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Click to enlarge
SAVAGE™ Digital Torpedo Levels
The SAVAGE™ Digital Torpedo Level is very easy to use. The digital level doesn't rely on the user to determine if a bubble is accurately between two lines, and it has an Audio alert when it achieves level or plumb. The digital level is the most accurate on the market with a .01° accuracy. It is nearly 3X more accurate than the most accurate spirit levels on the market. Other features include an automatic shut off after continual non use, so it does not to waste battery power. Also, if turned upside down, the screen will automatically adjust so you can read it without any problems.
Using a digital level is common in the concrete industry where a high level of accuracy is a must, and where pitch is exact.
Product Features
- Brightview™ Vial Surrounds
- Audible Tones
- Green Backlight
- 3 Modes
- 90° & 0° Vials
- 4 Stong Neodymium V-Grooved Magnets
- Savage™ Accuracy
- Precision Machined
Click on the + for more more details
Learn Why SAVAGE™ Box Beam Levels Are The Ultimate in Accuracy and Durability
Brightview™ Vial Surrounds
Brightview™ Vial Surrounds reflect light into the vials for improved visibility
Audible Tone
Audible Tone for hands free operations
4 Strong Neodymium V-Grooved Magnets
4 Strong Neodymium V-Grooved Magnets 10X stronger hold eliminate level movement on metal surfaces, V-grooved to easily work with round surfaces
3 Modes
3 Modes degrees, percent of grade & pitch
90° & 0° Vials
90° & 0° Vials allows for traditional vial read
Green Backlight
Green Backlight auto-correcting screen for top and bottom reading
Savage™ Accuracy
Savage™ Accuracy 1/10 of degree
Precision Machined, Solid Billet Aero Space Aluminum Frame
Precision Machined, Solid Billet Aero Space Aluminum Frame for maximum durability
SAVAGE™ Level Guarantee: Swanson Tool Co., Inc. guarantees to the original purchaser only that Swanson's SAVAGE™ Level products will maintain their stated accuracy for life. The vials on all SAVAGE™ Levels will not decrease from their stated accuracy, EVER! If they do, Swanson® will replace with a new level. Bent, twisted or damaged levels void the guarantee. For details to make a claim under this guarantee, please contact Swanson® at (815) 469-9453.
Limited Lifetime Guarantee: Swanson Tool Co., Inc. guarantees to the original purchaser only that Swanson's SAVAGE™ products will be free from defects in the material and workmanship for the life of the product. Swanson's sole liability and purchaser's sole and exclusive remedy under this Limited Lifetime Guarantee shall be the repair or replacement, at Swanson's sole discretion, of any product that Swanson® determines is defective in material or workmanship. In no event shall Swanson® be liable for any incidental or consequential damages (including liability for loss of profits or other damages) arising from the sale or use of the product. All implied guarantees shall be limited in duration to one year from the date of first purchase, to the extent applicable. For details to make a claim under this Limited Lifetime Guarantee, please contact Swanson® at (815) 469-9453.


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|Join me in an adventure through the bead and fiber world : trying new artforms, combining old and new techniques, finding new materials and tools, sharing the successes and the mistakes, discovering all the great bead and fiber ideas on the Internet and pushing the leading edge of the bead and fiber arts. ...The Beadwrangler
are over 1,000 pages at Beadwrangler's!
So just start anywhere and use the Navigation Bar on the left side of each screen to move around.
Most of the links on the Navigation Bar are right here at beadwrangler.com A few are located at one of my other websites. For example, Inside Crochet is located at beadcrochet.com and Inside Knit is located at beadknit.com. But there is always a button there to get you back to Beadwrangler's!
Your Guide to Beadwrangler's is an annotated description of each item on the Navigation Bar.
There's lots
to see here.
Planning on
setting up your own website? Or, moving your website to a more reliable
Check out 1&1 Web Hosting. They have been hosting all the Beadwrangler websites for years!
They can also help you register your new domain name. Check 'em out!
What's New at the Beadwrangler Mall
Retro Ropes!
I was so impressed with the ropes I created with the "retro stitch" that I scoured the fiber world for new crochet threads.
The Retro kits come in all sizes of seed beads (15/0, 11/0, 8/0 & 6/0). You can create ropes with solid beads, Beadwrangler seed bead mix, or clear crystal beads using metallic threads or variegated threads.
A Bead Crochet Critter!
A Schmoo Party
Schmoo are mythical critters that bring you happiness and good luck. Once you create a schmoo, you can add various embellishments to make it your own unique critter. They make unforgettable gifts and are always the center of attention. Once you hold a schmoo in your hand, you will never want to be without it. Schmoo are small and can be carried in your bag to keep you company.
Schmoo Lore
New Beading Kit
New Thread
I am constantly searching for new threads to use in beading, crochet, knitting, embroidery, quilting, weaving and other handwork. Here are links to all the threads at the Beadwrangler Mall.
Now you can learn bead crochet from the Beadwrangler.
Learn Bead Crochet from Scratch!

subset: commoncrawl


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Items at stockpile prices are marked with the True Couponing Shopping Cart!
Freebies, Money Makers or items even cheaper than usual stockpile prices are marked as a True Deal. You won't want to miss these!
Manufacturer's coupons are in RED
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Copyright © TrueCouponing.com 2012. May not be reproduced without permission.


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The York County coroner released the name of the man killed in a vehicle crash Monday in Washington Township.
The York County coroner said 19-year-old Timothy Grim Jr. of East Berlin crossed the center line of Route 194 and slammed into a truck.
Both vehicles caught fire.
Grim's body was so badly burned, a DNA test was completed to confirm his identity.
The truck driver had minor injuries.


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Pay TV succeeding with viewers
BERLIN – A cable monopoly is taking form in Germany that could soon change the face of the country's TV landscape.
Kabel Deutschland, born last year following the acquisition of six Deutsche Telekom regional cable franchises by equity investors APAX, GS Capital Partners and Providence Equity Partners, has started rolling out its new broadband cable grid in cities including Berlin, Bayreuth, Leipzig and Munich.
It looks set to take over a seventh regional provider — Ish in North Rhine-Westphalia — and is eyeing the two remaining, Iesy in the state of Hesse and Kabel Baden-Wurttemberg.
The takeover of Ish, which has 4 million customers, would give Kabel Deutschland some 14 million cable households.
Kabel Deutschland reportedly is prepared to pay E2.75 billion ($3.37 billion) for the three companies, including $1.7 billion for Ish alone. If successful, Kabel Deutschland will end up with all of the cable pipes originally owned and operated by Deutsche Telekom.
Ish is owned by a consortium of 38 banks that will review the offer later this month, but Deutsche Bank and Citigroup are said to have already blessed the deal.
Many in the industry see consolidation as necessary for the continued modernization of the nationwide cable grid. With one company in charge, the digital upgrade is expected to be more efficiently and uniformly carried out than would be the case if the patchwork of state and regional cablers were forced to modernize assets on their own.
However, Germany's monopoly-wary media watchdogs have cautioned that consolidation could eventually be detrimental to technical upgrades by eliminating competition. No competition means no investment, the theory goes.
But Kabel Deutschland has a solid chance of consolidating the market. The group has been carefully preparing for the acquisitions of Iesy and Kabel BW and has sent a team of legal experts to confer with European and German antitrust regulators to ease the way.
Yet the general acceptance of digital cable remains a big question mark.
Of the country's 20 million cable households, only about 4 million have been upgraded to new digital standards. And Kabel Deutschland's digital TV bouquet, which rolls out in April, won't differ much initially from what cable viewers already receive — but it will be more expensive.
Viewers must buy a digital receiver, which will cost between $50 and $100, and pay a one-time turn-on fee of around $50. The minimum package will be between $15 and $20 a month, similar to existing rates.
Ish started introducing its digital offering in North Rhine-Westphalia late last year, but only about a quarter of its subscribers can get it due to the limited technical infrastructure. Company is hoping to have digital TV ready for 70% of its subscribers by the end of this year.
Despite the slow pace, the dawning of the digital age has given companies like Haim Saban's terrestrial broadcasting group ProSiebenSat.1 exciting new possibilities.
Dazzled by the wonders of cinema-on-demand and niche channels galore, ProSiebenSat.1 is itching to get into the pay TV business — so much so that it has started a bidding war with Premiere, the country's only pay TV platform, for lucrative Bundesliga national league soccer to leverage a possible buyout of the paybox.


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Contact Information
Best Western Plus Oceanfront
Comfort Inn & Suites VA Beach/Norfolk Airport
Comfort Suites Beachfront
Courtyard Virginia Beach Norfolk
Days Inn Virginia Beach At The Beach
Days Inn Virginia Beach Oceanfront
DoubleTree by Hilton Hotel Virginia Beach3
Marriott Chesapeake
Sleep Inn Lake Wright
The Founders Inn
The Oceanfront Inn
The Westin Virginia Beach Town Center
Princess Anne Sports Complex, City View Park and other venues
4001 Dam Neck Road
Virginia Beach, VA 23456
TEAM TRAVEL SOURCE is excited to work with you on your hotel reservation(s) for this event!
NEED ONE ROOM? - Reservations can be made at any time!
NEED A BLOCK OF ROOMS? - Email your contact info, program name, # of rooms, dates and hotel requested to email@example.com. We will get back in touch with you ASAP to set up a free customized link for your program!
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cool finds at elsewares
If you haven't been introduced to the ELSEWARES Independent Art & Design site yet, it's definitely worth checking out! There are tons of great finds for your tabletop, home, stationery collection, wardrobe, and more. Some of my personal favorites are pictured below – click here to check out the entire collection!
{pictured above} Roots & Shoots Plate Set by Working Class Studio, Full Contact Spice Grinder by MINT, and Smorgas-board Plate Set by Pop Ink.
{pictured above} Street Sign Coasters by Borris Bally and Blossom , Butterfly , Goldfish , Brooklyn , and Hare coaster sets – all by Sesame Letterpress
Comments 6
- August 23, 2007 by jennifer
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- In the Spotlight
1Kelly Mahoney SAYS:
Cool finds, I'm a big fan.
2Jennifer Ramos SAYS:
These are just awesome for parties….will have to consider getting stuff like this at some point.
Jen Ramos
3cindy SAYS:
4haley SAYS:
such great coaster designs! I'm a big fan of Sesame Letterpress too!
5susan SAYS:
uh-oh – I feel some shopping coming on!! :)
6perki SAYS:
Glad to see Sesame Press has a few new designs :)


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අසම්මත සිංහල වචන
|This article අනාථ ලිපියක් වන්නේ, වෙනත් කිසිම ලිපියක් එය වෙත නොබැඳෙන බැවිනි. (ජූනි 2013)
|මෙම ලිපිය වැඩිදියුණු කළයුතුව ඇත.
ඔබ මෙම මාතෘකාව පිලිබඳව දැනුවත්නම්, නව කරුණු එක්කිරීමට දායකවන්න.
Sinhala slang is used by the Sinhala speaking majority of Sri Lanka, and in the Sinhala speaking Sri Lankan diaspora.
