text:
Callie McAllister has been leading our state licensed daycare facility for over 40 years. She and her staff provide a happy and loving environment for children ages six weeks to 6 years. The nursery has a large and cheerful play area located right by the lift so parents can easily ski in for a quick visit. The Cricket Club is open from 9:00 to 4:30 PM during the week and from 8:30 to 4:30 PM on weekends and holidays. The Cricket Club does accept reservations. Call (802) 496-3551 ext. 120.
If your child is new to the Cricket Club, a registraion form must be completed by the parent. Click here to download the registration form now. If you have it filled out and ready when you bring your child in, it will make things easier and help you get out skiing faster!
Hours & Routine
The Cricket Club is open Monday to Friday from 9:00 AM to 4:30 PM and Saturday & Sunday from 8:30 AM to 4:30 PM.
The Cricket Club does take reservations.
Please call (802) 496-3551 ext. 120
- 8:30 and on - Children checking in
- 9:00-10:00 - Orientation and free play
- 10:00-11:00 - Snack, group project, morning naps
- 11:00-11:45 - Puzzles, playdough, story time, wash up for lunch
- 11:45-12:00 - Lunch
- 12:00-1:00 - Movie time
- 1:00-2:00 - Group project, naps
- 2:00-3:00 - Free play, puzzles, coloring, playdough, dress-up, circle time.
- 3:00-4:30 - Storytime, clean up, children checking out.
We are a state licensed day care facility and are required by law to report any suspicion of child abuse or neglect to the proper state authority.
Please feel free to stop in anytime and check on your child, or you may call from the Basebox (we are at extension 120).
We look forward to a great ski season!
Callie McAllister, Director
Cricket Club Nursery
802-496-3551, ext. 120
Day Care Rates
1/2 Day
Full Day
2 Day
Ages 6 weeks to 6 Years
*Hourly Rate - $15/hour
1/2 Day is 8:30 to 12:30 or 12:30 to 4:30
Cricket Club Specials - NEW THIS SEASON!!!
Cricket Club Super Pass - $675
Gets you a 10 days of daycare (or 20 half days) anytime during the current ski seasonPLUS you get a guaranteed space in the Cricket Club anytime throughout the season.
Normally a $750 value for 10 full days and $1,000 for 20 half days)
Mommy & Daddy Mondays
Full Day of Daycare for only $60
Half Day (morning or afternoon - what's easiest for you?) of Daycare for only $35
Reservations recommended - make your's now! Not available during holiday weeks!
Please call (802) 496-3551 ext. 120


text:
from The American Heritage® Dictionary of the English Language, 4th Edition
- n. The branch of medicine that deals with veins and their diseases.
from Wiktionary, Creative Commons Attribution/Share-Alike License
- n. The study of veins and their diseases etc
from the GNU version of the Collaborative International Dictionary of English
- n. A branch of anatomy which treats of the veins.
from The Century Dictionary and Cyclopedia
- n. That branch of anatomy which treats of the veins; a treatise on the veins.
phlebo- + -logy. (Wiktionary)
You may want to speak with a doctor who specializes in vein diseases or phlebology.

subset: commoncrawl


text:
About Pstraka6 : City boy living in the south. Love music, EDM, country, lifting💪, soccer⚽ cars🚘, and the Blackhawks🏒!
Drop a line, if you've got timmme. What are Mario's favorite overalls made of? (Don't you even dare cheat and look it up!)
About Pstraka6 : City boy living in the south. Love music, EDM, country, lifting💪, soccer⚽ cars🚘, and the Blackhawks🏒!
Pstraka6's FML badges
One more and it's business time
You've received 68 likes on your profile. Kinky.
The Mixer
You like to live life randomly, and we salute you.
I like your style
You've liked someone. How cute!
Pstraka6's favorite FMLs
Today, I was talking to an attractive guy, but I was so nervous that I got tongue-tied and then blurted out, "Stupid autocorrect." FML
by tongue tied / 02/11/2013 at 3:57am / United States (Pennsylvania) / Miscellaneous
Today, I learned that my big, tough, strong dog is terrified of spiders when he jumped, knocked over a table and then peed on the spider to drown it. FML
by DogLover / 02/06/2013 at 8:59am / United States (New York) / Animals
Today, my boyfriend and I were looking at engagement rings. When the store owner asked about our budget, my boyfriend said with a straight face, "Nothing too expensive, I have a big penis so I don't have to overcompensate by buying a big diamond." FML
by NewlyDread / 02/05/2013 at 9:31pm / Canada (Ontario) / Love
Today, after a shower, my dad jokingly asked if I was jacking off in the shower because I was taking a long time. Before I could respond, my mom chimed in with, "No, he does it before he showers, haven't you noticed how he locks himself in his room?" She was right on the money. FML
by Lockedinroom / 02/05/2013 at 11:18am / United States / Intimacy
Today, I went to a club with my girlfriend and her buddies. An hour in, I saw her making out with a guy on the dance floor, so I confronted her. She stormed off to the bar and said something to her friend, who then came over and angrily slapped me across the face. Yeah, I'm confused too. FML
by Anonymous / 02/02/2013 at 6:03pm / Belgium / Love
Today, I discovered the true meaning of being scared shitless. My father in a clown costume emerged from my closet. Needless to say something emerged from me. FML
by wilks311 / 02/02/2013 at 9:12am / United States (Pennsylvania) / Miscellaneous
Today, while trucking, I got stuck in traffic on a congested highway. After 15 minutes of mind-numbing boredom, I glanced down at the car beside me, only to witness the driver changing her tampon and flicking the old one onto the highway. I can't unsee this. FML
by thoughtidseenitall / 02/01/2013 at 8:01pm / United States (Colorado) / Transportation
Today, I actually considered my boyfriend romantic and deserving of an award when he didn't fart after sex. FML
by Anonymous / 02/01/2013 at 2:01am / United States / Intimacy
Today, during my first day as a medical intern in a new ward, I was performing a rectal exam. My supervisor thought it would be funny to burst into the room and scream, "Who are you?! You don't even work here, you pervert!" FML
by dr mamour / 01/30/2013 at 4:57pm / Love
Today, I woke up after sleeping with my boyfriend for the first time. I rolled over and smiled at him, and the first thing he said was, "You farted. A lot." FML
by gassy / 01/07/2013 at 10:40am / United States (Texas) / Love
Today, while getting pretty intimate with my newlywed wife in the car, a cop turned his lights on. As he was walking up, I was trying to get my pants back on but they wouldn't fit over my knees. The cop just laughed and walked away. Turns out my wife had my pants on and I was trying to put hers on. FML
by Anonymous / 08/29/2012 at 5:37pm / United States / Intimacy
Today, my boyfriend texted me, saying, "I'm running a bath. Wanna come over and learn about water displacement?" I excitedly drove over, thinking he wanted to have some fun. No, he really did want to teach me about water displacement. FML
by Anonymous / 08/29/2012 at 12:38pm / United States (Maryland) / Intimacy
Today, the office I work at put up a "No Masturbating at Desks" sign. I'm disappointed by this, not because I usually whack off at my desk, but because enough people do that there needs to be a sign against it. FML
by Anonymous / 08/26/2012 at 7:39pm / Canada (Ontario) / Intimacy
Today, my vegan girlfriend refused to give me a blowjob because, apparently, blowjobs aren't vegan. FML
by ihateveganism / 08/22/2012 at 12:19am / United States (Rhode Island) / Intimacy
Today, after sex, my boyfriend and I lay in bed for a couple of hours just chatting. This would have been lovely. However, his topic of choice for post-coital pillow talk was his theory about how Chewbacca is secretly the leader of the Rebel Alliance. It actually made sense. FML
by cl4ptp / 08/14/2012 at 8:17am / United Kingdom (Vale of Glamorgan, The) / Intimacy
- 1Today, I took a test. I got up to turn it in, and accidentally bumped into another student. We both… 2Today, I tried to fire the worst worker I've ever had over the phone because he never shows up for… 3Today, my energetic 10-month-old decided to stay up four hours past bedtime. After I FINALLY got…


text:
Sony reveals two new phones at the WMC today
Categories: Cellphones, Featured
Sony is one of the few companies which makes a clear distinction in its mobile phone range. If one range caters to music needs, the other caters to the avid photographers. This makes sure that each product performs best in the area it is supposed to. Sony reinforced this fact at the Mobile World Congress held in Barcelona today where it displayed two high end camera phones that are going to make you regret picking up that digital camera.
The first model to be displayed is the W995, which was codenamed as Hikaru. This features an 8MP camera along with a 2.6 inch QVGA screen. There is 118MB of storage (which is a tad bit less, in our opinion), GPS and Wi-Fi connectivity. You also get a 3.5mm input jack which eliminates those nasty converters. The phone will be released in March and you can choose from any of the 3 colours – Progressive Black, Energetic Red and Cosmic Silver.
The second model which is going to be released is the Idou which features an impressive 12MP camera. Though official specs have not been released but we do know for sure that there will be a 3.5″ screen sporting a resolution of 640 x 320. Wait and watch is all we can say for now.


text:
Fallsburg to hold Wellness Day
FALLSBURG, NY — The Fallsburg Central School District Wellness Committee will hold its 2014 Wellness Day on Saturday, May 17 from 9 a.m. to 12 noon at the Fallsburg Junior/Senior High School front parking lot. Rain or shine, kids, students, parents, staff and community are invited to enjoy the morning with many healthcare providers offering free information. The fair is to promote healthy lifestyles in the area and share learning opportunities for parents of the Fallsburg school district.Youngsters are encouraged to play games with the Physical Education & Health Education Staff (prizes available for the kids). Contact Harold Fried at 845/434-6800 for more information.


