text:
This action might not be possible to undo. Are you sure you want to continue?
Rofes [Published in White Crane Journal, Fall 2005] Gay men are healthy, happy, and life affirming. We're creative, strong, and resilient; more than almost any other male population, we think outside the box, take responsibility for our actions, and care for ourselves and others. We know how to get what we want and we know how to create lives that are satisfying and fulfilling. In fact, we've developed our own home-grown social networks, support structures, and communal rituals, all of which are more functional, nurturing and sustaining than monogamous couples and nuclear families. More than most others, gay men know how to find community—even when it's hidden—and build community, even in the face of formidable obstacles. I make these claims based on what I've observed over thirty years of living as a gay man who has maintained deep involvement in gay community life and lived most of his adult years in urban gay enclaves. I offer what I've learned to anyone hoping to become a contributing part of something called the "gay men's health movement." If you don't take as your starting point that most gay men are already happy, healthy, and successful, this movement isn't for you. Nothing convinces me of the healthiness of gay men's communities more than our relationship to HIV/AIDS. I say this knowing that our infection rate for HIV is precisely what most concerns those who see gay men as tragic, diseased and self-destructive and motivates them to repeatedly harangue us. The annual incidence of new HIV infections among gay men, between one and two percent each year over the past 10 years, is put forward as proof that we've returned to our wicked ways. Because 1-2% of uninfected gay men become infected with HIV each year, many people believe we are an irresponsible population unconcerned with our own health and that of other gay men. While we might wish we could reach a point when no new infections occur among gay men in a single year, we know that once a disease becomes endemic to a population—as HIV has become endemic to American gay men—it requires radical interventions, such as vaccines or new technologies, to eliminate. Twenty-five years into the epidemic, with a few geographic and population-specific exceptions—exceptions that are important and which merit resources and attention—gay men have shown that the large majority (between 70-80%) of us are capable of remaining uninfected. If we have brought the infection rate for gay men in most parts of the nation down below 20%, this suggests that more than 80% of us are capable of doing what needs to be done to stay uninfected. 25% of gay men in San Francisco and 15% in New York are HIV positive: even in these major gay centers, three out of four of us remain uninfected. This is a big deal, but it is never the focus of the doomsayers. It confounds what they think of us. In fact, it came as an extraordinary realization to me. If the majority of gay
men can do what needs to be done to prevent HIV infection, we must be doing something right. The past 25 years has been a time when an inaccurate and phobic portrait of gay men as sick and self-destructive has been put forward, accepted as true, and taken hold as a central part of deeply ingrained public beliefs of gay men. In fact, I believe that the very systems created to protect and care for gay men—HIV prevention, addiction recovery programs, even gay-oriented mental health programs—use as foundational building blocks a pathology-focused understanding of gay men. Perhaps most extraordinarily, this same belief that gay men are damaged and dangerous has started to infuse some of the projects that are being created in the name of the "gay men's health movement." In most of America today—including in most gay centers, health clinics, and AIDS prevention programs—many look at gay men's sexual practices, patterns of socializing, and cultural norms as troubling. Professionals examine gay male subcultures, shake their heads, and point out what's problematic. Whether the subculture involves urban street youth, bears, circuit boys, Black MSM's, bare-backers, muscle boys, or leather men, someone will always point out substance abuse, obesity, narcissism, low self-esteem, food disorders, and internalized homophobia as major issues. You can create programs, write grants, establish projects, and make speeches decrying the "epidemic of epidemics" facing gay men; you can express surprise and dismay at the sexual practices of gay men, and you can identify homophobia, internalized or externalized, as the dominant force influencing gay male life today. But you will be wrong. You'll win grant funding. You'll get great press coverage. You'll sell books. You'll win community service awards. But you're wrong. You'll be popular, though, because such thinking buys fully into the dominant thinking about gay men that reigns throughout American culture today. Whether taking the form of pity or disgust, sincere concern or superficial empathy, blaming or shaming, the overarching understanding of gay men's lives today is one of tragedy and pathos. Why are they so sex obsessed? Why do they do so many drugs? Why do they use steroids, work out obsessively, and dye their hair as they age? Why do they have to cruise all the time? The overarching belief seems to be that gay male culture is immature, irresponsible, and irrational. These views have been put forward for over 25 years by both conservative, radical right, up-front enemies of equality for gay people, as well as liberal thinkers who rhetorically embrace the humanity of gay men, even as they condemn it. Why is the initial impulse of so many people—liberals and conservatives alike—to mistake creative and life-affirming pockets of gay male life as sick and self destructive? What is the difference between archconservative Paul Cameron citing gay men's sex, sexual values, and sexual cultures with disgust and disapprobation, and liberal Larry Kramer citing gay men's sex, sexual values, and sexual cultures with disgust and disapprobation? What is it about the various ways we mix masculinity, sex, and pleasure that must be censured and derided by both the left and the right?
Those of us who were there in the early days of the gay men's health movement look at gay men today—and at the communities where gay men come together, establish bonds, and celebrate—and see creativity, caring, and audacity. We're delighted and impressed with new generations of gay male styles, rituals, identities, and subcultures, even as we remember that gay men have always had an amazing ability to keep inventing bold, new ways of being, even in the face of commodification, backlash, and internal civil wars. In fact, we know that for many gay men, homosexuality is a helpful and protective factor. It adds to the assets and gifts one gets from one's original or home community in key ways: • Gay men are more mindful than most others and think out of the box, resisting limited social categories and societal directives. The simple experience of claiming our sexuality, identifying other men to have sex with, and entering gay community encourages mindfulness and creativity. As a class, gay men are skilled at both caring for themselves and caring for others. What some mistake as selfishness in gay men is often a kind of self-care that is rarely criticized in other men: the ability to understand and prioritize one's own desires and needs. Gay men balance this self-care with a sense of altruism—caring for others in the workplace, neighborhood, and community. Gay sexual culture allows us to make contact with men of other classes, races, and generations and form alliances which are richer and more diverse than those of most heterosexual men. Not only do we have sex with men who are different from us, but we form friendships and build community—however imperfectly—across stark identity lines.
