, and its Titanium series of Android-based devices have been fairly popular. Sitting it at the top of this series is the Titanium Octane Plus (first impressions), and we have the device in our labs. While we're in the process of bringing you its review, we figured that it would be apt to first tackle some common queries about the smartphone. Read on to find answers to frequently asked questions on the Karbonn Titanium Octane Plus.
Just like the brand's previous flagship, the Karbonn Titanium X (review), the Octane Plus bears a 5-inch display with full HD resolution (441ppi). But the real highlight of the smartphone – which is clear from its name as well – is an octa-core processor from MediaTek clocked at 1.7GHz. The powerful chipset is accompanied by 2GB of RAM. For storage, the device comes with 16GB of expandable memory. The camera department includes a 16-megapixel primary shooter along with an LED flash and an 8MP front-facing camera. The device draws juice from a removable 2,000mAh Li-Po battery.
The smartphone will set you back by roughly Rs 18,000.
The retail packaging of the Titanium Octane Plus comes with all the usual stuff, which includes the smartphone itself, the battery, micro-USB cable, 1A wall charger, earphones, a user manual and a warranty card.
Like most smartphones these days, the Titanium Octane Plus is fashioned out of plastic. But the similarities end there, as even with plastic, Karbonn has managed to make the device stand out from others. It's quite sleek at 7.6mm and weighs just 140g, plus the dual-colour finish adds a nice touch. Our review unit is a combination of black and white, and we've got to admit that it looks very classy.
The answer to that question would be no. As a result, we also suggest you use a screen protector on the display to safeguard it against scratches and fingerprints.
Instead of one complete chunk, the storage has been partitioned into 5.71GB and 7.67GB units. From the first partition, 5.41GB is available to use, while the latter offers almost the complete 7.66GB of space. If that's not enough, you can also add a microSD card up to 32GB in size.
Apart from the onboard storage that can further be expanded via microSD, you can also connect flash drives to the phone thanks to the support for USB On-the-Go. However, you'll need to invest in an OTG cable, since the retail box doesn't include one.
Yes, the Titanium Octane Plus supports a pair of SIM cards, with one being a full-size SIM and other a micro-SIM. However, it's important to note that the 3G access is only supported on the micro-SIM. Other connectivity options include Wi-Fi, Bluetooth 4.0, Wireless Display and GPS.
Sadly, while its predecessor supported NFC, the Octane Plus has missed out on Near Field Communication functionality.
The SAR value of the device is 0.395W/kg, which is well below the permissible limits of 1.6W/kg.
The Titanium Octane Plus runs Android 4.4.2 KitKat out of the box. Thankfully, there are no customisations from the brand in any manner. But, the phone does get a few pre-installed apps, such as Amazon, Firstpost, OLX, Saavn as well as trial version of games like Modern Combat 4 Zero Hour and The Avengers. What's bewildering, however is that you can't uninstall any of these apps.
The only similarity between the Octane and Octane Plus is that they're fuelled by the same MediaTek MT6592 octa-core SoC. The Titanium Octane is a trimmed-down variant of its sibling, offering a 5-inch HD display (294ppi), 1GB RAM, a 13-megapixel rear camera with an LED flash and a 5MP secondary snapper.
Smartphones have become a necessity in today's digital age. Be it browsing the web or connecting with you...
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Karate Camp Teaches Martial Arts Basics
Karate Kicks Kids Camp is going on this week at Karate Kicks, Karate and Jiu Jitsu. The camp focuses onRead more
Karate Kicks Kids Camp is going on this week at Karate Kicks, Karate and Jiu Jitsu. The camp focuses onRead more
Lieutenant Governor Jay Dardenne spent most of the day in Alexandria. He visited the Good Food Project in Alexandria. OrganizersRead more
Lt. Governor Jay Dardenne announced a new partnership between the Department of Culture, Recreation and Tourism and the Alexandria MuseumRead more
The second annual summer institute kicked off this morning at Peabody Magnet High School. The summer institute provides teachers withRead more
If you have a talent, these guys have a venue for you. They say it provides a platform for artistsRead more
The Kent House's Jane in June Camp ended today with a formal tea served by the campers. Jane in JuneRead more
ReTooled: Highlights From the Hechinger Collection Exhibition Dates: June 5- August 22, 2015 Alexandria Museum of Art is pleased toRead more
This August play in the first ever Corporate Quiz Bowl Alexandria! We are looking for 6 teams representing local businessesRead more
LSUA hosted the United Way of Central Louisiana along with various other partners for a summit on quality afterschool programming.Read more
The acting chancellor of the state technical community college is promoted to the permanent position. He's Chancellor Jimmy Sawtelle, aRead more


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Architecture Today.
