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Matthew Sanders: State of the Union? 'It's complicated'
Why? Taxes and spending are what we call fiscal policies, or how the government gathers and spends money. Small businesses will appreciate his acknowledgment that the tax code needs reform.
Each of these proposals deserves a vote in Congress. If you want to vote no, that's your choice. But these proposals deserve a vote.
Why? Rather than threatening to go solo with executive action, he urged Congress to deliberate and vote. That is the appropriate balance of power.
Instead, we will need to help countries like Yemen, Libya and Somalia provide for their own security, and help allies who take the fight to terrorists, as we have in Mali.
Why? A decade of concentrated military and covert action on Al-Qaida and its supporters has diffused its power and influence. Working to build bridges and capabilities with would-be sponsor states is the right step. However, our vigilance must match the terrorists' vindictiveness.
Senators of both parties are working together on tough new laws to prevent anyone from buying guns for resale to criminals. Police chiefs are asking our help to get weapons of war and massive ammunition magazines off our streets, because they are tired of being outgunned.
Why? Rather than pursue executive action, as was proposed at one point, Congress and the Senate should deliberate and vote on any gun measure. Sensible controls on certain types of weapons is warranted to prevent those most likely to commit crimes from obtaining and using them.
Here are a few points in the speech where I would click "Unlike":
Now, most of us agree that a plan to reduce the deficit must be part of our agenda. But let's be clear: deficit reduction alone is not an economic plan.
Why? Deficit reduction includes changes in spending. Currently government taxes, borrows and spends, which is fiscal policy. Every dollar government taxes or borrows takes it out of private sector consumption or crowds out private investment. Reducing government spending and the burden on private pocket books is absolutely an economic plan.
Right now, there's a bill in this Congress that would give every responsible homeowner in America the chance to save $3,000 a year by refinancing at today's rates. Democrats and Republicans have supported it before. What are we waiting for? Take a vote, and send me that bill. Right now, overlapping regulations keep responsible young families from buying their first home. What's holding us back?
Why? Government has inserted itself plenty in the housing market to the detriment of us all. The sub-prime mortgage bubble and crash was a catastrophic confluence of government incursion and irresponsible banking. A new report by NBER definitively ties the Community Reinvestment Act perpetuation from 1977 on by both parties to the housing crash. It is time to let the housing market work itself out.
Tonight, let's declare that in the wealthiest nation on Earth, no one who works full-time should have to live in poverty, and raise the federal minimum wage to $9.00 an hour....So here's an idea that Governor Romney and I actually agreed on last year: let's tie the minimum wage to the cost of living, so that it finally becomes a wage you can live on.
- Frank Pignanelli & LaVarr Webb: Shurtleff,...
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- My view: Reform coal leasing policies... 22
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tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-3473707319947090916.post4492939146184377565..comments2016-07-28T04:56:52.607-04:00Comments on BABBLING ABOUT BOOKS, AND MORE!: The Quintessential 80's Movies Everyone Must WatchKT Granthttp://email@example.com:blogger.com,1999:blog-3473707319947090916.post-30416298053154292822012-03-04T21:08:57.263-05:002012-03-04T21:08:57.263-05:00Your picks are perfect but I'd add Teen Witch,...Your picks are perfect but I'd add Teen Witch, Heathers, Less Than Zero and Lost Boys.Kate@Midnight Book Girlhttp://firstname.lastname@example.com:blogger.com,1999:blog-3473707319947090916.post-12843049969317434472012-03-04T11:21:10.970-05:002012-03-04T11:21:10.970-05:00Awesome list - The Breakfast Club is such a great ...Awesome list - The Breakfast Club is such a great movie. On my own list, I would add Can't Buy Me Love (another early McDreamy classic), Dirty Dancing, and Don't Tell Mom the Babysitter's Dead.Michellehttp://firstname.lastname@example.com:blogger.com,1999:blog-3473707319947090916.post-56333137143192072222012-03-04T11:17:33.730-05:002012-03-04T11:17:33.730-05:00Love every single one of the movies listed! Don...Love every single one of the movies listed! Don't forget about The Outsiders.Liza Brownhttp://email@example.com:blogger.com,1999:blog-3473707319947090916.post-56502246860989490112012-03-04T09:58:27.285-05:002012-03-04T09:58:27.285-05:00Penelope: Never saw Valley Girl *blush* I assume t...Penelope: Never saw Valley Girl *blush* I assume that was during Cage's floppy hair stage?

Ellie: Another Valley Girl fan :)

Ivanova: Oh yes, Say Anything! What an incredible romantic movie.

JenM: I almost put down Risky Business but want to show of the wonders of the volleyball scene from Top Gun.

Marg: Adventures in Babysitting is LOL funny. Good time movie viewing.

Amy J: OMG Lost Boys! Such beautiful man candy in that one.

Tasha: Yes! Queen did the soundtrack and Sean Connery! Awesome 80's movie

Teddypig: I find Heathers more meh than wow for me. But it also has some great one-liners also. I may have to do another post like this to highlight that movie.

Ren: Edward Scrissorhands is also one of my favorites. I love the beginning with Vincent Price.KB/KT Granthttp://email@example.com:blogger.com,1999:blog-3473707319947090916.post-30349224248390536262012-03-04T09:46:53.651-05:002012-03-04T09:46:53.651-05:00Sixteen Candles, The Breakfast Club, The Lost Boys...Sixteen Candles, The Breakfast Club, The Lost Boys, BeetleJuice, Edward Scissorhands, Some Kind of Wonderful with Lea Thompson, Mary Stuart Masterson and Eric Stoltz. I think that's an 80s movie :)There are so many out there.Renhttp://email@example.com:blogger.com,1999:blog-3473707319947090916.post-55202714429503867622012-03-04T09:19:16.057-05:002012-03-04T09:19:16.057-05:00You forgot Heathers OMG!You forgot Heathers OMG!Teddypighttp://email@example.com:blogger.com,1999:blog-3473707319947090916.post-60622103292954880442012-03-04T08:36:15.759-05:002012-03-04T08:36:15.759-05:00Love this list. I also loved Lucas, The Sure Thin...Love this list. I also loved Lucas, The Sure Thing, Say Anything, and Heathers. I also love The Princess Bride.Heatherhttp://firstname.lastname@example.com:blogger.com,1999:blog-3473707319947090916.post-73103653469745400132012-03-03T21:49:06.151-05:002012-03-03T21:49:06.151-05:00Is Highlander an 80s movie?Is Highlander an 80s movie?Tasha B.http://email@example.com:blogger.com,1999:blog-3473707319947090916.post-65182232113218837442012-03-03T21:14:23.262-05:002012-03-03T21:14:23.262-05:00OMG! Harry and the Henderson's, Heather's,...OMG! Harry and the Henderson's, Heather's, Lost Boys, Stand By Me, Pump Up the Volume, I could go on!Amy Jhttp://firstname.lastname@example.com:blogger.com,1999:blog-3473707319947090916.post-21119370687361540922012-03-03T20:05:15.403-05:002012-03-03T20:05:15.403-05:00I haven't seen the Elisabeth Shue movie, or Si...I haven't seen the Elisabeth Shue movie, or Sixteen Candles, but I have seen everything else on your list, and a lot of them would have made my list of must-see 80s movies too.Marghttp://email@example.com:blogger.com,1999:blog-3473707319947090916.post-72964723547011116762012-03-03T12:54:48.158-05:002012-03-03T12:54:48.158-05:00I adored The Breakfast Club. I swear I've seen...I adored The Breakfast Club. I swear I've seen that movie at least 10 times and it still gets me. Aside from that, at the top of my must see list from the 80's is Risky Business. Tom Cruise and Rebecca de Morney getting it on on the L - that scene gets me hot just thinking about it.JenMhttp://firstname.lastname@example.com:blogger.com,1999:blog-3473707319947090916.post-8831933465957001742012-03-03T09:56:51.266-05:002012-03-03T09:56:51.266-05:00I'm thinking Say Anything, Dead Poets Society,...I'm thinking Say Anything, Dead Poets Society, Heathers, Do The Right Thing, Indiana Jones and the Last Crusade, and My Left Foot. All from 1989! It was a good year.ivanovahttp://firstname.lastname@example.com:blogger.com,1999:blog-3473707319947090916.post-6591532238636895382012-03-03T09:20:32.426-05:002012-03-03T09:20:32.426-05:00Amazing post! I agree Valley Girl should be here t...Amazing post! I agree Valley Girl should be here too but other then that it's a perfect list of must see 80's moviesEllie716http://firstname.lastname@example.com:blogger.com,1999:blog-3473707319947090916.post-86916846850408497652012-03-03T09:08:46.867-05:002012-03-03T09:08:46.867-05:00Love these! Don't forget Valley Girl with Nich...Love these! Don't forget Valley Girl with Nicholas Cage....from 1983....

http://www.imdb.com/title/tt0086525/Penelopehttp://firstname.lastname@example.com:blogger.com,1999:blog-3473707319947090916.post-10166231262346469842012-03-03T08:50:56.299-05:002012-03-03T08:50:56.299-05:00I'm not a fan of Some Kind of Wonderful :( I ...I'm not a fan of Some Kind of Wonderful :(

I also recommend Lover Boy with the future Dr. McDreamy.KB/KT Granthttp://email@example.com:blogger.com,1999:blog-3473707319947090916.post-17403482530602346582012-03-03T08:49:34.603-05:002012-03-03T08:49:34.603-05:00My all-time favorite 80's movie is Honey, I Shrunk...My all-time favorite 80's movie is Honey, I Shrunk the Kids. It has nothing to do with the movies in your list, but it's one of the first movies I remember both watching and being obsessed with. I so wanted to be shrunk so I could have a HUGE Oreo!!!