- 1 සිංහල උප භාශා
- 2 ග්රාම්ය ව්යවහාරය, අපව්යවහාරය, දේවාපහාසය සහ අසභ්ය වචන
- 2.1 කාරයා
- 2.2 පොදු උදාහරණය ග්රාම්ය ව්යවහාරය සහ නව වාක්කරණය
- 2.3 අපභාෂාවවෙත සිත යොමු කරවන අවස්ථාව
- 2.4 Slang refering undesirerable situations
- 2.5 පුද්ගල ආමන්ත්රන / පුද්ගල හැඳින්වීම්
- 2.6 ආදර සබඳතා
- 2.7 මත් ද්රව්ය සම්බන්ධ
- 2.8 Examples of Composite Slang (non taboo)
- 2.9 බැන වැදීම්
- 2.10 Examples of Equating People with Animals
- 2.11 Slang and Euphemisms for Body parts, Intimate Wear, and Bodily functions
- 2.12 Examples of Taboo Sexual Slang and Euphemisms
- 2.13 කුණු හරුප
- 3 වැඩිදුර කියවීම්
- 4 References
- 5 External links
- 6 සිරස්තල පෙළ
සිංහල උප භාශා[සංස්කරණය කරන්න]
සිංහල උප භාශා (දේශීය භාෂාව) යනු බහුල අප්රධාන variations of Sinhala language which is based on the locale (within Island of Sri Lanka) and the social classes and social groups (e.g. University Students). Most of the slang are common across all dialects. However certain slang are restricted to certain social classes or groups.
Sinhala is an Indo-Aryan language and exhibits a marked diglossia between the spoken and written forms. As such, it is also difficult to find instances of colloquial slang, in any form of formal literature. Also certain slang (specially sexual slang and swear words) are considered to be so taboo, that definitions of those words are not found in any public domain literature. If you take a language such as English, the level of taboo on most of the profanity has gradually declined over the time. If you take USA or UK for example, most of the English profanities are broadcasted unsensored in cable channels like HBO. This is not the case with Sinhala profanities. They are not found in any form of media, publications or even internet, apart from unmoderated blogs and talk pages. Having said that, most of the non-taboo slangs given as examples below, are in widespread and frequant use even in popular media; especially in various FM radio channels and popular TV channels.
aiyo salli
ග්රාම්ය ව්යවහාරය, අපව්යවහාරය, දේවාපහාසය සහ අසභ්ය වචන[සංස්කරණය කරන්න]
Each dialect and within each dialect; regional, class, age and gender differences would lead to unique slang and swear words. Following is a list of potential slang by different categories up until 2007.
Certain slang are used only within certain social groups and sometime not understood outside of that group. For example, Aais Amma (ආයිස් අම්මා) is a slang used by certain segments of the Sri Lankan society to express pleasurable surprise (similar to wow!). This slang is not picked up by most of the social classes who regard themselves as more refined. Instead they might use Shaa (ෂා) to express the same feeling. Within Sri Lankan universities, diverse slang exists, which is only used and understood by the university students and the alumni. For example Kuppiya (කුප්පිය) which literally means 'small bottle' or 'small lamp' is used to refer to an informal tuition class conducted by a student, who better knows the subject area for a small study group for free of charge. Within the Army, the term Aati (ආටි) is used to refer to artillery shells so that Aati gahanawa (ආටි ගහනවා) means shelling. These terms such as Kuppia (කුප්පිය) and Aati (ආටි) are mostly not understood outside of the demographic group which uses them.
In this Wikipedia article, only the contemporary sinhala slang commonly understood by larger social groups are listed.
කාරයා[සංස්කරණය කරන්න]
Sinhala language has an all purpose suffix Kaaraya (කාරයා) which when suffixed to a regular noun (which denotes a demographic group, etc), creates an informal and disrespectful reference to a person of that demographic group. Most native speakers of Sinhala liberally use this suffix when they chat informally. However they also make great effort to avoid Kaaraya when they speak in a formal venue.
polis-kaaraya (පොලිස්කාරයා) – policeman
thæpel-kaaraya (තැපැල්කාරයා) – postman
mura-kaaraya (මුරකාරයා) - watchman
bora-kaaraya (බෝරාකාරයා) - a Bora Muslim person
American-kaaraya (ඇමෙරිකන්කාරයා) - an American
Light bill kaaraya (ලයිට්බිල් කාරයා) Light bill issued person
wathura bill karraya(වතුරබිල් කාරයා) Water bill issued person
පොදු උදාහරණය ග්රාම්ය ව්යවහාරය සහ නව වාක්කරණය[සංස්කරණය කරන්න]
Most of below slang are regarded as non-offensive and jovial.
- අම්මප/අම්මපා - Used to swear/convince the listener (usually a well-known person). Ammapa? (අම්මප?/අම්මපා?) - Used to express astonishment.
- 'අම්මට හුඩු / අම්මට උඩු / අම්මට සිරි- Used to express surprise. Concidered non taboo but vulgur. Not supposed to be used in decent company and people who liberally use this in decent company are regarded as less 'classy'
- ගල් කරනවා - Sneak something out of its place, shop-lift or steal (small items). (e.g. Methana tibba pæna kawuru hari gal karala (මෙතන තිබ්බ පෑන කවුරු හරි ගල් කරලා) means 'Someone has sneaked out the pen from here'.) This is not to be confused with Gal Kapanawa (ගල් කපනවා) which has a sexual meaning. (see further below)
- ගල්කටස් - Locally made short barrelled firearm or similar improvised weapon used by underworld gangs.
- ගැන්සිය - A Gang.
- ඉබ්බාට යනවා - Sneaking in without paying. Travelling in public transportation without paying.
- ජරාව - Bribe. 'Jarawa denawa' (ජරාව දෙනවා) means to bribe someone.
- කඩේ යනවා) or Kade Yawanawa (කඩේ යවනවා) - Literally 'going to the shop' or 'sending to the shop'. Refers to the situation of 'getting used' or 'using' someone. In certain scenarios Kade Yawanawa or Kade Arinawa could mean 'taking for a ride' (deceive or swindle).
- කඩුව / කඩ්ඩ) - Literally 'Sword'. Means 'English Language'. (e.g. Kadda siraa num interview eka goda (කඩ්ඩ සිරානම් ඉන්ටවිව් එක ගොඩ) means 'Interview will be a breeze if fluent in English'). Etymology of the term is based on the fact that just like a person wielding a sword skilfully gets and 'undue' advantage in the olden days, nowadays someone displaying a fluency in English gets and 'undue' advantage in most situations.
- කිංඩි - Sneer, scornful, ridicule, mockery, scoff (e.g. Mokada nikan kindiyata hinawenne? (මොකද නිකන් කින්ඩියට හිනා වෙන්නේ?) means 'Why are u smiling scornfully?')
- Maaru Wenawa (මාරු වෙනවා) - sneaking out
- මාටියා ගහනවා) - Grafting of funds.(public or private)
- පලයන් යන්න) or Ane palayan bang yanna (අනේ පලයං බං යන්න) - Entire expression literally translates in to 'get outa here' and coincidently (or not so coincidently) it means exactly the same as the English language slang 'get outa here' which means that 'We don't believe you'; not 'Get lost'.
- පට්ට) - Extreme. (e.g. 'Patta Aathal' (පට්ට ආතල්) means 'Extremely joyful'.) Patta Gahanawa (පට්ට ගහනවා) means to hit hard, to thrash (as in 'Moowa patta gahanna one karapu wædeta' (මූව පට්ට ගහන්න ඕනෙ කරපු වැඩේට) means 'This one has to be thrashed for that work') or to abuse (as in 'Oya ænduma dæn sathiyakma patta gahala thiyenne' (ඔය ඇඳුම දැන් සතියක්ම පට්ට ගහල තියෙන්නෙ)). Patta Dawaale (පට්ට දවාලෙ) means 'in broad daylight'.
- තෙල් බෙදනවා) or Thela Bedanawa (තෙල බෙදනවා) - Trying to thrust subjective ideology upon others in the pretence of giving advice (used mostly in campuses). 'Thela' (තෙල) alone is used sometimes.
- උම්මා - Child's word for a kiss. Derived from the 'sound' of kissing.
- වන්ඩිය - Vehicle, and derived from the Tamil word for Vehicle 'Vandi'. Note the term Ladiya (ලඩිය), which means a rickety old vehicle.
- වල - Mischievous stuff (e.g. Wala Bahinawa (වල බහිනවා) refers to involving in lot of 'extra curricular' activities or collective misbehavior)
- අවටියල් (උඹල මොකක් හරි අවටියල් වැඩක් කරල නේද ආවේ)
- සුම්මා (යමක් කිරීමට ඉඩක් නෑ) ඒව කරනව සුම්මා මෙහෙ.
- ඩොටේ (Dottey) - Rural areas or countryside. Small villages situated far away from the urban. Hena dotayak (හෙණ ඩොටයක්) or Patta dotak (පට්ට ඩොටක්) means a person, specially referring to a woman who lives in a remote area. Often used to indicate social class (lower or middle). Opposite of "Posh".
අපභාෂාවවෙත සිත යොමු කරවන අවස්ථාව[සංස්කරණය කරන්න]
These slang have a positive connotation.
- Aathal (ආතල්) - Happy feeling, state of happiness. Aathal Kedenawa (ආතල් කැඩෙනවා) is used to describe a situation which disturbs the status quo. Moda Aathal (මෝඩ ආතල්, ගොන් ආතල්) TBD.
- Ela kiri (එළකිරි) - Literally 'Cow's Milk'. Figuratively, means 'very good quality' or 'great'. This is always used in friendly context. E.g.: when someone is very happy with something, this is used. The word Ela (එළ) is also used as a shortened form. Note the web site www.ElaKiri.com is named after this slang.
- ගින්දර වගේ) - Literally 'Like Fire'. Figuratively, meaning something really good, or really matches the requirements.
- ගොඩ යනවා) - Literally 'Reaching the dry land'. Means 'recover' or acheive the goal. Only Goda (ගොඩ) is also used to give the same meaning. (e.g. Tawa visi pandahak hoyaa gaththoth api goda. (තව විසි පන්දාහක් හොයා ගත්තොත් අපි ගොඩ.)) Goda Daagannawa (ගොඩ දාගන්නවා) is used as the opposite to Æna Gannawa (ඇන ගන්නවා). (e.g. Pora kohoma hari mul wataya goda daa gaththa (පොර කොහොම හරි මුල් වටය ගොඩ දා ගත්තා) means 'Somehow he managed to get through the first round').
- 'මාරයි) - Surprising.
- සැප කනේ) - Literally 'Pleasure in the ear'. Figuratively means very joyfull
- සිරා) - Serious. Derives from the English word 'Serious'.
- 'සොමිය) - Happy feeling, state of happiness. (Use of Aathal Eka (ආතල් එක) is preferred over Somiya (සොමිය) in most social circles now.)
Slang refering undesirerable situations[සංස්කරණය කරන්න]
These slang have a negative connotation.
- Anaa Gannawa (අනා ගන්නවා) - Literally 'getting mixed up', Anenawa (ඇනෙනවා) - something is getting out of hand, becoming worst or messy. (e.g. Wædi wæda karanna gihin wæde ænuna (වැඩි වැඩ කරන්න ගිහින් වැඩේ ඇනුනා))
- Æna Gannawa (ඇන ගන්නවා) - Literally to 'getting pricked', usually refers to the situation of getting rejected or getting failed (exam, love, work etc.). A popular derivative is Ahala Æna Gannawa (අහල ඇන ගන්නවා). (e.g. Pora oya baduwagen keepa parakma ahala ænagena thiyenawa. (පොර ඔය බඩුවගෙන් කීප සැරයක්ම අහලා ඇනගෙන තියෙනවා.) means 'The guy got rejected (of love) by that girl several times.')