Jencks, Charles and William Chaitkin.
• Terms • Ask a Question
New York: Harry N. Abrams, Inc., 1982. 359 pp. 4to (square). Cloth in dj. Scuffing and lt edgewear to dj, lt bumping to corners, sunning to spine and joints, slightly soiled. Faint scuffing to book, scuffing to ep's, light yellowing to page edges. Few pages have sl. soiling. Near Fine in Very Good DJ Cloth 0810906694 (Item ID: 140101)
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- By This Author: Jencks, Charles and William Chaitkin.


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Action - Semi-Auto
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DAM: JOIN processing pushdown to IP
DAM: Support HAVING clause
OLEDB: Support VARIANT data type
RDA: Support OPENRDA.INI configuration file at the HOME directory for UNIX platforms
RDA: Support trace options & key updates using RDAADMIN tool
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Room-temperature degenerate four-wave mixing in the forward two-pulse geometry, has been performed on a jet of organic saturable-absorbing laser dye IR140 dissolved in dimethylsulfoxide and ethylene glycol. Numerical solutions to the optical Bloch equation were fitted to the experimental data in order to extract a value of for the homogeneous dephasing time; this value is comparable to those measured for similar organic dyes using other techniques.
© 2006 Optical Society of AmericaFull Article | PDF Article
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J. Opt. Soc. Am. B 4(11) 1771-1776 (1987)


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Conor Kennedy: Things to Know About Taylor Swift's Rumored Boyfriend
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New Jersey Superior Court, Appellate Division
Decided: March 16, 1987.
STATE OF NEW JERSEY, PLAINTIFF-RESPONDENT,v.CORNELIUS WALKER, DEFENDANT-APPELLANT
On appeal from Superior Court of New Jersey, Law Division, Essex County.
Antell, Long and D'Annunzio. The opinion of the court was delivered by D'Annunzio, J.s.c. (temporarily assigned).
[216 NJSuper Page 40] An Essex County Indictment charged defendant with second degree aggravated assault, contrary to N.J.S.A. 2C:12-1 b(1) (count one); aggravated sexual assault, a first degree crime, contrary to N.J.S.A. 2C:14-2 (count two) and fourth degree resisting arrest, contrary to N.J.S.A. 2C:29-2 (count three). A jury returned guilty verdicts on counts two and three and on
[216 NJSuper Page 41]
the lesser included offense of simple assault on count one. Defendant appeals. We affirm.
On appeal, defendant raises the following issues:
POINT I The trial court erred in denying the Defendant's motion to acquit him of the charges of aggravated assault and aggravated sexual assault.
POINT II The trial court committed plain error when it did not sua sponte [sic] strike part of the Prosecutor's inflammatory summary [sic] argument which referred to the Defendant as a professional rapist. (Not raised below)
POINT III The trial court erred in not granting a mistrial or temporarily halting the proceedings for a private psychiatric examination of the Defendant when the Defendant experienced a mental breakdown during his counsel's summation. (Not raised below)
The only issue requiring discussion is defendant's contention that the trial court erred in denying his motion to acquit addressed to the charge of aggravated sexual assault.
The State introduced evidence to establish that defendant entered an office building in Bloomfield, New Jersey during regular business hours. The victim was an employee of a firm occupying the building. As the victim emerged from a women's restroom into the public hallway, she was confronted by defendant. He pushed her into the restroom, punched and threatened her and committed an act of sexual penetration.
Defendant conceded having had sexual contact with the victim but testified that she approached him, a stranger, in the hallway and invited him into the restroom for a consensual sexual adventure. The jury resolved the credibility issue in favor of the State.
Sexual penetration constitutes aggravated sexual assault if the actor uses physical force or coercion "and severe personal injury is sustained by the victim." N.J.S.A. 2C:14-2 a.(6). Severe personal injury is defined as "severe bodily injury, disfigurement, disease, incapacitating mental anguish or chronic pain." N.J.S.A. 2C:14-1 f. The theory of the State's case is that the victim sustained incapacitating mental anguish (sometimes hereinafter referred to as IMA) as a result of this incident.
[216 NJSuper Page 42]
Defendant contends that the evidence was inadequate to establish that the victim sustained IMA. Specifically, it is contended that the testimony of an expert, presumably a psychiatrist or a psychologist, is necessary to prove that the victim sustained IMA.