My second favorite 80's movie is Police Academy, and all of its sequels including the crappy ones without Mahoney. Love those movies so much.

Of your list I love The Breakfast Club, Pretty in Pink, St. Elmo's Fire and Top Gun. I'm surprised that Some Kind of Wonderful didn't make your list, that's one of my favorites Hughes movies.Briehttp://email@example.com

subset: commoncrawl


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[...]Read more
Town Topics: "Join us at our 95th Annual Chamber Banquet!"
Relive the roaring 20's as we celebrate our membership and 95 years of the Kenedy Chamber of Commerce. Chamber members, city officials, and community members are invited to join us as we honor those that are invovled in working towards [...]Read more
Town Topics: Congratulations to the Bluebonnet Days Triple Heat Cook-off Winners!
We would like to congratulate those that placed within the top 10 of each Triple Heat category and the top 3 in beans, dessert and chef's choice during our 2nd IBCA sanctioned Bluebonnet Days Triple Heat BBQ cook-off! The winners [...]Read more
Town Topics: "Get Ready for the 38th Annual Bluebonnet Days Festival!"
[...]Read more
Town Topics: "Thanks for supporting our Kenedy Member Mixer!"
Here's a glimpse at our 3rd Kenedy Member Mixer that took place yesterday evening at State Farm Insurance hosted by Carisa Perez - State Farm Agent! Thank you to everyone in attendance for supporting our network community and taking the [...]Read more


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The reigning champion! Queen ecstatic after Estimate wins Gold Cup at Ascot to cap a stunning royal occasion on Ladies Day
It takes something very special indeed to upstage an emotional victory for Lady Cecil and a golden piece of recipe advice from Mary Berry.
Something unique like the first time in history that a 'reigning monarch', as the announcer solemnly declared — can you have a non-reigning monarch? — had won the Gold Cup, the showpiece event of Royal Ascot and a race dating back nearly two centuries to before the Battle of Waterloo.
Baking royalty in Berry presented a prize, racing royalty in the late Sir Henry Cecil's widow saddled a winner and the ultimate in royalty achieved pretty much the ultimate in racing — and all on Ladies' Day.
Scroll down for video...
Here you go: Andrew the Duke of York presents Queen Elizabeth II with the Gold Cup after Estimate's victory
United in victory: The Queen and family members cheer on the horse Estimate as it takes Gold Cup glory
Celebration: The Queen pats Estimate's nose after the horse won the race
Royal party: The Queen Elizabeth II, Autumn Phillips and Peter Phillips arrive for Ladies Day
Royal Ascot better think again about their desire to have the Thursday of the iconic meeting branded Gold Cup Day instead.
There has never been a Ladies' Day like it.
The television image of Her Majesty the Queen banging on the arms of her throne, as it were, in the Royal Box with all the enthusiasm of a young girl as her horse, Estimate, bore down on the winning post offered a human side rarely displayed among all the pomp and protocol.
Gone for those few seconds were the reserve and restraint which have per force accompanied the role of the British monarch. She was, for those instants, first and foremost a racing fan, a sports jock even, cheering her horse to victory.
Watch more on Channel 4 racing
Out in front: Ryan Moore rides Estimate to victory ahead of Simenon in the Gold Cup
Tense finish: Princesses Beatrice and Eugenie get caught up in the moment on Ladies' Day
It was little different, at least in emotion, to the member of a syndicate with a 100th share in a leg of a thoroughbred urging on his nag in the 2.30 at Lingfield.
When later her watching subjects were shown a recording of her reaction squeals of delight echoed around the racecourse. They loved her passion; they loved her joy; most of all, one suspects, they loved her ability to lose just a smidgeon of self-control.
At her side was racing manager John Warren who, frankly, lost it completely in the way he animatedly shouted on the four-year-old filly to its prominent place in racing history.
After Estimate became the first royally owned horse to win the Gold Cup at Ascot, here are some more Royal racing moments...
The future Edward VII had two notable horses this year. Ambush II won the Grand National and Diamond Jubilee won the St Leger, the 2,000 Guineas and the Derby.
Big Game won the 2,000 Guineas, and Sun Chariot the 1,000 Guineas, the Oaks and the St Leger - the Fillies Triple Crown.
Devon Loch's good form looked to be continuing as he entered the final 40 yards of the Grand National with a five-length lead, only to jump and collapse. The Queen Mother said: 'Oh, that's racing!'
The Queen has had several winners but perhaps the most famous is Dunfermline — the mare won the Oaks and St Leger as The Queen celebrated her Silver Jubilee.
All smiles: Queen Elizabeth II looks overjoyed as she watches Estimate surge to victory
Outside the tinted bullet-proof glass, from the privileged occupants of the Royal Enclosure to the more raucous inhabitants of the Silver Ring and to the picnickers on the Heath, the tens of thousands went pretty much bonkers in their delight.
If ever the collective will of a crowd can push a horse over the line then it did so yesterday.
Jockey supreme Ryan Moore played his part, of course, in holding off the challenge of Johnny Murtagh aboard the Irish trained Simenon and, in the process, probably guaranteeing a future gong.
Willie Mullins, the trainer of the second, said 'I would loved to have won but it is a fantastic result for racing.'
Party time: Members of the Royal family cheer after the Queen's horse crosses the line
Thumbs up: Moore and Estimate are led away after securing the win at Royal Ascot on Ladies' Day
Frenchman Francois Doumen, who trained the third home, Top Trip, added: 'It would have been a diplomatic incident if Top Trip had won!'
Victory secured, Her Majesty could be seen standing at the window waving, it appeared, to Moore below. Meanwhile, as many as could negotiate the logistics rushed from trackside to the back of the stands to welcome the winning horse but, more significantly, greet the winning owner.
Less than an hour earlier, warm,
genuine and prolonged applause accompanied Lady Cecil as she mounted the
podium after Riposte took the Ribblesdale Stakes, as Sir Henry had
planned in the months before his death.
The 10-time champion trainer has won 66 races at Royal Ascot as well as 15 British Classics. He was born in Barbados and awarded his knighthood in 1998 for services to tourism in his homeland.
The 29-year-old son of trainer Gary Moore whose two brothers are both jump jockeys. Single-minded and technically the outstanding Flat jockey currently riding. Would have won more than three championships had injury not intervened.
Self-made son of a greengrocer who has become a hugely respected bloodstock agent and took on the royal role after death of predecessor the Earl of Carnarvon in 2001. Married to the Earl's daughter Carolyn with whom he runs Highclere Stud.
Looks after the day-to-day needs of Estimate, feeding and grooming the filly at Stoute's stable but it is Michelle Allen who rides out the filly on the gallops. Both were given credit by Stoute for relaxing the Gold Cup winner.
Powerhouse: Estimate led on the home straight and held off the competition to secure the win
'That was for him, wasn't it?' she said, trying to fight off the tears.
The volume was turned up on the arrival of the Queen into the parade ring. That was very much for her. Her Majesty. 'Your Majesty, we celebrate with you and we share your delight,' the public address system intoned. And they did.
Everyone except the security men who struggled to part wellwishers in creating a narrow path into the winner's circle. The Channel 4 cameras kept a respectable distance.
Where to? Two racegoers study the day's racecard as others travel to Ascot by train earlier (below)
There would be no 'post-match' one-to-one for Clare Balding, the current Queen of broadcasting and arguably the fourth Lady of the day.The Queen had been scheduled to present the trophy to the triumphant owner. Who would step in? Ms Berry had already done her bit.
Would it be former Ryder Cup captain Sam Torrance, who had been allocated the fifth race? Don't be silly. In the end, the Queen's second son, the Duke of York, did the honours, again to a tumultuous reception. Royal Ascot is never going to be able to follow that. It does not really need to.
Earlier, Berry, perhaps auditioning for a part in The Great British They're Off, revealed that 70 years ago she had owned a pony called Kerry Lass. Her winnings in gymkhanas paid for the horse's shoes. 'It was £1 for four in those days,' she said.
In full force: Princess Beatrice (left) and Pixie Lott looked glamorous as they turned up for the races
Glorious: Moore is beaming as he trots into the paddock as the Queen examines her trophy
But the man from the Racing Post wanted to know why, when making white chocolate muffins, the raspberries inside became very wet.
'Ah,' she replied, 'raspberries do that. Put in some blueberries as well and that will help.'
You don't just get racing tips at Royal Ascot.
Hell for leather: Moore (right) leads the pack on the home straight as Estimate (below) relaxes afterwards
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Camping Family Fun! LbNA # 54894
|The Kolwey Kids
|Placed Date
|Jul 31 2010
|Park View, IA
|Found By
|Last Found
|Sep 11 2011
|Hike Distance
***Re-hid a new box (with a few new clues) on 9/05/11 as the last one came up missing!!
This letterbox was planted on our first ever family camp
night(according to our 13 year son, it should be our last). He did carve the stamp though before he started complaining about the lack of electricity in nature.
First, assign every letter in the alphabet a number. For example, A=1, B=2, C=3, etc. Next, assign the numbers to the letters to spell out "Scott Co Camping". Add them up to get a three digit number. Take this number and subtract the number associated with the letter "E". At Scott County park you must find the campground that is defined as "a wild and uncultivated region". Next, take the number that you came up with above and find that campsite. From the back of this numbered sign post, figure out the number of steps to take by taking the word "Park" and coming up with a two digit number as per above. Take that number of steps directly toward the wooded area. Enter the wooded area and take 20 adult-sized steps on the deer trail which will take you to a small clearing. With the campsite to your back, look left and you will see the letterbox snug down in the "V" of a "V"-shaped tree!