In some ways, we take our lead from the women's self-help movement of the 1960s, 70s, and 80s–– a movement that powerfully influenced gay liberation and gay men's health organizing at that time. When women declared "Our Bodies, Ourselves," they were shattering centuries of patriarchal pathologizing of women's bodies and their lives. By working with other women to create new models of empowered health care and disease prevention, groups such as the Boston Women's Health Book Collective, the Santa Cruz Women's Health Collective, the National Black Women's Health Project, and others, created a powerful model for marginalized populations—including gay men and people with HIV/AID. They made a radical break with the dominant medical model along with all of its embedded biases, values, and priorities. My Journey Into the Gay Men's Health Movement I've been interested in the health and wellness of gay male communities since my earliest years as an activist, organizer, and writer. In my early twenties in Boston, I was a member of the Gay Community News collective and wrote regular feature articles on topics including anti-gay violence, queer youth, and depression and suicide among lesbians and gay men. I was fortunate to be involved in founding some of the nation's first advocacy projects for LGBT youth, served as an openly gay representative on a state social service council and at the White House Conference on the Family in 1980, and wrote the first book on gay people and suicide.
I was drawn to this work, in part, because I believed that the silences surrounding homosexuality and the way gay people's life trajectories were impacted by homophobia needed to be changed. I was also drawn to this work because of challenges I faced as a young man coming out in the early and mid-1970s. I became part of a movement, in Boston and beyond, that took on the massive project of changing the social and political position of homosexuality in our nation in order to improve the health, well-being, and life chances of a socially stigmatized and much-hated population. But at that time I didn't think of myself as part of a gay men's health movement. I was part of the lesbian and gay liberation movement. During this same moment, I was tremendously influenced by feminist organizing, including the efforts of lesbian feminists throughout the United States. I was often one of the few men at women's music concerts; I joined picket lines at reproductive health centers that stood up against anti-choice activists; I avidly read the work of Adrienne Rich, Barbara and Beverly Smith, Cherrie Moraga, Gayle Rubin, Amber Hollibaugh, Andrea Dworkin, Mary Daly, Jewelle Gomez, Dorothy Allison and Audre Lorde. While always aware that my obsession with lesbian feminism was far from altruistic, only in hindsight do I believe that I was mining feminist theory and practice for ideas and models that could be applied to gay men. Even when I disagreed with specific analyses of patriarchy or recommendations for specific forms of activism, feminism taught me more about issues of power, privilege, and resistance than any other literature or practice during that era. At the same time, I was diving head first into gay male social spaces and the sexual cultures of the 1970s. Like most young gay men at the time, I found myself entering a world with values and norms very different from the social worlds I'd inhabited previously. I was drawn to gay bar life, disco dancing and leather clubs. I found myself in rooms packed full of men; in discos where hundreds of men were gyrating, sweating, and shouting as they danced. I found myself meeting a wildly diverse array of men and going back to their homes. I was exposed to men living in conditions vastly different from my own college dorm: public housing, working-class shared apartments, upscale urban penthouses. I had the privilege of observing men up close, often men from other races and classes, distinct from my own middle-class Jewish, Long Island background. My early time in gay community life was profoundly influenced by the Stonewall political moment and the hippie-counterculture gay lib society. By the time I was out of college in 1976, that moment had pretty much ended, morphing into both the commercialized disco-bathhouse culture of the 1970s and the mainstream gay rights movement. At the same time, gay liberation—influenced, I believe, by feminism— exerted a powerful influence over the ways many of us thought about health, safety, and the wellness of gay men. In fact, the only observations and analyses of gay male life that seemed to bear any resemblance to the worlds in which I found myself came from gay liberationists. I now see myself as the fortunate recipient of the hard work of gay liberationists who had created new ways of thinking about gay men's health–– thinking that is often either totally ignored today or diminished and mocked. Responding to pre-liberationist beliefs that gay men as a class were sick, sinful, and criminal, the gay liberationists broke new
ground in seeing gay men otherwise. Among the key understandings I took from gay liberation were: 1. Gay is good. While many people now look back on the "gay is good" moment as inconsequential, simpleminded, even trite, this notion struck me in 1975 as truly revolutionary. Not only were gay liberationists challenging the idea that gay is bad, but they were challenging the liberal notion that sexual orientation is neutral. From gay liberation I learned that the enactment of homosexuality itself, and the claiming of a gay identity, were powerful, transformative, and good. Gay was not sick, diseased, or bad. Gay was not value-neutral. Gay was good. Gay was very good. Gay was excellent. I've been struck by the different paths lesbians and gay men took on this "gay is good" issue. Back in the 1970s, through lesbian-feminism, dykes had no trouble asserting that their claim to a lesbian identity was a powerful and positive move into values and lifestyles that were healthy and life affirming. They understood that the movement was about creating new forms of social organization, cultural rituals, and worldviews that offered much that was valuable to the world. And over the years, dykes have provided a wonderful model of addressing health challenges in a specific population (in their case, cancer and substance abuse) without allowing the concept of disease and the illness construct to merge with the community's identity and take it over. Gay men tried to do the same thing in the 1970s: address health challenges without defaulting to a "we are a diseased population" model. However, in the years following gay liberation, we lost most of the language and political analysis to rhetorically affirm the value of the new worlds we were creating. Discos might be "fun"; leather culture was "edgy"; bathhouses were "wild" and "ecstatic," but, except on rare occasions, we didn't articulate the valuable political ramifications of the new social order we were creating. Lesbians had feminism, which led to the creation of a huge array of publications, texts, cultural institutions, and organizations explicitly founded on the linkages between lesbian identity and feminisms. While a few gay men embraced the small and problematic "men's liberation" movement, gay men (for the most part) avoided a political meta-analysis of their lives and simply dove into the work of pioneering new cultural norms, new ways of being men, and new forms of social organization. Because so many of us stepped outside the arenas that served as intellectual incubators for new analyses of gender and sexual identities, and instead immersed ourselves in cultural spaces that were incubators of new gender and sexual identities and new relationships to traditional forms of masculinity, we left ourselves vulnerable to a backlash against the new gay masculinities. The dykes could fall back on the words of Audre Lorde, and others; few gay men put forward books that articulated the political value of the emerging gay male cultures and these men (for example, John Preston, Ivo Dominguez, Jr., Dennis Altman, Michael Bronski) attracted few readers to their political writings. The backlash against gay as good emerged subtly during the first decade of AIDS; debates about gay sex practices, illness, and contagion quietly but steadily eroded our