- Ændenawa (ඇඬෙනවා) - Literally means 'makes me cry'. Used to express a wide range of feelings from sorrow to happiness. Could also mean 'great' or 'hard to believe' in certain contexts (e.g. Maara lassana baduwak machan, dækkama ændenawa! (මාර ලස්සන බඩුවක් මචං. දැක්කම ඇඬෙනවා!) means 'That's a very pretty girl, and I can't explain the pleasure of seeing her!' or Kiyala wædak næ, traffic eka dækkama ændenawa (කියලා වැඩක් නෑ, ට්රැෆික් එක දැක්කම ඇඬෙනවා) means 'The traffic jam makes me sick')
- Anja-bajal (අන්ජ බජල්) - Messy/Complicated/Troublesome
- Agna-koros/Angja-koros (අඤ්ඤ කොරොස්) - Incomprehensible
- Charter (චාටර්) or Saater (සාටර්) - (with 'r' pronounced) An expression of disrepute or expressing that something or someone is not upto the expectations or standards.
- Goo Case (ගූ කේස්) - Messy, problematic or out of hand situation. Wæde Varchas (වැඩේ වර්චස්) is also mockingly used for the same meaning. Literal meaning of both is Shitty thing. See Goo (ගූ) below. The term Badu Banis (බඩු බනිස්) is used in slightly different situations. It usually says that something which was good has now become screwed up. Since term Goo is treated as vulgur or even tabooo, this expression itself is regarded as vulgur.
- Huta-pata (හුට පට) - Complicated series of events that lead mostly to an undesirable situation
- Kade (කඩේ) - Literally boutique. Refers to a noisy, uncomfortable or nagging place or situation.
- Katuwa (කටුව) or Katta Kanawa (කට්ට කනවා) - Literally 'Prick' or 'eating (fish?) bone'. Unnessorility tedious work or situation. (e.g. Saturday office gihilla mara kattak kanna set unane (සැටඩේ ඔෆිස් ගිහින් මාර කට්ටක් කන්න සෙට් උනානේ))
- නෝන්ඩි) - (Public) embarrassment. Similar to Pal Una (පල් උනා), Kicha Una (කිච උනා) or Sawutthu Una (සවුත්තු උනා).
- 'මළ පනිනවා) - Means 'Makes angry'. Mala (මළ) in this context means anger. Etimology may have some connection to discharge of excrement, because Mala paninawa (මළ පනිනවා) literally means 'Makes shitting'. I don't think there is a referance to excrement here Ritigala Jayasena 06:06, 27 August 2007 (UTC). I think that original reference may be literally to excrement. --Lahirs (talk) 04:11, 27 May 2008 (UTC) Thada una (තද උනා) is also used to mean the same. Yaka Nægga (යකා නැග්ගා) or simply Nægga (නැග්ගා) can mean the same and is used mostly by females. Due to the similar sexual slang for 'erection'; males usually avoid using Nægga (නැග්ගා) to mean the anger, as it can be misinterpreted for having sexual arousal.
- Mangnan/Mangjan (මඤ්ඤං) - Disoriented/Incomprehensible. (Also the phrase Karakola Athæriya Wage (කරකවලා අතෑරියා වගේ) is used to mean the same)
- Wali (වලි) - Argumentative, disputatious, quarrelsome. Waliya (වලිය) means the quarrel. Opposite of Wali (වලි) is usually Shape (ෂේප්) (e.g. 'Wali num apith wali, shape num apith shpe' (වලිනම් අපිත් වලි, ෂේප්නම් අපිත් ෂේප්)). Also note the term Kokka (කොක්ක) (literally 'hook') which also means argumentative, disputatious, but not quarrelsome.
- Aiyo Salli (අයියෝ සල්ලි) - Sarcastic response mixed with humor. Occasionally used to express mixed feelings depending on a particular situation.
පුද්ගල ආමන්ත්රන / පුද්ගල හැඳින්වීම්[සංස්කරණය කරන්න]
Refer the section Use of Karaya above, to understand how the term 'karaya' can be used to create a disrespectful reference to any profession. Moreover simple prefix 'ya' can also be used to create a disrespectful term using the respectful base term. (e.g. Dostara is the respectful slang for a 'Medical Doctor' which is based on the English term. However, Dostaraya (with 'ya' suffix) is a disrespectful or scornful reference to a doctor.
- බං - General friendly way of addressing a male or female. Mostly used by males to address males (e.g. Mokada ban ke gahanne? (මොකද බන් කෑ ගහන්නේ) means 'Why are you shouting man?'.) This is similar to Indian expression Yarr or Americanism 'man'.
- 'හෙන්චයියා) - directly derived from the English slang 'Henchman'. Both terms Bataya and Henchaiya are regarded as derogatory.
- චමින්ද - An euphemism for a very old person. Chaminda is a very common male name which became popular after 1970s. It is highly unlikely for an elderly person born before the second world war to have the name 'Chaminda'. For this reason, it assumed safe to talk about a situation involving an old person, refering to him as 'Chaminda', so that no one suspects that you are talking about an old person. (e.g. In a bus -> Machan oya Baduwata line daane balagena. Passe seat eke inna Chaminda ekige seeya)
- Haalparuwa (හාල්පාරුවා) - Useless, undesirable person.
- Kabba (කබ්බා) - An inferior or weaker person (Especially in sports, game or an activity which requires skill and experience). plural Kabbo (කබ්බෝ)
- Kossa (කොස්සා) or Kochchiya (කොච්චියා) - Disrespectful term to refer to a police constable. The respectful slang would be රාළහාමි which is also used by police officers to refer to fellow officers.
- Lokka (ලොක්කා) - Literally 'Big person'. Can be used as a substitute for the slang 'Boss'. Is also used as a jovial but respectful term to address an elderly person.
- මචං - Used by males to address a fellow male. Similar to 'Mate' or 'Brother'. Literal meaning (of the original Tamil word) is 'brother-in-law'. 'Machan' (මචං) is rarely used by females to refer to a fellow male (and even rarely to a fellow female) but not regarded as a mainstream usage. Machan (මචං) is quickly becoming the de-facto standard in addressing same age or same rank peers in most social circles, including office environments. In private sector office environments, 'Machan' (මචං) is especially used by senior person to address a subordinate to create (sometimes, false) sense of equity. [1]
- Mætta (මැට්ටා) - A foolish person, an idiot.
- Pimpiya (පිමිපියා)- Derived from the English word 'Pimp'. Means the same.
- Pora (පොර) - Male, Guy. Note that Baduwa (බඩුව) used in this context alongside with Pora (පොර) is the female form, and does not necessarily have a sexual connotation. (e.g. 'Machan, phone ekata answer kale porakda baduwakda?' (මචං, ෆෝන් එකට ආන්ස(ර්) කළේ පොරක්ද බඩුවක්ද?) means 'Who answered the phone, a guy or a gal?'). However, Baduwa (බඩුව) is also used in a sexist context (see below). The term Buwa has similar meaning to Pora. However, Buwa (බුවා) is not as popular term as Pora (පොර). It has specific uses such as Ela Buwa (එළ බුවා) which means 'cool guy' or 'really good guy'. (See also Ela (එළ))
- Sikka (සික්කා) - Disrespectful term for Security Guard. Derived from the same English word.
- Simba (සිඹා) - Pervert.
- Vesi (වේසි) - Prostitute. See also Gona under Examples of taboo Sexual Slang and Euphemisms section below.
- Samanala (සමනල) - A homosexual person. (e.g. 'Dickman's road eke samanala mage langa' (ඩික්මන්ස් රෝඩ් එකේ සමනල මගේ ළඟ) means 'the gay guy of Dickman's road is stalking me.')
- පිනා - Used by School principal
- කොමා - Used by commissioner
ආදර සබඳතා[සංස්කරණය කරන්න]
Slang which is commonly regarded as not taboo is documented in this section. Please refer Examples of Taboo Sexual Slang and Euphemisms for slang which is regarded as taboo.
- කෑල්ල) - Literally means 'a piece'. Used to refer to an eye catching girl. Commonly used by young males. (e.g. Sira Kealla- සිරා කෑල්ල). Plural: 'Kæli' (කෑලි)
- 'කොටුවක් පනිනවා) - Committing adultery or having socially unaccepted relationship.
- ලයින් දානවා) - Rather old yet not outdated term which means flirting with or 'hitting on' someone. Usually refers to male activity.
- මල් කඩනවා) - To engage in flirtious chit-chat with member(s) of opposite sex. There is popular nick-name Mal Maama (මල් මාමා) which refers to a male person with excessive such behaviours. Also note the term Pæni Halanawa (පැණි හලනවා) which refers to a similar activity and the corresponding nick name Pæniya (පැණියා).
- Paana Allanawa (පාන අල්ලනවා) - Literally 'holding the lamp'. Mocking reference to the act of a friend who accompany a person who is going to meet his date, girlfriend, wife, fiancee. This refers to the act of holding some light to help someone do something in the dark. (e.g. Umba taniyama palayan. Mama paana allanna enna one nehe (උඹ තනියම පලයන්. මම පාන අල්ලන්න එන්න ඕන නැහැ) means 'you go alone to see your date, why do you need me for')
- "palance" (පලාන්ස්) පුක පලනව "- have a sexual affair or madinawa ("මදීනව")
- සිරිසෙනද - සිරාවට කරන ලව් එකක් -True Love
- සොමදාසද - සොමියට කරන ලව් එකක් - Not a Ture Love
මත් ද්රව්ය සම්බන්ධ[සංස්කරණය කරන්න]
There are many slang to refer to substances and their usage.
- බට - Cigarette. (e.g. Batayak gahamuda? (බටයක් ගහමුද?) means 'Shall we have a smoke?')
- බෙබේ - Alcoholic. This could be a shorten form for Bebadda (බේබද්දා).
- දෙකක් දා ගන්නවා) - To have a drink. Note that Nethi wenna gahanawa (නැති වෙන්න ගහනවා) refers to getting really drunk till one is unconsious. Wadinna ganahawa (වදින්න ගහනවා) means getting high but not really drunk. Mokuth karamuda (මොකුත් කරමුද?) which literally means 'shall we do something' when used in certain contexts means 'shall we have a drink'.
- දුම - Used to mean anything used to have a smoke (e.g. cigarette, cigar, mal (මල්) etc.). (e.g. Dumak adimuda? (දුමක් අදිමුද?) means 'Shall we have a smoke?')
- කුඩු - Heroin or other similar narcotics
- මල්, සුස්තිය, ජොයින්ට් එක - Roll of Ganja (Cannabis or pot) for smoking or the ingredients used to prepare those. Relatively new term Mala (මල) is preferred over Suusthiya (සුස්තිය) in most social circles. Also the term Roket (Rocket) is sometimes used to mean the same. Joint Gahanawa (ජොයින්ට් ගහනවා) means smoking Marijuana.
- නැටුම් තෙල් - Bit outdated but rather sarcastic term referring to any kind of hard liquor.
There are many terms to refer to illicit or homemade liquor which includes Kasippu (කසිප්පු) (this is the most common and accepted name), 'Heli Arrakku' (හැලි අරක්කු) (archaic term means, Pot-Liquor), 'Kashiya' (කෂියා) (which is a pet name derived from more mainstream term Kasippu), 'Vel Beer' (වෙල් බියර්) (means, beer of the paddy field), 'Vel Fanta' (වෙල් ෆැන්ටා) (means, Fanta(similar to the popular fruit-flavored carbonated soft drink) of the paddy field), 'Katukambi' (කටු කම්බි) (means, barbed wire) 'Suduwa' (සුදුවා) (means, the white substance) depending on locality.
Examples of Composite Slang (non taboo)[සංස්කරණය කරන්න]
Following non taboo composite slangs have two or more words combined and used together. Their specific meaning is expressed only when the combination of words used together. Individual words might not have any associated meaning with composite slang.
- ඒ ඒ බනිසට ඒ ඒ කෙසෙල්ගෙඩිAe Ae Banisata Ae Ae Keselgedi - Literally 'particular Buns (that taste better or go with) with particular Bananas', means providing a problematic situation with a very suitable solution (even temporary).