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2016 Annual Meeting August 13th & Farm Tour August 14th
on the Mississippi Gulf Coast
Hotel: Gulf Hills Hotel & Conference Center
13701 Paso Road, Ocean Springs, Mississippi 39564
Farm Tour:
Holly Berry Hills Tree Farm
, Harrison County
Registration & Exhibitors
Choose-and-cut Christmas trees are the
Choosing and cutting your own Christmas tree is a wonderful outing to begin your Christmas season. Bring your family and friends to experience the fun and excitement of a working farm where you can find your perfect tree, and enjoy pumpkin patches, hay rides, wreaths, gift shops, farm animals, school tours, breathe some fresh air, and many other offerings.
Bring home a healthy, fresh grown Christmas tree from a local farm.
Our proud members invite you to explore our website, call or e-mail, check us out on the web, Facebook or other social media but most encouragingly come on out and visit the farm. We are confident you will return!
Real trees make scents!
If you are considering starting your own Christmas tree farm, full-time or as a hobby, it will be rewarding to see your hard work come to life. As with any farming endeavor, Christmas tree farming requires smart planning, efficient management, a dedicated application of information, determination and good old work. There is no better organization than the Southern Christmas Tree Association to become a member of when considering such an operation, implementing farming practices or increasing your knowledge base of this rewarding industry. Sharing experience counts at SCTA. If you are interested, go to our
Membership Page
. Thank you.
We believe in creating memories that will last a lifetime.
Your source for REAL Christmas trees!
is primarily an organization of Christmas tree growers in Alabama, Louisiana, and Mississippi. We welcome other state growers.
SCTA's mission is to assist growers in the production and marketing of high quality, REAL Christmas trees for consumers.
Members provide unique experiences for customers while creating memories and traditions for families lasting a lifetime.
The Southern Christmas Tree Association
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Charles Tinsley, 91
Published: Friday, March 11, 2011 at 9:09 a.m.
Last Modified: Friday, March 11, 2011 at 9:09 a.m.
BREVARD — Charles "Charlie" Tinsley, 91, died Wednesday, March 9, 2011 at his home.
A graveside service will be at 1 p.m. today at Pisgah Memorial Gardens with the Rev. Tommy Owen and Larry Tinsley officiating.
Moore Funeral Home is caring for the family.
Reader comments posted to this article may be published in our print edition. All rights reserved. This copyrighted material may not be re-published without permission. Links are encouraged.