text:
Crescent Moon Cupcakes
- Prep Time: 30 min
- Cook Time: 23 min
- Ready Time: 120 min
- Yield: 24 cupcakes
- 1 package Pillsbury™ Moist Supreme® Yellow Premium Cake Mix
- 1 cup water
- 1/3 cup Crisco® Pure Vegetable Oil
- 3 large eggs
- 1 container Pillsbury™ Creamy Supreme® Vanilla Flavored Frosting
- 1 cup Pillsbury™ Funfetti® Orange All Star™ Vanilla Flavored Frosting
Preparation Directions
- HEAT oven to 350°F. Line 24 muffin cups with paper baking cups.
- PREPARE cake mix according to package directions using water, oil and eggs. Divide evenly in prepared muffin cups. Bake 19 to 23 minutes or until toothpick inserted in center comes out clean. Cool 10 minutes. Remove to wire rack to cool completely.
- MICROWAVE vanilla frosting in microwave-safe bowl on HIGH 20 to 30 seconds. Stir until smooth. Dip tops of cupcakes into frosting. Let stand until set. Make a crescent moon shape with orange frosting. Garnish with decorator sprinkles.
Nutritional Information Per Serving
Serving Size (1 of 24 cupcakes), Calories 230 (Calories from Fat 90), Total Fat 11g (Saturated Fat 2.5g, Trans Fat 1.5g), Cholesterol 25mg, Sodium 220mg, Total Carbohydrate 34g (Dietary Fiber 0g, Sugars 26g), Protein 1g; Percent Daily Value*: Vitamin A 0%, Vitamin C 0%, Calcium 4%, Iron 4%.
*Percent Daily Values are based on a 2,000 calorie diet.
* Ensure all recipe ingredients are gluten free by referencing the ingredient labels, as products may vary. If uncertain, contact the ingredient manufacturer.


text:
School finance reform is an
issue that has been on New York State's agenda almost continuously
since the 1960's. Court cases have been brought, a multitude of
studies have been done, and commissions and task forces have reported,
yet we are still very far from a satisfactory solution.
Introduction to School Aid, Comptroller's Report on School Finance
The paper is presented in three
sections. The first section provides a general background on school
finance, describing how schools are funded, how state aid is distributed,
and what the essential equity issue is. The narrative is issue-oriented,
intentionally avoiding a description of the algebra behind the aid
distribution. Detailed knowledge of the mechanics is not necessary
to a thorough understanding of the issues, and too technical a focus
can often obscure the larger concerns.
A second section describes
long-term trends and recent developments in school finance. It includes
a description of spending trends, changes in the aid distribution,
the 1993-94 reforms and their implementation. This year's "modified
freeze" in the school aid formulas is reviewed, including its
negative impact on equity.
School Finance Background
In New York, as in most other
states, public elementary and secondary education is provided through
local school districts and supported by a mix of local, state and
federal revenues. The primary source of local revenues for schools
is the property tax.
More than $25 billion is now spent annually in school districts across the State, of which there are nearly 700. Recent data show that about 56 percent of school revenue comes from local sources, state aid provides 40 percent, and federal aid about 4 percent. The local portion of school revenues is primarily from the property tax (90 percent). In addition to property taxes, in some counties school districts receive a portion of sales tax receipts and some small city school districts impose consumer utility taxes. The federal government is not a significant source of revenues for most school districts.
The state share of education
expenditures in New York is influenced both by state aid levels
and by trends in local spending. Roughly speaking, it has been in
the neighborhood of 40 percent since the 1950's, going up in good
times and tending to drop during periods of state fiscal difficulty.
A state share of 40 percent is lower than the national average,
which is approximately 46 percent in the 1993-94 school year. Advocacy
groups have long called for a higher state share, often saying that
50 percent is appropriate. An increase in the state share to 50
percent, however, would require about $3 billion in additional state
aid -- an unlikely event in the current fiscal environment.
Note that the state share discussed
here is the aggregate share for the entire state -- the share varies
considerably across districts. Some schools receive a much higher
percentage of their revenues from the state (generally, these are
low-wealth, low-spending districts) and others support nearly all
of their expenditures from local sources (generally high-wealth,
high-spending districts).
Much confusion exists over
the use of state lottery revenues for education. The lottery began
in 1967 following passage of an amendment to the state constitution
permitting a lottery, the net proceeds of which were to support
of education. Of the total receipts from game sales last year, 41
percent went to education, 48 percent was paid out in prizes, and
11 percent went to administration.
The lottery proceeds do go
to education, currently providing more than $1 billion annually
to help support state aid, representing about one-tenth of total
state aid payments. Lottery proceeds, however, do not really go
to school districts in amounts over and above the State's contribution
through general aid programs. Each year, the Governor and Legislature
negotiate a state aid distribution. While lottery proceeds do help
to fund each year's aid package, lottery earnings are not added
to a planned general fund contribution after the fact. The estimates
for lottery earnings, in fact, are treated almost exactly as the
estimates for the earnings of other state revenue sources.
This year, for example, the
Governor proposed implementing a new "Quick Draw" lottery
game and the Legislature accepted this proposal, with some modifications.
From the beginning, the addition of the new lottery game was discussed
as a way to help close the overall budget gap, not as an issue related
to the amount of school aid that would be provided. The Quick Draw
game as proposed by the Governor was expected to raise $115 million
initially, yet his budget proposal reduced school aid by $90 million
for the 1995-96 school year. The enacted budget, largely because
of a later starting date, reduced the estimate for the first year's
Quick Draw earnings, but increased school aid. Clearly there was
no linkage between the new game's earnings and school aid payments.
It should be noted, however,
that the availability of lottery proceeds over the years may have
allowed increases in school aid that otherwise may not have been
Nearly $10 billion in state
aid is apportioned among local school districts through a variety
of aid formulas and grant programs. Each year the aid programs are
modified in the budget. While the mechanics behind the distribution
of school aid are fairly complex, the issues are not necessarily
so. For example, there are currently some 46 aid formulas and grant
programs and only a small group of school aid specialists have an
in-depth understanding of those aid categories and the algebra behind
the formulas. However, a technical understanding is not necessary
to grasp the essential issues.
The vast majority of state
school aid is paid through aid formulas that are designed to recognize
local need. Relative need in the formulas is generally determined
by district wealth and expressed as an aid ratio, but myriad other
factors are built in. These other factors include special pupil
counts representing educational needs; overall operating expenditures
as well as specific expenditures in areas such as building, transportation
and handicapped education; and measures of tax effort. Most aid
formulas pay aid on a "per pupil" basis -- an aid amount
is multiplied by a pupil count to determine total aid. In addition
to the formula distributions, there are a number of grant programs
where aid payments are either legislatively determined or allocated
through an application process, but these programs represent only
a small proportion of overall aid.
School aid formulas generally pay aid in inverse proportion to wealth. The formulas measure "wealth" based on property value per pupil and resident income per pupil. Pupil counts are based on average daily attendance and contain differential weightings for certain categories of students. The amount of state aid a district receives is in large part determined by the ratio of property and income wealth measures for the district to the state average. The most commonly used ratio, based half on property wealth and half on income, is referred to as the "combined wealth ratio."
The chart at right illustrates
the fact that higher aid payments go to school districts as their
relative wealth decreases. State aid per pupil is lowest for the
highest wealth districts (the first decile). Lower wealth school
districts receive proportionally more aid per pupil. The payment
of aid in inverse proportion to wealth is often referred to as an
"equalized" aid distribution.
The increasing aid paid to
lower-wealth districts results in a generally higher state share
for expenditures in lower-wealth areas, as illustrated by the chart
at left. This trend is accentuated because lower-wealth districts
tend to spend at lower levels, measured on a per pupil basis. The
disparity in expenditure levels is at the heart of the equity issue.
Each wealth "decile"
shown in the charts represents a tenth of the State's school districts
grouped by wealth (the combined wealth ratio). Although each decile
contains a tenth of the school districts, the number of pupils within
a decile varies widely. For example, the 4th wealth decile contains
45 percent of statewide enrollment, largely because it includes
the New York City school system.
With a few exceptions, most
of the aid formulas provide aid on an equalized basis, meaning that
poorer districts receive a higher relative share of aid. There are,
however, other factors involved in the distribution of aid which
limit the amount of equalization provided, including minimum aid
grants, "save-harmless" provisions and "caps."
Save-harmless provisions prevent
districts from receiving less aid from year to year even though
they may have fewer pupils, lower expenses, higher wealth, or any
other change in underlying conditions which would cause them to
receive less aid. The chief save-harmless provision in the current
aid formulas is contained within the "transition adjustment"
which ensures that no district receives lower aid across nine aid
formulas than in the previous year. The transition adjustment also
caps aid, limiting the increase which each school district can receive.
Minimum aid guarantees, save-harmless provisions and caps all decrease
the equalization the formulas would otherwise provide.
"Operating aid" is
the largest aid formula, representing slightly more than half of
total aid. This formula provides general aid to districts for their
expenses through an aid ratio based on property and income wealth.
The formula delivers a higher share of aid for lower wealth districts;
it also contains a minimum aid amount (the "flat grant"),
and a number of limits, exceptions and other provisions. A related
"extraordinary needs" component of aid distributes general
aid based upon income wealth and a number of factors intended to
measure the proportion of disadvantaged pupils within a district.
Two other general aid formulas
specifically address local tax effort. These formulas are based
on tax levies, spending and wealth and, among other things, are
designed to help districts with limited resources located in high-expense
regions of the State.
Most of the remaining school
aid formulas are linked to particular activities such as transportation,
building, or handicapped education. Again, most of these formulas
employ an aid ratio based on a district's relative wealth, so that
lower-wealth districts receive proportionally higher shares of aid.
Some aid formulas do not reflect relative need, but these only represent
a small component of aid. Textbook aid, for example, is paid to
all districts on the basis of a flat dollar amount per pupil; other
formulas, such as those for computer software and library materials
are similar in nature.
There are also a number of
grant programs and aid categories in which legislatively specified
amounts go to particular districts. These aid programs are generally
not related on a formula basis to wealth or need. A large proportion
of these programs, however, do aid areas presumed to be needy, the
large city school districts in particular.