- ආච්චිට හාල් ගරන්න - Expresses anger or unpleasant surprise. This is an expression which is actually 'avoidance' or euphemism for much stronger swear.
- බාල්දියක් පෙරලනවා - Literally 'to roll a bucket'. Refers to 'picking a fight' or 'act in an angry manner or shout about'
- දුක තමයි රංජනී - Means 'it is going to be painful/exhausting/messy/problematic etc'. This used in similar contexts. Ane Manda Sarath (අනේ මන්දා සරත්) is a slang which has same origins as Duka Tamai Ranjanee. Ane Manda Sarath is used in situations where one would say 'I don't know!'. Note that 'Ranjanee' and 'Sarath' are common female and male names which were popular in 1960s and hence very common in middle aged population.
- ගොක්කොල පේනවා - Literally 'to see young coconut leaves' (which are traditionally used to decorate a funeral). Refers to a situation where impending death is sensed in an eerie manner.
- Jalaya Apathe - literally 'waste of water'. Figuratively 'in vain'
- ජම්බු ගහෙන් වැටෙනවා - Euphemism for a girl attaining puberty. There are many other old and well established slang for the same such as Loku Lamayek Wenawa (ලොකු ළමයෙක් වෙනවා), "Puka Mala Poodinawa" (පුක මල පූදිනවා),
Loku Wenawa (ලොකු වෙනවා), Malwara Wenawa (මල්වර වෙනවා), Geta Wenawa (ගෙට වෙනවා) (Literally 'become house confined' which is rather outdated term, which refers to rather outdated practice of confining a girl strictly indoors for few days, right after her very first menstruation)
- Pissu Hedena Sanda! (පිස්සු හැදෙන සඳ!) - Shows surprise literally translates as 'Makes me crazy'.
- Peththaka Indan Kahinawa (පැත්තක ඉඳන් කහිනවා) - Literally to 'cough in the sides'. Scornful reference to a third party who is supporting one party in an argument where the third party has no right to get involved. Nayata Kahinawa (ණයට කහිනවා) also has a similar usage.
- Sori dot kom (සොරි ඩොට් කොම්) - Spoof reference to a (hypothetical) sorry.com web site, used to refer to a 'sorry' situation. (e.g. Train eka miss unothnam sori dom kom (ට්රේන් එක මිස් උනොත්නම් සොරි ඩොට් කොම්)). This is becoming popular among IT savvy populace and specially IT students.
- Sorry Wenna Ona (සොරි වෙන්න ඕන) - Expressing sympathy or apology in a mocking manner.
- වල කජ්ජ ගහනවා - Literal reference to an ancient Sri Lankan game played with cashew nuts. Means 'to die' (same as 'kick the bucket')
- Ata deka seesan venava (ඇට දෙක සීසන් වෙනවා) - strange or adventure moment for significant about critical situation
- Salli Kanava (සල්ලි කනවා) - spending too much on something or destroy, something can use
- Kaagahenava (කෑගැහෙනවා !!) - feeling of screaming loud at the loudest you could, when you have a suprice or sadest situation. as an example in a suprice we say "wow" or in a sad or low situation we used to say "f***k" in screaminmg way.. similar to that. but this will go more deeper like, after you explaning a story about some incident happened to u and after the story, when you have to give the feeling u had on that moment... you can use "kagahenawa machan"
- ක්රැක්) - its really equal word for "crazy" (e.g.ඌට ක්රැක් බං )
බැන වැදීම්[සංස්කරණය කරන්න]
- Ado (අඩෝ) - Means 'Hey' or 'Oi'. Offensive when not used between friends.
- Bambuwa (බම්බුව) - Literally means Bamboo rod. Means 'nonsense'. Bambu gahapan! (බම්බු ගහපන්) usually means 'No way, get lost'
- Kehelmala (කෙහෙල්මල) - Literally means Banana Foliage. Used to mean 'nonsense'. (e.g. Mona kehelmalakda! (මොන කෙහෙල්මලක්ද!) means 'What nuisance' or 'What nonsense'.)
- Magula (මගුල) - Literally means 'wedding ceremony' or simply 'ceremony'. But used to mean 'nuisance' or 'nonsense'. Mona magulakda - (e.g. Mona magulakda manda (මොන මගුලක්ද මන්දා?) means What the hell is this?, Mata me magula karala epawewa (මට මේ මගුල කරලා එපා වෙලා) means 'I am fed up with this shit').
- පරයා) - Means 'outcast' or 'outsider'. Always offensive. Paratti (පරට්ටි) is the female version. Usually used prefixed to some other offensive word. (e.g. Paratta Belli (පරට්ට බැල්ලි) literally translates as 'outcast bitch')
- Ponnaya (පොන්නයා), Ponsiya or Pontiya - Umbrella term for all submissive Transgender people, Eunuch, or submissive male homosexual. Abusive word for any submissive behavior.
- Redda (රෙද්ද) - Means cloth (female garment). Offensive use is quite similar to 'Shit'. (e.g. 'Mona reddak da!' (මොන රෙද්දක්ද!) means 'What the hell!' and 'Thoge Aachchige redda' (තොගෙ ආච්චිගෙ රෙද්ද) means 'Your grandma's garment')
- තෝ) and Thoge (තොගෙ) - Means 'you' and 'yours' but offensive when used with an angry tone
- වේසි) - Prostitute, Whore. Patta Vesi (පට්ට වේසි) is a stronger abusive term. Vesige Putha (වේසිගෙ පුතා) Literally 'son of a whore'.
- Waathe (වාතෙ) - Literally means Gas or Wind. Used to mean 'Nuisance'. (e.g. Mala Waathe (මල වාතෙ) means 'Big nuisance')
- Yako (යකෝ) - Means 'You devil'. This term is not offensive when used between friends.
- Hutthige Putha (හුත්තිගේ පුතා) - Son of Bad woman (Bitch), is a stronger abusive term, insulting term.
- 'Hukapan ' ( හුකපන් ) - Fuck off.
- Thoge Ammata Hukapan ( තොගේ අම්මට හුකපන් ) - Sleep with your mother.
Examples of Equating People with Animals[සංස්කරණය කරන්න]
For the purpose of swearing, for fun, and as nicknames, it is a common practice in any language/culture to equate people with animals. Each language/culture has popular set of such animals references used for this purpose. Each animal represents a particular set of characteristic which can be positive or negative. In any culture, usually an animal like 'Pig' is used with negative connotation and an animal like 'Lion' with positive connotation.
- ඇඹලයා - Type of an Ant which are drawn to sweet stuff. Refers to a male who is drawn to females a lot.
- බල්ලා - Dog- Generally bad or dislikable person
- බකමූණා - (Owl)- Moody person who does not smile at all!!
- බස්සා / මූකලන් බස්සා - Owlet - One who responds with a grunt or "HMMM" in conversations.
- බැල්ලි () - Exactly the same usage as 'Bitch' and literally translates to 'Bitch'. Patta Bælli (පට්ට බැල්ලි) is a very offensive term. Bællige Putha (බැල්ලිගෙ පුතා) translates literally to 'son-of-a-bitch' and means exactly the same.
- Booruwa (බූරුවා) - Donkey. Refers to a silly person causing damages due to lack of knowledge. Derivative is Puththalam Booruwa (පුත්තලම් බූරුවා), which literally means donkey whose origin is 'Puttalam'. Also used sarcastically for describing the age (i.e. 'Puttalam booruwo dennekge wayasa' (පුත්තලම් බූරුවෝ දෙන්නෙක්ගෙ වයස) means 'As old as two Puttalam donkeys').
- Gal Aanda (ගල් ආඳා) - (Type of Eel) Elusive, Doggy, Cunning type of person.
- "'Gas Balla"' (ගස් බල්ලා) - (offensive term) Doggy, could be used on a meaner person than called 'dog'
- Gas Gemba (ගස් ගෙම්බා) - Tree Frog. - Dislikable slimy person.
- Gas Goana (ගස් ගෝනා) - Literally 'Tree Dwelling Sambar. Also used in rural dialects, as a substitute colloquial term for Monkey. The reason for the name is due to the fact that Monkey (Langur) meat is sometimes used a sa substitute for Sambar meat. Used as a derogatory nickname.
- ගස් බල්ලා - Generally badly or dislikable person
- ගැරඬියා - Dislikable slithery person
- Gini Kikili (ගිනි කිකිලි) - (Firely Hen) - Refers to an attractive and female. Similar to the English slang Bimbo.
- Gona (ගොනා) or Haraka (හරකා) or Mee haraka (මී හරකා) or Eladena (එළදෙන) - (Bull, Buffalo, Cow)
- Hikanala (හිකනලා) - Skink - Used to call people without any strength (e.g. Eka hikanala vage apahu giye. (ඒකා හිකනලා වගේ ආපහු ගියේ.))
- Koka (කොකා) - (Heron) Nick name for a skinny tall person.
- Kunakatuwa - (Hump Nosed Viper) - Person with a unlikable character who is envious of other people.
- Kukula (කුකුළා) - (Rooster or Cock) - Flirtious (male) person. Sometimes means 'womanizer'. Kukul kenthikaraya (කුකුළ් කේන්තිකාරයා) means 'Short tempered one'.
- Nariya (නරියා) - (Jackall) - Nick name or an Insult. Unlikeable person.
- Naya (නයා) - (Cobra) - Used to refer to a short tempered or revengeful person.
- Oora (ඌරා) - (Pig) - Used to refer to an unhygienic or gluttony person.
- Otuwa (ඔටුවා) - (Camel) - Odd person. (e.g. Æi api otuwoda? (ඇයි අපි ඔටුවොද?))
- Polos Kottoruwa (පොළොස් කොට්ටෝරුවා) - (Large Green Barbet is an Asian Barbet) Used as a nickname.
- Sinhaya (සිංහයා) - (Lion) - Brave, person with good principles.
- Wandura (වඳුරා) - (Monkey) - Nick name or an insult to a male, refering to his bad looks or being dark. Wændiri (වැඳිරි) is the female version.
Slang and Euphemisms for Body parts, Intimate Wear, and Bodily functions[සංස්කරණය කරන්න]
- Boga (බොග)or Bo(n)ga (බොඟ) - Partially taboo word which means excrement. Boga Charge (බොග චාජ්)රෙනවා means having a nature call. Etymology might be linked to English slang Bog
- Choo (චූ) or Chu (චූ) - Urine. Hujja (හුජ්ජ) is a more vulgar/colloquial term for urine, which is not used by upper social segments.
- Chu karanawa (චූ කරනවා) or Choo Danawa (චූ දානවා) means to pass urine. Dotta Yanawa (දොට්ට යනවා) is a colloquial and rather outdated slang for urinating. Sinduwak Kiyanawa, Haawek Allanna Yanawaa - TBA
- Dayal eka (ඩයල් එක) - The face (e.g. Dekala purudu dayal ekak (දැකලා පුරුදු ඩයල් එකක්) means 'A familiar face') or the personality person (e.g. Oonam maara dayal ekak (ඌනම් මාර ඩයල් එකක්) means 'What a guy is he'). Etimology is the English word: 'dial'. This term is mostly used to refer to the personality or demeanor than the 'face' of a person.
- Eli Bahinawa (එළි බහිනවා) - Outdated colloquial slang for defecation. Not used by urban community.
- Goo (ගූ) - Vulgar reference to Feces. Has similar usage as English term 'shit'. Varchas (වර්චස්) which is also an archiac formal term for excrement
- Joka (ජොකා) - Male underwear. Derived from Jockstrap. However, sometimes used to refer to any type of men's undergarment and not only Jockstrap. Jangiya is a similar umbrella term which refers to panties of all kind.