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ODT Online
ODT /directory
New water quality regulations may become operative on May 1
if they get the Otago Regional Council's seal of approval at
a meeting today.
The council will consider the amendments made to its 6A water
plan change (water quality) through Environment Court
If the council approves the regulations, they will receive
the council's seal and be publicly notified on April 19 and
operative on May 1, nearly five years after planning and
consultation began.
A report to the council said while amendments to the plan had
been negotiated, its basic principles - an effects-based
approach to managing discharges to water with a focus on
controlling contaminant discharges rather than the land use
activities that created them - remained unchanged.
Some amendments were as simple as changing terminology such
as standards now being called limits and targets in schedule
15 and discharge limits now being permitted activity
discharge thresholds in schedule 16.
Others were more general, including Ngai Tahu values being
included throughout and recognition of the coastal marine
area where relevant.
Some of the rules had been expanded to include how the
compliance system would work and when compliance would be
triggered and the actions the council would take when water
quality failed to meet limits and targets in schedule 15.
Another change was the Overseer (a nutrient management tool)
leaching rate for the Queenstown-Lakes nitrogen-sensitive
zone being lifted from 10kg of nitrogen per ha per year to
There was also recognition of the differences in land use
with outdoor pork, fruit (excluding grapes), berry and
rotational vegetable farmers excluded from providing Overseer
data to the council until April 2020.
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text:
China and the United States will wage an all-important, yet rather vague struggle for the competitive edge, according to this unfocused but illuminating treatise. Financial Times journalist Dyer surveys facets of China's foreign relations, arguing that the 21st-century world order will center on Sino-American jousting for a loosely defined global influence. In the military sphere, he argues, China's swelling navy will try to shoo the American fleet from nearby waters and monopolize local maritime resources; geopolitically, China's efforts to woo the world with "soft power" may be undermined by its dour authoritarianism and national chauvinism; on the economic front, China's alleged goal of replacing the dollar with the renminbi as the global reserve currency will require it to overturn its state-dominated economic model. Dyer's invocation of traditional great-power rivalry feels overstated, since neither country wants war and both benefit from a liberalized global economy; America can "win" the contest, he contends, with nothing more combative than accommodating diplomacy and sensible budgetary policies. The competition he describes is really between China's own conflicted impulses—and here Dyer's lively prose, vivid reportage, and long experience reporting on the country really shine, making this one of the most lucid, readable, and insightful of the current rise-of-China studies. Agent: Sarah Chalfant, Wylie Agency. (Feb.)
The Contest of the Century: The New Era of Competition with China--and How America Can Winby Geoff A. Dyer
View All Available Formats & Editions
The structure of global/i>
From the former Financial Times Beijing bureau chief, a balanced and far-seeing analysis of the emerging competition between China and the United States that will dominate twenty-first-century world affairs—an inside account of Beijing's quest for influence and an explanation of how America can come out on top.
The structure of global politics is shifting rapidly. After decades of rising, China has entered a new and critical phase where it seeks to turn its economic heft into global power. In this deeply informed book, Geoff Dyer makes a lucid and convincing argument that China and the United States are now embarking on a great power–style competition that will dominate the century. This contest will take place in every arena: from control of the seas, where China's new navy is trying to ease the United States out of Asia and reassert its traditional leadership, to rewriting the rules of the global economy, with attempts to turn the renminbi into the predominant international currency, toppling the dominance of the U.S. dollar. And by investing billions to send its media groups overseas, Beijing hopes to shift the global debate about democracy and individual rights. Eyeing the high ground of international politics, China is taking the first steps in an ambitious global agenda.
Yet Dyer explains how China will struggle to unseat the United States. China's new ambitions are provoking intense anxiety, especially in Asia, while America's global influence has deep roots. If Washington can adjust to a world in which it is no longer dominant but still immensely powerful, it can withstand China's challenge. With keen insight based on a deep local knowledge—offering the reader visions of coastal Chinese beauty pageants and secret submarine bases, lockstep Beijing military parades and the neon media screens of Xinhua exported to New York City's Times Square—The Contest of the Century is essential reading at a time of great uncertainty about America's future, a road map for retaining a central role in the world.
From the Hardcover edition.
Editorial Reviews
China and the United States will wage an all-important, yet rather vague struggle for the competitive edge, according to this unfocused but illuminating treatise. Financial Times journalist Dyer surveys facets of China's foreign relations, arguing that the 21st-century world order will center on Sino-American jousting for a loosely defined global influence. In the military sphere, he argues, China's swelling navy will try to shoo the American fleet from nearby waters and monopolize local maritime resources; geopolitically, China's efforts to woo the world with "soft power" may be undermined by its dour authoritarianism and national chauvinism; on the economic front, China's alleged goal of replacing the dollar with the renminbi as the global reserve currency will require it to overturn its state-dominated economic model. Dyer's invocation of traditional great-power rivalry feels overstated, since neither country wants war and both benefit from a liberalized global economy; America can "win" the contest, he contends, with nothing more combative than accommodating diplomacy and sensible budgetary policies. The competition he describes is really between China's own conflicted impulses—and here Dyer's lively prose, vivid reportage, and long experience reporting on the country really shine, making this one of the most lucid, readable, and insightful of the current rise-of-China studies. Agent: Sarah Chalfant, Wylie Agency. (Feb.)
"Fascinating . . . Stimulating, erudite, and deeply researched, perfectly timed to explain the unfolding conflicts in East Asia."
—Ian Johnson, The New York Review of Books
"Forward-looking . . . enjoy and learn from this engagingly written tour d'horizon of important issues . . . Dyer opens with a clear statement of his thesis, a straightforward one with good prospects for having a long shelf life. China's rise will continue. . . Eminently sensible . . . A fluent writer who knows how to make the most of lively set pieces."
—Jeffrey Wasserstrom, Financial Times
"Stellar . . . Mr. Dyer is optimistic that the U.S. will "win": that is, "retain its role at the center of international affairs." But he doesn't subscribe to unwarranted zero-sum logic."
—Ali Wyne, The Wall Street Journal
"Assessing China's growing rivalry with the U. S., the author, a former Beijing bureau chief for the Finanical Times, does not subscribe to the idea of a "linear transfer" of power from the U. S. to China . . . he thinks that the contest with China will come to define U. S. foreign policy, and that America's interests are best served by fiscal and military restraint."
—The New Yorker
"[L]ucid, well-argued…With telling anecdotes and reported conversations, [Dyer] shows how China's foreign policy has misfired in east Asia, 'doing a lot of America's diplomatic work for it' by frightening its neighbours. And he traces the limits of China's expansion into the Indian Ocean and its vulnerabilities given its dependency on imports of raw materials. But his is far from an America-triumphant story. China is not going to go away as a major global player, and Dyer concludes that, over time, it and the US will have to find a way to live together, particularly in the ocean between them."
—The Guardian (UK)
"[P]rovide[s] a corrective to the lately fashionable gloom-and-doom analysis...Even now, there is reluctance to identify China as a competitor, perhaps born of difficulty conceiving of this possibility. Unlike our last major competitor, the Soviet Union, China is also a major trade partner, and China continues to represent a market opportunity in the eyes of many Western business interests. So we are tempted to jump from denial to defeatism. Not Dyer…[I]mpressive."
—The National Interest
"[D]ismisses the idea that a transition of global leadership from a declining America to a rising China is predetermined. [Dyer] makes his case by assessing the military, political, and economic dimensions of the competition, including the many dilemmas and challenges that China faces in its quest for primacy... convincingly argues that China has many limitations and obstacles to its aspirations as a great power."
—The Weekly Standard
"Well researched, with detailed information, interviews and evidence . . . Those who want a comprehensive treatment of an important issue that will shape much of our world for the next 20 years should read this book."
—Mark O'Neill, South China Morning Post
"Original ideas and illuminating insights . . . a simple but persuasive explanation for why a geopolitical contest between the United States and China will dominate the new century . . . a very timely book that has a clear and sophisticated argument. For the cottage industry of books on contemporary Chinese foreign relations, The Contest of the Century has definitely set a new and more demanding standard."
—Minxin Pei, San Francisco Gate
"[I]lluminating . . . Dyer's lively prose, vivid reportage, and long experience reporting on the country really shine, making this one of the most lucid, readable, and insightful of the current rise-of-China studies."
—Publishers Weekly
"The Contest of the Century is a perfect antidote to all the noise that passes for journalism these days. Here is a seasoned foreign correspondent calmly taking the measure of Asia's pivotal giant."
—Robert D. Kaplan, author of The Revenge of Geography
"A colorful and compelling read that offers three crucial insights. America's relationship with China will define the 21st century. Their relations will be far more subtle and dynamic than post-Cold War conventional wisdom suggests. There is nothing inevitable about either China's rise or the outcome of the two countries' competition. This is a fascinating story from an experienced journalist who knows how to tell it."
—Ian Bremmer, author of Every Nation for Itself
It's in all the headlines: China and the United States are increasingly at loggerheads. As Financial Times journalist Dyer notes, it's likely to get more heated in years to come. "Beijing is starting to channel its inner great power," writes the author. In so doing, it is shifting from a reactive to a proactive international stance, seeking to shape the world according to its national interests. And in doing that--exercising, most recently, something like a Chinese version of the Monroe Doctrine--it is increasingly coming up against the U.S., which has long had a controlling interest in many parts of Asia. Australia, writes the author, has been tied to the U.S. strategically for generations, but increasingly, its economy is dependent on trade with China; when dollars begin to trump diplomacy, Australia's relations with the U.S. are likely to loosen. Interestingly, writes Dyer, China is taking a page from long-forgotten American naval doctrine in developing a blue-water military force to expand and maintain its sphere. Whether this means that a military collision with America is inevitable depends, in a curious way, on whether the ruling Communist Party retains its power. Its "most vulnerable flank is from the nationalist, populist right," which is longing to assert Chinese power, and a "party that loudly claims the mantle of national salvation cannot afford to look weak in the face of perceived slights." Dyer counsels that instead of reacting with the usual China-bashing, with all its thinly veiled racially tinged codes, the U.S. would do well to "roll out the red carpet for Chinese investments that do not have clear national security implications," becoming partners in a two-way economy rather than mere consumers. Somewhat more optimistic than Harry Dent Jr.'s The Demographic Cliff (2013), insistent that the key to Western influence-shaping lies in economic housecleaning. All bets are on as to whether that can happen.
Product Details
- 9780307960788
- Publisher:
- Knopf Doubleday Publishing Group
- Publication date:
- 02/04/2014
- Sold by:
- Random House
- Format:
- NOOK Book
- Pages:
- 320
- Sales rank:
- 1,036,881
- File size:
Read an Excerpt
Beijing was in a state of heightened anxiety and had been for weeks. Each day in the run-up to the National Day parade, the security measures seemed to get a little bit tighter. Our apartment building had a distant view of Jianguomen, which is the main east-west avenue that runs through the center of Beijing, traversing Tiananmen Square along the way, and which was to be the main parade route. During rehearsal the Sunday before, we were told not to go onto our balconies. "What happens if we do? Will we be shot?" a neighbor jokingly asked. The building manager replied in a deadpan manner, "Maybe; who knows?" All the pigeons in the city were locked up and kite flying was banned, presumably to prevent undesirable threats to the safety of airspace. On the day itself, the two blocks on either side of the route were closed off to passersby. The 2009 event was to be the sixtieth anniversary of the foundation of the People's Republic of China, the first parade in a decade, and only the fifth time since the 1950s that such an event had been held. But, unlike in previous October 1 parades, no ordinary people were allowed to line the route and watch the festivities. The center of Beijing was hermetically sealed off from the city's residents. For everyone but the invited crowd of VIPs and journalists, this was a television-only spectacle. Despite the country's booming wealth, China's rulers can often seem insecure, looking anxiously over their shoulders at the people they govern. In the weeks leading up to the parade, they had conducted a crackdown on human-rights lawyers, and three months later they ordered an eleven-year jail sentence for Liu Xiaobo, the democracy activist who would later win the Nobel Peace Prize. The heavy-handed security was fruit of this nervy mindset.
A few hours before the parade was to start, I watched a stream of maybe fifty, maybe one hundred buses pass by, all with a regulation thirty meters in between them. The first group stood out because of the bright clothes of the excited young people inside—this bus orange, that one green, another blue. The next group were filled with soldiers in dress uniform, some trying to catch a last-minute nap, their heads pressed against the glass. With precision timing, they were being ferried to their starting places for a three-hour-long spectacle which was at times intimidating, at times impressive, and at times folksy, but never anything but meticulous. Like the morning mist, which lifted to make way for bright sunshine, the pre-parade paranoia quickly evaporated. By midday, two hundred thousand soldiers and civilians had taken part in the procession, and I did not see a single foot put wrong. It was a display that mixed North Korean mass choreography with the sort of swagger the Soviets used to muster for May Day. The kids in colored T-shirts that I had seen on the buses filled the vast expanse of Tiananmen Square to hold up cards that formed gigantic phrases: "Obey the Party's Command," "Be Loyal to the Party," and "Long Live the Mother- land." For an hour, the military showed off the very latest of its hard- ware, the product of two decades of double-digit spending increases. There were the J-10 fighter jets, China's first homegrown jets, and a long line of DF-31A intercontinental ballistic missiles, which have the range to hit Los Angeles, and which the Xinhua News Agency later described as "remarkable symbols of China's defense muscle." A decade before, much of the weaponry on display had been bought from Russia; this time it was all developed at home.
Military parades have been a feature of Chinese statecraft for centuries. During the Qing dynasty (1644 to 1912), victory ceremonies were often organized for the emperor to demonstrate his authority, and under the Communists they have been revamped for television. Geremie Barmé, an Australian expert on Chinese culture, recalls that in 1984, which also happened to be the year of Deng Xiaoping's eightieth birth- day, a group of students from Peking University held up an impromptu sign during the parade that said "Hello Xiaoping." As this was not in the script, the television cameras missed it. Once the event had finished, the spontaneous greeting was restaged and edited into the official broad- cast. In 2009, the television highlight was the contingent from the Beijing Women's Militia, who marched in precise fashion past the podium in red miniskirts and knee-high white boots, and who, Chinese media later revealed, were all models specially chosen for their uniform height. The main audience for the parades was the domestic one, which was to be both entertained and cowed by the organizational capacity of the Chinese state. But China is too big and too important for such an event to go unnoticed overseas. China's leaders knew that images of its bristling military display would be beamed around the planet and seemed untroubled if the outside world was also a little intimidated. "It represents the realization of the great revival of the Chinese nation as a result of tireless struggle," as the army described the event.
Before the military parade reached Tiananmen Square, the soldiers stopped in a long column along the main avenue to be reviewed by then President Hu Jintao. He was standing in the back of a Red Flag, China's homegrown limousine, his head and upper body visible through the sunroof as it drove past the troops. Hu, a gray bureaucrat skilled at the inner workings of the party, went out of his way to cut a dour public profile, an almost deliberate anti–cult of personality. Dressed in a Mao tunic buttoned to the top, and with his dyed black hair immaculately coiffed, he seemed at first to have a slightly comic air, and I chuckled when a colleague quipped about his resembling an Austin Powers vil- lain. Yet, as he boomed into the microphone in front of him "Tongzhi- men hao" ("Greetings, comrades") and "Tongzhimen xinku le" ("Thanks for all the suffering, comrades"), his voice, echoing all around the vast square, was a little chilling. Stern-faced, he returned to the podium at the gate of the Forbidden City, right above the giant oil portrait of Mao Zedong, and stood on the same spot where sixty years earlier Mao had declared that the "Chinese people have stood up." Flanked on both sides by the other eight members of the Communist Party's Standing Committee, the body that really runs the country, all dressed in dark business suits with red ties, Hu addressed the crowd. "Today a socialist China, geared toward modernization, the world, and the future, stands rock-firm in the East," he declared. It was his biggest applause line.
Just over two decades before, the same square had been the scene of bloodshed. In the streets surrounding Tiananmen, Chinese soldiers massacred hundreds—maybe thousands—of Beijing residents as they tried to clear the student-led protests. Realizing their legitimacy had been called into question, Chinese leaders would sit somewhat meekly for years afterward as foreigners lectured them on the need to change their political system. Bill Clinton once told his counterpart, Jiang Zemin, that the Chinese Communist Party was "on the wrong side of history." The scars from those events contributed to a desire among China's leaders to maintain a low profile overseas and to focus on development at home. Shortly after the massacre, Deng Xiaoping devised his famous slogan to define Chinese foreign policy, advising his col- leagues to taoguang yanhui—literally, "hide the brightness and nourish obscurity." Deng knew that the resurgence of China's economy would stir anxieties in the U.S. and across Asia, where many festering rivalries remain—even more so after the 1989 display of authoritarian muscle in Tiananmen. Deng realized that only by emphasizing humility and a willingness to cooperate could China develop its economy without provoking a regional and international backlash. For two decades, China looked inward and focused on rebuilding.
Yet, sitting under the baking sun in Tiananmen Square that morning, I felt Hu Jintao was delivering a very different message—the words of a risen China, not a rising China. He was telling the country and the world not only that the Communist Party was still very much in charge, but that it was also pursuing a path that was moral and right. China, he suggested, was now an important nation with legitimate interests, and it would not be afraid to defend them. Nations do not change tack over- night, of course, but the parade brought to the surface powerful forces that had been building for some time. It represented a symbolic turning point in modern Chinese history, when it became hard to ignore the way the Deng Xiaoping formula of self-restraint was crumbling and the new era of geopolitical competition with the United States that was emerging. The socialist rock in the East wanted to escape from the shadow of the West.
