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1 TOWARDS A DYNAMIC DEVELOPMENT POLICY FOR LATIN AMERICA UNITED NATIONS New York, 1963
2 NOTE Symbols of United Nations documents are composed of capital letters combined with figures. Mention of such a symbol indicates a reference to a United Nations document. E/CN.12/680/Rev.l UNITED NATIONS PUBLICATION Sales No. : 64. II.G. 4 Price: $U.S (or equivalent in other currencies)
3 CONTENTS Page FOREWORD vi A. The general thesis 1. Structural reforms to clear the way for development Capital formation and income distribution 4 3. International co-operation and the structure of trade The closed type of development in Latin America 8 5. Internal bottlenecks 9 6. Why should development forces be deliberately controlled? Opposition to reforms and responsibility for carrying them out A system of ideas and a changed outlook Latin America must find its own paths to development The concentration of economic power and its political effects 18 B. Internal structural factors CHAPTER I. THE DYNAMIC WEAKNESS OF LATIN AMERICA'S DEVELOPMENT 23 I. Productive absorption of manpower Slow growth rate and surplus manpower Increased productivity and the need for new investment Main causes of dynamic weakness 27 II. Capital formation The possibility of reducing consumption Initial coercion and incentives to economic activity The population problem 35 III. The land: an obstacle to development The growth of agricultural production in the past, and future requirements 36 ni
4 CONTENTS (continued) Page 2. The inescapable need to raise yields Dynamic significance of agrarian reform Technical action by the State Incentives to agricultural production Over-valuation of land and agrarian reform 43 CHAPTER II. THE OPERATION OF THE SYSTEM AND THE SOCIAL STRUCTURE 44 I. Distributional privilege and the efficacy of the system Social mobility and the dynamic elements Privilege and its effects on incentives to economic activity 46 II. Inflation and the social structure The social background of inflation Reluctance to adopt drastic solutions Stabilization policy 52 III. Two types of foreign capital The persistence of enclaves Other problems of foreign capital 55 IV. Planning and the operation of the economic system Public administration as it reflects the social structure Plans and planning The power of the State and ways of exercising it Direct economic action by the State 63 C. Development and the external bottleneck CHAPTER I. DISPARITIES IN DEMAND AND THEIR EFFECT ON ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT 67 I. External imbalance The importance of disparities in international demand The end of the easy stage of import substitution policy Internally-geared industrialization and exports iv
5 CONTENTS (continued) Page 4. Implicit reciprocity in the major centres The need to lower tariffs The expansion of world trade 76 II. The inherent weakness of the peripheral countries and the terms of trade The factors underlying peripheral weakness The impossibility of treating the deterioration as an isolated problem Differences between central and peripheral countries Deterioration in the great industrial centres Possibility of international retransfer of income External bottleneck and contribution of international resources 86 CHAPTER II. OBSTACLES TO THE LATIN AMERICAN COMMON MARKET 89 I. Quantitative targets Description of targets The play of competitive forces, and its limitations Industrial complementarity agreements The principle of reciprocity 97 II. The operation of the common market Promotional organs The economic unity of Central America Progress towards the common market: magnitude of the effort required 101 v
6 FOREWORD As Dag Hammarskjold said to me on one occasion, there are things that cannot be done every day but must be done from time to time. He was referring to a report presented by our secretariat, with the co-operation of a group of eminent Latin Americans, to the ill-fated Quintandinha conference (November 1954), at the request of the Inter-American Economic and Social Council of the Organization of American States.* This is another such report. It is the outcome of our great concern for the course of events in this part of the world a concern which, on the occasion of the ECLA secretariat's fifteenth anniversary, finds expression in the reflections set forth in the ensuing pages. They should also be viewed as representing a needful "creative pause" on the part of one who has been in charge of the secretariat throughout almost the whole of that period. The report presented here constitutes by its very nature a fabric of inevitable generalizations drawn from continuous and systematic analysis of the real state of affairs in Latin America. But they do not relate to any individual country or group of leaders, since the divergencies that would have to be noted are many and significant. Nevertheless, it is our hope that within the pattern of this fabric each country may find a clue to the significance of its own special case, at this time of imperative need to consider what our past has been, what our present is, and what we should wish to make of our future through the exercise of deliberate control over the forces of economic and social development. Raúl PREBISCH * See International Co-operation in a Latin American Development Policy (E/CN.12/359), United Nations publication, Sales No.: 54.II.G.2. vi
9 1. Structural reforms to clear the way for development The ills besetting the Latin American economy are not determined by circumstantial or transient factors. They are an expression of the critical state of affairs in our time and of the incapacity of the economic system owing to structural defects that it has been beyond our ability or our power to remedy to achieve and maintain a rate of development consonant with the growth of the population and with its demands for a speedy improvement in its levels of living. The increase in the population is certainly phenomenal. At the beginning of the century, there were 63 million inhabitants in Latin America, and the annual rate of demographic growth was 1.8 per cent. Now we number 220 million, and we are multiplying at an annual rate of 2.9 per cent which shows signs of rising even higher. 1 On the basis of conjectural data, it may be estimated that about half the existing population has a tiny average personal income of 120 dollars a year. 2 And this vast social aggregate accounts for only about one-fifth of total personal consumption in Latin America, showing the highest coefficients of undernourishment, poor clothing and worse housing, as well as of disease and illiteracy; and, at the same time, the highest rates of reproduction. It is here that the development effort must primarily be concentrated. The notion, which dies hard, that development takes place spontaneously, without a rational and deliberate effort to achieve it, has proved to be an illusion, both in Latin America and in the other peripheral regions of the world. For a century now our economies have been linked to the international economy, and fifty per cent of the population is still stagnating in pre-capitalist conditions which are incompatible with its growing economic and social aspirations. Even so, average per capita income in Latin America is appreciably higher than in other peripheral regions, and thus affords an advantageous starting-point for the realization of lln 1900 the population increased by 1.1 million inhabitants, and in 1960 by 6.4 million almost six times that figure. 2 See the chapter on "Income distribution in Latin America" in The Economic Development of Latin America m the Post-War Period (E/CN 12/659/Rev.l), United Nations publication, Sales No.: 64.II.G.6. 3