- Kabaraya (කබරයා) - vomit. Kabaraya Danawa (කබරයා දානවා) - to throw up (specially by a drunken person). Also the term Hotalaya (හෝටලය) is used to refer to a pile of vomit.
- Rata Bodiya (රට බොඩිය) or Bodiya (බොඩිය) - literally 'foreign bodice' - an outdated term used by non-urban community to refer to a modern bra. This term is no longer in day to day use.
- Pade (පඩේ) - Fart.
- Passa (පස්ස) - Backside or buttocks. And also to mean anus for children.
- Puka (පුක) - Means 'rectum' or sometimes buttocks. Not necessarily sexual. Not used in formal company; however regarded as mildly taboo. [1].
- Sinduwak Kiyanawa (සින්දුවක් කියනවා) - Literally 'Sing'. Well hidden euphemism to mean 'urinate', nature call (e.g. Mang tak gala sinduwak kiyala ennam (මං ටක් ගාලා සින්දුවක් කියලා එන්නම්))
- For following slang, refer to Examples of taboo Sexual Slang and Euphemisms section below
- Æta (deka), Gala, Gedi (Deka), GÆta (Deka), Malli, Meeya,MÆ Æte, Nangi, Nuula, Pettiya, Topa
Examples of Taboo Sexual Slang and Euphemisms[සංස්කරණය කරන්න]
Most of the sexual slang, euphemisms and sexual innuendo documented below has a strong male perspective. One reason being that this article is so far contributed mostly by males - supposedly, and the other reason being that the sexual slang anyway have strong male perspective to it, in Sri Lankan context (and in any cultural context for that matter). Irreverence and disrespect is a common trait in sexual slang. Especially the slang is sexist and disrespectful towards females. However, one can argue that slang is disrespectful towards everybody, and not just females. Otherwise well-meaning Sri Lankan male would resort to sexual slang when describing a situation of sexual nature to his peers, and that does not necessarily indicate that the he is sexist. Sexual slang documented below ranges from 'mild' to 'severe' and sometimes borders the 'extreme taboo' slang documented in a different section. It is advisable to avoid slang of this nature in decent company.
අවයව[සංස්කරණය කරන්න]
- ඇට (දෙක - Testicles. 'Æta deka ugas thiyanawa (ඇට දෙක උගස් තියනවා), which literally means 'Pawning the testicles' is used among males in extreme financially tight situations where having no means of getting any money. (e.g. Æta deka ugas thiyalada yako umba okata gewanne? (ඇට දෙක උගස් තියලද යකෝ උඹ ඕකට ගෙවන්නෙ?) translates to 'How do you suppose I pay for it? By pawning the testicles?')
- ගල / ගල් දෙක - Thigh. (e.g. Ekita mara galak thiyenne (ඒකිට මාර ගලක් තියෙන්නෙ) means 'She has a very sexy smooth thigh'.) Gal Pradarshanaya (ගල් ප්රදර්ෂණය) - Literally 'Thigh Exhibition'. Refers to (usually a movie, where) several girls with revealing short skirts or situations which bares lot of skin on the leg (e.g. wind, underneath a stair-way).
- ගැට (දෙක)) - Small breasts (usually of underage or teenage girls')
- ගෙඩි (දෙක)) - Medium to large sized breasts.
- මල්ලි) - Literally 'younger brother'. Well hidden euphemism to refer to male genitalia. Especially used by females. Similarly Nangi (නංගි) (younger sister) and Kimba (කිම්බ) refers to the female genitalia. (e.g. Malli Dangawela (මල්ලි දඟ වෙලා) (sexually aroused), Malli Kelin (මල්ලි කෙලින්) (having an erection), Nangita saneepa næ (නංගිට සනීප නෑ) (having periods) etc.)
- මෑ ඇටේ) - Literally 'Bean'. Euphemism for the clitoris Mæ Mala (මෑ මල) also has the same usage.
- මල් වත්ත) - Penis or pubic hair of a male.
- මීයා) - Euphemism for the penis. Used mostly by young children and females.
- නූල) - Euphemism for the Frenulum of prepuce of penis The area on the underside of the penis, where the foreskin is attached.
- පෙට්ටිය) - Euphemism for Hymen and the Virginity. Mostly used in the context of Pettiya Kædenawa (පෙට්ටිය කැඩෙනවා) (see below).
- පොල්ල) - Penis ('Dick') and specially the 'Hardoned Dick'. (e.g. Polla kelin wela(පොල්ල කෙලින් වෙලා) means 'having a hard-on')
- ටොපා) - Glans penis. Derived from the word 'Top'.
- වල්ල) - Male genitalia or more specifically, the scrotum
- නංගි) - Female Genitalia or more specifically, the Vagina
- හිල / ගුල - Vagina or more specifically, the Vaginal Tube
ලිංගික ක්රියා[සංස්කරණය කරන්න]
- ආප්ප ගහනවා - Committing a lesbian sexual act, specifically Tribadism. Literally means 'hitting or touching hoppers' and suggests the etimology of the phrase. (e.g. Girls hostel eke aappa scene bahulai kiyala thamai aaranchi (ග'ල්ස් හොස්ටල් එකේ ආප්ප සීන් බහුලයි කියලා තමයි ආරන්චි) means 'It is heard that lesbian sex activities is a common practice in the girls' hostel'.)
- අල්ලනවා - Literally means touch or hold. When used in sexual context, means touching the genitalia or breasts. Sometimes used as a eupimishm to mean 'sucking up the hierarchy' similarly to Puka Denawa (පුක දෙනවා). (e.g. Nikang okunta allanna epa ban (නිකං ඕකුන්ට අල්ලන්න එපා බං) means 'Don't suck up to them'.)
- ඇඟිල්ල ගහනවා- Female masturbation or fingering of the vagina by another person.
- අරිනවා- means 'Several guys have fucked her'.) Also means getting 'used' in a non-sexual context. (e.g. Aroo apita arinnai enne (අරූ අපිට අරින්නයි එන්නේ) means 'He is up to doing something bad to us'.) Aninawa (අනිනවා) is also used similarly in both contexts. Ænna Pænna (ඇන්නා පැන්නා) is a well known phrase, which means 'ran away after using'.
- අතේ ගහනවා - Male masturbation or 'jacking off'. Wæla Adinawa (වැල අදිනවා) (literally 'pulling the line') is the campus version of this and it also is well known, although not mainstream. See 'Wæla' below.
- බඩුව - Young or attractive female (chick). බඩුවක් සෙට් වුනා - got friendly with a girl, බඩුවක් දා ගත්තා - got hitched with a girl, බඩුවක් ඉස්සුවා - managed to get the girl to a place where sexual exploration (making out, Necking) or sexual acts can be done.
- බඩු ගහනවා - having sex (with multiple women/prostitutes), promiscuous sexual behaviour. බඩු ගහනවා is significantly different from බඩුව ගහනවා which does not nessesorily imply promiscuity. ගොන්නු ගහනවා means having sex with prostitutes. (See the definition of Gona (ගොනා))
- බඩු ගියා (කැරි පනිනවා)- These two words when used together means 'ejaculated'. Can be shortened as Giya (ගියා).
- බච්චා කොල්ලා / බච්චා - Submissive male homosexual partner of underage. May have derived from the hindi word for the small boy Bachchaa.
- 'දිව දානවා - Performing oral sex on a female, Cunnilingus. (e.g. Diva daala sæpak dennawath danne nædda? (දිව දාලා සැපක් දෙන්නවත් දන්නෙ නැද්ද?) means 'Don't (you) at least know how to give pleasure by performing cunnilingus?')
- ඇතුලෙ ගහනවා) - Full sexual intercourse. Literally means 'Fucking Internally' that is opposed to Gal Kapanawa (ගල් කපනවා) - (Intercrural Sex), Thalanawa (තලනවා) - (Dry Humping), or Katata Denava (කටට දෙනවා) - (Fellatio) which can be broadly categorized as Pita Gahahanawa (පිට ගහනවා) that literally means 'Fucking Externally'.
- ගල් කපනවා[2] (ගල් කපනවා) - Refers to penetration between the partners thighs, (or intercrural sex). In Sri Lankan context, this method is a common practice among teenage/young adult lovers as a safe sex practice without loosing virginity, and also regarded as a big achievement in romantic/erotic relationship. Also means the similar practice between male homosexuals.[2]
- ගල් කොල්ලා - Submissive male homosexual partner. Refers to intercrural sex.
- ගල් කාරයා - Dominating male homosexual person. Refers to intercrural sex. There is a spoof acronym used by youths called R. P. G. which stands for Rajaye Prasidda Galkaru (රජයේ ප්රසිද්ධ ගල්කරු) meaning 'Government Registered Homosexual'.
- Gona (ගොනා) - Prostitute, whore. Satha (සතා) is used as a further euphemism. Literal meaning of Gona is the Bull and the Satha is the beast. Etymology of this term is based on the fact that Gonorrhea (a form of STD) can be easily transmitted by prostitutes.[තහවුරු කරන්න]
- Jack Gahanawa (ජැක් ගහනවා) - Having sexual fantasy by Pressing genitalia against female commuters of crowded public transport such as buses, trains. This is embarrassingly common occarance that female commuters have to live with. Also note that it is very common for young and attractive male commuters to experience similar harassment from homosexual males. (in the case of male/male, it is more of Allanawa kind of acts than jack gahanawa). In Sri Lankan context, it is extremely rare for women to victimize men in this manner in public transportation, although there are instances of female to female sexual contact.
- (Baduwak) Kanawa - Somewhat outdated term which means excessive kissing (necking) and licking of body parts without removing lot of cloths(not to be confused with Diva Daanawa).
- කටට ගන්නවා' / කටට දෙනවා - Performing and receiving oral sex. Fellatio
- Kelin Wenawa - Getting an erection. Naginawa is also used. (uasge e.g. 'Athana inna baduage gala dekala Aruta negala' means 'That guy got a hard-on seeing that chick's leg')
- Kolu Kaaraya - Male homosexual. Kollo Gahanawa is the act of promiscuous homosexual behavior of a Kolu Karaya. Similarly Badu Kaaraya is used to refer to a sexually promiscuous hetrasexual person.
- නූල කැඩෙනවා හෝ නූල කඩාගන්නවා - male version of Pettiya Kædenawa and Pettiya Kada Gannawa (Just like with the case of Pettiya Kedeema, the event Noola Kedeema is not technically correct or proper means of verifying virginity. For most males, the Noola does not have any physical significance with the act of ලිංගික සංසර්ගය)
- පෙට්ටිය - Euphemism for hymen. Literally means box. Pettiya Kadanawa (පෙට්ටිය කඩනවා) - Former means de-flowering of a female by a male. Pettiya Kadaa Gannawa (පෙට්ටිය කඩා ගන්නවා) - The situation of loosing virginity.
- Polima (පෝළිම) - Euphemism for gang bang. Literally means 'the queue'. Can even mean Gang Rape (e.g seniors la detun denek freshiyekta polimak daala kiyala kata kathawak thiyenawa means 'There is rumor that couple of seniors have gang raped a fresher girl') (පෝලිමක් දානවා) - Doing Group Sex with a girl
- Pol leligahanawa - Having sex with woman on top position
- Pita Yanawa (පිට යනවා) - Literal meaning 'going out' which refers to having extramarital relationship.
- Puka Denawa (පුක දෙනවා) - Submissive act of offering the anus for penetration. This especially used to refer to submissive male behavior in homo-erotic context. A derivative, Denawa (දෙනවා) when used by itself in this context, means the same. However, certain people (specially females) use this term to mean 'sucking up the hierarchy' sometimes even without knowing the etymology of the term.
- Puke Arinawa (පුකේ අරිනවා) - Anal penetration.