This is a book about the new age of rivalry. It is about why China now wants to start exerting influence around the world and about the growing competition with the U.S. that will be the single most important factor in world politics over the coming decades. If globalization has been the driving force over the last few decades—in fact, since China embarked on its economic reforms in the late 1970s, after the death of Mao—then there is now a powerful force pulling in the opposite direction, an old-fashioned struggle for influence and power between China and the U.S., the two most important nations in the world.
"The Contest of the Century" revolves around three central points.
The first is that China has started to make the crucial shift from a government that accepts the existing rules to one that seeks to shape the world according to its own national interests, from rule taker to rule maker. Beijing is starting to channel its inner great power. The book provides a portrait of the new Chinese mentality, the energies, ambitions, and tensions that are pushing China in this direction. Much of the discussion of modern China focuses on the nature of the Communist Party and its hold on power, and, indeed, it is impossible to detach ideology from the way China relates to the rest of the world. But China is also responding forcefully to the same sort of instincts that have ani- mated new great powers in the past, with particularly strong echoes from both the U.S. and late-nineteenth-century Germany. "History does not repeat itself, but it does rhyme," as Mark Twain is often quoted as saying—even though it is not clear that he ever did.
Second, to pursue those goals, China is inevitably finding itself pulled into a geopolitical competition with the U.S., the country in whose image much of the global order is fashioned. China and the U.S. are starting to contest the high ground of international politics, from control of the oceans in Asia to the currency that is used in international business. Forget their bland rhetoric: China's leaders think very much in geopolitical terms and would like to gradually erode the bases of American power. Almost every important global issue will find itself colored by this rivalry. Yet it will not be the win-at-all-costs ideological struggle of the Cold War. Instead, this will be an older, more fluid form of rivalry that is based on balance of power and building coalitions of support.
Finally, I will argue that the U.S. is in a strong position to deflect this new Chinese challenge to its position in the world. Whether they have come to praise or to warn about China's rise, most authors on China subscribe to an almost linear transfer of wealth and influence from West to East, from a U.S. in decline to an irrepressible China. There is an air of inevitability in the way China is presented. Yet the roots of American power are deeper than they seem and hard to overturn. If the U.S. can clean its own financial house and avoid the temptations of either confrontation or isolation, it will still hold many of the best cards in the twenty-first century.
"Great power" is a phrase with an old-fashioned, dusty feel to it, some- thing from the history textbooks to do with the Schleswig-Holstein Question or the assassination of Archduke Franz Ferdinand. The age of the great power seemed to have passed with the Cold War and America's unipolar dominance that followed the fall of the Berlin Wall. Yet the rise of China strikes many notes from a very different era. "No nation has ever experienced such an increase in its power without seeking to translate it into global influence," Henry Kissinger once wrote about the U.S. in the late nineteenth century. Today's China is animated by the same energies that stirred in the U.S. from the 1890s, when it announced itself to the world. At home, new great powers are possessed by an economic dynamism and a zeal for grand engineering, by the construction of modern cities and the laying of vast railway networks across continents. Before long, that energy takes them overseas, where their companies develop trading posts and factories across the globe. They feel the need to use their new economic power to strengthen their own security, to fend off potential rivals, and to protect their overseas interests— a mixture of pride and fear that leads them to build grand navies. As their standing grows, they try to mold the political, military, and economic rules that govern the international system. Rising wealth creates rising expectations among a new middle class that wants its rulers to stand up for their country. The material benefits of a growing economy are never enough for aspiring great powers—they also want respect, recognition, and influence. Power changes countries, just as it changes people.
When America started staking its claim in the world in the 1890s, it was propelled in part by a growing centralization of power in the presidency. The horrors of the Civil War had given way to a fragmented political environment in the 1870s and 1880s, with neither the executive nor Congress able to establish control of foreign policy. America's international role only started to be transformed when the White House began to exert more decisive influence in the 1890s. In China, some- thing close to the opposite has happened. The last decade has seen what might be described as a fracturing of power in China in ways that have begun to have a decisive influence over the country's foreign policy. China's leaders have not abandoned Deng Xiaoping's advice to keep a low profile—on the contrary, they regularly insist that it remains their guiding principle. Instead, the Deng consensus is being gradually over- whelmed by the reality of modern-day China and its society. Deng's cautious strategy is slowly fraying. Fragmentation of power is not the same as political liberalization, of course, but, rather, a dispersal of influence within the elite. It means that China's senior leaders do not enjoy the almost untrammeled authority that Deng once enjoyed. They face powerful vested interests within the party-state, and an officer class that has its own hawkish take on global affairs. They also have to keep an anxious eye on the nationalist views of a rising middle class. On air- port bookshelves in China these days, alongside the Jack Welch and Bill Gates biographies, you can now find titles such as Xue Yong's How to Be a Great Power, a sort of Cliff Notes for modern geopolitics. All these voices are pushing China to be more ambitious overseas. China remains resolutely authoritarian, but these days, it also has a lot more politics.
To think about China as a great power might seem obvious to readers who have watched the swagger and military buildup of recent years, but it goes against the two most dominant interpretations of what really drives modern China.
The first is what one might call the Davos view, after the home of the World Economic Forum, the contention that China's leaders are so obsessed with economic development at home that they have little time for or real interest in getting too involved in the affairs of the world. Even if they did want to push harder against the U.S., so the argument goes, they would soon be confronted with the reality of the enormous economic interdependence between the two countries. It is easy to see why such a view would take hold. Achieving high rates of growth has been the singular achievement of China's Communist leaders over the last two decades and their principal justification for maintaining an iron grip on power. And for Davos optimists, globalization has trans- formed international politics, creating a web of economic connections and dependencies that prevent any country from rocking the boat. Geopolitics, with its emphasis on competition and struggle between nations, has been rendered unnecessary by the multinational global economy. In China, there is a cottage industry of scribes developing slogans to impress the rest of the world with how unthreatening its rise really is—from the "Shanghai smile" and "win-win" economic cooperation to "peaceful development." ("Peaceful rise" was taken up at one stage, but then dropped when it was deemed to be too threatening.) In The Post-American World, which is in some ways the most influential international-relations book of recent years in the West, Fareed Zakaria writes that the Chinese are too pragmatic to let the vanities of power politics damage their economic interests. "The veneration of an abstract idea is somewhat alien to China's practical mind-set," he writes.
Yet, when even the most materialistic countries arrive at a certain scale and economic reach, they feel they have no choice but to try and influence events beyond their shores. China's epic urbanization push is being fueled by goods from the four corners of the earth—by oil from Saudi Arabia, by coal from Indonesia, by iron ore from Brazil, and by copper from the Congo. For the first time in its millennial history, China's economic interests are genuinely global, and it needs a foreign policy to match them. Deng Xiaoping's "hiding the brightness" is no longer sufficient. To keep its economy humming, China feels it needs to start molding the world it is operating in. China's economy relies on the continued safety of seaborne trade—something which has been guaranteed since the end of the Second World War by the navy of the United States, the country which the Chinese elite mistrusts the most (with the possible exception of Japan). Like other great powers before it, China is building a navy to take to the high seas because it does not want to outsource the security of its economic lifelines to someone else. The problem-solving China so heralded at Davos is being replaced by something with much harder edges. In short, geopolitics is back.
The second brand of conventional wisdom holds that the regime in Beijing is too insecure about its hold on power at home to think seriously about challenging the U.S. The brittleness is everywhere to be seen, from the heavy-handed security at the 2009 National Day parade to the periodic arrests of dissidents to the opacity of the political process. One of the most commonly cited factoids about modern China is that Beijing actually spends more money on internal security than it does on its defense budget, even though military spending has been rising sharply. But what this explanation misses is that domestic insecurity is feeding, not inhibiting, the desire to stand tall overseas. In one way or another, the Chinese Communist Party has been suffering a legitimacy crisis since it abandoned Marx and embraced the market in the late 1970s, and that crisis has been more acute since the Tiananmen Square Massacre in 1989. The party has tried to fill this gap in all sorts of ways. Economic growth and a reputation for competent governance have been the main props. But China's leaders have also buttressed their legitimacy with an appeal to a nationalism that is tinged with a sense of victimhood. Brittle politics at home are stimulating a more assertive voice abroad.
In the end, thinking of China as an aspiring great power is the best way to demystify the country, to resist the temptation to either demonize or exoticize. China is neither an anti-democratic hegemon launching a new Cold War, as its more conservative critics suggest, nor the post- modern, Confucian meritocracy that some supporters imagine. China is, instead, a state which is behaving in many of the same ways that other states have behaved when they started to become very powerful.
It is an indication of the influence of Deng Xiaoping's taoguang yanhui formula that it has simultaneously been attacked by hard-liners at home and inspired fear abroad. The advice was kept secret at first, and to this day, there are differing accounts of the full text that he wrote. In the 1990s, the phrase was heavily criticized by Chinese leftists who thought it a sop to the U.S. Yet for many foreign audiences, it had a different feel. The official translation in China is "hide the brightness and nourish obscurity"; however, in the U.S., the same words have often been translated as "bide one's time," a phrase that contains a certain menace about future intentions. For Deng, the ambiguity was a way of keeping different groups happy. He always knew that a powerful China would start competing for power and influence with the U.S. He just wanted to put off the rivalry for as long as possible.
Such self-restraint has become harder to sell since 2008. A year before Hu Jintao stood up to speak in Tiananmen at the parade, Lehman Brothers had collapsed. The psychological fallout from the global financial crisis was particularly important in China, where predictions about inevitable American decline have taken deep root. Within the Chinese elite, there has been a long-standing argument about how China should behave toward the U.S. when China became a powerful nation: the doves said that China would be best served by playing along with the U.S.-led international system, while the hawks said China would need to stand up to the U.S. Yet it was a debate held in suspended animation. Everyone knew that Beijing would have to answer this question one day, but the priority for the time being was to focus on the building up of what Chinese officials call "Comprehensive National Power." Just as 9/11 empowered American neoconservatives, the financial crisis ended the shadow boxing in Beijing and unleashed powerful demands within parts of the elite to begin taking on the U.S. The time to answer the question, the hawks demanded, was now.
To warn about growing competition, however, is not to predict conflict, especially in an era when nuclear deterrence provides a powerful brake on both nations. There are no Chinese plans for the sort of territorial expansion that scarred Europe in the late nineteenth century, or for a project of global domination. Instead, Beijing has more subtle, long-term instincts about gradually undermining the foundations of American power and influence, starting in Asia and moving outward. International-relations scholars like to ask whether new powers will rise within the existing order or try to overthrow it. But neither explanation captures China's behavior. Instead, Beijing is beginning a process of gradually trying to mold the system in its own direction, to shape rather than tear down. Chinese leaders understand the limitations that globalization places on them, and the benefits that thirty years of trading with the U.S. have brought, but they are also far more skeptical and resentful about American influence than most in Washington realize. There is nothing surprising about what China is now doing. If anything, the surprise is that it did not start sooner.
Competition between the U.S. and China is usually thought of in terms of the location of a factory or the value of exchange rates, but that is rivalry at the retail level. The real contest for power and influence is over the geopolitical high ground: the rules, institutions, and power dynamics which dictate how the world really works. The core of this book will be about the three different fronts on which the competition will take place—military, political, and economic.
The first section focuses on the military contest in Asia, where China's new navy is beginning to challenge the dominance of the U.S. in the western Pacific, setting up one of the defining stories of the coming decades. The tussle that is developing for control of the seas surrounding China is in some ways the central contest, because naval power can create the conditions to shape political and economic realities. Chapter 1 will look at the reasons behind China's naval modernization, the historical and geopolitical anxieties together with the changing role that the military occupies within the Chinese system. Chapter 2 looks at whether China will seek to strike out as a naval power into the Indian Ocean, and Chapter 3 examines the deep backlash that China has provoked in Asia. Chapter 4 analyzes America's response to China's Asian ambitions.
The second section examines the political challenge that China is now presenting. One chapter looks at China's huge investments in soft power; other explores the impact that China's rigid ideas about state sovereignty are having on the way human rights are treated by the international community. Before that, Chapter 5 provides a slight detour into the psychology of China's new assertiveness, looking at the particular form of nationalism which has sprung up over the last two decades and which is the emotional crutch for the desire to challenge the West.
The final section focuses on two different ways in which China is threatening to rewrite the rules of the global economy, first through its plans to challenge the U.S. dollar, and second through the coming boom in Chinese finance and investment, which has the potential to reshape globalization.
Of course, Beijing is not the only capital gripped by talk of American decline. Washington, too, is full of fin-de-siècle anxiety, the result of the global financial crisis which laid bare a wealth of much deeper, unresolved problems in the economy and a political system that seems allergic to addressing long-term problems. "The Desperate States of America," as the German magazine Der Spiegel calls the U.S.; or, as the former Morgan Stanley analyst David Roche puts it, "Wall Street's crack-up presages a global tectonic shift: the beginning of the decline of American power." America's huge budget deficits and debt levels mean that the risk of a much deeper crisis and a collapse in the credibility of the U.S. dollar is a very real one. And all this is taking place while Washington watches the seemingly unstoppable rise of China. It has become a favorite parlor game among economic pundits to predict the year when the Chinese economy will overtake the U.S. to become the biggest in the world. Some believe it could happen within a decade.
The declinists are correct about two things. America's ability to project power will depend on bringing its long-term debt under control and restoring its reputation as the most innovative large economy in the world. A decade of economic stagnation would derail many aspects of its foreign policy. It is also clearly true that the world has changed in important ways. China's rise is only the most visible example of a diffusion of economic power toward the developing world, which includes India, Brazil, Indonesia, and a host of other nations. The unipolar era that the U.S. enjoyed after the end of the Cold War was always an aberration, and it is quickly coming to an end. If the U.S. strives to maintain the kind of military dominance it has enjoyed for the last two decades, installing China as the new enemy to scare up budgets, it will be in big trouble. Yet the obsession with the sorpasso moment, when China's economy becomes the world's biggest, confuses the way power is wielded in international politics. There will be no new military parade in Beijing on the day when China's economy overtakes that of the U.S., no handover ceremony to usher in a new leader. Power and influence are not transferred, like a property title: they have to be earned.
When you start looking at the world through Chinese eyes, it is striking how deeply entrenched American influence begins to appear, and how difficult it will be for China to overturn it. America's alliances are solid and its core political values still widely shared. At the same time, with a political system that strangles creativity, China lacks the tools to project around the world its own ideas about good governance and the good life. The market for Chinese military and diplomatic power is also much smaller than many in Beijing realize, especially in Asia. The harder China pushes, the more likely it is that a coalition of neighbors will emerge, with the U.S. at the helm, to restrain its ambitions. China risks becoming a very lonely great power.
Instead of American decline, the bigger question is whether Washington can sustain broad international support for the system of free trade, freedom of navigation, and international rules it put in place after the Second World War. The rise of China and the other new powers means a return to a world where a balance of power is the natural state of affairs, with the U.S. still the most important nation but unable to dictate terms. Instead of rigid alliances, there will be fluid coalitions that shift depending on the issue. On occasion, China and the U.S. will be on the same side, but more often than not they will be opposed and Washington should have no illusions about China's willingness to push back against American leadership. The most influential state will be the one that is best at setting agendas, mobilizing support, and which comes across as the more reasonable. This should be an environment that suits the U.S., which for decades has shown a flair for the patient work of sustaining alliances and coalitions. But Washington will have to find new ways to work together with Europe, which will remain a natural partner, and to establish stronger ties with India, Brazil, and some of the other new swing voters of international politics. If the U.S. wants to retain its role at the center of international affairs, it will have to convince enough countries that its ideas still work. A quest for continued military dominance will not do the trick: Washington needs to enlist new partners. This is the real challenge that China laid down at its National Day parade in Tiananmen Square.
Meet the Author
Geoff Dyer is a journalist for the Financial Times and has been a correspondent in China, the United States, and Brazil. He is the recipient of a Fulbright award and of several journalism awards, including a Society of Publishers in Asia award for a series of opinion pieces about China's role in the world in 2010. He studied at Cambridge University and the Johns Hopkins School of Advanced International Studies. He lives with his family in Washington, D.C.
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I really enjoyed reading this book and felt Mr. Dyer gets China. He illustrates the historical background that drives many geopolitical actions of the Chinese government, including their support for the failing regime of North Korea, which makes sense only if we understand their deep-seated but outdated need for a buffer against the U.S. He also shows the Chinese government's calculated manipulation of their populace when it comes to Japan or Tibet. People in Asia do not want to go back to the pre-20th century relationship where they routinely had to make tributes and bend to China's will. The book makes us think about ways that America can stay relevant in the all-important Asia region by helping us to understand the frenemy that is China.


