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Tehran's iconic Azadi tower
Marcia Underwood
Suzanne Maloney is an expert on Iranian politics, energy and economic reform in the Middle East, and U.S. policy toward the region. Prior to her position as a senior fellow with the Saban Center for Middle East Policy at Brookings, she was a member of the State Department's policy planning staff; a Middle East advisor at ExxonMobil Corporation; and director of a Council on Foreign Relations task force on America's Iran policy. Author of Iran's Long Reach and contributor to such works as Which Path to Persia? Options for a New American Strategy toward Iran, she is also founder and editor of Iran@Saban, an insightful blog about politics in and policy concerning Iran.
The sycamore trees that line the northern stretches of Vali Asr Avenue in Tehran arch overhead like a canopy. In the winter, their snowy branches frame a view of the Alborz Mountains where Tehranis escape to hike or ski. On a summer day, the leaves filter the sun and smog in the affluent northern neighborhoods, and you can watch the temperature rise by ten degrees as you inch your way southward in the city's infamous traffic toward the heart of old Tehran.
Tehran's historic Vali Asr Avenue on a snowy day.
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Vali Asr is said to be the longest street in the Middle East; and sometimes it feels like the only straight path in a nation whose course has been highly unpredictable and intensely complicated ever since the 1979 revolution which ousted the secular, pro-American shah and installed a theocracy led by Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini. It was on Vali Asr, 18 years later, that young Iranians erupted in joy in the largest spontaneous public demonstrations the capital had seen since the revolution. The immediate cause for celebration in 1997 was the national team's World Cup qualification, but for many it was a belated response to the recent election of a president who promised reform. Mohammad Khatami's victory represented a moment when the country appeared on the cusp of change again. His promises went largely unfulfilled, however, doomed by the intractability of the defenders of Iran's religious orthodoxy—among them the supreme leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei.
For Shi'a Muslims, the phrase 'Vali Asr' symbolizes hope in a just future; for Iranians, the revolution has brought anything but.
Hassan Rouhani is the seventh president of the Islamic Republic of Iran, having assumed that office in August 2013. Born Hassan Fereidoun in 1948 in northern Iran, he attended seminary in Qom and the University of Tehran, and later earned a doctorate from Glasgow Caledonian University in Scotland. Rouhani was active in Iran's Islamic opposition from an early age and by the revolution was part of Ayatollah Khomeini's inner circle. He served five terms in parliament and in other senior leadership positions throughout his career, and led Iran's nuclear negotiations until 2005. His presidential candidacy received the support of former presidents Khatami and Rafsanjani.
Yet, on the eve of another election in 2009, Iranians returned to Vali Asr in another powerful display of the will of the people. Tens of thousands of Iranians linked arms in a human chain that stretched the full 12 miles of Vali Asr to express their support of reformist candidate Mir-Hossein Mousavi. Less than a week later, however, huge crowds gathered there again, this time to denounce the apparently rigged victory of the incumbent, Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, a man infamous for his bigotry and provocative policies. The protestors' initial chants of "where is my vote?" met with police batons and bullets. The violence that ended the demonstrations, and the show trials and other Stalinist tactics that followed, suggested that the theocracy no longer saw the need for even the fig leaf of semi-orchestrated elections, and instead had devolved to a more naked authoritarianism. With the rapid smashing of the opposition, Iran became more of a pariah state than ever, its streets gone silent.
Tehran, June 9, 2009: Supporters of Iranian presidential candidate Mir-Hossein Mousavi, dressed in his signature color green, attend a campaign rally. Mousavi ran as a reformist and challenged the official tally, sparking massive protests. He has been held under house arrest since February 2011.
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This episode appeared to extinguish the Islamic Republic's copious capacity for reinvention. But something happened along the way to the latest election, in June 2013: Iran's political narrative once again defied expectations. A brief and unprecedentedly outspoken campaign gave voice to criticisms of the regime that might once have landed some of the candidates in jail. In the end, it was the candidate who appealed most forcefully for a new path who won the presidency, with a resounding majority.
Like his mentor Rafsanjani a quarter-century ago, Rouhani appears to have been tapped to effect a turnaround—to staunch a crisis and salvage the revolution from its own failings.