- Nidiwadinawa - Literally 'sleeping with' meaning having sexual intercourse.( non 'hip' outdated term)
- තලනවා - Simulating the body movements of a sexual intercourse, (Dry Humping) or any other forms of non-penetrative sex, while fully or partially clothed; hence without the risk of actual penetration, loss of virginity, pregnancy etc. Can also fefer to just touching and squeezing of female partners body parts, specially breasts.
- Thola Denawa (තොල දෙනවා) - Romantic/erotic kissing on the lips. Usually regarded as the 'first base' of sexual foreplay by young adults and adolescents in Sri Lanka. In Sri Lankan context this is regarded as the BIG first step in romantic/erotic relationship. The first base can eventually be followed by activities such as Athaganawa which refers to soft touching of the body which may include erotic zones such as Gala followed by මිරිකනවා which refers to touching and squeezing of body parts which may include Gedi. Acts such as Katata Denawa, Ethule Gahanawa are usually not in this line of romantic foreplay, till the relationship establishes in to a physical one (within marriage or pre-marriage). Acts like Puke Areema are regarded as sexual perversion.
- වැල - Porn. Wela baanawa - downloading porn from internet. Wela Pattara - Porno/Adult publications. The term Wela derives from the euphemisms for male masterbation Wela Adinawa.
- "ane huke" (අනේ හුකේ)
- hajji kotanawa (හඡ්ඡි කොටනවා) - Full sexual intercourse. The word use by the people called 'wadda'(trapper). The Wadda people live in the forests like the place Dabana in Srilanka.
- leli gahanawa (ලෙළි ගහනව)-ලිංගිකව එකතු වීමේදී ගැහැනු සහාකාරිය පිරිමි සහ කරුවාගේ ශරීරය උඩ නැග රමණයේ යෙදීම.
කුණු හරුප[සංස්කරණය කරන්න]
Sexual slang mentioned below are regarded highly taboo in Sinhala speaking society, and are not supposed to be written down in any form, in any venue. This Wikipedia article makes an exception for the sake of completeness. These terms are collectively called kunu harupa in Sinhala which literally means 'dirty/rotten utterings'. It is difficult and nearly impossible to find references to Sinhala profanity. Definitions of such are not found in any public domain literature in the Internet or outside of Internet, apart from occasional un-moderated talk page or a blog in the internet or graffiti and scribbles found in public toilets.
- බිජ්ජ) - An outdated term for penis (specially a small penis) Baava (බාව) is also an outdated term for the same (specially a large penis). Jundaa (ජුන්ඩා) is another outdated term, almost phased out.
- චිච්චිය - Female genitalia. ('pussy'). This is not in mainstream use, and this word derives from the Tamil language slang 'Chicha' which can refer to either male or female genitalia.
- හැමනෙනවා - An outdated term for 'Fuck'.
- හුකනවා - Fuck. However regarded as Extremely taboo, and should not be used as a Sinhala equivalent of 'Fuck'.
- හුත්ත - Female genitalia. Similar to 'Cunt'. Extremely taboo. There are many derivatives using the base words Hutta (හුත්ත) and Hukana (හුකන) which creates extremely unpleasant combinations, such as Huttige Puta (හුත්තිගෙ පුතා) (which is similar to Bællige Putha (බැල්ලිගෙ පුතා) (Son-of-a-bitch) in word usage but much more valgar), Mona Huttak da (මොන හුත්තක්ද?) (meaning 'What the fuck?') and most unpleasant of them all is the Ammata Hukapang (අම්මට හුකපං) (which means 'Fuck your mom') which has a crude incestuous reference.
- පිස්සු හුත්තා) - This composite term is used as a single phrase to give the meaning 'crazy idiot'. E.g. Ethana hitiya sikka maha pissu-huttek, mata ethulata yanna dunne nehe ne.
- කැරි) - Semen. Similar to the noun 'cum'. Extremely taboo. (Quite interestingly, the Hebrew term Keri means 'seminal emission'.)[3]
- කැරි බල්ලා) which literally translates as 'Cum Dog' is regarded as an extremely offensive term. The combination Kæri Huththige Putha (කැරි හුත්තිගෙ පුතා) ('son of a cum soaked cunt') can be as worst as profanity can get in Sinhala language and most people will be extremely offended even to read this phrase in a scholarly article such as this one.
- කිම්බ - An outdated term for 'Cunt'
- පයිය - Dick. Extremely taboo.
- පක - Male genitalia. Extremely taboo.
- පිත්තම - An outdated term for 'Cunt'.
- ලෙළි ගහනව-ලිංගිකව එකතු වීමේදී ගැහැනු සහාකාරිය පිරිමි සහ කරුවාගේ ශරීරය උඩ නැග රමණයේ යෙදීම.
- කොකා - gay person
වැඩිදුර කියවීම්[සංස්කරණය කරන්න]
- Disanayaka, J.B, 1998, Understanding the Sinhalese, ISBN 978-9552023231
- Gair, J. W., 1970, Colloquial Sinhalese Clause Structures (no ISBN available before 1970)
- Inman, M. V., 1994, Semantics and Pragmatics of Colloquial Sinhala Involitive Verbs, Unpublished PhD Dissertation, Stanford, CA: Department of Linguistics, Stanford University (no ISBN available, unpublished paper)
References[සංස්කරණය කරන්න]
- ↑ Carter, Charles: A Sinhalese-English Dictionary. Reprint, New Delhi 1996. ISBN 81-206-1174-8
- ↑ Silva KT, Sivayoganathan C, Lewis J (1998) Love, sex. and peer activity in a sample of youth in Sri Lanka
NOTE: It is difficult and nearly impossible to find references to Sinhala profanity which is considered to be extremely taboo that definitions of those words are not found in any public domain literature in the Internet of outside of Internet.
External links[සංස්කරණය කරන්න]
- To know about sinhala fonts used in this article, go to Sinhala Fonts Guide (specially if you see garbage on your page)
- Examples of complex real situations in diglossic languages
- Sinhala Language Page
- Speak Sinhala
- Anaphoric Binding in Colloquial Sinhala


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NEW YORK — Citing a strong operating performance relative to its peers, Standard & Poor's here said Wednesday that it could raise its credit rating on Kroger Co. "in the very near term." Kroger's corporate credit rating is BBB- according to S&P. It said Wednesday it could raise the rating to BBB, "if we achieve adequate comfort regarding management's commitment to maintaining a conservative financial policy and Kroger's future operating performance," Stella Kapur, an analyst for ...
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When George Washington's Continental Army lost the Battle of Brooklyn Heights in August 1776 and then went on to lose control of Manhattan, it appeared the Revolutionary War might be over and the Americans defeated.
In the end, however, Washington's army made a comeback and was ultimately victorious.
Kilmeade shared more about the secret spy ring that helped turn the tide of the American Revolution, on The 700 Club, Nov. 18.
But it wasn't because of the Continental Army's superior military might. It was because of a little known group of five men and one woman, known as the Culpeper Spy Ring. "Fox and Friends" host and history buff Brian Kilmeade uncovers the bravery and heroism of these clandestine spies in his new book, George Washington's Secret Six: The Spy Ring That Saved the American Revolution.
Kilmeade shares more about the secret spy ring that helped turn the tide of the American Revolution, on CBN News Today, Nov. 18.
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Author Affiliations: Department of Psychiatry and Behavioral Neuroscience, The University of Chicago, Chicago, Illinois (Dr Goldschmidt); Department of Psychiatry, Washington University School of Medicine, St Louis, Missouri (Dr Wilfley); and Department of Pediatrics, School of Medicine and Biomedical Sciences (Mr Paluch and Drs Roemmich and Epstein), and Departments of Exercise and Nutrition Sciences (Dr Roemmich) and Social and Preventive Medicine (Drs Roemmich and Epstein), School of Public Health, University at Buffalo, Buffalo, New York.
This article was corrected | View correction
Objective To investigate the notion of indicated prevention—helping overweight or obese youth attain non-overweight status to prevent adult obesity—by examining weight-for-height changes needed to normalize weight status in youth who are growing.
Design We determined the amount of weight-for-height change necessary for overweight or obese youth to achieve non-overweight status using linear mixed modeling of longitudinal growth patterns and using Centers for Disease Control and Prevention weight thresholds corresponding to the age- and sex-adjusted body mass index (BMI; calculated as weight in kilograms divided by height in meters squared) below the 85th percentile. Mean weight changes among children who achieved nonoverweight status at 1 and 2 years after treatment were calculated.
Setting Weight control programs at 3 research institutions.
Participants A total of 669 overweight or obese children aged 8 to 13 years.
Intervention Family-based behavioral weight control treatment.
Main Outcome Measure Weight.
Results Relatively small weight changes (range, −7.55 to +3.90 kg) were necessary for children to achieve nonoverweight status after 1 year; this was most pronounced among younger children (range, −2.90 to +3.36 kg for children aged 8-10 years) and children closer to the 85th BMI percentile (range, +2.44 to +3.90 kg for children at the 90th BMI percentile). Observed weight changes of children who achieved nonoverweight status following treatment were similar to estimates based on Centers for Disease Control and Prevention normative data.
Conclusions Attaining nonoverweight status in childhood is possible with modest weight loss or, in some circumstances, by slowing weight gain, and may help prevent adult obesity. Future research should investigate how much intervention is needed to shift the growth trajectory to nonoverweight status and how much weight-for-height change is needed to improve other health outcomes in adulthood.
Obesity is a major public health concern. Approximately 34% of adults and 17% of children in the United States are obese1,2 and at risk for adverse health sequelae.3 Obesity is a leading cause of preventable death,4 accounting for 5.7% of national health care costs.5 Obesity also presents a major burden to the individual, resulting in decreased productivity, lost wages, and reduced quality of life.6 Pediatric obesity (PO) tends to track into adulthood,7 and if untreated, approximately half of overweight children will remain overweight or obese as adults.8,9 Conversely, reversal of PO may minimize many negative health outcomes with which adult obesity is associated.10 Pediatric obesity thus represents an important point of intervention for preventing adult obesity and associated complications.
Given the contribution of broad environmental factors (eg, food availability and opportunities for physical activity) to the development and maintenance of obesity,10 there has been increased interest in the development of school- and community-based prevention programs. However, universal prevention programs have shown limited efficacy,11 likely due to the limited focus on individual- or family-level behaviors. Thus, a selective approach may be more efficient.
Unlike universal prevention, which involves populations as a whole, indicated prevention involves youth who are already overweight or obese and thus more likely to track their excess weight into adulthood.7,12 Targeting these children is recommended for many reasons. Children are often more successful in weight control programs than adults,13 perhaps because their dietary and physical activity habits are less ingrained and more amenable to change.14 Given associations between duration of obesity and adverse medical consequences,15,16 children may be less likely than adults to present with comorbidities that could complicate treatment. Finally, and most pertinent to the current study, interventionists can take advantage of children's concomitant height growth, such that relatively modest weight changes are needed to produce significant reductions in markers of overweight status.17 For these reasons, targeted intervention approaches may be most efficacious for preventing adult obesity.
It is currently recommended that overweight and obese children lower their body mass index (BMI; calculated as weight in kilograms divided by height in meters squared) below the 85th percentile for age and sex.18 However, given individual differences in expected height growth, it is often difficult for health care providers to make specific recommendations regarding how much weight change is needed for patients to achieve nonoverweight status. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) growth charts can assist with treatment planning; however, they are limited by the normative sample and cross-sectional nature of the data19 and do not account for factors unique to overweight samples, such as earlier pubertal timing.20
This study sought to provide estimates of the amount of weight change, given expected height changes, needed for overweight and obese children to achieve nonoverweight status during 1 and 2 years. These estimates can be used as guidelines for indicated prevention programs. Data from PO clinical trials (which seek to maximize reductions in children's relative weight) are useful in this regard because they can be used to assess how much weight change, relative to normative height changes, is needed to produce significant decreases in children's relative weight. Our estimates should be validated using prospective research on the amount of weight-for-height changes necessary to shift children from a trajectory of adult obesity and adverse health outcomes to a reduced risk of adult obesity and more positive health outcomes.