new barriers of defense against pathologized notions of male homosexuality. Many of us were distracted by unanticipated and overwhelming demands on our time as our friends, lovers, and neighbors grew weak, sick, and demented. It's not surprising that few of us could see this particular conceptual backlash heading our way. Even as we put forward to the public evidence indicating that gay men were behaving responsibly, that the epidemic had chastened our cultures, and that gay men were exiting the bathhouses and enrolling en masse in volunteer programs to care for the sick and dying, we were affirming—through our defensiveness—the pre-gay-lib beliefs that gay men were one-dimensional, sexually obsessed, irresponsible adolescents. During that first decade of AIDS while we were changing diapers and emptying bedpans, society, including gay male society, was reevaluating its beliefs about gay men, after only a few years of the gay-lib-inspired rethinking of gay male culture. AIDS affirmed pre-liberation views of gay men as diseased. The backlash effectively erased any substantive memory of "gay is good" from gay men's understanding of themselves and their communities and cultures. In its place a powerful return of the "gay as pathology" or "gay is diseased" construct emerged, a construct that, by the 1990s, moved into a dominant position in the minds of gay journalists, AIDS prevention workers, and gay political leaders. . By 1995, anyone seriously expressing even a limited notion of "gay is good" about gay men was seen as delusional, in denial, or seriously disturbed. Instead, a pathologized vision of gay men and gay male culture took hold: circuit parties were bad; the leather scene was bad; the gay ghetto was bad; young gay men were bad. 2. Gay men can take care of themselves. I came into a community where I quickly learned that gay men could care for themselves and care for each other. Not that this was a community without internal problems, or that, pre-AIDS, we didn't face significant health challenges. At the same time, my mentors schooled me in the caring spirit of the times: that we lived in a world where almost all institutions were hostile to our kind and, if we were to survive and thrive we had to take care of our own. On the micro-level, this involved sharing information about health providers who were gay-friendly or offered non-judgmental treatment for sexually transmitted infections. It involved sitting out sex for a week when we were being treated for gonorrhea. It involved participating in fundraising efforts—before AIDS—to support the founding of gay centers, addiction recovery programs, STD clinics, and mental health services. The decade preceding AIDS, often depicted today as a time when gay men selfishly pursued their own sexual urges and did little to support community wellness, was actually a time when men in urban centers took on the public health establishment and forced it to support the creation of STD prevention materials and services specifically for us. On the macro level, this spirit of caring for our own created dozens of organizations and projects devoted to gay community self-care. This was a time when gay men in dozens of urban and rural locations joined with lesbians and transgender people to force Alcoholics Anonymous and other 12-step programs to incorporate the specific needs of sexual minority alcoholics and addicts. It was a time when gay publications
throughout the nation regularly provided coverage of STD threats, information on treatment locations, and detailed material about self-care and prevention. Many people today believe that the massive and much heralded gay response to AIDS in the1980s was new and without precedent, providing evidence of a surprising shift in the commitments of gay male communities throughout the nation. Nothing is further from the truth. Our model of volunteer-based care for people with emotional, physical or practical needs emerged from the same hippie-gay-lib spirit that created drop-in centers, crash pads, and emergency job programs for gays and lesbians in the 1970s. Our fundraising walks and mass events built on similar already-existing events in urban gay centers that previously had raised money for gay STD clinics or mental health services or other public charities. What the nation witnessed in the massive gay response to AIDS in the 1980s was an expanded version of earlier efforts focused on caring for ourselves and caring for others that had emerged prominently in the 1970s. 3. Political action and protecting the health and wellness of the community are inextricably linked. Gay liberation mentors explained to me early on that there was a strategic connection between gay activism and social services, the same connection that many other marginalized populations articulated back in the 1960s and 1970s. The early days of gay liberation made it clear that many men needed venues that would assist them to heal from the assaults of societal homophobi. Gay clinics, community centers and rap groups were designed as spaces to support that healing in a community-based model. Hence gay political activism was intended to change the world so that fewer people would suffer and be damaged by homo-hatred, and gay health work was about healing people so they might reenter the political movement as whole people. Activism, itself, was healing; health work, itself, was activism. Back in those days we did not divide our work on gay community projects into "health work" and "political work." Working in gay STD clinics was political work. Working to end anti-gay discrimination was health work. One of the benefits of being cast outside of all traditional mainstream systems was that we were left on our own with our own renegade way of understanding our work. When we attended events such as the New England Gay Conference or the Southeastern Lesbian and Gay Conference or the Maine Gay Symposium, politics, activism, health, and culture were entwined. Our lives led us to understand on a visceral level the powerful political underpinnings of community health and wellness. I brought these three foundational beliefs—gay is good, the value of taking care of our own, and the inherent linkage between gay politics and health work—to my work in gay community centers and AIDS organizations in the 1980s, even as the world around me was shifting rapidly back into a disease model of homosexuality. Gay groups were taking on a professionalized work force of medical providers, mental health counselors, and addiction recovery workers that favored distanced, academic knowledge over community-based home-grown wisdom. As director of the Los Angeles Gay and Lesbian Community Services Center, which Morris Kight and Don Kilhefner founded, I worked with a powerful team of gay men and women to provide an array of social services to LGBT people using models that empowered rather than infantilized or made people dependent on a human services bureaucracy. When I moved to San Francisco to direct Shanti Project, a pioneering AIDS care group, I found myself working with hundreds of
volunteers under unbelievable pressure to provide care for people with HIV, using a model that allowed people with HIV to maintain control over their health and medical decisions, rather than passing it to professional case managers, as is now more commonly the case. These models and systems of care were founded on the belief that people should control their own bodies and their own health care. Professionals were there only to assist these activities, not to direct or manage them. Any attempt to shift control onto professional health providers was understood as damaging, disempowering, and, ultimately, anti-gay. Learning from the feminist self-help movement, we understood the central role of power and authority in promoting or undermining health. We wanted to support the creation of powerful communities. How Gay Became Sick Again During the first decade of AIDS response, many of us were so caught up in the day-today work of prevention, care, and political activism that we didn't note the profound shift that was occurring in the ways social institutions, health care providers, and gay men themselves looked at gay men's relationship to health. While internal community battles were clearly about whether we still believed gay was good or whether gay men could care for themselves and each other (I'm thinking here about struggling with how to have sex in an epidemic, the closing of bathhouses, or making a distinction between being an "AIDS victim" and being a "person with AIDS"), many of us were so focused on the tasks at hand that we barely had time for big-picture thinking. Before we knew it, the 1990s had arrived, the tidal wave of AIDS had crested, and we were looking out over a vastly different landscape of gay men's health with vastly