10 what is no longer a Utopian dream: the eradication of poverty and its inherent evils, by virtue of the tremendous potential of contemporary technology and the possibility of assimilating it more quickly than was the case with the capitalistic evolution of the more advanced countries. However, this rapid penetration of technique demands and carries with it radical changes: changes both in the pattern of production and in the structure of the economy which could not be effectively brought about without a basic reform of the social structure. The social structure prevalent in Latin America constitutes a serious obstacle to technical progress and, consequently, to economic and social development. The principal manifestations of this fact are: (a) The structure in question considerably hampers social mobility, that is, the emergence and rise of the dynamic elements in society, men of drive and initiative, capable of taking risks and responsibilities both in technical and economic matters and in the other aspects of community life ; (b) The social structure is largely characterized by a situation of privilege in the distribution of wealth and therefore of income. Privilege weakens or destroys the incentive to economic activity, to the detriment of the efficient utilization of human resources, land and machinery; (c) This state of privilege in regard to distribution is reflected not in a rapid rate of net capital formation, but in extravagant patterns of consumption in the upper strata of society, over against the unsatisfactory living conditions of the broad masses of the population. In these days of zeal for planning there is a great deal of talk about the prime importance of the role of private enterprise in Latin America and the need to keep it intact. But what is meant by this, in the last analysis? Is it suggested that the present system, under which the energies of individual initiative are cramped by social stratification and privilege, should be kept intact? Or is the way to be cleared for this initiative by the structural reforms referred to, so that the system may acquire the full dynamic force it lacks at present? 2. Capital formation and income distribution The test of a system's dynamic strength lies in its ability to accelerate the rate of development and progressively improve the distribution of income. If the annual rate of growth of average per capita income could be raised from the very low figure of 1 per 4
11 cent registered of late to a minimum of 3 per cent in Latin America as a whole, a rational redistribution policy would enable the personal income of the under-privileged half of the population to be doubled in seventeen years, and the lot of the middle-income groups to be improved likewise, although at a less rapid rate. This is where the first step towards reform of the social structure becomes essential, since such a rate of growth is not feasible without substantial restriction of the consumption of the higher-income brackets. The social contrast is striking indeed. While 50 per cent of the population accounts for approximately two-tenths of total personal consumption, at the other end of the scale of distribution 5 per cent of the inhabitants of the region enjoy nearly threetenths of that total, according to the conjectural estimates referred to above. A policy of austerity mainly affecting this latter social group, and supplemented by the contribution of international resources, would permit an increase in net capital formation and the attainment of the above-mentioned growth target for per capita income, while at the same time redistribution policy would see to it that the income increment thus obtained was passed on to the lower strata of the social aggregate. Herein lies the essence of redistribution policy. It is not a matter of taking income away from the upper minority and simply distributing it among the broad masses of the population, for with per capita personal income in Latin America as a whole barely amounting to 370 dollars, the benefits of such a redistribution would not stretch very far. But if, on the other hand, restrictions on the consumption of the privileged groups were reflected in a steady increase in net capital formation, the standard of living of the bulk of the population would rise progressively faster. Technology has made this dynamic concept of redistribution viable for the first time in history, for without the immense potential it places at the disposal of developing countries, the effects of the redistribution operation would be very limited in their scope. Thus, the problems of capital formation and income distribution assume very different forms from those they took during the capitalistic evolution of the more advanced countries. At that time it was capital formation that came first, and the gradual redistribution of income followed. Now, on the other hand, both these requirements present themselves as they are bound to do simultaneously, under the increasing political and trade-union pressure exerted by the lower income groups. _ The only available means of meeting them is by directly combating one of the anomalies that most affect the development of Latin America, namely, the marked failure of capital formation to 5
12 reach the levels demanded by contemporary technology, as against the extravagant pattern of consumption of the high-income groups. Among these upper strata (5 per cent of the population), which account for about three-tenths of Latin America's total consumption, average consumption per household is fifteen times greater than that of the lower strata (50 per cent of the population). If this ratio were reduced to 11:1, by the restriction of consumption in favour of increased investment, the annual rate of growth of per capita income could rise from 1 per cent to 3 per cent. And if restriction of consumption brought the ratio down to 9:1, the rate of growth might reach 4 per cent or even more, according to the political feasibility of this operation and the capacity of each country to put it into effect. 3. International co-operation and the structure of trade This capacity might be seriously handicapped by the external bottleneck in development, which, in conjunction with the limitations of domestic production of capital goods, would make it impossible for all the additional saving obtained to be invested in such goods. Hence the vital need for international resources, until the structural reforms advocated here enable full advantage to be taken of the increase in savings. The contribution to be made by international resources is thus of a temporary nature. It would cease to be necessary once the reforms referred to had borne the full crop of results to be expected of them. They are not a matter for Latin America alone, since it is also essential to work for the elimination of the external bottleneck by remodelling the existing structure of international trade. The countries in which industrialization advances most rapidly tend to be affected more and more by the bottleneck in question. Their difficulties do not originate solely in the social structure, but also in the type of trade structure which characterized the epoch of externally-geared development that preceded the world depression of the thirties. Here again, as in other aspects of Latin America's development problems, a whole constellation of out-ofdate ideas survives. It is true that the industrialization of the peripheral regions has at last been accepted as an indispensable requisite for economic development. But what is still perpetuated is the anachronistic trade pattern inherent in the peculiar concept of the international division of labour which was prevalent up to a short time ago the trading of primary commodities against manufactured goods. This is the framework within which the industrialization of the Latin American countries has been taking place. And the obstacle to economic development that it represents is now beginning to loom larger at every turn, for whereas the 6