Height growth data from 669 overweight and obese treatment-seeking children were used to determine age- and sex-specific weight thresholds for achieving a BMI below the 85th percentile.19 Next, we provided weight loss targets for hypothetical children to achieve nonoverweight status, incorporating expected height growth estimates from our empirical sample. Secondary aims were (1) to compare our empirically derived estimates of weight changes necessary for overweight and obese children to achieve nonoverweight status with those derived using CDC normative, cross-sectional data; and (2) to examine actual weight change among youth who converted from overweight/obese to nonoverweight status, or from obese to overweight status, during 1- and 2-year follow-ups. We aimed to provide these easily accessible reference data, to be used in tandem with one another, to assist health care providers in choosing short- and long-term treatment targets for their overweight and obese patients.
Participants were 669 overweight and obese children (mean [SD] BMI percentile, 96.4 [1.6]); 64.6% were girls, and the mean (SD) age was 10.2 (1.3) years (range, 8-13 years). Data were drawn from PO treatment studies at 3 research institutions (University of Pittsburgh, Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania; University at Buffalo, Buffalo, New York; and San Diego State University/University of California at San Diego, San Diego), with basic aspects of family-based behavioral treatment common to all studies. These included the Traffic Light Diet; a physical activity program; behavioral treatment components such as self-monitoring, stimulus control, goal-setting, and reinforcement; parenting skills; and targeting both the parent and child21,22 (Table 1). Each study was approved by the respective institutional review board. To be included in the current study, participants had to have height data available for at least 1 year after treatment; moreover, these data had to have been collected when the child was between the ages of 7.75 and 13.25 years.
Analyses were conducted using SPSS, version 16.0 (SPSS, Inc). Linear mixed models were used to determine children's height changes during 1-year periods, starting at age 8 years and ending at age 13 years. Each model used the children's exact age at the time of measurement to predict measured height. For each 1 year of chronological age, observations within 3 months above or below the age thresholds were included to maximize estimation around each year's model (eg, a child initially aged 7.75 through 8.25 years would be included in the 8- to 9-year age category). Separate models were developed for boys and girls within each age category, producing a total of 10 models. The slope estimates from each model describe the change in height during a 1-unit (ie, 1-year) increase in age. Because of differing attendance at follow-up assessments, some children were represented in multiple age categories, whereas others were represented in only 1 category.
Using 2000 CDC child BMI percentiles,19 we calculated weight thresholds at the 85th BMI percentile for children of differing ages and heights. The CDC data were also used to calculate the amount of weight change needed for hypothetical children of different ages and baseline BMI percentiles (ie, 90th, 95th, and 97th percentiles) to shift to nonoverweight status (ie, less than the 85th BMI percentile). Baseline height and height growth data from our mixed-model analyses were used to derive these latter estimates. We also calculated weight change targets for children of different ages and different baseline BMI percentiles to shift to nonoverweight status, based solely on CDC normative data. Height data for these latter estimates were based on the 50th height percentile; differences in height between age cohorts from the CDC data were used as a proxy for longitudinal height growth. Weight change targets based on our longitudinal data and CDC normative data were compared using correlations.
Means, SDs, and ranges of observed weight changes were calculated for those youth from our longitudinal sample who converted from overweight or obese to nonoverweight status, or from obese to overweight status, during 1- and 2-year follow-ups. Because of the small sample sizes, categories of participants were collapsed by age and sex.
Table 2 presents observed height growth for overweight and obese children during 1-year periods, starting at age 8 years and ending at age 13 years. These values could be added to a child's current height to estimate height growth during the coming year. The 95% CIs are provided as more and less conservative estimates of growth during different age categories. For instance, if a child has tended to grow slowly relative to the average child, the lower end of the 95% CIs may be advisable to predict annual height growth.
The eTable presents weight thresholds corresponding to the 85th percentile for age- and sex-adjusted BMI. Given a child's sex, age, and height, these tables supply the minimum weight that would indicate overweight status. Any weight below the thresholds demarcates a healthy weight range. Pediatric obesity interventions should help children achieve a weight lower than these thresholds to prevent adult obesity.
Table 3 provides sample weight change targets for hypothetical children at the 90th, 95th, and 97th percentiles for age- and sex-adjusted BMI. For the longitudinal estimates, weight loss targets are based on hypothetical children of average height and assuming average growth during 1-year intervals, based on our longitudinal sample. For the cross-sectional estimates, weight loss targets are based on children at the 50th height percentile from the CDC normative sample; height changes for the CDC sample were based on cross-sectional differences in observed heights between age cohorts for children at the 50th percentile for height. Using these 2 data sets, we determined the amount of weight change needed to move children from the 90th, 95th, or 97th age- and sex-adjusted BMI percentile to the 85th age- and sex-adjusted BMI percentile during 1 year. Correlations between weight change targets based on our longitudinal data and on CDC data were in the large range (r range, 0.59-0.97). These targets are examples only; children exhibiting smaller-than-average height or height growth would require greater weight loss in order to achieve nonoverweight status in 1 year. Children who are taller than average or who demonstrate greater-than-average growth would go further below the 85th BMI percentile than projected. For more precise weight loss targets, health care providers are advised to use the height-specific weight thresholds provided in the eTable. After estimating a patient's anticipated height growth for the coming year, select the weight threshold corresponding to the patient's age in the coming year and compute the difference between the patient's current weight and the weight threshold value.
Table 4 presents observed weight changes for children who moved from overweight or obese to nonoverweight status, or from obese to overweight status, during 1- and 2-year follow-ups. Some of the children who shifted to nonoverweight status were considerably lower than the 85th age- and sex-adjusted BMI percentile at 1-year (range, 33.3-84.9) and 2-year (range, 48.1-84.9) follow-up; thus, the values provided in this table may overestimate the amount of weight change needed to convert to nonoverweight status (eg, the child who had lost 18.4 kg at the 1-year follow-up initiated treatment at the 97th BMI percentile and achieved a BMI percentile of 33.3 at the 1-year follow-up). The average overweight child should not be expected to move so far below the 85th BMI percentile; indeed, more modest weight changes can be expected to result in a shift to nonoverweight status, as demonstrated in Table 3.
This study provides estimates of weight change necessary for overweight or obese children to shift to nonoverweight status. The values differ by age and sex but, more important, illustrate that large weight losses may not be necessary to achieve nonoverweight status. For children closer to the 85th BMI percentile who are growing at the expected rate, even modest weight gain during 1 year can normalize weight status, given concomitant height changes. For example, an 8-year-old girl at the 90th BMI percentile could gain approximately 3 kg to achieve nonoverweight status in 1 year. Conversely, gaining 5 kg would result in BMI maintenance at the 90th percentile in 1 year. This minimal difference of 2 kg indicates that drastic behavioral changes are likely unnecessary for attainment of nonoverweight status for some youth. Even for more severely overweight children, relatively small weight losses of 2 to 7 kg can lead to nonoverweight status during 1 year; this translates to a weight loss of approximately 0.04 to 0.13 kg per week, well within clinical recommendations for children.18
More severely obese children (ie, BMI ≥99th percentile) may require larger weight losses to convert to nonoverweight status, and more modest goals (eg, a 5%-10% reduction in BMI percentile) may be indicated to improve current and future health.34,35 However, weight loss estimates for these children will likely increase with age. For example, an 8-year-old girl at the 97th BMI percentile would need to lose 1.8 kg to achieve nonoverweight status in 1 year; that target increases to 7.6 kg for the same girl just 4 years later, at age 12. Given the average weight gain trajectory for untreated youth, one could easily see how that child could eventually carry an excess 30 kg or more in adulthood; weight normalization at that point would clearly be a much more difficult undertaking. This underscores the need for early intervention and should encourage health care providers to engage patients in weight management to minimize weight gain and health complications later in life.
Our longitudinally derived weight change targets for shifting children to nonoverweight status compare relatively well with those derived using CDC normative data. For example, on the basis of observed height growth in our sample, a weight change of +3.9 to −2.9 kg in a hypothetical child presenting between the 90th and 95th age- and sex-adjusted BMI percentiles would result in nonoverweight status after 1 year. On the basis of actual weight change data in our sample, a child between the same adjusted BMI percentiles would need to lose 2.4 kg to achieve nonoverweight status after 1 year. Weight-change targets derived from the CDC data are remarkably similar, estimating that a weight change of +4.1 to −2.1 kg in a child presenting between those same adjusted BMI percentiles would result in nonoverweight status after 1 year. Thus, although CDC data are based on cross-sectional observations, they appear to provide good estimates of weight changes compared with those gleaned from observations over time. Health care providers should feel comfortable using CDC data to calculate weight-change targets for their patients, especially because these data are representative of the national population and are applicable to children at different height percentiles.
Generally, our data show that older children need to lose more weight (or conversely, to gain less weight) than younger children to achieve nonoverweight status. Given that younger children can anticipate more future growth than those who have initiated or completed puberty, this highlights the importance of early identification and treatment of PO. Interventions targeting preadolescents have produced successful outcomes,36,37 and some data indicate that younger age predicts greater BMI z score reduction on treatment completion.21 Younger children may be optimal targets for indicated prevention of adult obesity, although weight control treatment for overweight youth at any age is well advised.
Health care providers treating PO may espouse 1 of 2 contrasting perspectives: that children will naturally "outgrow" their obesity and do not require intervention, or that lengthy, intensive treatment is necessary to normalize children's weight status.38 However, we have demonstrated that using family-based behavioral treatment, relatively small weight-for-height change can potentiate weight normalization in children, especially those closer to the 85th BMI percentile. Thus, a moderate approach may be sufficient for helping youth who are not severely overweight achieve nonoverweight status. For example, intervening as a child's BMI moves above the "normal" curve may necessitate minimal behavioral changes to shift that child back to nonoverweight status. How much intervention is required to shift a child's BMI trajectory to a healthier path likely differs by individual, and future research should clarify the intensity of intervention necessary for children in different ranges of the overweight spectrum. However, the changes observed in the current study were achieved using family-based behavioral treatment, and it is unclear whether less intensive approaches (eg, using select components of more intensive interventions) are effective in producing relative weight change. A stepped-care approach may be indicated whereby a less intensive intervention is replaced by a more intensive intervention in the absence of significant weight change.39
Although our data resulted from family-based PO treatment, the implications apply to any weight control intervention. Given differing nutritional needs within and across individuals throughout development,40 caloric and physical activity goals may require tailoring to help children meet their weight loss goals: for example, calorie limits may need to be increased during puberty or when children are losing weight too rapidly. Even children in whom modest weight gain is indicated to reach nonoverweight status (eg, younger children or those presenting at lower BMI percentiles) will require an energy deficit to avoid maintenance of overweight status along with height growth. Moreover, once weight normalization is achieved, behavioral changes must be sustained to assist children in achieving weight change commensurate with height growth to prevent return to overweight status, and continued engagement in healthy weight-related behaviors will be needed to maintain a nonoverweight trajectory into adulthood. Maintenance treatments may be promising in this regard.22
A study limitation is that weight loss targets assume average stature and growth and hence will not apply to all children. In addition, height changes in our empirical sample were observed during and after PO treatment, which could limit the generalizability of our data to non–treatment-seeking youth. However, moderate weight change appears to have minimal effect on growth in overweight children,17 which minimizes this concern. Finally, some of the sample sizes for deriving height change estimates and calculating observed weight changes were relatively small, thus results should be replicated. Strengths include the longitudinal design as well as the presentation of specific weight-change targets for children of varying ages, sexes, and anthropometric characteristics, which adds substantially to the existing literature and may assist with treatment planning.