In the aftermath of the vote, throngs of Iranians once again poured onto Vali Asr for spur-of-the-moment street parties. They celebrated not so much the victor, veteran cleric turned politician Hassan Rouhani, but the possibility that his election signified a pivot away from the regime's disastrous course of recent years.
Hear how Iran first captured Suzanne Maloney's attention and why she remains optimistic about its future.Why she sees Iran as a country with an "incredible democratic history and a vibrant political dynamic…a land of opportunity and imagination."
Even if this proves true—even if Tehran is stepping back from the brink of its ruinous battle with much of the rest of the world—there is no guarantee that Rouhani's election will put an end to the uncertainty that has enveloped Iranian politics for more than three decades, or lessen the antagonism between the Iranian leadership and the West. Rouhani campaigned on a slogan of hope and prudence, two commodities that have been in short supply since the 1979 revolution. Delivering on that promise may prove the toughest course the Islamic Republic has yet had to navigate.
Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, shah of Iran, reviews dignitaries in the great hall of Golestan Palace during celebrations of the 25th anniversary of his reign, in 1965.
Jack Garofalo/Paris Match via Getty Images
Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, shah of Iran, reviews dignitaries in the great hall of Golestan Palace during celebrations of the 25th anniversary of his reign, in 1965.Jack Garofalo/Paris Match via Getty Images
Vali Asr was constructed after Persia's crumbling Qajar dynasty gave way in 1925 to an army-installed monarchy. Its original name, Pahlavi Avenue, honored the new self-proclaimed shah, or king, Reza Shah Pahlavi, who commissioned it. The broad boulevard became the central thoroughfare in Iran's capital, linking the royal palaces and state institutions with the train station that was the anchor of the shah's industrialization effort. Over the next half-century, the country was transformed, both by the rapid modernization program, and by the regime's official embrace of the West.
Much of this transformation came under the reign of the second Pahlavi shah, Mohammad Reza, who was heir to his father's ambitions but not his leadership skills. His initial years at the helm of the state proved rocky. In 1953, the shah briefly abandoned his throne in a showdown with rivals who campaigned to nationalize Iran's oil industry. The leader of this movement, Prime Minister Mohammad Mossadegh, was ousted in a coup orchestrated by Washington and London, after which the monarchy was reinstated and reinforced. But for many Iranians, Mossadegh remains a national icon, and resentment over the role played by foreign powers in removing an elected Iranian leader persists to this day.
Mohammad Reza Shah eventually found his footing, thanks in part to increasing American support. Washington appreciated the value of a reliable, energy-rich ally as a bulwark against Soviet expansion into the Middle East, and the shah hungered for validation and influence. But American-Iranian relations were tempestuous from the start—a peculiar stew of admiration and resentment on both sides. Throughout the 1960s and '70s, however, it was a relationship that seemed to serve both countries exceptionally well.
November 19, 1949: The Shah of Iran (r) confers with President Harry Truman at the White House on Iran's military and financial situation.
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Iran in this era became a swaggering state, a country of boundless opportunity. While courting superpowers both east and west, Tehran helped to orchestrate the historic transformation of the global oil industry, which transferred control—and profits—of the world's energy resources to the states that owned them. Fuelled by grandiose ambitions and revulsion toward traditionalism, the shah channeled his vast oil profits into a mad dash for modernity.
An Iranian newspaper clip from 1968 reads, "A quarter of Iran's Nuclear Energy scientists are women." Here Iranian women PhD's pose in front of Tehran's research reactor.
Wikimedia Commons
Along the way, Iran made much progress. Most important—and often overlooked in the post-revolutionary demonization of the monarchy—millions of Iranians achieved a middle-class existence. The country became an international hotspot: Western bankers jostled for Iranian petrodollars; Harvard Business School opened a campus; tourists from around the world flocked to see the ruins of ancient Persia; diplomats clamored for a Tehran posting.