13 upward trend of demand for the manufactured goods we import is very sharp, primary exports are expanding relatively slowly, largely for reasons over which the Latin American countries have no control. Thus there is a latent tendency towards disequilibrium which is aggravated as economic development gains speed. This is a new phenomenon not experienced by the more advanced countries in the past. Hence it is that only now is its significance beginning to be understood, and recognition accorded to the vital need to encourage the industrial exports of the peripheral countries, especially those which have completed the first stage of the industrialization process. This encouragement of industrial exports, in addition to exports of primary commodities, cannot be achieved within the narrow bounds of the existing markets. It is essential to alter the geographical structure of trade, as well as its composition by products. Latin America's exports are of course affected by the universal slowness of the growth of demand for primary commodities, in contrast with the buoyancy of demand for manufactured goods as per capita income rises. But this circumstance conjoins with other factors of considerable importance. In the first place, the moderate rate of economic development of the United States has combined with its import restrictions to exert an adverse influence on Latin America's export trade. And, secondly, the protection and discrimination practised by the European Common Market prevent us from taking full advantage of the steady expansion of demand for primary commodities in the vast economic area it represents. Without prejudice to measures aimed at eliminating or reducing these barriers to trade, it is a matter of urgent necessity to explore, with the utmost diligence, the possibilities for trade with other regions of the world, especially those the socialist economies, for example which show a high rate of development. While it is true that basically the solution of such problems depends upon the great industrial countries and the degree to which their trade policy favours liberalization, it is no less certain that the Latin American countries too must put forth a tremendous effort in the same direction. In this sense, the formation of a common market is an undertaking that brooks no delay. Its importance has been realized by the Central American countries, whose determination to establish such a market has been bold and resolute. The problem of the Latin American Free-Trade Association is more difficult, for the very reason that the development of industrialization in watertight compartments has created vested interests and prejudices which oppose reciprocal trade without taking account of the serious effects of such an attitude on eco- 7
14 nomic development. This is not a merely technical matter; it is a question of important policy decisions which must follow up the Montevideo Treaty. The technical groundwork for these decisions is basically complete; all that remains to be done is to study and select the best ways of putting them into practice. 4. The closed type of development in Latin America The external bottleneck in development is not due solely to the slow upward trend of exports of primary commodities as against the rapid expansion of industrial imports from the great centres, or to the low level of inter-latin American trade; it has also largely been determined, in recent years, by the deterioration of the terms of trade and its serious effects on the purchasing power of exports. The action of all these factors in combination reduced the per capita value of Latin America's exports from 58 dollars in 1930 to 39 dollars in 1960 (at 1950 prices). The recent decline in the terms of trade is yet another indication of the peripheral countries' inherent incapacity to retain the whole of the benefits accruing from their technical progress. There is not much consolation to be had from the reflection that in the future, when the Latin American countries reach more advanced stages of development and their industrialization process is complete, this state of affairs will some day be brought to an end; it will all take a long time, and in the meanwhile the deterioration of the terms of trade is aggravating the external bottleneck and exerting a marked depressive influence on domestic capacity for capital formation, to the detriment of development itself. From a different angle, the other notion that still survives in some circles, to the effect that the external bottleneck and the disequilibria in international accounts in which it is reflected are mere matters of monetary operation, has had deplorable consequences, since its practical application besides adversely affecting economic development has diverted attention from the basic solutions which this structural phenomenon demands. This is a point of considerable importance for Latin America, for unless the solutions in question are resolutely sought, our countries will be swept by the force of circumstances towards an increasingly closed type of development, and a steady contraction of their share in trade with the rest of the world, which will add further difficulties to those inherent in such a process. In default of sufficient international co-operation in overcoming these difficulties, both in the field of trade and in that of financing, all kinds of authoritarian measures might supervene, with grave consequences for the progressive development of democracy in Latin America. 8
15 5. Internal bottlenecks The intensification of development is not simply a question of increasing net capital formation. While this is necessary, it is by no means sufficient, since development may be cramped by a variety of factors. Those of an external kind have already been mentioned, but there are also internal bottlenecks that circumscribe or hamper the expansive force of net capital formation. Furthermore, there is usually a wide margin for the immediate growth of production in our countries because of idle capacity in a number of branches. But the factors in question either rule out this possibility or bring inflationary pressures of a non-monetary kind in their train if a policy directed towards the full utilization of idle capacity is put into force. There is no doubt that the most persistent bottleneck in the whole of Latin America's development process is generally to be found in agricultural production. 3 Several factors are jointly responsible for this: the system of land tenure, which makes it difficult for modern techniques to be assimilated ; inadequate State aid in the work of adapting and diffusing these techniques; and the unsatisfactory investment situation. However thoroughly these three problems are coped with, unless farmers are given proper incentives, efforts to accelerate development are liable to find their most formidable stumbling-block in the agricultural sector, as has been the case in a number of countries with differing economic systems. The incentives may be of various kinds, but the most important is that agriculture should reap the benefits of the technical progress it makes, as regards both external aspects and the interplay of internal economic forces. This is the only way in which the wide gap between average income figures in rural and in urban areas can be gradually narrowed. The fact is that the impoverished half of the population is largely to be found in rural areas. With a little thought, it will be seen that the externallygeared growth of earlier periods, based on the characteristic types of foreign enclave which do not spread technical progress to the internal economy, broke up the original pre-capitalistic integration of the countryside with the towns. And industrialization tends to widen rather than reduce the breach by aggravating the social and economic dichotomy. Steps must now be taken to remedy this. 3 This internal bottleneck in common with others frequently encountered in the Latin American development process has frustrated a number of attempts to redistribute income; these have been limited to improving the monetary level of wages and salaries, irrespective of the investment required to raise production, especially in the agricultural sector, and to satisfying the increase produced in popular demand by the redistribution of income, without inflationary pressure. 9