Sometimes a distinction is drawn between the "computer run total" and other aid. More than 90 percent of state aid is shown on State Education Department computer runs. Sometimes manipulations occur in this regard. This year, for example, Excellence in Teaching aid was not shown on computer runs, and thus its elimination did not show as a loss for districts. While the "non-computerized" grant programs and aid formulas do not represent a large proportion of total aid, they are significant for some districts, particularly the large city school districts.
Despite the school aid formulas'
equalizing impact, educational spending varies significantly with
local wealth. Wealthier districts spend at much higher levels than
poor school districts.
Local property taxes pay for
the majority of public school expenses. Property wealth, as well
as income with which to pay property taxes, is not evenly distributed
among school districts. Great disparities in spending, and thus
in educational programs, are largely a function of variations in
the local property tax base available to finance education.
Although state aid is generally
paid in inverse proportion to wealth, the aid payments are not high
enough in the low-wealth areas to effectively allow them to spend
in amounts similar to wealthier districts. Thus, while state aid
is redistributive, it is not enough so to effectively equalize opportunity.
The property tax is regressive
and often inequitably administered. Reducing reliance on it as a
revenue source is therefore attractive on its own merits, beyond
the issue of equalizing school spending. Although property tax reform
is not a subject of this discussion, it should be noted that improvements
in administration of the tax are possible. To a large extent, property
tax inequities and inaccuracies are the result of its administration
through more than 900 localities -- a regional assessment model
may be much more effective.
Property taxes can also be made less regressive through state income tax "circuit breaker" programs which provide a tax credit for lower-income persons carrying a high property tax burden; New York State has such a program, but it currently operates at a very low level.
The chart to the right shows
the clear relationship between wealth and spending. The amounts
shown are averages for groups of districts ordered by relative wealth.
While on average the wealthiest tenth of districts (the 1st decile)
spends more than $11,000 per pupil annually, the poorest tenth spends
less than $5,000. Wealth-driven disparities in spending and programs
is the central issue of school finance reform.
It is not generally argued
that there should be no spending variances among schools,
because New York State has a strong tradition of local control of
education. The argument is more that the spending variances should
be less stark and that the lower-wealth areas should receive more
help so that they can improve their educational programs.
Spending differences reflect
both differing preferences among school districts and also differing
fiscal capacities. However, the extent to which they represent one
or the other is extremely hard to isolate. A relatively greater
disposition to commit resources to education tends to be found in
areas with relatively greater resources to commit. Regional cost
differences also affect spending levels and some areas face higher
costs due to relatively greater concentrations of disadvantaged
One critical issue is whether
the spending disparities result in students in the poorer districts
receiving less than a sound basic education. This was the element
on which the most recent major New York State school finance case
turned. In the 1982 Levittown decision the Court of Appeals
found that the school finance system did not violate the state constitution's
education provisions because those provisions required only that
"minimally acceptable schools" be provided.
A current school finance case,
Campaign for Fiscal Equity vs. State of New York, is similar
to the earlier case but also includes claims based on the federal
Civil Rights Act. In a preliminary ruling allowing the case to go
forward, the Court of Appeals stated that, while the 1982 Levittown
decision held that moderate variation in funding levels was tolerable,
it was possible that the variation has become so extreme as to permit
judicial intervention. As in the previous case, however, the Court
did not specify what is meant by "minimally acceptable schools."
It is difficult to guess what the outcome of this case will be,
but it will, in any event, probably take many years at trial and
in appeals. As a reference point, the Levittown case was
in the courts for eight years before final resolution.
Trends and Recent Developments
Trends in School Finance
While aid amounts have gone
up in nominal terms, and the state share of expenditures has gone
up and down, the essential issues remain the same as they were 20
years ago. The inequity of the heavy reliance on the property tax,
the spending disparities and the gap between the wealthy and poor
school districts are still the key issues. Much has also changed,
however, and the state aid formula has gotten much, much more complex.
In 1974-75, there were only
three major categories of aid for school districts: operating, building
and transportation. The algebra behind the formula was simple enough
that the State Education Department put out a small booklet with
the intent of explaining it to the public.
There are now some 46 formulas
and grant programs that comprise state aid, and the esoteric methods
behind the formula distribution have become almost entirely the
province of school finance specialists. Previously described as
an "elegant formula," the distribution mechanics now involve
a complex amalgamation of formula factors, many of which bear no
rational relationship to any describable state aid goal. The computer
run distribution of aid and the "shares" issue are the
major focal points of the annual school aid negotiations.
This is not to suggest that
all the changes have been negative. The formulas now provide significant
aid for handicapped education programs, for students with special
needs and for school districts with a greater proportion of disadvantaged
students. The following discussion provides an overview of some
of the major trends in school finance in the past two decades.
Aid programs directed to particular
needs are sometimes referred to as "categorical" aids,
as distinct from aid programs supporting general operating expenses.
The growth of these categorical aids during the last decade was
phenomenal. For example, there are now specific formulas for gifted
and talented pupils, limited English proficiency programs (LEP),
educationally related support services aid (ERSSA), computer hardware
and technology, library materials, and many, many more.
The rapid expansion of categorical
aids, primarily occurring in the early 1980's, was driven not only
by a legitimate concern for programs in these areas, but also by
distributional concerns. The continuing addition of new categorical
aid programs allowed all districts to get aid increases,
even "save-harmless" districts that would otherwise have
gotten no increases during those years. Although most of the categorical
formulas employ aid ratios, they also have minimum aid provisions
and so, in most cases, each time a new formula was added, even the
wealthiest districts got additional funding. Program advocates for
particular types of education also supported the new aid categories,
and announcing a new aid program was more attractive than merely
saying that more money was being provided for schools.
Another big change has been
in the area of wealth measures. In 1974-75, only property wealth
was considered in the aid formula. In the early 1980's, income began
to be used in the aid distribution. It was first used in a small
supplementary formula, but its use continued to be expanded and
today income and property wealth are of approximately equal importance
in the state aid distribution.
The use of income in the formula
was initially spurred by frustration with the quality of the property
wealth data and by academic research suggesting that income levels
were an important determinant of educational spending. Perhaps the
most important consideration behind the legislative expansion of
income in the formula, however, was the distribution its
use in the aid formulas provided.
Interestingly, all of the research
on income was based on household income or other measures approximating
average income levels. The income measure employed in the formula,
however, has always been income per pupil. Income per pupil
measures not only the income levels within a community, but also
the relative concentration of households with children in the public
schools as a share of the total income-earning population. While
urban areas often have lower average income levels, they have large
portions of the population without school-age children or that utilize
private schools; income per pupil measures are therefore less favorable
to them as a wealth measure, because they show them as being relatively
wealthier and consequently reduce aid. Conversely, many suburban
areas with higher average incomes actually benefit from the use
of income per pupil, because their relatively higher share of public
school children skews the measure, making them seem less wealthy
and increasing their aid.
The frustrations with the property
value data stem from inaccurate assessment practices and their effect
on the "full value" data calculated using equalization
rates and applied in the aid formulas. Improvements have been made
in the full value data since the time income was introduced in the
formula, particularly a reduction of the lag in the market survey
data used to establish full value. However, the quality of the data
is still a major issue as are inaccurate assessment practices.
Reduction Assessments
The State's fiscal crisis in
the early 1990's led to the so-called deficit reduction assessments,
or DRA's. Essentially, these assessments were reductions in aid
determined by a formula approach and reducing the aid payments received
through the regular formulas. The first DRA was applied in the middle
of a school year, in reaction to the State's midyear budget crisis,
giving school districts their own considerable midyear budget problems.
Despite their unpopular nature, it should be noted that the DRA's had the overall effect of making school aid payments more equalized. The reductions were made on the basis of formulas which more heavily impacted wealthier districts and districts which had benefited from save-harmless for a number of years; the long-term effect was to lower the proportion of school aid paid through save-harmless. The DRA's were in effect for the 1990-91 through 1992-93 school years. Before their elimination with the 1993-94 school aid reforms, the DRA's reduced overall state aid by more than $1 billion.
1993-94 Reforms
The 1993-94 budget contained
a series of formula changes and some consolidations, patterned after
the recommendations in the 1988 report of the Salerno Commission,
a special task force that studied school aid. The Salerno Commission's
recommendations were general in nature; they endorsed a series of
principles rather than attempting to agree on a single formula.
In so doing they avoided the experience of an earlier task force
associated with the Levittowncase, which could not agree
on a single formula.
The formula changes adopted
in 1993-94 were announced as the most sweeping reforms in more than
a decade. However, it is arguable whether one of the major goals
of the 1993-94 changes, simplification of the formula, was in fact
achieved. Some small categorical aids and some supplemental operating
aid formula distributions were merged into operating aid proper,
but the operating aid formula itself became much more complex. Following
the Salerno Commission's recommendations, the 1993-94 formula changes
did more heavily reflect the costs of educating at risk students
and they also incorporated actual spending levels and tax rates
more significantly in the formula, in recognition of differences
in regional costs.
The 1993-94 formula changes,
however, did not initially result in a significant redistribution
of aid and they have never been fully funded. The formula changes
were accompanied by a "transition adjustment" covering
nine formulas and providing both save-harmless protection against
losses in aid and also limits or caps in aid increases. The transition
adjustment has also been referred to as a "collar" because
it can both govern increases and prevent (or limit) decreases.
The caps in aid increases were
helpful in achieving the 1993-94 reforms, as the State could not
have afforded immediate implementation of the new formula. It should
be noted, however, that the reinstatement of caps in formula aid
reversed a reform accomplished in the previous decade. Increases
in operating aid were routinely capped in the 1980's. The caps limited
equalization by preventing lower-wealth districts from receiving
their full formula aid and their elimination was a considerable
In the 1993-94 school year,
the first year of the revised formula, the increases were limited
to 3 percent, with a further adjustment for enrollment growth. The
major formula changes therefore had little effect, and for most
school districts aid was determined by the transition adjustment;
they either got the growth adjusted 3 percent increase or no change
in aid. The underlying formula changes had the potential to dramatically
redistribute funding, but did not do so initially.