But amid this rapid development, something was lost. Iranian society was in flux: its economy was simultaneously expanding and imploding, its religion and customs were under siege, its traditional channels of influence eroding under the pressure of a state determined to assert its dominance. Intellectuals wrote dark parables about a nation so intoxicated with the West that it had lost its identity. Even as the shah was pouring money into his notion of an ideal society, pockets of opposition were developing.
France's President Charles de Gaulle visits the Shah Mosque in Isfahan during an official visit to Iran in October 1963.
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Eventually, Pahlavi Avenue and Tehran's city center became the locus of another mode of change, this time driven from the streets of Iran rather than from its palaces. Over the course of 1978, protestors gathered here in ever-expanding numbers to vent their frustrations with a political system in which power was concentrated in the hands of a single man.
The upheaval on the streets culminated the following year in the shah's ouster at the hands of an inchoate coalition of leftists, liberals and Shi'a Muslim clerics. Among the protestors there was little consensus on what ought to replace the monarchy, but they coalesced around Ruhollah Khomeini, a revered ayatollah who had been exiled in 1964 for protesting the shah's reforms. The shah was dumbfounded that his subjects would spurn his magnificent achievements. "The nation I had led to the threshold of progress, power, and self-confidence lay torn and bleeding," he wrote in his memoirs, while he himself had been supplanted by a "worn, fanatic old man [who] was repeatedly telling the Iranian people how mean, miserable, and poverty-stricken they were"—a man who represented the very forces of traditionalism he had sought to eliminate.
The shah's disbelief was echoed by much of the rest of the world. Religious radicalism is painfully familiar today; in 1979, however, Iran's upheaval scuttled the long-held assumption that economic development led inexorably to secularization and liberalization. The fall of Iran's monarchy proved to be the first of what would be numerous salvos in a worldwide, multi-generational struggle over the rightful role of Islam in political life.
Tehran, December 1978: Rioters burn a portrait of the shah in protest against his regime. Thousands chanted "Long Live Khomeini" and "Death to the Shah." The revolt against the shah raised alarm bells in the West.
Abbas/Magnum Photos
Immediately after the revolution, Iran's new leaders began re-casting the country to suit their aspirations. Even the street names were not safe. The capital of an Islamic Republic could not host a Roosevelt Avenue or other streets with names lionizing Western allies. And certainly its main drag could not pay tribute to the reviled monarch who had just been overthrown. Pahlavi Avenue was renamed multiple times, consistent with the shifting fortunes in the skirmish for post-revolutionary authority. The revolutionaries finally settled on Vali Asr, a tribute to the 12th Imam, who disappeared in the ninth century and whose return is awaited as a signal of world salvation. For Shi'a Muslims, the phrase "Vali Asr" symbolizes hope in a just future; for Iranians, the revolution has brought anything but.
On November 6, 1979, two days after occupying the U.S. Embassy in Tehran and taking staff members hostage, students guard the embassy's entrance under a portrait of Ayatollah Khomeini.
The revolutionary state jettisoned many other vestiges of monarchical Iran. Gone were the bars and the discos, the Western tourists and businessmen, the short skirts and bikinis, and any other hints of secularism. Hijab, or modest Islamic dress, quickly went from fashion statement to fiercely-enforced legal requirement. Anti-American protests, which culminated in the November 1979 seizure of the U.S. Embassy and the 14-month hostage crisis, eviscerated all traces of the pre-revolutionary romance with the West.
Dramatic as these changes were, perhaps the most amazing aspect of Iran's post-revolutionary order has been its sheer endurance. The Islamic Republic has survived every calamity short of the plague: an invasion and a brutish war; internal insurgencies; the death of its charismatic founder; catastrophes both natural and man-made; and recently an almost wholesale amputation from the international financial system thanks to economic sanctions. Yet somehow the Islamic Republic is still standing.
In Tehran, supporters of Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini hold his poster aloft in a January 1979 demonstration against the shah.AFP/Getty Images
In Tehran, supporters of Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini hold his poster aloft in a January 1979 demonstration against the shah.