16 The widening of the gap is due not only to the structural features of the rural sector, but also to the fact that internal development has not been dynamic enough to raise the farmer's income. What is more, it is the farmer who is usually called upon to bear a considerable part of the cost of import substitution, excessive protection and unfair marketing practices, as well as social security and other State services from which the rural worker reaps virtually no benefit because he can exert no tradeunion pressure and has no political contacts. In fact, he continues to play Lazarus to the Dives of urban politics. No exhaustive examination has yet been made of all the repercussions of these factors on the drift from the countryside to the bigger Latin Americans towns, which is a striking and disquieting sign of economic and social disequilibrium. There is no doubt that in-migration is bound to take place; nor is there any doubt that the increased technical progress of the rural areas will tend to give it greater momentum. But is it necessary for the displaced population to congregate in the big towns? Why should they not stay in the rural milieu, living in small and mediumsized communities and employed in industries and services that would satisfy some of the requirements of that milieu itself? Why have the bigger towns in Latin America grown, at the expense of the medium-sized and small towns, to an extraordinary extent that is quite disproportionate to the trend of events in more advanced countries? These questions cannot be answered satisfactorily without careful research. Perhaps the weakness of rural demand, or, to put it another way, the concentration of demand in the big towns as a result of the structural 4 and adventitious factors mentioned above, may have played an important part in this phenomenon. And, as in the case of other social phenomena, there have been no countervailing reactions, but a self-perpetuating spiral, since the agglomeration of people in big towns concentrates demand there even more, and this in turn leads to further population congestion. It may therefore be concluded that the geographical redistribution of income is also of great social importance. 6. Why should development forces he deliberately controlled? One dominant idea runs through the whole of this paper: Latin America must quicken its rate of economic development and redistribute income in favour of the broad masses of the popula- 4 With respect to these structural factors, it should be taken into account that, because of the system of land tenure in force, much of the income from the land particularly that of the big landowners is spent in the towns and not in the countryside. 10
17 tion. The attainment of this objective cannot be indefinitely postponed, nor are there grounds for expecting that economic development will take place first and be followed in the natural course of events by social development. Both must be achieved gradually and side by side. This will entail rational and deliberate action to influence the forces of development; the spontaneous interplay of these forces will not suffice here, as it did in the capitalistic evolution of the advanced countries. The notion that this type of evolution might be reproduced in Latin America has been very misleading. In the advanced countries economic development has been essentially a spontaneous phenomenon, but the same is not true of social development, which has largely been shaped by deliberate policy measures. And it is clear that in those countries the need for action of this sort, the need for planning, is also gaining recognition. There is one overriding argument : today, when man is acquiring a power over the forces of nature hitherto undreamed-of, he cannot resign himself to remaining at the mercy of the spontaneous play of economic forces, with its manifest incapacity to maintain or achieve a satisfactory rate of growth while at the same time reducing cyclical fluctuations, and to bring about equitable income distribution. The impracticability of history's repeating itself in this respect makes the reasons for finding new paths particularly cogent. The assimilation of an already highly-developed technique in a fairly short space of time is a very different matter from the gradual development of such a technique, since serious incongruities or disparities appear which have to be dealt with by State action. First, during the evolution of the capitalist economies, technology was gradually incorporated into the production process as the necessary capital formation took place. The countries now developing, on the other hand, have to assimilate a technology that is ready-made. And if they are to climb progressively towards the higher stage already reached by the more advanced countries, the rate of increase of per capita income will have to be more rapid in their case than it was in the industrial countries in the past. Then too, the technology in question and the continual innovations it entails call for substantial capital per head, which the advanced countries can easily build up on the strength of their high per capita income. The developing countries, on the other hand, in face of the same extremely capital-intensive technology, have an average per capita income barely comparable to that of the former countries nearly a century ago. Hence there is no way out but for the State deliberately to reduce the consumption of the higher income groups in the community, whereas there was no necessity for this when the capitalist economies were developing, 11
18 since saving on the part of those same groups was spontaneous and almost automatic. These two incongruities bring in their train another, to which reference has already been made. Whereas in the advanced countries net capital formation came first and the redistribution of income later, in our countries the two problems have now to be solved simultaneously, particularly with the model of the Soviet method of economic development forever before our eyes. To add to this, there is the rapidity with which techniques for the prevention and cure of disease are spread, and the ensuing sharp drop in the mortality rate, a phenomenon that took place very slowly during the evolutionary stage of the more advanced countries, and was accompanied by an equally gradual fall in the birth rate. There the increase in income fostered changes in the psychological attitude to family formation which are not yet in evidence among the broad masses of the Latin American population with their meagre resources. This explains the disparity between the exceptionally high rate of population growth in Latin America and the relatively moderate rate prevailing during the evolution of the capitalist economies. The high rate of demographic growth entails a more intensive capital formation effort and enhances the incongruity between the inexhaustible supply of manpower in our countries and the technology we must assimilate, as evolved in the big industrial centres under the spur of an ever-increasing labour shortage. Lastly, mention must be made of the incongruity or disparity between import and export demand, which was likewise no problem in the past. Thus the big centres, as they grew, did not show that trend towards the formation of external bottlenecks which is characteristic of the Latin American countries. The task of coping with these incongruities and promoting development entails three forms of State action. First and foremost, action to reform the social structure and thereby remove the obstacles to development ; this consists essentially in making full use of the savings potential, encouraging the intensive utilization of land and capital and freeing the huge potential of individual initiative which now goes to waste, so as to give the system its full dynamic force. These changes in the social structure pave the way for others, affecting.the production pattern and structure of the economy, which are inherent in the spread and absorption of contemporary technology. Lastly, State action is indispensable if the marked disparities in income distribution are to be progressively remedied by virtue of the increase in income accompanying the changes introduced. 12