In 1994-95, fueled by a budget
surplus, a $550 million increase in school aid was provided and
the transition cap was loosened to allow aid increases of up to
6.85 percent. The changes allowed the formula to operate more freely
and improved equalization under the aid formula. This movement forward
in equalization, however, came to a halt with the 1995-96 budget
and its freeze of the aid formulas.
To complete the phase-in of
the 1993-94 formula reforms in 1995-96 would have required about
$500 million beyond what was allocated, on a school year basis.
(A precise, objective estimate of what full funding would cost is
prevented by interim formula changes, including new lags built into
the aid calculation.)
The combination of the deficit
reduction assessments and the 1993-94 reforms (to the extent they
have been allowed to phase in) has been to produce a more equalized
aid distribution. The chart at left graphically portrays this improvement.
For school districts in the first three (highest wealth) deciles,
state aid per pupil has been reduced since 1989-90. For districts
above those wealth levels aid has been increased, most dramatically
for districts in the lower wealth deciles.
Note: for comparability purposes,
the data in this chart represent computerized aid per total aidable
pupil unit and thus do not match the data for 1995-96 state aid
per enrolled pupil shown earlier.
Spending Disparity
A central tenet in the case
for reform is that the spending disparities among school districts,
largely driven by wealth, are simply too great. There is, however,
no generally accepted single method of measuring the disparity.
A variety of statistical approaches are possible, ranging from complex
correlation procedures to simply comparing the highest spending
district to the lowest. Despite these problems, it is important
to consider the broad trends in spending variations.
The State Education Department
annually publishes statistics on school district spending showing
the variances among districts on a per pupil basis. Included in
their statistics is the difference between districts at the 10th
and 90th percentiles of spending. As this difference in spending
expressed in a dollar amount would increase over time with inflation,
even with no real change in the level of disparity, their statistics
include the difference shown as a percentage of the spending level
at the 10th percentile.
of School District Spending
Source: State Education Department,
"Analysis of School Finances in New York State School Districts,
1992-93. *Data for 1993-94 and 1994-95 are preliminary, based upon
State Education Department data provided to the Comptroller's Office
and analyzed for this report.
The data indicate a widening disparity since 1974-75, the year the Levittowncase was brought. However, a reduction in the spending disparity has occurred since the mid-1980's. It is interesting to note that the expenditure disparities were widening in the first half of the 1980's during a period when state aid was being greatly increased and the aggregate state share of expenditures was generally increasing. As noted earlier, this was also a period during which a great number of categorical aids were added, the distribution of which was, to certain extent, disequalizing.
More recent data from the Education
Department, not yet summarized in their publications, suggests that
the pattern of slightly decreased expenditure variations is continuing.
Data available for the 1993-94 and 1994-95 school years, although
preliminary, shows the relative variation in school district spending
between the 10th and 90th percentiles to have dropped below 100
percent. Other statistical measurements show similar results. This
reduction in the expenditure variations since the late 1980's may
be caused in part by the improved equalization in the aid distribution.
An analysis of changes in average spending levels among school districts
grouped by wealth tends to support such a theory.
The chart to the right shows
that, on average, lower-wealth districts per-pupil expenditures
have increased by a higher percentage than those of higher-wealth
school districts during the periodfrom 1991-92 to 1994-95. Data
for 1994-95 is still preliminary, however, and caution should be
used in interpreting these statistics. Nonetheless, it appears that
slight reductions in wealth-related spending disparities have occurred.
It is important to note that these figures are based on the formula
distribution and district expenditure changesbefore the
current school year, when a modified freeze of aid was enacted.
That freeze may have eroded the apparent recent improvements in
School Aid Provisions
in the 1995-96 Budget
The "modified freeze"
of the school aid formulas in this year's budget reduced equity
in the finance system.
Failing to address equity in
the state aid distribution, even in a single year, may be thought
of as standing still. However, as local school districts face growing
expenses, the poorer districts are less able to address these needs.
Stasis in the aid distribution as expenses grow therefore has the
effect of actually reducing equity.
Most school aid formulas were
frozen for the 1995-96 school year, with the exceptions being changes
allowed in several expense-driven formulas, adjustments for districts
with growing enrollments and other changes in various grant programs.
The freeze of the formulas undercut the corrective distribution
originally intended. Aid increases went to districts with increasing
enrollments or growing expenses in certain areas, and thus were
not in any way targeted to equity or wealth-related need.
In fact, the results of the
modified freeze have been somewhat perverse: higher-wealth and
higher-spending districts have done proportionately better than
lower-wealth, lower-spending districts. This situation is shown
in the two charts on the following page. When ranked by both wealth
and spending, the highest-wealth and highest-spending districts
received the largest percentage increase in aid. This step backwards
in equity is of particular concern given that a court challenge
to the educational finance system is under way.
This year's enacted budget
increased school aid by $68 million in the 1995-96 school year,
an increase of just slightly over one-half of one percent. In comparison,
the average annual increase in school aid over the previous ten
years has been six percent.
The 1995-96 school year aid
increase is also far below what the previous year's statutory formulas
would have provided. This situation results in large part because
the changes made several years ago in the school aid formulas are
still phasing in through the transition adjustment. Many needy districts
would have had significant increases in the 1995-96 school year
if the school aid statutes had not been altered in the budget legislation.
In 1995-96, the transition
adjustment simply freezes aid: no district is allowed either an
increase or a decrease. If school districts had been capped at a
6.85 percent increase level, as in the previous year, 297 districts
would have benefited, receiving an aggregate increase of $184 million.
The save-harmless protection in the transition adjustment results
in payments of $160 million in 1995-96 to districts that otherwise
would have lost aid under the formulas; note that this is roughly
equivalent to the increase that would have been received under last
year's cap.
In essence, the modified freeze
of the formulas enacted with this year's budget took the path of
least resistance. Both the Executive Budget and the legislatively
enacted version failed completely to address the equity issue. This
result, however, was a policy choice. Freezing the status quo is
not the only possible response to living within limited resources.
It would have been possible,
for example, to loosen the transition adjustment provisions and
let the formula operate more freely. If other adjustments were made
in the formula, this could have been accomplished without additional
resources. The distribution of aid would have been more equalized,
and the school districts at the highest levels of wealth and spending
would not have received the highest relative increases.
for Reform
There are essentially four
major alternatives to pursue statewide school finance reform:
These options are listed separately
in simplified fashion for discussion purposes, although in reality
there are countless variations and mixtures of these basic approaches.
The first two options deal only with changing the distribution of
state aid; the latter two represent structural changes.
On a case-by-case basis, school
district consolidations and shared services ventures represent yet
another approach for achieving enhanced efficiency and tax base
broadening. They are not discussed here, however, as they do not
represent a statewide solution.
The first option, significantly
increasing state aid to provide infusions of new funds for low-wealth,
low-spending or otherwise overburdened districts has been the favored
approach over time among advocacy groups. Of course, even within
this general approach, there is the question of how to distribute
the additional aid (who gets how much). In fact, even when massive
increases in aid are contemplated, it is very difficult to obtain
consensus on a single formula approach.
But a large-scale increase
is impractical from a state fiscal perspective at the current time.
The only way such a change would be possible is through a corresponding
increase in some state revenue source -- an unlikely event given
the current emphasis on state-level tax cuts.
Governor Carey in 1982 proposed
a large increase in school aid funded through a one percent increase
in the sales tax, but even under the threat of the then-pending
Levittown case, his proposal was resoundingly rejected.
As part of the recent school
finance reforms in Michigan, however, the state sales tax was increased
from 4 to 6 percent, with the revenues earmarked for education.
The reliance on local property taxes was dramatically reduced, although
not eliminated, and the state's share of education expenditures
was increased to 80 percent. The Michigan reforms also included
a series of local revenue limitations. In New York State, however,
the combined state and local sales tax rate is already considered
to be a problem in terms of interstate competitiveness. An increase
in the sales tax may therefore not be a viable alternative here.
It should also be noted that Michigan's education aid is partially
funded through a state property tax.
Redistribution -- increases
for low-wealth, high-need districts funded by reductions in aid
for relatively better off districts -- is certainly fiscally
feasible, but it has proved to be politically infeasible over time.
The objections to reducing school aid for any district or group
of districts are simply too strong.
Executive Budget proposals
(prior to this year) have most often included some degree of redistribution,
as have Regents proposals, but most such proposals have not been
accepted by the Legislature. Repeated calls for redistribution during
the Levittown period were ignored, even when it was widely
believed that the State would probably lose the case. The only time
aid has been significantly cut for any district was during the extreme
fiscal difficulties in the early 1990's through the deficit reduction
assessments (DRA's). These reductions were widespread and were in
response to a fiscal crisis -- they were not used to provide increases
for other districts.
Beyond legislative achievability,
there are other reasons for avoiding dramatic redistribution. Both
the school aid formula and the data that feed into it are flawed
and imprecise. The measurement of wealth and the formula mechanics
have changed significantly over the years and removing aid on the
basis of any one year's specific formula does not necessarily carry
the strength of an absolute and compelling rationale behind it.
It must also be acknowledged
that there are many different ways of redistributing aid
(really, an infinite number). Each constituency -- suburban districts,
rural districts, small cities, big cities, property-rich, property-poor,
high-cost, low-cost, etc. -- naturally favors redistributional methods
that are advantageous to it. The difficulty in gaining consensus
on a redistributional aid plan is even greater than for leveling
Partly because of the practical difficulties involved in achieving a straightforward redistribution of aid, proposals for fundamental systemic change have gained in popularity lately. Although they may involve an even more dramatic redistribution of resources, often the redistributive impact is unknown or is less apparent.
Alternative Local
Revenue Sources
Providing new methods for school
districts to raise revenues locally is another approach to reform,
although this approach is aimed more at reducing reliance on the
property tax than toward reducing wealth-driven disparities in spending.