AFP/Getty Images
Out of the revolutionary chaos, a new system of government evolved. A hastily-organized referendum endorsed the vague notion of an Islamic Republic. In the contentious debate over a new constitution, Ayatollah Khomeini and his partisans pressed to accord ultimate power to an unelected supreme leader, a post assumed—naturally—by Khomeini himself. Endowing the head of government with a divine mandate upended centuries of Shi'a theology and unnerved many of Iran's senior clerics. But the imam's thundering insistence overrode every objection.
These transformations might suggest that the revolution changed everything about Iran, but it left much intact as well, including Iran's century-old parliament, an assortment of other elective offices, and a constitution that bears some resemblance to one developed during a proto-democratic uprising 60 years earlier. Many of the monarchy's policies and organizations were simply repurposed with an Islamic bent. The tensions and contradictions that characterize the Islamic Republic today reflect the uneasy bargain negotiated among the disparate interests that joined forces to oust the shah.
It seems fitting that the presidency provoked real debate among the framers of the new system from the start. During the years that followed, as the regime's partisans jostled for power, this office would serve, variously, as the center of gravity for Iran's democratic aspirations, as a tangible symbol of the revolution's republican intentions and, for the revolutionary elites, as an advantageous perch for influence peddling. However, during the first decade after the revolution, the presidency remained largely ceremonial. Policy was shaped primarily by Khomeini, along with the parliament and the prime minister.
Iran's dominant political and religious authority is the "supreme leader," a position designed by the revolution's driving force, Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini. Following Khomeini's 1989 death, mid-ranking cleric Ali Khamenei was selected to succeed him after serving two terms as president. Like other Iranian leaders, Khamenei was trained in seminaries and actively opposed the shah. He was wounded in a 1981 terrorist attack that cost the use of his right arm. As supreme leader, he has steadily expanded the authority of the office. He endorsed Mahmoud Ahmadinejad's disputed re-election of 2009, describing the opposition as "seditionists" and influenced by Western conspiracies.
Early occupants of the presidency proved unlucky: Iran's first post-revolutionary president broke with the regime and had to flee for his life; his replacement was killed in a terrorist attack. On the third try, in August 1981, Iranians elected mid-ranking cleric Ali Khamenei as president. The position would serve him far better than his predecessors, eventually launching him into the exalted status of supreme leader, successor to Khomeini.
Khamenei's two terms as president coincided with a desperate time for the fledgling theocracy, when the country was consumed by the "sacred defense" it was forced to mount to fend off the September 1980 invasion by Saddam Hussein's Iraq. The war presented Tehran with an existential crisis, exacerbated by the country's isolation and by the turmoil and purges that had devastated the military establishment. For all its hazards, however, the conflict had an upside for Khomeini. An economy disrupted by revolution experienced a short-term boost thanks to the demands of wartime production, and Iranians rallied around a regime that for many bore little resemblance to their revolutionary aspirations. Amid the sufferings of war, the new state's authority was strengthened, the achievements of the revolution consolidated. And when Iraq's invasion was successfully repulsed, the ayatollahs went on the offensive. Spurning a 1982 ceasefire proposal that promised billions in reparations from the Gulf states, Khomeini continued the conflict for six more years in an increasingly futile effort to topple Saddam. Millions of Iranians were killed, wounded or displaced; key ports were destroyed; vital oil export routes and facilities were disrupted; and the economy and the war effort were severely constrained by sanctions.
April 1985: Iranian POWs captured by Iraq wait for food in Ramadi camp in western Iraq. After long-simmering disputes between the two countries, the Iraq-Iran war began in September 1980 after Iraqi forces invaded southwestern Iran.
Jean-Claude Delmas/AFP/Getty Images
Khomeini finally conceded the war's failure in 1988. The decision to accept a cease-fire with Saddam, which he famously compared to drinking from a poisoned chalice, contravened his frequent invocations of victory at any cost, and came over the objections of his own commanders as well as many of the regime's radicals. But Iran had little alternative: challenges from the opposition and on the streets were mounting; its economy was near collapse; and Tehran lacked the money or materials necessary to achieve a decisive military victory. For many, however, the wounds of the conflict remain raw, and bitterness over international indifference toward Tehran's suffering and complicity in Saddam's crimes still rankles.