Chapter 14 of the N.J.Code of Criminal Justice does not define incapacitating mental anguish. In the absence of statutory definition, words are to be given their ordinary and well understood meaning. In re Barnert Memorial Hospital Rates, 92 N.J. 31 (1983). A dictionary defines "anguish" as "extreme pain either of body or mind" and "excruciating distress." Webster's Third New International Dictionary (1971). In a personal injury context mental anguish was defined as "the mental suffering resulting from emotions such as grief and despair." Martin v. U.S., 448 F. Supp. 855, 876 (E.D.Ark. 1977), modified on other grounds, 586 F.2d 1206 (8th Cir.1978).
Other jurisdictions have construed similar terms in the context of sexual offense statutes.*fn1 In Michigan, the element of mental anguish elevates a sexual assault to a first degree crime. M.S.A. § 28.788(2)(1)(f) [M.C.L.A. § 750.520b(1)(f)] and M.S.A. § 28.788(1)(j) [M.C.L.A. § 750.520a(j)]. The Michigan Supreme Court in People v. Petrella, 424 Mich. 221, 380 N.W. 2d 11 (1985), resolved a conflict within the Michigan Court of Appeals*fn2 when it defined mental anguish as "extreme or excruciating
[216 NJSuper Page 43]
pain, distress, or suffering of the mind." Id. at 424 Mich. 257, 380 N.W. 2d 27. The Michigan statute does not require mental anguish to be incapacitating.
Under New Mexico statutes, criminal sexual penetration is elevated from third degree to second degree if the use of force or coercion results in mental anguish. N.M.S.A. 1953 § 40A-9-21 B.(2) and N.M.S.A. 1953 § 40A-9-20 C. State v. Jiminez, 89 N.M. 652, 556 P. 2d 60 (Ct. of Appeals, 1976) held that mental anguish means distress of the mind.*fn3
We recognize that mental anguish is a boundary between a crime which carries a ten year maximum sentence and a crime which doubles that exposure. We are satisfied that, in the context of the New Jersey statutory scheme, mental anguish means severe emotional distress or suffering. This definition is consistent with the ordinary and common understanding of the words used and is consistent with the operative adjective in the statutory element of severe personal injury.
Incapacitating mental anguish is one component of the statutory definition of "severe personal injury". N.J.S.A. 2C:14-1 f. That definition also includes "severe bodily injury, disfigurement, disease . . . or chronic pain." Of these components, only mental anguish must be incapacitating. "Incapable" is defined as "not able or fit for the doing or performance . . .," and "incapacity" is defined as "the state of being incapable" as well as a "lack of physical or intellectual power. . . ." Webster's Third New International Dictionary (1971). In the context of
[216 NJSuper Page 44]
workers' compensation "incapacity" means "inability to perform labor." Yeomans v. Jersey City, 27 N.J. 496, 508 (1958).
It is probable that most rapes cause the victim to suffer emotional distress. The requirement that mental anguish be incapacitating accomplishes two goals. It provides corroboration that the victim's distress is severe, and it justifies greater punishment. With these legislative purposes in mind, and consistent with the ordinary and common understanding of the words used, we define incapacitating mental anguish as severe emotional distress or suffering which results in a temporary or permanent inability of the victim to function in some significant aspect of her life, such as in her employment, her ability to care for herself or in her capacity as spouse, homemaker or mother. In this context, temporary incapacity means more than a mere fleeting, short-lived or brief incapacity. Were it otherwise almost every sexual assault in which the actor uses physical force or coercion to commit an act of penetration would be a first degree crime. Such is not the intent of N.J.S.A. 2C:14-2c(1).
The victim's testimony would support a finding that immediately after the attack she was unable "to sleep for about four days, day or night", that she was "very angry . . . very hostile" toward her husband, that she could not concentrate on her work, that she could not stop crying and that she was unable to return to work until July 19, 1983 when she returned to work on a part-time basis. The offense occurred on April 27, 1983. She also testified that until the middle of July she was afraid to leave her home and did not do so except to attend counselling sessions and to visit her brother. The victim did not return to full time employment until early September.
Her counselor, Beverly Lanty, a registered nurse and social worker with substantial credentials and experience in the fields of nursing, social work and marital and family therapy, met with the victim on May 5, 1983, eight days after the assault. Ms. Lanty testified that the victim was shaking, crying and
[216 NJSuper Page 45]
manifesting difficulty in speaking. She described the victim as looking very tired, depressed, and in a state of shock.