These proposals have gained in popularity recently, in part because
frustration with the property tax has become so great.
Local income taxes and sales
taxes are most frequently mentioned as potentials and proposals
often include a required reduction, freeze or elimination of existing
local property taxes. They may also include a redistribution component,
either by broadening the base for the new revenues beyond school
district boundaries or by changing the distribution of state aid
in concert with change in the tax base.
Among the issues to consider
are whether a new tax should supplement or replace (either partially
or completely) the local property tax for schools, whether the rate
should be set locally or statewide, and how the tax should be imposed
and administered. The programs can also be structured to be voluntary
for school districts and/or their voters.
New local revenue options dramatically
shift the proportions of tax burden carried by individuals and businesses
as well as among taxpayers within a class. But the redistributional
impact usually cannot be estimated precisely. In some ways, the
redistribution may be less visible than a change in state aid formulas,
where it is shown on a computer run as a gain or loss for each district.
Governor Cuomo proposed in
1993 that local school districts have the option of imposing an
income tax surcharge, either individually or together with other
school districts within a county. The Regents have also recently
published a study on the substitution of local income taxes for
property taxes. Other, less dramatic options in this category exist,
such as allowing non-city school districts to levy consumer utility
taxes, as city school districts now can.
It is important to consider
the administrative feasibility of new local revenue options. Income
and sales tax collections, for example, are quite volatile compared
to local property taxes. While the local property tax base changes
from year to year, it tends to change less dramatically than can
occur in the income or sales tax bases. The property tax base is
also essentially known before a rate is set, and so school districts
can reliably predict the revenues that they will receive; this is
not the case with income or sales taxes.
Changing the manner of raising
local revenues may also have dramatic economic development impacts,
both locally and statewide. It is questionable, for example, whether
it would be advantageous to have a variety of local income tax practices
(or, at least, rates) in areas all across the state. It also seems
counterproductive to cut state income taxes and at the same time
allow them to be raised locally.
It is also difficult to achieve
popular approval for a new local revenue source. These proposals
are often viewed negatively as a "new tax" even when the
intent is to substitute a new revenue source for existing property
tax revenues.
But perhaps the most important
criticism, in the context of this discussion, is that switching
to a new local tax base for schools will not necessarily reduce
disparities in fiscal capacity and spending and may even worsen
them. Income wealth, like property wealth, is unequally distributed
among school districts, and the sales tax introduces even more complexities
and potential inequities. Unless combined with a base-broadening
approach or a redistribution of state aid, providing new revenue
sources will not solve the equity problem.
Property Tax Revenues
Sharing property taxes represents
a way of broadening the tax base for education without expanding
the state share of funding or resorting to new local revenue sources.
There have been a number of
proposals over the years to share property taxes regionally or statewide.
These proposals have ranged from full state funding through a uniform
statewide property tax to sharing a small tax (one or two mills)
among all school districts within a region. Governor Cuomo's Moreland
Act Commission recommended that nonresidential property taxes be
shared regionally and the Regents have recently issued studies on
regional tax base options.
The redistribution of existing
local revenues, however, carries with it all the problems of redistributing
state aid and is in some ways even more difficult to achieve --
it can be perceived as a more invasive redistribution, taking money
directly out of local coffers to send it elsewhere.
But the advantage of redistributing
property taxes is that equity can be dramatically improved without
additional state funds. Additionally, often the tax rates are very
low in high-wealth districts because in such districts a high level
of spending can be supported with only a low rate -- a regional
or statewide property tax therefore taps underutilized resources
and helps to equalize tax effort.
Many options and levels of
redistribution are possible within an expanded tax base approach.
It would be possible, for example, to institute a uniform statewide
property tax at the current average rate that would provide a uniform
statewide basic expenditure level for all districts. Property-poor
districts which currently cannot support even an average level of
spending with an above-average tax rate would be greatly assisted.
Local control could be maintained by allowing districts to levy
an additional tax within the district if increased spending were
desired. This approach could be adapted to a regional model, where
regional average tax rates and spending were applied; this would
account for the wide variations existing regionally in average spending
and wealth levels. Any tax base sharing plan could also be implemented
on a reduced level, to accommodate a less dramatic redistribution
or a phase-in period. The sharing of even a small proportion of
current property tax levels would greatly improve equity.
It should be noted, however,
that although broadening the tax base almost by definition results
in a more equalized distribution of resources, certain options in
this class may not be equalizing. For example, the sharing of nonresidential
property taxes among districts can redistribute resources from more
urbanized lower-income areas to wealthier bedroom suburbs, where
commercial development may be intentionally kept out. The Regents
study paper on this topic demonstrated that the sharing of nonresidential
property taxes, unless accompanied by a highly equalized redistribution
of aid, would increase variations in spending.
School finance reform has been
a topic of some controversy in New York State almost continuously
since the 1960's. A series of special commissions, task forces and
other groups have taken up the issue and produced voluminous reports.
And yet, there is still no consensus over basic issues.
It is also clear that the State
as a whole has been unwilling to redistribute resources, even during
periods of relative fiscal abundance. And several decades of studies
have shown that there is no overlooked formula change or "magic
bullet" which can remove the necessity of making hard choices
-- real reform cannot be achieved without them.
The current dialogue in school
finance reform is taking place in an environment where it is obvious
that large-scale state aid increases will not be possible. It may
also be true that no increases or, perhaps, big decreases
will be necessary in order to fund the growing impact of state-level
tax cuts. This is, in fact, one of the critical issues which should
have been better evaluated as this year's multiyear tax changes
were discussed, but which was not because of the lack of real long-term
planning in the budget process.
If a large increase is impossible
and consensus cannot be reached on a significant reallocation of
state resources, then other changes to the system must be considered.
Frustration with the current system, however, should not be allowed
to force unwise policy decisions that do not solve the existing
problems or create even greater new problems.
Despite the difficulties in changing the system and the State's current financial condition, the problem should not be ignored, as it was in this year's budget. To do so would not only be devastating to the lower-wealth districts, it may also create several long-term financial risks. The State's long-term economic prospects are closely linked to the performance of its educational system as a whole, including areas in need of additional resources. And the current court case on school finances raises equity issues which should be addressed in any event, but if the case were to result in a court-ordered solution, it is quite possible that such a solution would be fiscally devastating to the State, as has happened elsewhere. Increasing equity in advance of any court decision would help to lessen this risk.
-- Statistical Supplement
This appendix presents two
tables with school district data. The first table, "Background
School District Data," lists most of the data that is summarized
in charts presented in this report. Data elements are presented
for districts grouped by wealth and spending, as well as statewide
totals; a short description of each data element is also included.
The second table, "School District Profiles: Region and Type Categories," is intended to provide a basic statistical background on various groups of school districts. The data is provided for groups of school districts used by the State Education Department, including divisions by type (large city, small city, suburban, rural) and by geographic division (upstate, downstate). This data describes some of the basic differences in wealth, spending and other factors for districts across the state.
This report was designed to
provide a basic discussion of school aid finance issues
and alternatives, and as such, it has left out a great deal of detail.
A number of studies and annual publications are available for those
interested in this topic in greater detail, including the following:
Study on the Generation
of Revenues for Education, Final Report, New York State Board
of Regents (February, 1995): The final product of the Board of Regents
Study Group on the Generation of Revenues for Education. It includes
a variety of papers on property tax issues and on alternatives for
revenue generation and a summary of the policy options available.
Analysis of School Finances
in New York State School Districts 1992-93, State Education
Department (November, 1994): An annual report presenting trend data
on school finances.
Sixth Annual School District
Fiscal Profile Report, 1988-89 -- 1992-93 School Years, State
Education Department (June, 1995): An annual report presenting statistical
data on school districts by region and type.
State Formula Aids and
Entitlements for Schools in New York State 1994-95, State Education
Department (July, 1994): An annual report describing the various
types of state aid available to school districts, including an algebraic
description of the formulas.
Putting Children First,
New York State Special Commission on Educational Structure, Policies
and Practices (December, 1993): The report (in four volumes) of
Governor Cuomo's Moreland Act Commission; includes recommendations
and background research papers.
Funding for Fairness, The New York State Temporary State Commission on the Distribution of State Aid to Local School Districts (December 1988): Report of the "Salerno Commission," with recommendations for reform of the school aid formulas, many of which were reflected in the 1993-94 formula changes.


text:
Occupations, German - English Word List, compiled by Laraine Ferguson (4:1:9).
This section by Larry O. Jensen features copies of manuscript documents written in Germanic script, transcribed and translated. Brief description of the record type are included. (Some records in this section have been indexed by subject or locality).
Early Ohio Settlers, Purchasers of Land in East and East Central Ohio, 1800-1840 by Ellen Thomas and David A. Berry (5:4:149).
Early Ohio Settlers: Purchasers of Land in Southwestern Ohio, 1800-1840 by Ellen Thomas and David A. Berry, (2:3:142).
German Chronicle in the History of the Ohio Valley and its Capital City Cincinnati in Particular by Emil Klauprecht, edited by Don Heinrich Tolzman, book review, (9:1:24).
Hamilton County, Ohio Burial Records, notice, (8:3:108).
Index of Death and Other Notices Appearing in the Cincinnati Freie Presse 1874-1920 by Jeffrey G. Herbert, (9:3:100).
Ohio Cemetery Records Extracted from the Old Northwest Genealogical Quarterly by Elizabeth P. Bentley, book review, (5:2:62).
Ohio Valley German Biographical Index by Don Heinrich Tolzmann, book review, (8:3:104).
The Poles in Oklahoma by Richard M. Bernard, (6:2:72).
Achtelsbach 1848 Marriage Record (3:3:142).
Dorfsippenbücher and Ortssippenbücher, (7:2:43).
Emigration from Oldenburg (2:1)
Malente 1681 marriage records, handwriting example, (4:2:75).