19 7. Opposition to reforms and responsibility for carrying them out These internal structural changes, and international cooperation in development, are the subject-matter of the present document. It is designed as much for those who resist such changes within their own countries as for those who propose to carry them out. It is also directed at those outside the region who fail to grasp the nature and gravity of events in Latin America. To the first of these groups, we should like to demonstrate the ineluctable necessity of introducing the changes in question into the social structure so that the pattern of production and the structure of the economy can respond to development requirements. If they are anxious to keep their position in the distribution scale inviolate, we would emphasize for their benefit that a point in history has been reached when it is no longer feasible to maintain consumption patterns that imply the dissipation of a substantial capital formation potential, in a fashion totally incompatible with the region's vast capital formation requirements. And if they are concerned for the future of democracy, it will not be amiss to suggest that nothing will do more to strengthen it in Latin America than social mobility, the emergence and rise of the dynamic elements of society, by virtue of the reforms in question; and that stubborn opposition to such measures might compel other men, whose ultimate motive was the same, to ride roughshod over democratic procedure in order to achieve this aim, perhaps in the illusory belief that the opportunities for sound democratic development which would thus be lost in social strife could be recovered in the course of time. Those who are resolved to carry out the reforms are faced with a tremendous responsibility. Considerable emotional force is building up in Latin America, the emotional force of great mass movements. It must be channelled towards clear and constructive ends. Nothing can be accomplished without thought and rational planning. But neither can bold decisions be taken such decisions as our countries need without the driving-power of this force. The acid test of ultimate efficacy will lie in the ability of the leaders to fuse these elements into a development policy. There is, of course, always the risk that such reforms and the necessary follow-up action may be bungled if the primary objectives are lost sight of. There will be no genuine reforms in the structure of society if all that happens is that the existing privileges change hands or that new privileges and sinecures are added to the old. Furthermore, it must be understood both in our countries and outside them that in all this we are confronted with new requirements. In the evolution of the capitalist economies a devel- 13
20 opment policy was not essential, because of the spontaneity of the process itself. This type of evolution cannot be repeated in the Latin American countries. Outside Latin America, naturally enough, it may seem not only possible but desirable for the region to follow the path which led the developed countries to achieve such impressive results. But unfortunately this is often conducive to deplorable attitudes of mind, even in'those who are actuated by a genuine desire to co-operate, since there are also some who look to international co-operation to produce results which have some virtue viewed from the political angle, but which, however effective as stop-gaps, would be self-defeating over the long run. The only admissible political meaning of such co-operation, from the Latin American standpoint, is its contribution towards the political viability of an intensive internal development effort. 8. A system of ideas and a changed outlook All this presents Latin America with a new set of problems, very different from that with which previous generations were faced. In the midst of the world depression we did not know the true nature of Latin America's development difficulties : the dominant idea was simply to restore normal conditions, to return to the past. Fifteen years ago we were already able to attempt to define the set of problems in question and to point with deep conviction to certain basic solutions. And today sufficient progress has been made to work out a system of ideas, a dynamic view of economic and social development leading to practical action. Now the task is to promote public discussion and above all to gain the ear of political and trade-union leaders. What has to be done is to overcome the ideological poverty that prevails in our countries in this field, the traditional propensity to introduce from abroad nostrums that are largely alien to the real requirements of Latin America's situation. If the ideas that we Latin American economists have worked out are to serve as a guide to the State in acting on the forces of development, they must be presented in a clear and accessible form. There is no idea in the development field that cannot be explained in simple terms, even though its working-out may have required complicated reasoning and mathematical procedures to improve the level of thinking not to reduce the need for it. We economists must acquire this ability to make ourselves understood ; if we do not succeed, the failure should be attributed to confusion on our part rather than to the limitations of others. In fact, if our arguments are not concise and clear, this is generally because they have not been properly sifted, or because we have not 14
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subset: commoncrawl


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Ben Carson, the retired neurosurgeon who has become a grassroots conservative favorite on the strength of his motivational life story and strong opposition to President Barack Obama, said Sunday that he is entering the crowded Republican race for the presidential nomination.
"I'm willing to be part of the equation and therefore, I'm announcing my candidacy for president of the United States of America," Carson told WKRC, a Cincinnati, Ohio, television station, one day before he kicked off his campaign in Detroit.
The announcement puts Carson, 63, the black former head of pediatric neurosurgery at Johns Hopkins Children's Center, into his first political campaign following what his aides have described as a crash course on everything from economic issues to foreign policy.
Carson has portrayed himself in speeches and interviews as a fighter against political correctness and of politicians on the whole. It's a position reflected in his policy ideas, many of which are laid out in his six published books that don't necessarily follow straight conservative orthodoxy. He's a fierce opponent of the Affordable Care Act who, as a world class surgeon, says health insurance companies should be turned into utilities with profit limits. He's a free-market advocate who points to the deregulation of Wall Street in the 1990s as the root cause of the financial crisis. He relied on food stamps during periods of his youth, yet points to President Lyndon Johnson's Great Society era as the start of the steady fall of the country's individualism and independence.
"I'm not going to do and say what's politically expedient, I'm going to say what's right," Carson said in an interview with Bloomberg before his announcement. "If that's something that resonates with the people great and if it doesn't, that's who I am and I'm not going to change."
Carson addressed supporters Monday morning in Detroit, the battered city where he spent much of his youth—a period defined by points when his family relied heavily on government assistance. According to his best-selling autobiography, Gifted Hands, Carson had to overcome personal bouts with anger and educational apathy.
His backstory, though, was only a piece of what Carson himself acknowledges as an unexpected political rise that resulted in speaking engagements across the country, regular appearances on Fox News, and, most importantly, viable poll numbers in early voting states such as Iowa and New Hampshire. While he remains a long-shot candidate in a deep Republican field, Carson has consistently pulled 5 or 6 percent in those early state polls, which his advisers say was enough to lure him into the race, especially given still-low name identification around the country.
The goal, according to Carson and his aides, is to use the campaign launch as a springboard in the weeks ahead. "The plan is to be able to speak in a very public forum," Carson said, adding that he's targeting the debate stage, where he'd face off with at least a half-dozen other Republican hopefuls, as his time to hit the national mainstream.
Carson spoke to supporters Monday in the face of looming personal tragedy. His mother, Sonya, whom he cites each time he speaks publicly as the driving force behind his ability to rise from poverty to become a world-class surgeon, is near death, according to Carson senior adviser Armstrong Williams. Carson will postpone his first official campaign trip to Iowa and instead travel to Dallas after his campaign announcement to be by her side as she battles Alzheimer's, Williams said.