Defendant contends that Ms. Lanty was testifying beyond her expertise. We disagree. Her testimony related to the jury her observations of the victim and the victim's demeanor. A witness need not be an expert to make and describe these observations. Moreover, Ms. Lanty's observations were within the ambit of her education, training and work experience. Therefore, she had the necessary expertise, if any was required, to make those observations. Furthermore, Ms. Lanty did not render an opinion as to whether the victim sustained incapacitating mental anguish nor was such an opinion from an expert necessary to support this conviction.
Expert testimony is required if the issue to be decided "is so esoteric that jurors of common judgment and experience cannot form a valid judgment . . ." Butler v. Acme Markets, Inc., 89 N.J. 270, 283 (1982). Expert testimony is justified when the average juror "is relatively helpless in dealing with a subject that is not a matter of common knowledge." State v. Kelly, 97 N.J. 178, 209 (1984). In Kelly, the court held that an understanding of the battered woman's syndrome is beyond the ken of the average juror. But, the court stated:
No expert is needed, however, . . . to tell the jury the logical conclusion . . . that a person who has in fact been severely and continuously beaten might very well reasonably fear that the imminent beating she was about to suffer could be either life threatening or pose a risk of serious injury. [ Id. at 207]
In the case at bar, the victim described the impact of the rape upon her. It was for the jury to decide whether the description was credible. If the jury accepted the victim's version of the incident and the physical and emotional abuse she sustained during the incident, that version would support a finding of a nexus between the rape and the victim's post-rape emotional state as described by her and as corroborated by Ms. Lanty. Those findings are within the common experience and knowledge of the average juror as is the ultimate conclusion that the victim suffered mental anguish (severe emotional distress)
[216 NJSuper Page 46]
which resulted in a temporary inability of the victim to function as an employee, as a spouse and in other significant aspects of her life.*fn4
The remaining issues raised by the defendant are clearly without merit. R. 2:11-3(e)(2).
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text:
- Yield
- 1 sensational sandwich
- 2 slices whole wheat bread
- 2 slices either muenster/cheddar/colby cheese
- 1/4-1/2 zucchini, sliced
- onions, sliced or chopped
- broccoli (small pieces, optional)
- butter (optional)
- Heat up zucchini, onions, and broccoli in a frying pan with a small amount of butter. When the edges are browned, they're done. Put a buttered slice of bread in the frying pan, a slice of cheese on the bread, the vegetables on top of this. When the cheese begins to melt, add another slice of cheese and the other slice of bread. Flip the sandwich. When the cheese is melted, it's done. Don't burn the bread!
Nutritional Info
- Calories104
- Carbohydrates8 g(3%)
- Fat5 g(8%)
- Protein6 g(12%)
- Saturated Fat3 g(14%)
- Sodium164 mg(7%)
- Polyunsaturated Fat0 g
- Fiber2 g(7%)
- Monounsaturated Fat1 g
- Cholesterol14 mg(5%)


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Is this a Spanish restaurant?
Are the prices at this restaurant mid-range / moderate?
Does this restaurant offer highchairs for toddlers?
Is this restaurant good for dinner?
Is this restaurant good for lunch?
Does this restaurant have private dining rooms?
Does this restaurant offer validated parking?
Does this restaurant have a full bar?
Is this primarily a bakery?
Is this a dessert shop?
Thanks for helping!
3 Days in Cusco
Best food in Cusco
Cusco Off the Beaten Path
We, my mom en myself, loved our cooking class as well as the food at Seledonia's masa.
What a sweet, loving woman she is!
Hope to see her soon again and we will make the dishes she teached us many many times!
I kept coming back to order the quinoa soup, but really it was the family that brought me around often. Seledonia is such a sweetheart, she would stop eating her meal to take my order and make sure I was taken care of, help me with directions, and ask me about my family in the U.S. Prices are very reasonable,...
What a little gem tucked away, family run Peruvian food.
A great surprise to find such good quality food and so well presented, we will certainly be going back to try some more dishes. I had the chicken coated in crispy quinoa it was excellent. My wife is still talking about her great Alpaca. Great he for such fine food
This family-run restaurant serves authentic local dishes, albeit at higher prices. We ordered some dishes to share, and the quinoa fired chicken served with strawberry jam was an excellent starter. the meat was tender, and it wasn't too oily. I was skeptical about the strawberry sauce, but it really worked. We also ordered a pumpkin soup but that came right...