Obesity has reached epidemic proportions, and it poses a burden to the individual and the public. Our findings highlight the need for rapid identification and intervention delivery to curtail further weight gain and mounting individual and societal costs. Although there are currently no established methods for preventing adult obesity, given that PO increases risk for adult obesity, it is reasonable to assume that reversing overweight status in childhood could decrease adult obesity risk. Indeed, 30% of youth receiving PO treatment are no longer obese in late adolescence or early adulthood, with shorter-term percentage overweight change best predicting long-term outcome.41 Future research should investigate whether attainment of nonoverweight status in childhood improves other health outcomes in adulthood.42 In summary, this study provides evidence that one aspect of indicated prevention, namely, normalizing weight status in childhood, is achievable through modest weight changes in growing children using intensive, family-based treatment. Continuing to develop and refine approaches for achieving this outcome is an important next step toward helping to stem the obesity epidemic in this country and worldwide.
Correspondence: Denise E. Wilfley, PhD, Department of Psychiatry, Washington University School of Medicine, 660 S Euclid Ave, Campus Box 8134, St Louis, MO 63110 (email@example.com).
Submitted for Publication: February 6, 2012; final revision received May 17, 2012; accepted May 29, 2012.
Published Online: November 5, 2012. doi:10.1001/jamapediatrics.2013.416
Author Contributions:Study concept and design: Goldschmidt, Wilfley, Paluch, Roemmich, and Epstein. Acquisition of data: Wilfley, Paluch, Roemmich, and Epstein. Analysis and interpretation of data: Goldschmidt, Wilfley, Paluch, Roemmich, and Epstein. Drafting of the manuscript: Goldschmidt, Wilfley, Paluch, and Epstein. Critical revision of the manuscript for important intellectual content: Goldschmidt, Wilfley, Paluch, Roemmich, and Epstein. Statistical analysis: Goldschmidt and Paluch. Obtained funding: Wilfley and Epstein. Administrative, technical, and material support: Wilfley and Epstein. Study supervision: Wilfley and Epstein.
Conflict of Interest Disclosures: None reported.
Funding/Support: This study was supported by grants T32-MH082761 (Dr Goldschmidt), R01-HD036904 (Dr Wilfley), K24-MH070446 (Dr Wilfley), and R01-HD039778 (Dr Epstein) from the National Institutes of Health.
Role of the Sponsors: The study sponsors were not involved in the design and conduct of the study; collection, management, analysis, and interpretation of the data; or preparation, review, or approval of the manuscript.
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Goldschmidt AB, Wilfley DE, Paluch RA, Roemmich JN, Epstein LH. Indicated prevention of adult obesity: how much weight change is necessary for normalization of weight status in children? JAMA Pediatrics.. Published online November 5, 2012. doi:10.1001/archpediatrics.2012.1554.
eTable. Weight Thresholds Corresponding to BMI Values at the Age- and Sex-Specific 85th Percentile
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Europe is an Oil prospector
Sizing Europe is one of 17 top-class entries in the Clonmel Oil Chase at Clonmel next Thursday.
- Related Content
Trainer Henry de Bromhead favours waiting for the Grade Two event rather than running in the Fortria Chase this weekend after he missed an intended run over three miles in the Champion Chase at Down Royal last weekend.
Nicky Henderson has entered Nadiya De La Vega and Quantitativeeasing, who both have the option of the Paddy Power Gold Cup on Saturday week.
Big Zeb has also been entered but he is more likely to compete in the Fortria, but Forpadydeplasterer could run for Tom Cooper.
Willie Mullins has entered Blazing Tempo and Apt Approach, while Galway Plate winner Bob Lingo could represent Mullins' brother, Tom.
Magnanimity, Mr Cracker, Rathlin and Roi Du Mee are the options for the powerful Gigginstown House Stud.
Realt Dubh and Tranquil Sea, who has won the last two renewals, are also engaged.
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text: Social Attraction 34,200pages on this wiki Edit Classic editor History Talk0 Here and now, your value is to survive and replicate Who can peceive one image is worth 1000 words ? Gestahl therapy is way to link objects with concepts. Retrieved from "http://psychology.wikia.com/wiki/Social_Attraction?oldid=59949" Categories: Social psychology Psychology stubs Add category Cancel Save


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The following tips for dealing with students with Attention Deficit Hyperactivity Disorder (ADHD) were provided by Linda Classen, consultant on ADHD for the Austin (Texas) Independent School District, during the National Conference on Transporting Students with Disabilities and Preschoolers in Ft. Worth, Texas, this March. 1. Don't nag
The cardinal rule of behavior management with children with ADHD is, "He who nags most loses." The more the adult talks, the more his or her voice becomes the white noise of the refrigerator motor. They tune you out. What you say matters very little. It's what you do that counts. Therefore, act, don't yak. 2. Don't argue
Cease and desist arguing with an aspiring attorney. These kids will argue with a tree stump. It's important to remember that an argument absolutely requires the participation of two people. Shut down your half. You already have authority on your bus. It's not necessary to have the last word. 3. Chill first in a crisis
Upset children usually become significantly hearing impaired. Save problem solving until all have calmed down. It's a waste of time and energy to try to reason with them at this point. 4. 'Speak and Spin'
Quietly and calmly (practice getting the emotion out of your voice) use exactly two words to name the inappropriate behavior: "That's arguing," or "That's whining." At the same time, put your hand out with the palm facing the child to give the visual cue of a stop sign. Next, use only three or four words to tell the student the exact behavior you want to see instead: "Show me listening," or "Show me waiting." For the "spin" portion of "speak and spin," break eye contact with the student and, in looking or walking away, convey: "My friend, this conversation is over." 5. 'Let's make a deal'
Most kids will not give up after the first attempt. If the behavior continues, quietly and calmly repeat the name of the inappropriate behavior, "That's arguing." Follow this with a deal: "If you [fill in the desired behavior], you can have [fill in the reinforcer/reward you can deliver]. If I have to ask you again, you will lose [privilege you can take away]." Set a very short time limit for the student to begin compliance. Once the deal is made, do not discuss it further. 6. Pick your battles carefully
It is possible to reinforce any behavior, appropriate or inappropriate, by paying attention to it. It's important to ignore insignificant, nuisance behaviors. 7. Target behaviors
The two significant behaviors to target are "on task" and "appropriate talk only." If a student is "on task," many of the usual problems, such as bothering other students, will not happen. Giving students with ADHD a job to do while onboard could help them stay on task. Targeting appropriate talk helps eliminate insulting, teasing, burping and other disruptions. Targeting more than three behaviors makes a behavior plan complicated, unwieldy and likely doomed to fail. 8. Choose reinforcement carefully
For a reward or reinforcer to have any chance of being powerful enough to shape and change behavior, it must meet two criteria: 1) It must be a passion, something the child wants very much. 2) It must be something the child cannot have any other way than via the plan. The right to play video games or participate in some other onboard pastime are popular rewards for children exhibiting good rider behavior. 9. Create bus rider 'currency'
One type that is useful and fun is when you copy a real dollar bill and replace George Washington's picture with a picture of the child, reducing the size to that of "play money." This money can be used by the student to purchase rewards or privileges.
Get the latest news and most popular articles from SBF delivered straight to your inbox. Stay on top of the school bus industry and don't miss a thing!


text:
Hints from Heloise: Should house guest make bed or strip sheets?
Dear Heloise: When I stay at a friend's home overnight, I casually make the bed I slept in the next morning. I don't make it up perfectly, but I put everything back in place.
Recently, a friend of mine invited me to her home overnight. I made the bed up the next morning.
After the fact, this friend told me that she expects her guests to pull all the sheets and blankets off, leaving them for her to pick up later and launder.
I never heard of such a thing. Maybe you have an opinion on the proper way to handle this. -- Nancy in Ohio
Dear Nancy: My opinion is to ask your host, but like you, I usually "slightly" make the bed. I also do this every day that I'm there.
I asked my good friend Peggy Post, etiquette expert, and she suggests asking hosts if you should strip the bed before doing it. A host may prefer that you do what you did and make up the bed.
Typically, removing used bedding is a courtesy to the host. Take everything off the bed and fold the sheets. Pull whatever covering is used up over the bare mattress and leave the folded sheets at the bottom of the bed.
Readers, what do you think? Write and tell us what you do at Heloise/Guest, P.O. Box 795000, San Antonio, TX 78279-5000, or e-mail firstname.lastname@example.com. -- Heloise
Dear Heloise: Colored nail polish can yellow nails, so I've always tried to use a clear polish as a base coat. A friend told me I should be using a specific clear polish for my base coat that differs from my top coat. Is this true? -- Kensley in South Carolina
Dear Kensley: Yes, you hit the nail on the head. A base coat is intended to make nail polish adhere to the nail. It's a little sticky, so the colored polish attaches more easily.
A top coat, on the other hand, seals the nail polish, making chipping less likely while adding shine.
If you don't feel like keeping track of which clear polish is which, you can find one that doubles as a base and a top coat. -- Heloise
Dear Heloise: I have a method for making sure that one never loses one's wallet: Buy a chain with a hook on both ends (available at home-improvement stores). Attach one end of the chain to your purse and the other to your wallet.
If the chain is too long, it can be cut and reattached. Several times, my wallet has fallen out of my purse, but it always stays attached. -- Joyce B., Salem, Ore.
Send a great hint to: Heloise, P.O. Box 795000, San Antonio, TX 78279-5000. Fax: (210) 435-6473. E-mail: .


text:
By Saladin M. Ambar
After the recent exits of Mike Huckabee and Donald Trump, the field of potential Republican presidential candidates remained as uncertain as ever. And that was before Newt Gingrich revealed that Rep. Paul Ryan's Medicare plan is a form of "right-wing social engineering."
That bizarre statement aside, how difficult is Gingrich's path to the White House? By one historical measure, his task is almost as great as that of the first African American president. Those are pretty long odds.
Having never been a governor, Gingrich would have to become the first candidate without executive government experience to unseat a sitting president since Benjamin Harrison. And even before Harrison, who defeated President Grover Cleveland in 1888, every other candidate who beat a president had some form of gubernatorial experience.


text:
United Arab Emirates identifies 4 new cases of MERS coronavirus
A colorized transmission of the MERS coronavirus that emerged in 2012 is shown. (HO /THE CANADIAN PRESS)
The Associated Press
Published Friday, July 19, 2013 9:30AM EDT
ABU DHABI, United Arab Emirates -- Health authorities in the United Arab Emirates have identified four new cases of a respiratory virus related to SARS whose main concentration has been in neighbouring Saudi Arabia.
The new cases also could offer investigators fresh leads on the transmission of the virus, which has claimed more than 40 lives since September. Most of the deaths have been in Saudi Arabia.
The official news agency WAM quotes health authorities as saying a previously identified patient with the virus apparently passed it to at least four others. Friday's statement added there were no plans to restrict travel or increase screenings.
The virus is related to SARS, which killed some 800 people in a global outbreak in 2003. It belongs to a family of viruses that most often cause the common cold.


text: Youngest Speller Eliminated From Competition By editor • May 31, 2012 ShareTwitter Facebook Google+ Email Listen Listening... / Lori Anne Madison has been eliminated from this week's Scripps National Spelling Bee. At six years old, she's the youngest ever to compete. Related Program: Morning Edition on KRVSView the discussion thread.