different understandings of gay men's communities and cultures. By 1993, it became clear to many of us that one of the most pernicious consequences of AIDS was the way it re-pathologized homosexuality, particularly male homosexuality. And the most painful part of this return to gay-men-as-diseased-pariahs was that gay men were the most prominent mouthpieces espousing these beliefs. The same voices that spent a decade over-stating, over-praising, over-citing gay men's "sensible" and "prudent" response to HIV/AIDS—the gay medical establishment, gay public officials, gay mental health workers, and queer journalists—now seemed intent to balance their earlier pronouncements with an intense demonization of gay men, gay social structures, and, particularly, gay men's sexual cultures. All of a sudden, it seemed as if the wisdom of gay liberation was a relic: the sweet, dated rhetoric of another era. Clearly an epidemic as extreme as HIV demanded more than selfcare, more than "gay-is-good" sloganeering, more than political action linked to health services. In the minds of many, AIDS proved that gay liberationists had been wrong. Gay men were, in fact, not capable of caring for themselves and others. Not only did homosexuals bring this epidemic onto themselves, but they were responsible for HIV becoming endemic by repeatedly and knowingly infecting one another. All of a sudden gay men became damaged goods—damaged by homophobia, damaged by AIDS, damaged by outof-control sexuality, damaged by addiction. Damaged goods demanded a paradigm of health promotion focused on surveillance, control, discipline, and punishment—a
paradigm that treats adults like children, a model focused on the colonizer and the colonized. Hence by the mid-1990s, the dominant understanding of gay men and health was one where gay men were seen as spinning out of control, incapable of self-care, and terribly self-destructive and irresponsible. Medical providers, researchers, journalists, and AIDS prevention leaders—gay and straight—looking at our sex, substance use, community rituals, and social structures seemed almost unified in their assessment: gay men sought pleasure at the expense of health, self-care, and community responsibility. Even a thoughtful, well-planned 1994 conference—the National Summit on HIV Prevention for Gay Men, Bisexuals and Lesbians at Risk, held in Dallas and hosted by the Gay and Lesbian Medical Association deteriorated into frustrated finger-pointing and blaming. I recall one respected lesbian leader wagging her finger and expressing her frustration and her horror that gay men couldn't keep "keep their dicks zippered up" during a health crisis. Throughout these years, some of us tried to offer more nuanced arguments rooted in our gay liberation values. We tried to understand gay men's behavior from our own perspectives: What were gay behaviors really about? What needs were being met? We tried to approach community controversies with an eye towards empowerment rather than punishment. When debates flared in 1996 about circuit parties, bathhouses, and bare-backing, we tried to offer arguments that understood gay men's sexual cultures outside a pathology model. We held two "Sex Panic" summits alongside the National Gay and Lesbian Task Force's Creating Change in San Diego and Pittsburgh where about two hundred of us came together to provide ideological and personal support for fighting local battles for sexual freedom, during an era when the tide of public opinion had clearly turned against us. But much of the mainstream media and the gay press depicted us as delusional, sex-obsessed perverts out of touch with the realities of the times. The forces that saw gay men as essentially sick, diseased, and irresponsible became dominant on the pages of newspapers and at AIDS conferences. Whether the topic was new infections among young gay men, bare-backing, crystal use, circuit parties, or even same-sex marriage, the discussion was dominated by an overarching vision of gay men as sexually obsessed, self-destructive, and uncaring. At worst, we were seen as menaces to society. At best, we were excused as victims of societal homophobia, racism, and indifference. In both cases, we were seen as deficient: deficient in self-control, deficient in social responsibility, deficient in health and wellness. This rhetorical frame for gay men's cultures began to seep into the consciousness of regular gay men and soon appeared to dominate the thinking of gay men themselves. It became common to run into friends, tricks, and social acquaintances who repeated the new party line about bare-backing or circuit parties or crystal use; some of us recoiled in disgust and disappointment. All of a sudden a rank and file gay male population saw itself and others through the disease lens. It was a return to pre gay-lib days. The homophobes had won the battle! When we attempted to work in partnership with friends in HIV prevention organizations we faced surprising challenges. They'd repeatedly affirm that they shared our beliefs about gay men and health, embraced "sex-positive" values, and were commitment to
"empowerment" (a term that had, by the 1990s, been so overused and misused that it immediately made some of us skeptical), and then they'd launch advertising campaigns that were condescending, patronizing, and deeply anti-gay. An AIDS prevention industry clueless about how to limit new infections tried almost anything, including buying into all the foundational assumptions of the right that gay men were evil vectors of disease. It came as no surprise that gay men began to see one another, not as brothers and caregivers and lovers and comrades in gay liberation, but as opponents, threats, and enemies to one another's health. HIV prevention asked us to treat every man we had sex with as if he were infected, in order to ensure compliance with the condom code, even when not necessary. We were told to distrust men's identified antibody status because "men lie." We were force-fed campaigns like "HIV stops with me," which worked to drive home—in case anyone doubted it—that there were legions of positive men out there eager to pass on their virus to vulnerable, clueless uninfected men. The sorry state of HIV prevention, the effective re-pathologizing of gay men as a class, and a rising sex panic emerging from the collusion of gay male journalists and neo-liberal public officials finally drove some of us to organize. Not only did public conversation about gay men in the early and mid 1990s cause tremendous heartache and inspire contentious internal community splits, it also motivated some of us to intervene in the discourse and organize alternative sites where more progressive analyses might be shared. The Creation of a Gay Men's Health Movement In 1998, when the annual National Lesbian and Gay Health Conference, which drew together people working on LGBT health issues nationwide, ceased to exist—its host organization went bankrupt—discussions took place about finding a new organization to host the event. At the time, lesbian activists wanted to organize on their own for a few years and several key leaders encouraged gay men to begin "to get their act together beyond HIV/AIDS." This motivated me to work with a small group of other activists—all under the age of 30—sharing similar values and visions, to issue a call to the first national gay men's health summit. Coming as much out of frustration with HIV prevention work as from the sex panic sweeping over gay communities nationwide, our team of good-hearted organizers volunteered to do what needed to be done to create a space where people concerned about the health and wellness of gay male communities could come together outside the paradigm of disease and self-destructiveness. The origins of the term "gay men's health" are rooted in the gay liberation movement and at least one organization utilizing the term in its title remains from that period (Berkeley's Gay Men's Health Collective). However, during the 1980s, after New Yorkers named their first AIDS organization "Gay Men's Health Crisis," the term seems to have become a euphemism for AIDS. As activist Chris Bartlett has pointed out, HIV so overwhelmed the community that "gay men's health" became synonymous with "HIV/AIDS." When we began agitating for a national "gay men's health" summit in 1998, we seized on the term in an attempt to strategically move its meaning beyond HIV/AIDS. Our intent was twofold: (1) we hoped to promote a holistic view of health that incorporated not only