This little restaurant is a bit tough to find and off the main tourist streets. However it is worth the effort. You are essentially coming into someone's home and eating a home cooked meal! The best dinner we've had in Cusco! Chicken strips with strawberry sauce for appetizer were insanely fresh and delicious and alpaca steak was cooked to perfection....
This is a small, family owned restaurant, with a cozy atmosphere. The owners are very friendly and are happy to teach you how to cook their dishes. I've been here a couple of times now and the food has been excellent each time. The Aji de Gallina is a must. It's the best that I've had. I would also recommend...
Oh well, what stuck is the sound of a crying toddler sitting on a toilet and having a poo in the private rooms of the same house. Not exactly the sound I enjoy while heaving a meal. While I am usually critical about music, this place could have benefited from it: not only to hide those noises, but also to...
This place is top 30 on trip advisor in Cusco of 500+. I can understand why. Homely family run restaurant, great friendly service and the food and price was fantastic. Highly recommended out of all the places I have been in Cusco! :)
The food here was fresh and delicious. My boyfriend had a Peruvian special meal and he absolutely loved it. He devoured everything on his plate. I was feeling sick to my stomach so I ordered a salad and the criollo soup. Everything tasted amazing but sadly my stomach just didn't allow me to eat all my food. The staff was...
Ate here twice during a week in Cusco and enjoyed both our lunch and dinner. Very small, quirky, simple decor and the family and children eat with you and serve you. Great food, really tasty, plentiful and extremely cheap, loved it.
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text:
|Quantity Discounts
|$89.00 each
TW Racquet Experts Selecting the right racquet and string for your game can be a difficult task. When you consider the tremendous amount of racquets available, and pair them with the even larger selection of strings on the market, you are looking at a mountain of combinations! Here at Tennis Warehouse, we want to make the selection process a bit easier for you. That's why we have a talented group of Racquet Experts on staff to help each player find the right racquet and string combination for their play style. Call or email us with your questions, and a Racquet Expert will be happy to point you in the right direction!
Toll Free: 1.800.799.9230
Email: email@example.com
Hours: M-F 6am-6pm, S/S 9am-6pm
|Head Size:
115 sq. in. / 741.93 sq. cm.
|Length: 27in / 68.58cm
|Strung Weight: 9.7oz / 274.99g
|Balance: 14.69in / 37.31cm / 10 pts HH
|Swingweight: 322
|Stiffness: 71
|Beam Width: 26.5mm / 29.5mm / 28mm /
|Composition: Graphite
|Power Level: High
|Stroke Style: Compact-Medium
|Swing Speed: Slow-Moderate
|Racquet Colors:
Black/ Silver
|Grip Type: Prince Resi Soft
|String Pattern:
14 Mains / 16 Crosses
Mains skip: 7T,7H
One Piece
No Shared Holes
|String Tension: 59-69 pounds
Asics 116 Racquets
Price: $95.00
This ultra maneuverable racquet offers a comfortably crisp response. It has a surprising level of control for its robust power level. Ideally suited to beginners and intermediates looking for maximum mobility in an oversize racquet. Headsize: 116 in². Length: 27.25 in. Strung weight: 9.5 oz.
Dunlop Biomimetic S8.0 Lite
Sale: $79.00 Was: $179.00
Sale An extended length racquet offering maximum comfort and power, this is ideal for players with compact strokes. Offers a forgiving feel with some serious pop. Headsize: 115 in². Length: 27.5 inches.
Head Graphene Speed PWR
Sale: $119.95 Was: $189.95
Buy 2 or more for $109.95 each.
Sale Power meets maneuverability in this very lively addition to the Speed series. With its extended length, this racquet will give players a new lease on power and spin. Great for doubles! Length: 27.3 inches. Headsize: 115 in². Swingweight: 335 (RDC).
Prince Premier 105L ESP Racquets
Sale: $99.00 Was: $219.00
Buy 2 or more for $89.00 each.
Sale A very comfortable and well dampened racquet with easy access to spin. Lightning fast feel with tons of power. String Pattern: 14x16. Headsize: 105 in². Standard Length.
Prince Premier 115 ESP Racquets
Sale: $99.00 Was: $219.00
Buy 2 or more for $89.00 each.
Sale Three words: Comfort. Power. Spin. This is a great option for 3.0+ players looking for a luxurious hitting surface that provides easy access to pace and spin. Headsize: 115 in². String Pattern: 14x16. Standard Length


text:
Everyday I am learning, relearning and reminded of simple lessons in UX.
Yes, as designers we have constraints, but never lose focus: It is always about the best User (Guest) Experience we can deliver.