Oldenburg periodicals listed in German Genealogical Periodicals, (9:2:46).
Oldenburg, Short and Unprinted Testaments 1483-1600, surname list (3:4:203).
OSTFRIESLAND (See also Hannover).
Naming Practices, (12:3:70).
Bartenstein City, Citizenship Record 1497-1533, (2:2:96).
Bibliography of the Publications of the Association for Family Research in East and West Prussia, new book notice, (5:2:71).
Bucherei des deutschen Ostens Bestandskatalog (The Library of German Eastern Europe), Vol. 1 Ostpreussen, book review, (1:2:147).
Drygallen Residents in the 1740s, (2:3:156).
German Emigration, Immigration, Migration, (2:1:4)
Lamgarben 1778 marriage record, handwriting example, (3:4:201).
Mohrungen in Questions and Answers, (2:1:24).
Oath of Allegiance or fealty, book notice, (9:1:27).
Ostpreussen periodicals in German Genealogical Periodicals, (9:2:46).
Publishing of Land and Testament Records, Salzburgers in Ostpreussen 1732-1776, surname list, (3:3:144).
Rogehnen, 1648 marriage records, handwriting example, (4:3:114).
PALATINE see PFALZ
United States Passport files, new microfilm (5:4:153).
Ahnenlistenumlauf - Circulating German Ancestor Lists. How to use this pedigree collection on microfilm, (11:3:70).
More Pedigree Collections by Dorothy L. Behling, (3:2:74).
Die Ahnenstammkartei des Deutschen Volkes, Pedigree Collection from Leipzig, Germany by Laraine K. Ferguson and Larry O. Jensen (9:4:110).
Pedigrees of Some of the Emperor Charlemagne's Descendants by Marcellus Donald Alexander R. von Redlich, book review, (2:4:202).
Architecture of the Pennsylvania Dutch Country 1700-1900 by Henry J. Kauffman, book review, (8:4:136).
Colonial Pennsylvania, A History by Joseph E. Illick, book review, (3:2:79).
Genealogical Society of Pennsylvania, filming, (6:2:69).
Genealogical Data Relating to the German Settlers of Pennsylvania and Adjacent Territory from Advertisements in German Newspapers Published in Philadelphia and Germantown by Edward W. Hocker, book review, (5:2:60).
Index to Pennsylvania's Colonial Records Series by Dr. Mary Dunn, book review, (8:1:25).
Pennsylvania German Immigrants, 1709-1786 by Don Yoder, book review, (1:4:247).
Pennsylvania German Pioneers by Ralph B. Strassburger and William John, Hinke, ed., book review, 2 vols. (8:1:25).
Pennsylvania Newspapers Index, notice, (9:1:25).
Problems and Resources in Pennsylvania German Genealogical Research, by Don Yoder. in Genealogisches Jahrbuch 13 (1973), review, (2:1:28).
Swiss and German Pioneer Settlers of Southeastern Pennsylvania by H. Frank Eshleman, book review, (7:1:22).
Tracing an Early Tritt Pennsylvania Ancestor to European Homes in Alsace, Germany, and Switzerland by Harold M. Hegyessy, Jr., (4:2:46).
Articles appearing in German Periodicals, (3:4:193).
Bibliography of Genealogy and Local History Periodicals with Union List of Major U.S. Collections by Michael Barren Clegg, book review, (7:3:92).
Bush Meeting Dutch, newsletter of the former Evangelical United Brethren Church, (4:4:150).
Der Schl�ssel, book review, (3:2:78).
Genealogical Helper Index (1971-1990), (6:2:70).
Genealogical Periodical Annual Index by Leslie K. Towle, book review, (8:2:59).
German Genealogical Periodicals by Laraine K. Ferguson, Part 1: Value and Content, (7:3:78); Part 2: - A List of Foreign Language Titles Keyed to Areas of Interest, (9:2:45-62).
Index to articles appearing in Saarl�ndische Familienkunde, Vols. 1-3, issues 1-11, (5:4:154).
Locating a Surname, Locality or Topic in German Genealogical Periodicals, by Laraine K. Ferguson (9:2:38).
Periodical Source Index (PERSI), (6:1:35); book notice, (9:3:104).
Articles appearing in Pfälzisch Rheinische Familienkunde, 1952-1957, (5:2:73).
Auswanderungen aus Rheinpfalz und Saarland im 18. Jahrhundert by Werner Hacker (Emigration from Rhine-Palatinate and Saarland in the 18th Century), book review, (4:2:70).
Dorfsippenbücher and Ortssippenbücher, (7:2:43).
Frankweiler Calvinist Parish, surnames taken from birth, marriage and deaths 1683-1800, (3:2:89).
German Emigration, Immigration, Migration, (2:1:4)
History of the Palatinate, by Larry O Jensen, (6:2:42).
Kurpfälzische Auswanderer vom Unteren Neckar by Werner Hacker, book review, (1:1:62).
List of periodicals in German Genealogical Periodicals, (9:2:46).
Palatine in Questions and Answers, (2:2:78).
Palatines to America Library, new address, (9:2:69).
Pfalz Records in Print compiled by Larry O. Jensen, Part 1 (8:2:50); Part 2 (8:3:90); Part 3 (8:4:126); Part 4 (9:1:20).
Pf�lzer-Palatines, Beitr�ge zur Pf�lzischen ein- und Auswanderung sowie zur Volkskunde und Mundartforschung der Pfalz und der Ziell�nder Pf�lzischer Auswanderer im 18. und 19. Jahrhundert, (Palatinate emigration and immigration, social studies and dialects in the 18th and 19th centuries), book review, (4:3:105).
Vor 200 Jahren aus der Pfalz nach Galizien und in die Bukowina (The emigration from the Palatinate to Galicia and Bukovina Two Hundred Years ago, book review, (4:3:105).
(See also former German areas now in Poland: Brandenburg, Ostpreussen, Schlesien, Pommern, Posen, Westpreussen).
Einf�hrung in die deutsche Sippenforschung in Polen und dem preussischen Osten (Introduction to German Ancestral Research in Poland and the Prussian East) by Alfred Lattermann, book review, (3:4:193).
German Genealogical Periodicals, (9:2:46).
Journey to Ancestral Homes in Poland by Sonja Hoeke-Nishimoto, (9:1:2).
Korzenie Polskie - Polish Roots by Rosemary A. Chorzempa, book review, (9:2:67).
Poland Genealogical Word List by Daniel Schlyter, (5:2:49).
Polish Genealogical Letter-Writing Guide, (2:3:125).
Polish Parish Records of the Roman Catholic Church, Their Use and Understanding in Genealogical Research by Gerald A. Ortell, book review, (5:3:104).
Polish Surname Directory (Hartig), book notice, (9:1:27).
Research Trip to Poland, by Clarence W. Bittner, (5:2:46)
Tracing Germans to Southeast Europe, (7:3:84).
Tracing Your Polish Roots by Maralyn A. Wellauer, book review, (7:3:92).
Wandering Volhynians, A Magazine for the Descendants of Germans from Volhynia and Poland, edited by Ewald Wuschke, review, (6:4:145).
Where to Look for Hard-to-Find German-Speaking Ancestors in Eastern Europe, Index to 16,372 Surnames, compiled by Bruce Brandt, book review, (8:3:103); 2nd edition (9:4:132).
Writing to Poland for German Genealogical Records, (2:3:123).
POMMERN (Pomerania)
Baltic Teutons: Pioneers of America's Frontier by Myron E. Grünwald, (5:1:35).
Bucherei des deutschen Ostens Bestandskatalog (The Library of German Eastern Europe), Vol. 1 Pommern, book review, (1:2:147).
Church and Civil Records in Pommern by Laraine K. Ferguson, A-E (2:4:173); F-G (3:1:29); H-J (3:2:93); K (3:3:151); L (3:4:210); M (4:1:28); N (4:2:77); P (4:3:120); R (4:4:157); S (5:1:29); S (5:2:67); T (7:1:31).
Church Records of Pommern - Buckowin, Lauenburg District by Laraine K. Ferguson (8:4:125).
Demmin City, Residents in 1719, (2:2:96).
Ehlert family in Gross Gustkow bei Bütow, in Questions and Answers, (4:1:20).
Families from Mecklenburg and Vorpommern, new book notice (8:2:55).
German Emigration, Immigration, Migration, (2:1:4)
Lauenburg District. Gazetteer and Research Sources. List of parishes, records available in the Family History Library on microfilm, maps of distsrict, (11:4:114).
Maps of Pommern Districts, 1871, and Polish districts (2:4:175).
Marriage Records of Pomerania. List of parishes indexed in new book series by Franz Schubert. (10:2:60).
New Citizens of Tribsees, name lists with places of origin, (7:3:103).
Poland Research Trip 1990, (K�slin) by Irma Wiese Whipple, (6:4:132).
Pommern Immigration and Emigration by Larry O. Jensen, (2:1:15).
Pommern Families Traces in Deutsches Geschlechterbücher, (surname list), compiled by Laraine Ferguson, (5:3:100).
Pommern in Print, Part 1 (2:3:114); Part 2 (2:4:190).
Pommern periodicals listed in German Genealogical Periodicals, (9:2:46).
Pommern, the Land by the Sea by Myron E. Gruenwald, Part 1 (2:2:59); Part 2 (2:3:129); Part 3 (2:4:185).
Pommern, recent articles, name list included, (4:3:122).
Samtens, 1644 marriage record, handwriting example, (4:3:111).
Sedina Archiv, periodical for researchers with ancestry in Pommern, (4:3:122).
Stargard, Cloth Makers and Wool Weavers, 1636-1838, (2:3:156).
Stettin, Pommern, Marriage Index, 1877, Civil Registration District I (names lists include year of birth and birthplace) compiled by Laraine K. Ferguson, (6:1:16); (6:2:56); (6:4:150); (9:4:134) (12:2:56).
Zinzelitz records in Questions and Answers (2:2:77).