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I've looked around and haven't found an answer to my specific scenario.
Building a new desktop, using the Z68 chipset, 1.5 TB Caviar Black HDD, 60 GB Agility 3 SSD.
I have about 200 GB of applications and games, plus the OS.
Is it better to install the OS on the SSD and everything else onto the HDD and rely solely on SuperFetch for performance gains, or should I install everything onto the HDD and use the SSD for Smart Response Technology? In terms of sole OVERALL performance gains.
Thanks in advance.


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Blake Taylor
I love Rails and develop with it at Doximity. As of late I've also been paying attention to Coffeescript, Backbone, Node and Clojure. I get excited about interesting and effective processes, having my computer do things for me, writing programs about programs, and the design of all good things.
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Coul House Hotel testimonial
"Just a note to say that I am gutted we cannot stay with you next week due to the conference being on and also to say thanks for a great stay. This hotel was one of the best I have visited in recent months and am looking forward to returning - preferably not on business in the future. Please compliment your staff on a superb short stay, in particular Julia and whoever cooked the breakfast in the morning. I look forward to seeing how you develop this hotel. I will recommend the hotel to anyone heading this way.
Well done and keep up the great work,
Many thanks"
Jamie Smith
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Dear Stuart, I am writing on behalf of all the participants of the Highland Fling Tour to thank you and your staff for a very warm welcome to Coul House."
Fiona E. Davies, Sporting Bears Motor Club