medical and mental health but emotional, political, spiritual, and community health concepts as well; (2) when we did focus on health threats to gay men, we wanted HIV/AIDS simply to be included as one of the many ailments facing gay men, alongside cancer, heart disease, street and domestic violence, syphilis, obesity, and addiction. After eight years of intensive gay men's health organizing efforts occurring outside the purview of any national gay organization, we have finally succeeded in creating an alternative to the disease model of working on gay men's health issues. While far from dominant, it is being embraced by more and more organizers and more and more rank and file gay men who sense that there is something very wrong with how journalists and medical experts continue to talk about gay men's communities. The model we put forward at the first three gay men's health summits (2000, 2001, 2003) included at least three beliefs that contrast dramatically with the beliefs of the disease model. First, we believe that gay men, at root, are individually and collectively healthy, reasonable, life-affirming, and successful in creating fulfilling and meaningful lives. Second, we take an asset-based approach to gay men's communities, rather than a deficitbased approach; we look at and build on inherent community strengths, resources, skills, and values that demonstrate gay men's commitment to survive and thrive even under formidable circumstances. Third, we share in a commitment to approaching gay men as people who share baseline commitment to self-care, community-care, and disease prevention. Of course there are gay men who appear unreasonable and destructive to themselves and others, but we believe the current paradigms take this small group as representing all gay men. At the same time, we refuse to separate ourselves and our movement from these men, create programs only for "goodies" and avoid the "baddies," or write them off as inhuman. We organized our small group of national summits with the intent of dispersing these ideas and values widely in a manner that was decentralized, unstructured, ultimately beyond our control. Inspired by Alberto Melucci's work on contemporary social movements and Michel Maffesoli's work on neotribalism, we believed that conceptual shifts can result from new, creative organizing techniques. We rolled up our sleeves, got down to work, and now, several years later, see a changing landscape to which we have contributed. I know I share the joy and satisfaction of many organizers who've marveled at the growing influence our nascent gay men's health movement has had and the many projects and events that seem at least partially inspired by our work. By 2005, over 30 local and regional gay men's health summits had been held throughout the nation, not only in urban centers such as New York, San Francisco, and Seattle but in Wilmington, Delaware; Salt Lake City, Utah; and Hartford, Connecticut. Summits have been held focused on AfricanAmerican and Latino gay men, rural Southern men and young gay men. We find ourselves at an unusual moment now, where the term "gay men's health" has acquired a certain cachet and is being increasingly taken up by a diverse range of projects and used in several different ways. Not all of these projects attempt to tackle the range of
health challenges facing gay men. Few of the projects attempt to shift to a wellness model and away from the disease model of gay men's cultures and communities. Also surprising to many of us is the way the term has been embraced in other countries, especially Canada, the United Kingdom, Switzerland, Australia and New Zealand, and, recently, France; we have been surprised by the large numbers of international participants at the first three national gay men's health summits. Gay men's health activities currently take the form of organizations, projects, and campaigns and appear to cluster in at least three different models: • Projects focused on community wellness that tackle a range of health challenges facing gay men, and were not originally HIV organizations: This includes not only many of the national, regional, and local gay men's health summits, but also organizations such as San Francisco's Magnet and Seattle's Gay City Health Project. These efforts tackle a broad range of challenges to gay men and attempt to utilize holistic, sex-positive, and gay-positive approaches. Outside the United States, programs such as Dialogai in Geneva include a strong health and wellness focus. HIV/AIDS organizations that substitute "gay men's health" language for "HIV prevention," and also begin to work broadly on non-HIV health issues affecting gay men's communities: Dozens of AIDS organizations throughout the Englishspeaking West have incorporated "gay men's health" in their organizational name or as the name of a project under their jurisdiction, but few seriously take on a broad menu of health issues facing gay men and fewer still resist the disease model. But some projects do take on health issues broadly, including the Institute for Gay Men's Health, a joint project of AIDS Project Los Angeles and Gay Men's Health Crisis that defines health broadly to include spiritual and community health and appears to conscientiously avoid utilizing the pathology model when scrutinizing subcultures of men who have sex with men. Philadelphia's Safeguards began as an HIV prevention organization for gay men and has now broadened into an LGBT health advocacy agency. Internationally, Australia's ACON has more recently also shifted from solely HIV/AIDS to a broad LGBT health matters, as has the Terrence Higgins Trust and Gay Men Fighting AIDS in London. HIV/AIDS organizations that substitute "gay men's health" language for "HIV prevention," even as they continue largely to work narrowly on HIV/AIDS: Tucson's Gay Men's Health Project, which augments a strong HIV prevention focus with social activities, is an example of this type of effort, or San Francisco AIDS Foundations' Gay Life program which maintains a narrow objective of HIV prevention, though might tackle it through other health issues affecting infection rates, such as programs currently being developed to fight crystal use among gay men. New Zealand AIDS Foundation's Gay Men's Health Teams seem to fit this model as well.
The work ahead seems daunting but the path forward seems clear. We must work hard to augment narrow HIV prevention programs for gay men with a full range of activities addressing the overall holistic wellness of local and regional gay men's communities. At the same time, we need to focus on affirming the overarching framework of community health that we bring to these efforts. Our goal is not only to blanket the nation with
diverse gay men's health projects as we blanketed the nation in the 1980s with HIV prevention projects. Instead we need to shift from seeing gay communities and subcultures as problematic or diseased, to seeing them as healthy, happy, and life affirming. This is the bottom line for any gay men's health movement. Recently I attended a dance party, one of the many evenings of intense music and cavorting available to thousands of gay men in my city each weekend. I looked over the crowd of primarily twenty-something and thirty-something men, shirtless, gyrating, arms reaching to the heavens. I thought immediately at how the doomsayers criticize this population of young gay men, saying things such as, "I didn't work my ass off during the past 30 years to create a culture of drug use and unprotected sex and self-centered meme-me attitudes. This is not what the gay movement was all about. This is not what we envisioned when we tried to save lives during the worst of the AIDS years. This is not the world we were trying to create." And then I realized something surprising and simple. As someone who has spent the last 30 years working on gay liberation and AIDS activism and sexual liberation, what I saw before me was precisely the world I was trying to create. When we fought during the 1980s and 1990s to prevent gay men's sexual cultures from being destroyed, when we worked to preserve certain values about gender play, friendship, and erotic desire, when we quietly worked behind the scenes to ensure that certain spaces would survive gentrification and public health crackdowns, we were fighting to preserve the ability of new generations of gay men to create worlds of pleasure and desire. As I looked out over the sea of dancing men, I realized, despite all the battles we've lost in terms of politics and discourse and the media, gay men and gay sexual cultures have managed to survive and, indeed, thrive.