POOR and HOSPITAL RECORDS
Poor and Hospital Records by Larry O. Jensen, (8:2:48).
PORTRAITS and PHOTOGRAPHS
If I Only Had a Photograph, the Development of German Regional Costume by Dr. Mignon Perry, (7:1:7).
Birnbaum - Jewish People's Book (9:1:18).
Bromberg - Jewish Birth Register, (9:1:19).
Einführung in die deutsche Sippenforschung in Polen und dem preussischen Osten (Introduction to German Ancestral Research in Poland and the Prussian East) by Alfred Lattermann, book review, (3:4:193).
German Emigration, Immigration, Migration, (2:1:4)
German Genealogical Periodicals, (9:2:47).
Parish Register Headings, births and christenings, (6:2:64).
Parish Register Headings, Marriage Records: German/English/Polish (6:3:106).
Posen marriage records, 1597 handwriting example, (5:2:65).
Rawitsch Geburtsbriefe (Letters of Birth, 1661-1666, (2:2:96).
Zabarowo 1709 marriage records, (4:1:25).
(See also various provinces of Prussia: Brandenburg, Hannover, Hessen-Nassau, Hohenzollern, Ostpreussen, Pommern, Posen, Rheinland, Sachsen, Schlesien, Schleswig-Holstein, Westfalen, Westpreussen).
The Atlantic Bridge to Germany, Vol. VIII, Prussia by Charles M. Hall, (9:4:131).


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A storm has seized the streets of Brooklyn. Vanderbilt Avenue through Prospect Heights is a ghost town—windows shutter and awnings snap in the epic gusts. But Walter Martin, bassist and organist of the band The Walkmen, lights into a quiet coffee shop the very picture of serenity. His waxed-cotton biker jacket shows hardly a drop of the beating rain outside and his bemused expression less still of the prevailing chill and chaos without.
"It's crazy out there," he says, briefly acknowledging the howling outside the room before shrugging it off, so much water off his back. As we chat I am to discover that this aplomb is no accident or put-on—indeed, Martin seems to handle the metaphorical maelstrom of recording an album too with similar savoir-faire.
Even as the accolades for 2008's You & Me were pouring over them (The album garnered 4 and 5 stars from just about everyone and NPR named the single "Canadian Girl" among its top ten tracks of the year), The Walkmen had already begun writing and recording an as yet untitled follow up. "We always just start right away after we finish an album," Martin says. "Our last album came out a year and a half ago and we started writing immediately then and now we have twenty-five songs total—maybe fifteen of them recorded." Free of any label-imposed deadline the band were able to use their touring over the last year to weed and refine the new work. "You can really get a feel for what works and what doesn't," Martin says of audience response to live shows. "So some of the songs survived, some were completely tossed and some were reworked."
Though they set the bar exceptionally high with You & Me and fans' expectations for the new album are roughly stratospheric, Martin thinks they've got it easy this go-round. "We felt a ton of pressure on the last one. Before that—the record we put out before that (2006's A Hundred Miles Off)—I don't think anyone really liked, so we felt like we had to prove ourselves. We sort of bought ourselves a pass with [You & Me], by putting out a solid one. Now we just want to do two solid albums in a row."
Though they've known one another since forever—all five members of The Walkmen grew up within shouting distance of one another (give or take) in Washington D.C., and lead singer Hamilton Leithauser is Martin's first cousin—they were not always the band we see before us today. Until the late 90s Martin, drummer Matt Barrick and guitarist Paul Maroon were in the band Jonathan Fire*Eater, while Leithauser and bassist Peter Bauer played in The Recoys. And even after the dissolution of those acts The Walkmen were not yet a sure thing. "After that happened," Martin says of the break-ups, "we all went back to college. But then finally we came back and built our studio uptown—in Harlem where we were all living at the time—as like a pact to stick with it." United in their studio, which they called Marcata, they recorded their breakthrough album Bows + Arrows which, due in large part to the hugely successful single, "The Rat," a song full of their now signature jangly, softly diffuse sound, vaulted them into mainstream consciousness.
Around this time Barrick, Maroon and Bauer moved to Philly while Martin and Leithauser remained in New York. Martin half-heartedly blames the growing pains of this new spatial schism for the band's struggles with A Hundred Miles Off ("We weren't very organized") but says they got it figured out on You & Me and explains how: "We're down in Philly a lot. We have a rehearsal space there and one up here so we go back and forth. We all record tidbits of music all week and then email little mp3s to each other—it's a really dorky way to do it but I imagine everyone is doing it that way now." And, on the band's make-up: "It's very much a little family. There isn't much bickering about who has to go to which city on what date. We all know what has to happen and it is all very agreeable."
The band hope to turn in the new album in two months before kicking off another tour at All Tomorrow's Parties Festival put together by Pavement in London in May. But even as they enter the final stages of mixing, editing and sequencing of the tracks—which he acknowledges elicits the most tempestuous interactions among the band members—Martin remains unruffled. "I've been playing in a band with (drummer) Matt and (guitarist) Paul since we were in the seventh grade. That's a long time. That's like 25 years now. We're really old friends. The strongest opinions come out when we're deciding which song goes where on a record—it's the only time we get heated. But I think everyone understands at this point how easy it is make little band disagreements go away."
And with that Martin dons his hat and coat and heads back to work, back once more into the storm.
The Walkmen are (from left) singer Hamilton Leithauser, Peter Bauer, Martin, Matt Barrick and Paul Maroon.


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The Music Man
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Four Seasons Chamber Orchestra
4102 Barr Circle
Tucker, Ga 30084
Email contact
The Four Seasons Chamber Orchestra is a friendly, relaxed organization where musicians of all ages and levels of ability can come together to share their love of music. It provides an opportunity for them to develop their skills in a supportive, non-competitive environment. We invite people who play violin, viola, cello, or bass to join us in music making.
· Experience music in a stress-free, supportive atmosphere.
· Gain experience in ensemble playing.
· Participate in chamber music opportunities.
Each orchestra member must
· provide his/her own instrument.
· pay a membership fee each semester.
· commit to regular attendance.
Rehearsals for The Four Seasons Chamber Orchestra are held from 2-4 PM on Saturday afternoons Dr. Tepping's music studio in Tucker, GA. The Four Seasons Cadet Orchestra meets from 3-4 PM on Sunday afternoons at Mrs. Farnham's home in Atlanta. The first rehearsals for Spring 2012 semester will be on Saturday, January 7, and Sunday, January 8.
The Four Seasons Chamber Orchestra gives a formal concert at the end of each semester. In previous years the orchestra has performed Vivaldi's Gloria, Schubert's Mass in G, and Handel's Messiah. In 2009 our Spring concert included the first movement of Bach's Brandenburg Concerto III, and the premiers of two works by student composers. We wound up 2010 with a concert of all American music, including Aaron Copland's "Hoedown."
Susan Tepping is a violinist, violist, theorist and composer. A retired professor of music theory and composition at Georgia State University, she teaches theory, composition and strings privately. Dr. Tepping previously taught secondary school orchestra in Maryland, where she was the founding Director of the Prince George's Chamber Music Association and Director of the Central Youth Orchestra.
Lynn Farnham is a violist who teaches strings in the Atlanta Public Schools and in her private studio as well. She has been a member of the Atlanta Emory Orchestra, the Cobb Community Orchestra, and The Young Baroque Players of Emory University.
Ben Bedont is a graduate of the University of Georgia, where he received a degree in viola performance. Participating in various orchestral and chamber music activities in the Atlanta area, he teaches violin and viola privately.
For further information, contact
Dr. Susan Tepping at 770-934-5688, firstname.lastname@example.com
Mrs. Lynn Farnham at 404-377-6310, firstname.lastname@example.com
· Individual membership $75 each semester.
· Family membership $125 each semester for two or more members of the same family.
· A one-time deposit of $25 per player is required to cover the cost of the orchestra folder.
The Four Seasons Chamber Orchestra, Inc. is a non-profit organization, staffed entirely by volunteers. The membership fee covers the purchase of music and other supplies necessary to run the organization.
Financial aid is available for those who are unable to pay the membership fee. Membership scholarships for youth members are also available. Contact Dr. Tepping or Mrs. Farnham for information on how to apply.
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The Indiana wrestling team finished 1-4 at the Blairsville dual meet tournament, beating West Shamokin 38-24 while losing to United 40-23, Blairsville 60-15, Glendale 54-27, and Central Cambria 49-22. Outstanding Indiana performers included Joe Long at 126 pounds and heavyweight Kyle Nothnegel, who both went 5-0. Going 3-2 on the day were Ben Turner at 120; Lucas Kline at 160; and Trent Orr at 182. Indiana's next match is Wednesday at home against Penn Trafford.
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Tiger Woods bashers have to prepare themselves for something. It's not going to be a long time before he's winning and winning the big tournaments.
Actually, by the end of the week, he will have recorded his third win of 2012 and first major since 2008. The situation is right for Tiger to come out victorious in San Francisco.
Best of all for him, there are plenty of reasons for that.


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Principal Christine Shaw
Reynolds, in Harding, Blake and Reynolds (1993), describes in detail the thinking behind his first Great Roundhouse project and used in the construction of the best available interpretation of the structure of the Pimperne House in Dorset, UK. This was undertaken in part of the grounds of The Queen Elizabeth Country Park, South of Petersfield in Hampshire, UK and in the shadow of Butser Hill, where his first work on Iron Age farming began.
Work on the Pimperne House began in 1976. The house was finally dismantled in September 1990. The lessons from the construction stage have been summarised on a previous page.
This page deals with lessons from the dismantling stage and which were also described in Harding et al. It should be noted that the particular discoveries made when excavating the post holes left behind when the uprights were removed, led to the specific hypotheses and conclusions reported in the lecture and subsequent publication on the Life and Death of a Post Hole.
Dismantling took place over two weeks of work and careful observation and recording covering various features of the building. The whole was in good structural condition, except for the outer porch posts (the most exposed parts) and these had already been replaced because of rotting at the soil interface. Clearly they would have needed replacing again quite soon.