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S1studioPhotographer Female Union City, California, US
My Website: Saira's WebsiteMy MM URL: http://www.modelmayhem.com/s1studio
Mayhem # 163768
About Me
Hey, I'm Saira!
I am Published Photographer & Graphic Designer.
Published in:
CSA Bride Magazine Cover image Issue 4
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CSA Bride Magazine Cover image Issue 3
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CSA Bride Magazine Cover image Issue 2
KISMET Magazine in Germany - 9th issue August 2010
KISMET Magazine in UK - 9th issue August
Style-Ology Magazine - July 2010 issue
Mocha Bride/Bride Nine - Summer 2010 issue
KISMET Magazine in UK - 8th issue June 2010
KISMET Magazine in Germany - 8th issue June 2010
Mercury Newspaper Holiday Magazine - January 2010 issue
Nine5Four Magazine - October 2009 issue
TEARSHEET Magazine - September 2009 issue
Above Photo MUA/HairStylist: www.ArtistryByChristal.com
I love shooting with Creative lighting! A photo without shadows to me is boring. I like to create effects and build intensity with lighting.
I do all of my own Photoshop work as I am a Photoshop Wizard. I can spend 30-90 minutes editing one photo making every photo perfect down to the very last detail.
All of my photoshoots are done with a professional team consisting of a HairStylist, Make-up Artist, and a Wardrobe stylist, and of course my lovely assistants!
I am always looking for MUA's, Hairstylists, & Wardrobe stylists to collaborate with for High Fashion Photoshoot Projects.
I am not offering TFP/TFCD at this time. If you are interested in a photoshoot, please email me for my Photo Packages. email@example.com
As a Graphic Designer, I design/print Comp Cards and business cards, Design logos and Design Websites too. I specialize in Flash Websites. Please view samples on my website: www.S1studio.com
View more of my work on Facebook: Facebook.com/s1studio
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|Babywise recommends a parent-directed feeding schedule of 8-10 feedings a day for newborns, which contrasts with the American Academy of Pediatrics' recommendations that nursing mothers be encouraged to have 8-12 breastfeedings a day [...] Babywise [...] [notes] that by the 13th week the baby will have only 4 to 7 feedings a day and between 4 and 6 months of age, the book calls for babies to have 4 to 6 feedings a day.
Summary? Your baby has the devil in it. If you pick up or feed or let the baby sleep any way BUT the way the book says you are going straight to hell and damning your child's soul. Oh and it'll be an insufferable brat. That was my take on it, anyway.
And letting a baby cry is comparable to Christ suffering on the Cross -- it is necessary for salvation.
I skimmed it at the bookstore for curiousity and read something like this...
nursing a child on demand (esp. past one year of age) relates to adulthood obesity since the child isn't learning to "control" their hunger.
I just lauged outloud at how absurb that is.
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Yesterday when the 2014 SEC Football Schedule was released, one team was missing from Vanderbilt's slate — Wake Forest.
Vanderbilt and Wake Forest were in the middle of a long-term contract that had the two schools meeting annually to close out the regular season. In 2014, they were scheduled to meet on Nov. 29.
But in an effort to have more rivalry games at the end of the season, the SEC moved Vanderbilt's contest against Tennessee to the final week. In turn, Wake Forest was bumped from Vandy's 2014 schedule.
According to The Tennessean, Vanderbilt and Wake Forest have canceled the remainder of their contract which includes the 2015 game in Winston-Salem.
Vanderbilt director of athletics David Williams told the paper that he intends to explore the option of a new agreement to play the Demon Deacons in 2015, but it may not happen.
Wake Forest likely wasn't offended by the SEC throwing a wrench into their 2014 football schedule. The Deacons were already in a pinch because they were given a trip to Notre Dame next season even though they already had four other non-conference games scheduled (Army, NIU, ULM, Vandy).
Vanderbilt replaced the Wake Forest game in 2014 with Charleston Southern. The Commodores also host Temple, UMass, and Old Dominion.
Vanderbilt and Wake Forest have met a total of 15 times with the first meeting coming in 1964. The Commodores have taken the last two games in blowout fashion, winning 41-7 in 2011 and 55-21 in 2012.
The final game of the contract between Vandy and Wake will be played this season on Nov. 30 in Nashville.
Football Schedules
Bummer. Wake vs Vandy had a great chance to turn into an awesome rivalry due to their similarities. Not only are both great academically, but they're both bottom feeders of their respective conferences, have random & unexpected flashes of brilliance, and even share the same colors (Wake's unis are better, but 'Anchor Down' is cooler than 'Wake the Demons' IMHO). Sad this isn't continuing, but I hope the schools can work something out for the future.
Vanderbuilt ooC schedule 2014: Charleston Southern, Temple, Umass, Old Dominion all at home- way to schedule up!
I thought that was the basketball schedule.
Exactly.. Joe 12-Pack is spot on… what kind of non-conference schedule is that??
2014.. if Vandy can't go 8-4 or 9-3 w/ that schedule, they don't deserve the praise they are getting. Vandy has the easiest non-SEC schedule and fortunately always plays a possible victory against Ole Miss….leaving west division powerhouses Bama, Auburn, LSU, Texas A&M to play us once every other year. If Vandy wants to move to next level and get a better post season game they have to 1) either schedule a better nonconference game or go 5-3 or better in conference.
If they want a better bowl game, they need to sell out their stadium for home games.
How did these schools end up playing each other end-of-season? Was it always an arranged ACC-SEC marriage now replaced by Louisville-Kentucky?


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Oct 13
Come out and support up and coming artists from all over performing at the Gloss Night Club in Philly, PA. Doors open at 9 pm and admission is $10! Team L.O.G.I.C. Will be performing a few of their new songs off of the upcoming LP "The Foundation" as well.
Bio: Together Everyone Achieves More Living Only To Get Infinite Cash; the acronym and motto for Team L.O.G.I.C. Originating in New York City and Connecticut Team L.O.G.I.C wants it to be known that they represent everyone from everywhere. Bringing a universal style and swag to the hip hop game are Iz...See Full Bio


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Hello everybody!
Again, i´ve got a new doubt about woocommerce.
I want to create a shop of clothes, and I want to have differents pages with clothes (one for men´s clothes, other with women´s clothes, with subpages like trousers, t-shirt....)
The problem is that I only have one page with ALL the product and I don´t know how can I separate the products.
Thank you and best regards from Spain!