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Molyneux Thoroughly Unimpressed With The Wii U, Calls It "Slightly Lacklustre"
Posted on Thursday, May 17 @ 08:32:42 PST by Alex_Osborn
Former Lionhead boss Peter Molyneux shared his thoughts on Nintendo's upcoming console in an email conversation with Kotaku. In it, the Fable creator didn't have a whole lot of positive to throw the Wii U's way, pointing out that Nintendo is definitely going to need some killer first party software if the company hopes to be successful. "Nintendo's slightly lacklustre Wii U is going to have to blow us away with better specs and great 1st party line up," he said.
In addition, Molyneux discussed both Microsoft and Sony, saying that with no plans to release next-gen consoles in the immediate future, it will be "interesting to see how they pad out another year. Price cuts, form factors?"
The infamous British game designer just recently left Lionhead to start up a new studio, oddly named 22 Cans. Since he's just getting things off the ground with his new company and will be heavily involved in Spike TV's E3 coverage, don't expect any major game announcements from Molyneux at the expo.
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$12.99Japan's most highly regarded novelist now vaults into the first ranks of international fiction writers with this heroically imaginative novel, which is at once a detective story, an account of a disintegrating marriage, and an excavation of the buried secrets of World War II. In a Tokyo suburb a young man named Toru Okada searches for his wife's missing cat. Soon he finds himself looking for his
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The Raines of Wind Canyon (Book 1)They were known as the "no-account Raines boys" but they've grown into successful, honorable men and everything they have, they've fought for tooth and nail. Now each of the three brothers has one last obstacle to overcome to claim what's eluding them: love.Secrets don't stay buried long in cattle country. Sarah Allen, the beautiful girl who humiliated Jackson Raines in high school, is back in
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Britain suspends direct flights from Yemen
London: Britain on Wednesday suspended direct
flights from Yemen as a part of measures to improve security
following the failed Detroit airliner attack.
After announcing the measures, Prime Minister told the
House of Commons the steps are in response to a growing threat
from al-Qaida affiliated terrorists based in Yemen.
"This is the Yemen-based organisation with close links to
the al-Qaeda core in Pakistan. And we know that a number of
terrorist cells are actively trying to attack Britain and
other countries," Brown was quoted as saying by Times Online.
A new "no fly" list will also be introduced to ban terror
suspects from boarding flights to the UK as part of a package
of measures to improve security following last month`s failed
Detroit plane bombing, Brown said.
The list will be complemented by a larger list of people
who will be subject to enhanced security checks before
boarding a plane to Britain.
He said the measures would ensure that individuals
"posing the greatest risk" could not travel to the UK.
But the prime minister hoped that flights could be
resumed as soon as possible as UK aviation officials were
currently in Yemen to discuss improved aviation security in
the country.
Yemen is under intense US and Western pressure to clamp
down on Al-Qaeda, which claimed responsibility for the
December 25 bid to blow up a flight from Amsterdam.
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It seems to me that I read somewhere that US $ are not accepted in China ie for tipping, small purchases etc where we would not use a credit card. Is this correct?
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Using $US in China
It seems to me that I read somewhere that US $ are not accepted in China ie for tipping, small purchases etc where we would not use a credit card. Is this correct?
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It's like trying to use a foreign currency in the US. Some smart bell boys will accept any denomination but not the local shops.
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Yup. You'll want to use the local currency, easily obtainable at an ATM or exchange window at the airport when you arrive.
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can you use yuan in your town?? of course not, why would a huge country like china accept us dollars at 7/11??
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We just returned from China last week and we did use small US$ for some souvenir type purchases or tipping in the hotels but it was in large cities, also had yuan from either an ATM or hotel. Like said, we did use our credit card for any large purchases but used yuan for most other things.
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Suspaul says:
We just returned from China last week and we did use small US$ for some souvenir type purchases or tipping in the hotels but it was in large cities,
Curious as to what you bought with the US dollars in China and how many US dollars the items cost you?
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Also curious why you were tipping in a non-tipping country?
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thurs---some of us tip because we like to reward people for excellent service
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Bob - we've had this argument before. You would be unhappy if people came to the US and didn't tip because it wasn't their custom. Equally you should respect the customs in other countries.
Comment has been removed by Fodor's moderators
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Thanks to all for your comments.....we will use our credit cards and ATM Debit cards to draw out yuan for smaller purchases etc.
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hawaiiantraveler - it was our first day in Beijing and we purchased 2 booklets of 10 postcards each, the cost was 1 US$, and as we were on a tour (sure I'll get flack here) we were told to tip the driver and city guides in either USD or Yuan, we used what we had, worked fine for us. Guess I'm just another 'ugly American'.
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But Without Water, Effective Shutdown of Mississippi River to Commerce Still Looms
The U.S. Army Corps of Engineers reports today that two contractors named to remove rock pinnacles at Thebes, Illinois are en route and are expected to arrive on location on December 13 and 17, respectively. The Corps says it is "cautiously optimistic we can start blasting next week" after it meets with the contractors and reviews their blasting submittals.
"While this is welcome news, it only solves part of the problem to avoid an effective Mississippi River shutdown to commerce. The release of sufficient water from Missouri River reservoirs during the time this rock pinnacle work takes place is essential to preserving a nine-foot channel on the Mississippi River that will sustain commercial navigation and the movement of our nation's critical commodities and exports," said Michael J. Toohey, President & CEO, Waterways Council, Inc.
AWO and WCI stress that even though the Corps and the Coast Guard have announced no plans to close the river, the restrictions on navigation as water levels continue to drop will effectively shut down the river to barge traffic around Christmas. The groups note that barges are currently restricted to a nine-foot draft and drafts are expected to be curtailed further as the river levels fall.
"The mid-Mississippi River will be as good as closed later this month without the release of a modest amount of water from the Missouri River reservoirs," said Tom Allegretti, President & CEO, American Waterways Operators. "The damage to U.S. agriculture is already being felt, as orders are curtailed and export projections plummet with the anticipated absence of cost-effective barge transportation. Businesses face potentially catastrophic losses, and workers face the grim prospect of holiday-season layoffs if navigation is not maintained. This is a high-risk situation for industries, communities, and states that rely on river transportation."