The turn in his mother's health was unexpected: Carson became aware of her worsening condition during rehearsals Sunday night for his announcement in Detroit.
His political launch can be traced back to February 2013, with a single speech at the National Prayer Breakfast challenging Obama on health care, taxes, spending, and the country's direction—all with the president and first lady sitting a few feet away.
The next day the Wall Street Journal published an editorial titled "Ben Carson for President." Just a few months before his retirement from the medical profession, the speech set off a whirlwind two years for Carson. He has criss-crossed the country, sometimes delivering four to five paid speeches a week, and building grassroots support that has filled his campaign bank accounts. In the first 28 days after launching his exploratory committee in March, Carson raised more than $2 million. A super-political action committee established by outside supporters to push Carson toward a run raised more than $13.5 million in less than two years as of the end of 2014, according to Federal Election Commission filings.


text:
Lyrics Depot is your source of lyrics to No More Water in the Well by The Temptations. Please check back for more The Temptations lyrics.
No More Water in the Well Lyrics
Artist: The Temptations
Album: With a Lot o' Soul
WRITERS WILLIAM €œSMOKEY€ ROBINSON, WARREN MOORE, ROBERT ROGERS
No more water in the well, no more.
No more water in the well, no more.
You take my love for granted
like water, water you spill and you waste.
Though love is thicker than water
it spills quicker than water
and you'll lookup one of these days,
and there'll be no more water in the well.
How long do you think my love can last
through sorrow pain and mistrust?
Today my love is strong,
but keep doing me wrong
and tomorrow it may turn to dust.
The Temptations Lyrics
The Temptations With a Lot o' Soul Lyrics
More The Temptations Music Lyrics:
The Temptations - Beauty Is Only Skin Deep Lyrics
The Temptations - Cindy Lyrics
The Temptations - For Once In My Life Lyrics
The Temptations - Hey Girl (I Like Your Style) Lyrics
The Temptations - I Truly, Truly Believe Lyrics
The Temptations - Little Green Apples Lyrics
The Temptations - Psychedelic Shack Lyrics
The Temptations - Your Wonderful Love Lyrics


text:
- Convenient Bed Bug Exterminator in Pacific Grove, CA
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Bed Bug Exterminator in Pacific Grove, CA
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Avg Costs for Bed Bug Exterminator
Min Cost
Max Cost
Avg Cost
$282.13 - $411.36
Find the Best Bed Bug Exterminator - Pacific Grove, CA
It is important that you take advantage of the bed bug solutions Pacific Grove, CA has to offer right away so you can stop these pests in their tracks. The bed bug registry in Pacific Grove, CA can help you with getting rid of this problem so you no longer have to worry about dealing with. Bed bugs are actually a fairly common problem in places across the country, and hiring professionals to get rid of the ones in your house is certainly a good idea. These exterminators have the necessary equipment to ensure that all of the bed bugs in your house are removed. It is important that you hire these professionals as soon as possible before the problem gets even worse in the near future.
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text:
For INFORMATION on courses click on the appropriate link in the Menu.
For our BLS / CPR training and MOVING AND HANDLING courses,
please click on BOOK INTO YOUR COURSE.
The rest of our MANDATORY training is carried out ONLINE.
Courses available include, Infection Control, Safeguarding Vulnerable Adults, Child Protection, Fire Safety, Food Hygiene, Administration of Medications, Anaphylaxis Training, HIV, COSHH, and Health and Safety.
or use the SEARCH function to find more information
Welcome to Safe2Care Training
We are committed to providing great training at an affordable price, with a focus on First Aid and Health and Safety compliance training.
Click on MENU on the Left Hand Side to find out about our courses, to book onto a training course or to contact us.
Use our Nurse Tutors for your Induction Training. Our experienced Tutors offer years of practical experience coupled with excellence in teaching and training to their courses. We offer value for money and excellent service. Our Tutors will travel to your location, or we offer open courses throughout Northern Ireland. Courses we offer include:
Infection control,
Try our online courses
Administration of Medication
Try our online courses
Admin of Meds,
Try our online courses
Safeguarding Vulnerable Groups,
Try our online courses
Try our online courses
Safeguarding vulnerable children,
Safeguarding vulnerable adults,
Moving and Handling,
Manual handling,
moving patients,
induction training,
induction courses.
NISCC and RQIA training approved
Belfast, Coleraine, Londonderry, Derry, Enniskillen, Ballymena, Ballymoney, Armagh, Bangor, Newry, Banbridge, Lisburn, Maghera, Magherafelt.
Choose to update Moving and Handling People or Manual Handling Objects
Cost: £30 per person
Length: 1/2 day.
VENUE: Through Northern Ireland - Belfast, Coleraine, Ballymoney, Ballymena, Antrim, Larne, Derry / Londonderry, Maghera, Magherafelt, Cookstown, Enniskillen, Omagh
Course Content
- Biomechanics
- Spinal Anatomy and muscular system
- Heirarchy of Manual Handling Principles in relation to Manual Handling Regulations (1992)
- Risk assessment using T.I.L.E.
- L.O.L.E.R. and P.U.W.E.R
- Reporting injury as stipulated by R.I.D.D.O.R
- Safely using equipment and choosing correct equipment
- Understanding which lifts are outlawed and why
- Suitable clothing and footwear for manual handling tasks
- Assessing patient cognitive, physical and emotional ability
- Guiding and Slowing falls.
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Safe2Care is registered with the HSE to provide First Aid courses throughout Northern Ireland. Our experienced medical instructors will help prepare you for an emergency situation at work or in the home. The first 3 minutes in an emergency are critical, and your workers need to know what to do, and who to turn to.First Aid at work training, First Aid Northern Ireland, Emergency First Aid courses, First Aid NI, Cardiac arrest, defibrillator, Defib
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Belfast, Coleraine, Londonderry, Derry, Enniskillen, Ballymena, Ballymoney, Armagh, Bangor, Newry, Banbridge, Lisburn, Maghera, Magherafelt.