All visible support timbers were in good order and well secured. The worm infestation observed in the first years after construction had penetrated no more than 2 mm into the pith wood. This was found to be so for the rafters, also. Only one principal post had started to rot at the soil interface and no subsidence had occurred. Purlins, rafters and ties were all in an excellent state. The hazel of the purlins had set but, unlike a hurdle fence of comparable age, were not brittle and could be used to scale the roof during inspection. The rafters were hard and fit for reuse. Smoke blackening was confined to the upper third of all members.
The very detailed observations of the deterioration of the main structural posts showed that the early stages of decay did not give the full picture of how post holes appear in the archaeological record and it is the bridge between these two time scales that led to the above mentioned paper "Life and Death of a Post Hole" [link above]. Very briefly, the early decay could be accelerated by any long-term ingress of moisture. However, even when this occurred, the first stage of decay left the bark intact and, where the pith wood rotted rapidly, an air gap developed which generally led to the remaining central hard wood being dry and long lasting. Thus the original stone infill lay up against the bark and no extra infill was inserted in the relatively short life span of the Pimperne construct. The essential hypothesis is that had rotting progressed, over the normal life span of such a house, then there would have been a growing gap that would be filled with the sort of objects and artefacts often found during post hole excavation. The presence of these objects as a post-abandonment feature has always been difficult to explain and the interpretation offered by Reynolds, based on these findings, is compelling.
The sort of degradation observed does not imperil the structure because all loads on the posts are essentially vertical and, as the hole is infilled, the residual post above ground level continues to sit on a firm base. This practice mimics the situation observed with what is seen with more recent cruck-framed farm buildings, where ultimately the support pillars end up on top of a raised stone plinth. In fact, this very process and its success is proof that the building design, both for the Pimperne construct and for the cruck-frame barns, results in vertical loading of the support pillars/posts, for otherwise these would become laterally displaced.
The porch structure is independent of the main structure and its deterioration pattern is not as regular. This may be why post holes around supposed porches are at best distorted and at worst obscure !
"Destroying" the outer wall proved to be the most arduous of all, requiring the use of sledge hammers. The wattle work, once the daub had been removed, was found to be dry and strong and had not become embrittled in the way that exposed field fences routinely and rapidly deteriorate. This must contribute to the stability and longevity of such constructs as this. In a similar manner to the main structural posts, the vertical stakes supporting the wattle were beginning to rot back to the surface but less markedly so in the time scale tested. One suspects the process would end at the ground surface, out of sight, and that the outer wall would rest happily on the ground, held in place by the rigid cylindrical shape.
An incidental observation over the life of the house was that the level of the inner floor varied according to the wear due to passage of people and to cleaning. The variety of patterns of the processes involved are detailed in the Monograph.
Another ancillary record is that after five years the soil fibre content of the inside floor had fallen to about 5%, compared with an initial value for the grassland, prior to construction, of some 24%.
In his final words, Reynolds unwittingly wrote his own epitaph, judging by statements in his many obituaries and in the eulogies on the day to celebrate his life's work :
"That it was an important construction, which fulfilled all the criteria of the archaeological evidence, is beyond question."
It is only fitting that this record be completed with a picture, from the Monograph, of Reynolds approaching completion of the thatching of the Pimperne House construct.
Harding D.W., Blake I.M., Reynolds P.J., "An Iron Age Settlement in Dorset - Excavation and Reconstruction", Monograph Series Number 1, Department of Archaeology, University of Edinburgh 1993.
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Drug addiction can strike anyone and leave them spiralling out of control. Addicts may feel lonely, desperate and helpless as their dependence on an illicit or prescription drug spirals out of control. Without the proper treatment drug addiction or abuse can have serious and sometimes fatal consequences. Life Works is one of the leading addiction treatment centres in Europe and we take great pride in our highly effective drug addiction rehabilitation program. We provide a calm and relaxing environment combined with intensive therapy to help people recover in the most healthy and efficient manner possible.
Our private residential drug addiction treatment provides addicts with everything they need to start recovery. Life Works clinical experts take a holistic approach to drug addiction treatment. That means taking evidence based therapies and creating a tailored treatment program for each client. Our holistic approach also means we offer a variety of treatments that can be used individually or bundled together into a comprehensive treatment program. These include detox, residential treatment, long term care and daycare.
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Life Works is one of the leading Eating Disorder Clinics in Europe. We have helped countless people overcome anorexia, bulimia, orthorexia and EDNOS and enter recovery. To do this we look for the underlying causes of this mental and emotional illness. This could be anything from depression to unhealthy body image. The treatment we offer is not only incredibly effective, for some people, eating disorder treatment is a lifesaving service. Eating disorders have the highest mortality rate of any mental illness and if left to fester, they grow worse with time.
Life Works Treatments are holistic, which means we look at every aspect and possible cause of an eating disorder. This means we treat the underlying issues rather than just working on symptoms. We support sufferers and help them overcome their issues around food but we also look at why they developed an eating disorder. To do this, we create a tailored eating disorder treatment plan based on individual needs and the recommendations of our doctors, nurses, dietician and counsellors. Life Works eating disorder treatment is made all the more effective because we use a mix of group and individual therapies to help people better treat their mental illness. These therapies work best when they are administered over an extended period. Because eating disorders are such entrenched behaviours, it can take time to change how someone views the food they eat and even their own body.
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Depression is a terrible and debilitating condition that can affect your work, social life and family. Many people are or have lived with depression and its symptoms but they often do not seek help until the mental illness has done serious damage to their career or social lives. Depression often co occurs as well. This means a person has depression along with another mental health issue. If depression is not treated, depression can do more than just ruin a life, it can lead to other serious problems like alcohol addiction, drug addiction or eating disorders.
To help you beat depression, Life Works has created a tailored treatment system which works with the needs of each of our clients. We combine Cognitive Behavioural Therapy, group therapies, individual counselling and other treatments together to provide one of the most effective medically backed treatments available. While our therapy is intensive, we make sure to provide it in a stress free and caring environment to ensure that each client gets the most out of their treatment.


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The field of English encompasses the study of literature, composition, creative writing, and the English language itself. Newman's curriculum is designed to prepare students to write well and read deeply so that they may communicate effectively, act nobly, and enrich the world through language and universal ideas.
Sara (Olson) Crow
English B.A. '07
Newman University's English program teaches not only the fundamentals of Western and world literature and the structure of language with a solid emphasis on creating quality writers, but it also teaches its students how to think critically ...and creatively. The lessons English students learn about analyzing literature and their writing reaches into daily life, empowering students to transform society by encouraging them toward critical thought that examines the core of our society, helps them to solve even mundane problems creatively, and encourages them to constantly aspire to discover the sublime in even the small moments of life.
English classes usually enroll 25 students or fewer. Students receive individualized instruction from dedicated, enthusiastic professors.
Research opportunities
Students have opportunities to serve as editors for Newman's annual literary journal publication, Coelacanth (formerly Sheridan Edwards Review), and as co-editors for the professional journal Archaeopteryx. English majors often serve as editors and staff writers for Newman's weekly student newspaper, The Vantage. Students also pursue Cooperative Education/Internship experiences that help them hone oral and written communication skills with a variety of local employers.
Prominent Careers
Many Newman English major and minor graduates have continued their studies to earn advanced degrees and have established themselves in an array of careers. Here are some examples (updated September 2016):
- Marketing Coordinator for UrbanGirl.com
- Director of Production at Vimeo.com
- Director of Program Services for Girl Scouts of Greater S. Texas
- Instructional Designer, NexLearn Immersive Learning Technology
- Trial Attorney, U.S. Dept. of Justice, Office of Immigration
- Senior Defense Research Analyst for Booz Allen Hamilton
- Senior Counsel for Jacam Chemicals
- District Attorney, Sedgwick County
- Special Agent for the FBI
- Copywriter and Community Manager at Paint Nite
- Rare Book Dealer & Contract Book Designer
- Archivist, Meadville Lombard Theological School
- Licensed Professional Counselor
- Front End Engineer at Craftsy.com
- Courseware Writer/Editor for Computer Training Systems
- Payroll Coordinator for Conifer Health Solutions
- English Teacher, Goddard High School, KS
- English and Literature teacher, St. Mary's Middle School, Derby, KS
- English Teacher, Wichita Southeast High School
- Special Education Teacher, Heights High School
- Seventh Grade Language Arts Teacher at Hadley Middle School, KS
- Teacher of English in Taiwan
- Math Teacher, El Dorado High School, Placentia, CA
- Pursuing Doctoral degree at University of Houston, Texas
- Owner, My Pie Pizza restaurants, Omaha/Lincoln NE; Managing member at Pathfinder Restaurant Management, LLC
- PT Clinical Education & Admissions, College of Health Professions Physical Therapy, WSU


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Selected items from the autograph collection of De Coursey Fales, 1838-1865
Fales, De Coursey, b. 1888 d. 1966
Collector, Businessperson
Active in New York, N.Y.
Collection size: 9 items (on partial microfilm reel)
Collection Summary: Four letters and a note from Samuel Cousins to various people, one of which is to Thomas Sully enclosing proofs of engravings; a 5-page holograph poem by Palmer Cox; a poem by Christopher P. Cranch and a letter requesting that his poems be printed because he is "much in need of money"; and a letter from Felix O. C. Darley about the cast of "McClellan."
Biographical/Historical Note: Banker, art collector; New York City.
Microfilmed 1956 by the Archives of American Art with other art-related papers in the Manuscript Division of the New York Public Library. Included in the microfilming project were selected papers of the Art Division and the Prints Division.
How to Use this Collection
- Microfilm reel N5 (frames 1316-1330) available for use at Archives of American Art offices and through interlibrary loan.
- The Archives of American art does not own the original papers. Use is limited to the microfilm copy.
- For more information on using the Archives' resources, see the FAQ or Ask Us.