AWO and WCI emphasize that the current situation will only go from bad to worse and noted that commercial traffic is already severely restricted, with the amount of cargo one barge can carry reduced by nearly one third and the number of barges one towboat can move from St. Louis to Cairo decreased by over half, already sharply increasing costs.
The groups also continue to stress the volume of commerce that moves on the Mississippi River and how consumers might eventually feel the impacts of a disruption, stating that $7 billion in key products such as corn, grain, coal, petroleum, chemicals and other products remain at risk in December and January alone, including:
• Nearly 20,000 jobs and $130 million in wages in Mississippi River states;
• Over 7 million tons of agricultural products worth $2.3 billion;
• Over 1.7 million tons of chemical products worth $1.8 billion;
• 1.3 million tons of petroleum products worth over $1.3 billion;
• Over 700,000 tons of crude oil worth $534 million; and,
• 3.8 million tons of coal worth $192 million.
AWO and WCI emphasized that the nation's farmers, shippers, manufacturers and towboat operators await action from President Obama to issue an emergency declaration to direct the Corps to act and maintain that releasing a modest amount of water from Missouri River reservoirs over a short period of time will keep businesses open, exports and cargo moving, and Americans employed. A severe disruption of our nation's waterborne transportation supply chain, however, will ripple through the economy and affect far more than just the nation's heartland.
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Fednav Limited, an international bulk shipowner in Canada, has welcomed to the Port of Indiana – Burns Harbor, the Federal Caribou, one of seven new oceangoing
"While replenishments-at-sea are routine, astern refueling is unique and requires precise navigation and coordination," said Lt. Cmdr. Jason Ileto, fleet replenishment scheduler for Commander,
Today's U.S. oil and gas Lease Sale 248 garnered $18,067,020 in high bids for 24 tracts covering 138,240 acres in the Western Gulf of Mexico Planning Area, announced
Commissioner William P. Doyle of the U.S. Federal Maritime Commission today voted in favor of requesting additional information from The Ocean Alliance parties.
Damen Shiprepair Vlissingen recently completed a broad scope of maintenance and repair works on the Van Oord-owned Split Hopper Barges Jan Blanken and Jan Leeghwater.
The Right Stuff: Innovation, Customer Service, Crew Welfare
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The Company:
As one of the largest inland vessel management companies in the United States, Inland Marine Service (IMS) offers services to keep vessels crewed with seasoned, highly skilled mariners.
The Philippines' territorial dispute with China over the South China Sea has not caused Manila to rebalance diplomatic ties with either its ally, the United States,
CMA CGM's mega containership Vasco De Gama ran aground off the Port of Southampton on the UK's south coast just after midnight on August 22, 2016, reported Fleetmon.
Bollinger Shipyards has delivered the 19th Fast Response Cutter (FRC), USCGC Rollin Fritch, to the U.S. Coast Guard.
The 154-foot patrol craft USCGC Rollin
Sometimes being an industry supplier offers interesting insights – your business is touched by the ups and downs of the charter market, but you are never so involved
When the Republic of Panama needed lifts for a pair of its service boats, it turned to Golden Boat Lifts for the supply of two custom-designed 7,000 lb. capacity
Canada may ask oil companies to contribute to the hundreds of millions of dollars or more the country has to pay to an international body if they drill far offshore,
Maritime Exchange for the Delaware River and Bay President Dennis Rochford has announced the tristate port vessel arrival statistics for the first six months of 2016.
With European owners leading the pack in buying up vessels, the sale and purchase market appears to have been notably active in recent years, reveals Clarkson Research Services Limited.


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Has El Segundo Service Moved Yet?
Started Oct 9, 2012 | Discussions thread
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craig OP • Senior Member • Posts: 1,946
Re: Did you see the sign?
In reply to Robin Casady • Oct 26, 2012
Robin. thank you so much for posting this. I had not noticed it in the other thread.
Take Care
Craig S.
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Life Shocks Romances, #1
by Jade Kerrion
Life Shocks Romances (Book 1)
- #101388 in Romance
- #40917 in Romance, Contemporary
- Free eBook
Recently divorced, Dr. Vera Rios is too busy navigating the potholes of single parenthood to look for Mr. Right, but along comes a man who cherishes her, adores her daughter, and helps her find her sexy groove. The only problem: Mr. Perfect is an escort.
Rowan Forrester conceals many other secrets, one of which threatens the happiness he finds with Vera. Can love find a way, or will Vera have to choose between her beloved daughter and the man of her dreams?
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Loved it, 6 stars
This was my first book by author Jade Kerrion and I'm ready to jump right into another one of her books it was so good. I was immediately hooked and didn't put it down. The storyline was great and the characters were well developed and likeable. The book had everything I like in it; a good storyline, laughter, a little aggravation where you want to smack one of the characters on the head, love and tears. This one did a quiet a few tears for me. The story is about a recently divorce doctor, Vera Rios, trying to make it as a single parent of Allison but is too busy to date and has to deal with a very difficult ex-husband. She meets a patient at the clinic whom she believes to be an escort but is drop dead gorgeous, Rowan Forrester. Rowan ask her out for a date and sparks fly. He is the most charming man who treats her and her daughter right. The life perfect except he's an escort and has secrets from his past that she finds out about that can take her daughter away from her. So she has many decisions to make while her heart has found love which she hasn't had in a long time. I loved the book and my only question is where can I find a Rowan Forrester for myself!by BRenczkowski on April 02, 2016
by Jade Kerrion
Life Shocks Romances (Book 1)
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Staybridge Suites Miramar properties are listed below. Search for cheap and discount Staybridge Suites hotel rates in Miramar, FL for your business gathering or personal travels. We list the best Staybridge Suites Miramar properties so you can review the Miramar Staybridge Suites hotel list below to find the perfect place.
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text:
Japan's only GUY-sha: The geisha's son who wanted to follow in his dead mother's footsteps
In modern Japan, geisha performers have become a rarity outside of the few established entertainment districts in major cities and hot spring resorts.
This is due to Japan's changing economy and corporate entertainment policies, which makes high priced traditional geisha entertainment unaffordable. One hundred years ago, there were over 80,000 geisha in Japan. Today the number of working geisha is estimated to be around 1,000.
Eitaro is Japan's only male geisha who performs in the role as a female dancer. He is the master of an 'okiya,' a geisha house in Tokyo's Omori port district.
Scroll down for video
Popular: Japan's only male geisha, Eitaro, 26, performing a dance for customers at a party on a floating party boat on the Sumida river in Tokyo
From the early 20th century Geisha culture flourished around the Omori port during the rapid growth of Japan's industrial economy.