text:
A Couple Who Tests Together Stays Together: 2 Doctors Break Down Love & HIV
HIV testing is essential for couples. Drs. Rob and Karla Robinson (who also happen to be married) have taken the time to explain everything from how to open the dialogue of getting tested together to how to protect yourself against HIV in long-term relationships.
LIKE BlackDoctor.org on Facebook! Get Your Daily Medicine…For LIFE!
[ione_facebook_like_box url_segment=blackdoctor.org height="260″]
Drs. Rob & Karla Robinson have established The Urban Housecall Magazine, an online health and wellness magazine with health information for men, women and children as well as The Urban Housecall Radio Show to promote the message of health and wellness through the airwaves. So, we trust their judgment on the topic of HIV in relationships.
How does a woman up a dialogue with someone she's dating about STDs and getting tested together?
Having the conversation about STDs and getting tested while dating should be brought up just as easily as the conversation about careers, marriage and the plan for children. Women engaging in sexual activity while dating need to also start planning for their sexual future, just like they would plan everything else in the future.
In reality, the best time to start this dialogue about sexually transmitted diseases and infections is in the beginning of the relationship before any sexual activity ever occurs. Women often make the mistake of having one of the most important conversations in a relationship well after there is an emotional attachment and when it is easier to therefore compromise on their beliefs.


text:
Do you have a question? Post it now! No Registration Necessary. Now with pictures!
- Subject
- Posted on
August 21, 2005, 10:28 pm
I tried reading window.history.length but its usually 10 or 20 or something,
however many pages are in your history.
I want to read what position the current page is..
e.g. pos = 0... the latest page... cannot move forward
pos = 1... user probably just hit back from the latest page.
so I can run a setup function when the user hits back because it clears all
the javascript variables but keeps all the form variables. ahhhh check the
form variables to see if the page is fresh you say, no it wont let you read
them until the page is reloaded.
I call3d this fugly and I'm proud www.supernerd.com.au/~gray77/kath1.jpg
- Rodney Pont
August 21, 2005, 10:08 am
Re: way to tell if the webpage is the at the front of the history list
On Sun, 21 Aug 2005 18:28:16 +1000, |-|erc wrote:
You can't generally read items from history. If you could any site
could look to see where you have been and what you had been looking at.
Regards - Rodney Pont
The from address exists but is mostly dumped,
please send any emails to the address below
e-mail ngpsm4 (at) infohitsystems (dot) ltd (dot) uk
August 21, 2005, 1:32 pm
Re: way to tell if the webpage is the at the front of the history list
I can read the number of items in history. You know when the FORWARD button
is 'pushable', and when its greyed out, that's all I need to detect.
FORM ---submit---> PAGE2 "click back to make changes"
????? <---back-----
When I click back, the form data is still there but the javascript variables
are reset, there's no easy way to detect if the form is fresh or being
edited a second time.
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text:
I have 4 bitch pups and 2 dog pups available from a litter of 8.
Both parents are deer dogs and the bitch Zelda is a fantastic all rounder. This is her second litter. The first litter also of 8 pups all went to SD members.
Please call me on 07788257976 (after 6pm) if interested or PM me.


text:
Colbert and De Niro Didn't Talk for a Full Minute; De Niro Enjoyed a Late-Night Appearance for the First Time
Talk is cheap.By E. Alex Jung
Talk is cheap.By E. Alex Jung
"Darling, do you think you'll ever fuck me again?"By Jennifer Vineyard and Kat Ward
From David O. Russell's forthcoming biopic.By E. Alex Jung, Jackson McHenry and Sean Fitz-Gerald
He's a (Ponzi) wizard, there has to be a twist.By Devon Ivie
The new restaurant will open further downtown in early 2017.By Alan Sytsma
On Air Force One, at a random person's Brooklyn apartment, and so on.By Joe Coscarelli
From Joan Rivers to Lindsay Lohan.By Lindsey Weber
The Hangover: Old People Edition might've actually turned out good.By Jesse David Fox
Plus: The first thing AJ Clemente, the disgraced potty-mouthed anchor, did after he got fired, and more, on our daily late-night roundup.By Caroline Shin
"Does [campaigning] make a difference? Absolutely," says one campaign consultant. "Can it make no difference at all? Absolutely."By Claude Brodesser-Akner
There's the Holly Hunter we all remember!By Eliot Glazer
The 327-seat restaurant is coming to the chef's Las Vegas hotel project, with Nobu breakfast menus for room service.By Hadley Tomicki
Plus: Jason Segel was scrutinizing Robert De Niro's face throughout the showing of The Five-Year Engagement, and more, on our daily late-night roundup.By Caroline Shin
Robert De Niro helped the First Lady host a fund-raiser featuring the likes of Beyoncé and Whoopi Goldberg.By Joe Coscarelli
Another Bullshit Night in Suck City gets a movie.By Amanda Dobbins
Every year during the film fest, a chef at La Palme D'Or restaurant cooks up some 'wacky,' and just weird, movie-inspired dishes in honor of a famous guest.By Jay Barmann
The actor draws gasps from a shocked crowd while food banks resort to accepting their least desired items.
"Of course there's pantslessness involved!"By Jada Yuan
A mob movie called 'The Irishman.'By Willa Paskin
No One Can Decide Whether This Is a Picture of Bill Murray or Tom Hanks
These Bachelor Contestants Fell in Love With Each Other Instead
All Hail Tom Hanks's David S. Pumpkins, the King of Halloween You Didn't Know You Needed
Right on Schedule, Gary Johnson's Poll Numbers Are Crashing
Newt Gingrich Accuses Megyn Kelly of Being 'Fascinated With Sex' in On-air Meltdown
The Oddly Snobbish Anti-Intellectualism of Donald Trump
Saturday Night Live's 'A Girl's Halloween' Is Too Real
I Wish I Was Married to Ina Garten
What the Early-Voting Numbers Are Telling Us


text:
Student Created Lesson Plan
So we have understandable directions for each assignment, students will choose specific activities for creating a personal lesson plan. They will determine whether written, verbal, or visual language will accomplish their own purposes.