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2003 Readers' Choice Awards
The 2003 Linux Journal Readers' Choice Awards saw the addition of a few new categories, mostly hardware, and the loss of a couple old ones—thank the heavens for built-in pop-up blocking in browsers. Overall, voting was up from last year; more than 7,500 people participated in 2003's four weeks of on-line voting. The results showed a bit of a shake-up in the Favorite Distribution category, but most of last year's winners are back this year.
xmms continues to rule this category, taking the top spot for the third consecutive year. In its first year on the official list, noatun claims second place. Your new favorite write-in choice is mplayer.
Other than the Favorite Workstation category, Favorite Backup Utility seems to be the category least dependent on commercial offerings. In a repeat of last year's winners, tar, Amanda and Arkeia take the tops spots. rsync is the favorite write-in. Thankfully, fewer of you still seem to believe backups are only for wimps.
Linux in a Nutshell, 3rd Ed., Ellen Siever, et al.
Linux System Administration, Vicki Stanfield and Roderick W. Smith
Running Linux, 3rd Ed., Matt Welsh, et al.
Once again, the top three titles are the same, although Linux System Administration and Running Linux switched places this year. Many of the purists opt to rely solely on man pages. Judging by the sheer volume of write-ins and new releases that come through the LJ offices for review, the Linux book market is picking up speed.
Here, too, the top three choices are the same this year, with Konqueror and Galeon switching spots in 2003. Netscape's popularity continues to decline; 6.x received a mere 236 out of 7,362 votes in this category. Firebird is making a lot of noise as a write-in, coming in seventh place overall.
Cooking with Linux
Kernel Korner
Paranoid Penguin
Ah, Marcel; il est un homme savant, gentil and trés drôle. How can we not respect a man as concerned with raising our sysadmin awareness as with educating our wine palates? Many people also like Kerner Korner and its rotating author bylines—must be all the 2.6 news.
Oracle 9i
After a brief respite last year, when InterBase claimed third place, Oracle returns to the top three this year. Although MySQL retains the top spot, PostgreSQL continues to narrow the gap. Firebird, the independent database based on InterBase code, is once again the favorite write-in vote.
Monarch AMD 2000+ System Special
Los Alamos ULBx
Perhaps we should have named this new category Open-Source Junkyard Wars. Although Monarch, Los Alamos, Apple G5, Dell and a few Sun machines received votes, almost 90% of those who voted in this new category selected Homemade as their favorite workstation. Picture it: two teams of four people, $100, two days and a bin of recycled parts—just imagine what we could build.
Re: 2003 Readers' Choice Awards
I was pretty fond of my QLI laptop until I tried to get it repaired.
In September, 2003, the power regulator on my QLI Emperor Laptop went belly-up. I emailed QLI and they recommended that I send it to them for a repair estimate. On September 20th I did. I haven't seen the laptop since. It's now February, 2004.
At the end of September I wrote in to ask if they'd received the laptop, and they replied "your system is being evaluated, and we should have a repair estimate in the next 5-7 days." Three weeks later I wrote to ask about the estimate and was told "give us a day or two and with all luck we will have your estimate, and possibly even the parts needed."
Ten days after that (now we're at the end of October), they respond to my increasingly worried email: "The best info we've been able to gather on that unit so far is 'No Problem Found'... We will keep you posted as soon as we hear word."
This is starting to look bad. Over a month after receiving my laptop, they've gone from saying they're on the verge of having the parts needed to repair it to saying that they haven't found any problem. I call QLI and talk to a representative there who tells me that the motherboard will have to be replaced because the power regulator is part of the motherboard and can't be replaced seperately. I ask them to send me a repair estimate for the motherboard replacement.
On November 11th, they finally send me an estimate: "The repair estimate is $475.00 to completely fix the system, as there is a motherboard/power connector problem." I decide to go ahead with the repairs and I PayPal the $475 to QLI the same day. I ask QLI: "Do you have any estimate for when the repairs will be complete?"
The response: "We ask, and get back to you later today or tomorrow. Our rough guess would be about a week."
They did not get back to me "later today or tomorrow" so on November 28th I asked again: "Do you have an estimate as to when the repair work will be done and I'll have my laptop back?"
On December 2nd they replied "Your system is at the manufacturers facility in China/Hong Kong. We have been charged for the replacement part, however that is their standard policy for any out of warranty service. We can drop a note to them and see how things are progressing.... As we are updated, we will pass information along to you."
I thanked them for the update, and waited until January before emailing again to ask if there was any change in status. My January 5th letter wasn't answered. Ditto January 16th, January 20th and January 23rd. I called the QLI toll-free number - it was down (and was still down a month later when I called again).
So I sleuthed around and found the owner's cell and home phone numbers and left messages for him there. That finally got a response: "We had to put in another call to the manufacturer. The word we have is the power board is not the cause of the problem, and they are now claiming it is the motherboard. We are waiting for a price estimate, and there is currently an amount on deposit, as you were charged a deposit fee from our records. The manufacturer was shut down for the chinese new year, we've just been getting caught up from the holiday rush, please excuse the delay."
Naturally, I was flabbergasted, and wrote back explaining that the $475 was not a deposit, that the motherboard had always been the problem, and that they'd had my laptop more than long enough to fix it and return it to me. It's mid-February. My laptop has been missing for almost five months now. I've put in a complaint to the Better Business Bureau (and that's when I found out I wasn't the first one).
Could you give an update?
Could you give an update? How this worked out? Did you get your machine back?
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One of the best things about the UNIX environment (aside from being stable and efficient) is the vast array of software tools available to help you do your job. Traditionally, a UNIX tool does only one thing, but does that one thing very well. For example, grep is very easy to use and can search vast amounts of data quickly. The find tool can find a particular file or files based on all kinds of criteria. It's pretty easy to string these tools together to build even more powerful tools, such as a tool that finds all of the .log files in the /home directory and searches each one for a particular entry. This erector-set mentality allows UNIX system administrators to seem to always have the right tool for the job.
Cron traditionally has been considered another such a tool for job scheduling, but is it enough? This webinar considers that very question. The first part builds on a previous Geek Guide, Beyond Cron, and briefly describes how to know when it might be time to consider upgrading your job scheduling infrastructure. The second part presents an actual planning and implementation framework.
Join Linux Journal's Mike Diehl and Pat Cameron of Help Systems.
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- SUSE LLC's SUSE Manager
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- Non-Linux FOSS: Caffeine!
- Google's SwiftShader Released
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With all the industry talk about the benefits of Linux on Power and all the performance advantages offered by its open architecture, you may be considering a move in that direction. If you are thinking about analytics, big data and cloud computing, you would be right to evaluate Power. The idea of using commodity x86 hardware and replacing it every three years is an outdated cost model. It doesn't consider the total cost of ownership, and it doesn't consider the advantage of real processing power, high-availability and multithreading like a demon.
This ebook takes a look at some of the practical applications of the Linux on Power platform and ways you might bring all the performance power of this open architecture to bear for your organization. There are no smoke and mirrors here—just hard, cold, empirical evidence provided by independent sources. I also consider some innovative ways Linux on Power will be used in the future.Get the Guide


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by Laurel Raymond May 27, 2016
For the first time in the U.S., doctors have found germs that carry resistance to "last-chance" antibiotics.
by Samantha Page Nov 21, 2015
Investigators still have not traced the source of the bacteria, which has sent 16 people to the hospital.
by Jessica Goldstein Nov 1, 2015
Over 20 cases are reported so far.
by Natasha Geiling May 13, 2015
A new law in Wyoming complicates where and how citizens can obtain data about the condition of the environment across the state.
by Emily Atkin Sep 3, 2014
The propane, made from E. coli, is completely renewable and could be ready for commercial production within 10 years, the scientists said.


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News Briefs
ASAPS Press Center - Study Shows Stomach and Side Sleeping Positions Cause Facial Distortion and Wrinkles Over Time
New York, NY (July 26, 2016) - A new study published in the Aesthetic Surgery Journal, the peer-reviewed publication of the American Society for Aesthetic Plastic Surgery (ASAPS), indicates that compression, tension, and shear forces applied to the face during sleep cause facial distortion when people sleep on their sides and stomach, leading to the development of sleep wrinkles over time.
ASAPS Press Center - 20 Prestigious Institutions Join The Radar Residency Network
New York, NY (July 20, 2016) – The American Society for Aesthetic Plastic Surgery (ASAPS), a world leader in aesthetic surgery education and Anzu®, developers of the AnzuMedical™ Knowledge Sharing and Collaboration PlatformTM, are pleased to announce that 20 medical residency programs have joined the first-ever Nationwide Plastic Surgery Collaborative Residency Network, the "RADAR Residency Network" which launched earlier this month.
Dads do Botox tooThe Charlotte Observer –
Plastic surgery has been on my mind ever since my chat with Lorrie McClaren, the Charlotte mom who shared her story of her "Mommy Makeover." But with Father's Day just around the corner and all the fanfare surrounding the "Dad Bod," it got me wondering about men and plastic surgery.
Social Media Transforms the Plastic Surgery IndustryExaminer.com –
Influenced by the power of the hashtag, our culture's appetite for perfect Instagram bodies submerging our feeds have spawned an alarming number of individuals to seek out cosmetic enhancement and plastic surgery procedures.
10 Fascinating Facts About Plastic Surgerylistverse.com –
At the mention of plastic surgery, most people probably think of expensive, unnecessary procedures performed on rich people for purely aesthetic purposes. Of course, there is an element of truth to this as the vast majority of procedures performed are still nose jobs and breast augmentations.