By the 1980s, the last local geisha house had closed its doors to land developers during Japan's real estate bubble era. Eitaro's mother, a skilled and charismatic geisha, devoted her life to reviving the local geisha culture until her death, due to cancer, three years ago.
At the age of ten, Eitaro first performed as a female dancer at his mother's geisha parties.
Helping hand: Eitaro tilts his head as his sister, Maika, puts make-up on his back. From the early 20th century Geisha culture flourished around Tokyo's Omori port
Geisha in the mirror: Eitaro takes a break, Women first became geisha in the mid-1700s and by the 19th century it had become a primarily female profession
Lipstick-tastic: Geishas first appeared as a group of male performers in Japan in the late 17th century
Make-up master: Eitaro prepares his make-up along with female geishas at his house in Tokyo, Japan
Meticulous: Eitaro, right, is helped by his sister Maika in the family's back room which is crowded with nik naks relating to the art
Starting the transformation: Eitaro puts on his wig as he gets ready for his role as Japan's only male geisha - the total number of geishas has dwindled from 80,000 to just 1,000 in the last century
Masculine touch: Eitaro gets instruction on geisha wig styling from professional stylist Terafumi Shigemori, right, at the stylist's studio in Tokyo
A skilled dancer, he began learning traditional female dance roles at the age of eight and first performed at Japan's national theater at the age of eleven.
Eitaro is now in popular demand as a stage performer and television personality. Following the death of his mother, he took over his mother's role as geisha house master and with his sister, Maika, oversees a group of six geisha performers.
Geisha first appeared in Japan in the late 17th century, as a group of male performers in the entertainment districts, who entertained customers waiting to spend time with the most popular and gifted courtesans.
Finishing touches: Eitaro adjusts his wig as fellow geisha check their kimono - there are still male geisha who dress in men's kimono and usually perform as drummers and singers alongside female geisha
In the groove: A skilled dancer, Eitaro began learning traditional female dance roles at the age of eight and first performed at Japan's national theatre at the age of eleven
Day job: Eitaro pours drinks for customers at a geisha party on a party boat on the Sumida river in Tokyo
Warming up: Eitaro teaches customers some geisha games during the party on the floating boat in Tokyo
Taking control: Eitaro talks to customers during a captivated group of men during the geisha party in Tokyo
Women first became geisha in the mid-1700s and by the 19th century geisha had become a primarily female profession.
there are still male geisha who dress in men's kimono and usually
perform as drummers and singers along female geisha. Eitaro is the only
male who performs in a female role.
Due to Eitaro's popularity as an entertainer, he and his geisha perform frequently for private geisha parties, public stage performances and public relations events. He is carrying on his mother's passion to re-popularize the geisha culture.
Family affair: Eitaro, left, chooses traditional Japanese dance music recordings ahead of a performance with his sister Maika, right, at their home
Slow process: Eitaro touches his sister Maika's hand, as she helps him put on his kimono
Rehearsal: Eitaro practices the shamisen before for a show. Following the death of his mother, a geisha, three years ago, he and his sister, Maika are carrying on their mother's efforts to revive geisha culture
Dressed to impress: Eitaro, left, talks to kimono shop owners Akira Taniguchi and his wife Sachiko about getting fitted with a new outfit
Poignant: Eitaro prays in front of a picture of his dead mother, a geisha, at a family shrine in his grandmother's apartment in Tokyo
Out of costume: Eitaro takes a break from his dance practice to go for a stroll near his geisha house in Tokyo. He is a second generation geisha, a skilled dancer and female role performer
VIDEO: Japan'd male geisha Eitaro filmed serving guests
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Seahawks cut Brandon Browner
Cano's 30th homer not enough as M's fall to ChiSox, 4-1
Timbers use 4 goals in first half to get revenge on rival Sounders, 4-2
University of Washington WR Brayden Lenius suspended three games
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Alice in the Depot, a favorite attraction of Joe Fowler
This attraction is a journey into the Disney movie of the novel of the tale "Alice in the Depot" by Popeye. Board a caterpillar and plummet into a mysterious hole and discover the insanity of the Depot. You might even see an actual, working hookah on your way to the Mad Hatter's place!
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Had a lovely lazy afternoon eating Grande Antipasta and Bufala pizza Service was excellent Well worth a visit whilst in Gubbio Grazie molto
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Had a lovely lazy afternoon eating Grande Antipasta and Bufala pizza Service was excellent Well worth a visit whilst in Gubbio Grazie molto
Our Italian hosts tools us here, probably because of the ambiance rather than the exceptional food. The food was still very good (pizza and anti pasti) and the service very good. Overall a very good experience but if Seeking a culinary experience look elsewhere
We went here with some friends from Italy while visiting Gubbio. The food was absolutely wonderful. The service on the other hand was a bit off. Our guest had to "wave" down a waiter several times. This would not have been a problem had they been busy. We plan on returning to Gubbio next year and will go there again.
This fine restaurant with a large menu, from Antpasti to Pizza. The special things I like here are: Antpasti Umbro,... 更多
Not only great food but a great atmosphere and wonderful hospitality! My pizza was amazing and my friend had beef... 更多
Have visited this restaurant over the last 6 years and tried most of the menu but the tagliata di manzo... 更多
Can't believe why this restaurant is so low in the list for Gubbio. We had a full meal on the... 更多
Ristorante pizzeria di fonte al parcheggio del teatro romano, accessibile anche da una rampa di scale, che scende dalla porta... 更多
Porzioni abbondanti e cortesia.....peccato che il sabato sera è molto frequentato e strapieno!!! Ma è giusto così....Il taglieri sono favolosi!!!
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Nintendo 64 Games
Victreebel for Pokemon SnapHome / Nintendo 64 /
This page contains Pokemon Snap Hints for Nintendo 64 called "Victreebel" and has been posted or updated on Jul 6, 2011 by alohamahalu.
Boxshot & Details
- Developer: Hal
- Publisher: Nintendo
- Genre: Action
- Release: Jun 30, 1999
- ESRB: Everyone
Go to the end of the Cave level, until finding a Weapinbell flying around a pool of water. Knock it into the water to evolve it into Victreebel.
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text:
Mother's Day 2013
I Love You, Mom! Stars Celebrate Mother's Day
From proud mothers like Jessica Alba to Nicole Richie's sweet photo with Mom, check out how the stars honor motherhood in their Twitter pics
Credit: Courtesy Nina Dobrev
Updated: Tuesday May 03, 2011 | 06:00 AM EDT By: Cara Lynn Shultz
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