Here are 5 simple lessons I learn and relearn everyday about UX:
- 1) Design Isn't the Hard Part
- 2) Give Them What They Want
- 3) Design Facilitates the Conversation
- 4) Walk the Middle Path
- 5) Listen, Then Use Judgement


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16 for 2016
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Judge's order to Apple over attacker phone encryption unlocks privacy concerns
February 18, 2016
Since the San Bernardino attack, the FBI has been trying to read the contents of a cell phone used by attacker Syed Farook, made impossible by encryption. Now Apple CEO Tim Cook is rejecting a federal court order to create software to unlock the device. Gwen Ifill talks to Stewart Baker, former assistant secretary of Homeland Security, and Nate Cardozo of the Electronic Frontier Foundation.
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Apple Defends Opposition to Helping FBI Hack Terrorist's Cell Phone
February 18, 2016
Pete Williams
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A federal judge is ordering the company to help the FBI get into the phone of one of the shooters, but Apple says that would create a backdoor compromising the privacy of millions.
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New Pardon Chief In Obama Justice Department Inherits A Huge Backlog
February 4, 2016
Carrie Johnson
The Justice Department has named a veteran prosecutor from Philadelphia as the new leader of its pardon office, which is trying to review more than 9,000 petitions in the final year of the Obama presidency.
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Attorney General Loretta Lynch Defends Obama Actions On Gun Control
January 21, 2016
Carrie Johnson
Attorney General Loretta Lynch on Wednesday defended President Obama's recent executive actions intended to expand background checks for gun buyers. But Republicans question their usefulness and the motives behind the actions.
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January 13, 2016
Carrie Johnson
There's not much the White House and the Republican-led Congress can agree on this year. President Obama singled out one issue in his State of the Union address: an overhaul for the justice system.
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December 24, 2015
Here are some of the biggest stories to happen in the U.S. in 2015. What would be on your list?
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December 15, 2015
The jury in the first trial on the death of 25-year-old Freddie Gray returned after two days of deliberations to say they are deadlocked. Gray's fatal injuries while in Baltimore police custody exposed deep cracks in the city's criminal justice system and sparked protests. Gwen Ifill speaks to Juliet Linderman of the Associated Press about the charges against Officer William Porter.
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San Bernardino Shooters Discussed Jihad in 2013 Before Engagement
December 10, 2015
Pete Williams
NBC News
FBI Director James Comey said today that Syed Farook and Tashfeen Malik spoke online about martyrdom but Farook's communications were not being monitored at the time.
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F.B.I. Chief Says Texas Gunman Used Encryption to Text Overseas Terrorist
December 10, 2015
David Sanger
Nicole Perlroth
The New York Times
The F.B.I. director, James B. Comey, said Wednesday that investigators could not read more than 100 text messages exchanged by one of the attackers in a shooting this year in Garland, Tex., because they were encrypted, adding fuel to law enforcement agencies' contention that they need a way to circumvent commercially available encryption technology.
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November 15, 2016
We at the PBS NewsHour and Washington Week lost our dear colleague, Gwen Ifill, to cancer on Monday. During her life, she often was called upon to discuss journalism, barriers and how to burst through them, and sometimes just react to something fun.
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October 6, 2016
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September 22, 2016
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September 1, 2016
About Gwen
Gwen Ifill was moderator and managing editor of "Washington Week" and co-anchor and managing editor of the "PBS NewsHour." The best-selling author of "The Breakthrough: Politics and Race in the Age of Obama," Gwen covered seven presidential campaigns and moderated two vice presidential debates.
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Nearly 2 million warned to flee destructive Hurricane Matthew in the U.S.
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chickbrooklyn Review
Well, this product was delivered within 3 days of me making the order. Needless to say, I was pleasantly surprised. The fireplace came in two boxes, the smaller of the two contained the fire box (one piece), the larger one held the numbered wood pieces, individually wrapped. Everything was damage free, with two sets of detailed instructions: one for the building of the fireplace itself and one for the insertion and locking the fire box. It took my Fiance 2 hours to put together by himself, with just a Philips screwdriver. This thing is bigger and taller than we expected, and the flames are more realistic than we've seen in most. The heater provides a good amount of heat. we can't wait to use it in the winter. WE LOVE OUR FIREPLACE! THANK YOU OVERSTOCK
- How did the color on site compare with the actual product? as seen on Overstock site
- Please tell us about the quality of the product. excellent for the price
- How accurate was the on site description of the product? exactly