By exploring student created lesson plans, students will develop motivation. Persuade them to focus their time and energy on a topic they would like to tell us about. By using a student-centered approach, students will be able to distinguish and set up personal action plans from just going with the flow.
Students will understand the objectives for the particular lesson and set ideas in place to complete a specific task or activity that needs to be explored. For example: A student has a personal goal of knowledge/recall /vocabulary. Therefore, students will select from the following activities to accomplish their goal or present their subject matter.
Begin with a class participatory Webb diagram, around which we share our ideas about what a lesson plan is. Students will express their personal mission(s).
Extra activities/activity Ideas for student-specific lesson(s):
Me Cards
Instructional Handouts
Fill-in the blank PowerPoint's
Game Participation
Bag your own McNeeds
Essential Assessment:
Students will create a written brainstorming, in paragraph form, discussing what they have learned about the topic. 10 sentences should be discussed.
Verbal/Oral Assessment:
Students will be given an oral quiz of 10 questions, regarding the topic. Students will respond verbally.
Written/Typed Assessment:
Student will complete a quiz with fill-in-the-blank questions. Word bank with locations will be provided, and a blank topic Webb diagram image will be given.
Technology/Project Assessment:
Facilitator will consult with student to consider differentiated testing options based on student pre-assessment of learning style.
Grading: We will use a checklist for grading, with all completed assignments noted and given points for.


text:
Oncology Specialist (cancer)
18 years of experience
18 years of experience
38135 Market Sq
Zephyrhills, FL 33542 Phone number & directions
Zephyrhills, FL 33542 Phone number & directions
License & Identifications
A medical license is required for a doctor to practice medicine in a particular state. Requirements vary by state but most require, at a minimum, post-graduate training in the doctor's specific specialty. An NPI number is a national identifier unique to an individual health care provider and is managed by the Center for Medicare & Medicaid Services (CMS).
Learn more about Dr. Samina Reza:
View the full profile to get information on:
- Qualifications
- What's important to you
View full profile
Patient Reviews
Have you visited Dr. Reza? Share your experience.
Write a Review
Write a Review
Prepare before visiting Dr. Reza
Metastatic Melanoma Patient Education Learn all about metastatic melanoma symptoms and treatments by reading Vitals patient education guide.Before Visiting Dr. Reza Learn More
|More Patient Guides & Topics
Skin Cancer
Breast Cancer
Hodgkins Lymphoma
Specialties & Research
- She has special expertise in 1 area:
- Cancer
Education & Awards
Dr. Reza graduated from Sindh Medical College, Karachi.
Dr. Reza has 5 hospital affiliations:
- Pasco Regional Medical Center
- East Pasco Medical Center,Inc.
- Urdu
- English
Home > Find an Oncologist > FL > Zephyrhills Oncologists > Dr. Samina Reza, MD
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- Additional Information
- Dr. Samina Reza MD is a female Oncologist , has 18 years of experience and practices in Medical Oncology.
- Where does Dr. Samina Reza practice?
- Dr. Samina Reza has 2 office locations.
Dr. Samina Reza practices Medical Oncology near Zephyrhills, FL.
Additional practice locations include: Land O Lakes, FL.
See Zephyrhills Oncologists.


text:
|Name: _________________________
|Period: ___________________
This test consists of 5 multiple choice questions and 5 short answer questions.
Multiple Choice Questions
1. Who does Manfred meet in Paris?
(a) Pierre Teillard.
(b) Lois de Tremblay.
(c) Montesquieu.
(d) General de Gaulle.
2. What did Johnny's last drilling create?
(a) Methane gas pocket.
(b) A ton of noise.
(c) A new economy.
(d) Rubble and confusion.
3. Who nurses his thumb listening to the news?
(a) Manfred.
(b) King.
(c) Joseph.
(d) Rod.
4. Who gives Rod a needle full of morphine?
(a) Johnny.
(b) Hurry.
(c) Stander.
(d) Teresa.
5. Who is getting a good grasp of the surface operations?
(a) Rod.
(b) Johnny.
(c) Mark.
(d) Davy.
Short Answer Questions
1. On what river does Terry have horses?
2. Who does King go to talk to after drilling half way?
3. Who has Dan fallen in love with?
4. Who is waiting for Manfred at his hotel?
5. Who does Rod seduce?
This section contains 130 words
(approx. 1 page at 300 words per page)


text:
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Brain and Spine
Head Injuries
Lump on forehead, black eyes post accident, fatigue, confusion. Medical attention required?
I was in a car accident in which I hit a tree with the front passenger side of my car. The airbags deployed. I m not honestly sure if my face hit the steering wheel or the airbag, I only know I have a good lump on my forehead and 2 black eyes. A week later, I m still feeling a LOT of fatigue and am still often confused and mentally dysfunctional. Is this something that will go away or should I go back for further testing?
Asked On :
Fri, 12 Oct 2012
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Basilar skull fracture
Intra-cranial injuries
Basal skull fracture
Intracranial hemorrhage
Neuro trauma
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General & Family Physician
Dr. Aniruddha Panja
Hello dear...
Thanks for your query.
You should get an urgent clinical checkup from a
.A CT scan of brain needs to be done.Dont neglect.You are having Raccoon eyes.There is chance of
basal skull fracture
intracranial hemorrhage
Update here about the progress
Take care
Answered: Fri, 12 Oct 2012
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Edit Answer here...
Hello dear...
Thanks for your query.
You should get an urgent clinical checkup from a neurologist.A CT scan of brain needs to be done.Dont neglect.You are having Raccoon eyes.There is chance of basal skull fracture and intracranial hemorrhage.
Update here about the progress
Take care
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Donald Trump Nearly Turns GOP Debate Into Literal Dick-Measuring Contest
Donald Trump defended himself Thursday against attacks on the size of … his hands.
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Editor's note: Donald Trump is a serial liar, rampant xenophobe, racist, misogynist,birther and bully who has repeatedly pledged to ban all Muslims -- 1.6 billion members of an entire religion -- from entering the U.S.
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