The politician tapped to bring the war to a satisfactory conclusion was Ali Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani, then-speaker of the parliament and a cleric who was especially close to Khomeini. Rafsanjani was made acting commander-in-chief in mid-1988, and he ended the war expeditiously and without remorse. Then, when Khomeini died in 1989, Rafsanjani played a central role in boosting his revolutionary comrade Khamenei into the post of supreme leader, while he himself moved seamlessly into the newly expanded presidency.
Ayatollah Rafsanjani has been one of the key figures in Iran for the past half century. He studied theology in Qom where he became a follower of Ayatollah Khomeini and was a member of Iran's Revolutionary Council. He has served as speaker of the Majlis, Iran's parliament; commander-in-chief of the armed forces during the final months of the Iraq war; president for two terms; and chairman of the Expediency Council, a powerful state institution. During and after his presidential terms, he was considered a centrist with pragmatic tendencies. Although disqualified from running in the 2013 presidential election, he backed the eventual winner, Hassan Rouhani. BBC News has called him "the richest man in Iran."
Rafsanjani's presidency proved decisive for Iran. He came into office determined to enact an ambitious reconstruction program, and his efforts to undertake an economic and diplomatic rehabilitation of his country were hard-fought, if not wholly successful. But his policies sparked waves of resistance—first, from a liberalizing reform movement and then, in counter-reaction, from a new generation of hardliners. Both movements imploded of their own volition, leaving in their wake a country ripe for Rafsanjani-style moderation and pragmatism—which in turn would later lead to a strange kind of comeback for the Islamic Republic's most storied politician.
Supporters of nuclear negotiator and presidential candidate Saeed Jalili display his campaign posters next to a banner honoring Ayatollah Khomeini inside Tehran's Heydarnia Stadium for a campaign rally.Getty Images
In 2013, nearly a quarter century after Rafsanjani's first election to the presidency—literally a lifetime in a country where two-thirds of the population is below the age of 30—the possibility of his return to the office loomed large as the latest ballot approached. He had already served two terms, from 1989 to 1997, and had sought a third in 2005, in a tight race against Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, then mayor of Tehran. He lost that contest in a run-off, a defeat that stung the establishment and catapulted the little-known Ahmadinejad into the limelight. Ahmadinejad's presidency reversed the trajectory of Iran's post-war path of moderation, and put the revolution back on a collision course with the international community.
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This time around, after months of public vacillation, Rafsanjani arrived to register his candidacy at the last possible moment, creating a perfectly orchestrated election surprise. His dramatic bid captivated an Iranian political establishment that had been in a state of suspended animation for four years, ever since the massive street protests that erupted after Ahmadinejad's dubious 2009 reelection. Not that Rafsanjani's candidacy was universally welcomed. Over the years, the disappointments of his tenure and his reputation for opportunism and corruption had eroded public support, perhaps accounting for the failure of his last two campaigns (a 2000 bid for the parliament as well as the 2005 presidential race). But he remains a heavyweight. And after the havoc wrought by Ahmadinejad, the prospective candidacy of a politician still considered a man of action and substance buoyed hopes for a better future.
Iranian elections adhere to an idiosyncratic set of procedures. While anyone can toss a hat into the ring, a clerical oversight body—the Council of Guardians—determines who is permitted to run. The eligibility criteria are vague enough to enable the regime to cull all but a few hand-picked insiders. In a bizarre turn of events, the Guardians rejected Rafsanjani's bid for another go at the office he had held for eight years. However absurd the Islamic Republic's vetting process has been in the past—and more than two dozen elections over the course of 34 years have provided abundant fodder for ridicule—the ruling that one of the regime's founders was unfit to run for the presidency carried the farce to a new level.
A funny thing happened on the way to the conservative cakewalk in Iran: a supposed sleeper of a presidential campaign got interesting.
Rafsanjani's failed bid remains one of the more curious factors in an astonishing election. Perhaps it was simply textbook political theater from the regime's most skilled showman, his snubbing meant to reinforce the need for a return to realism, thus improving the prospects for the candidate closest to his own views and experience—Hassan Rouhani.
The sixth president of Iran, Mahmoud Ahmadinejad earned a reputation as an unpredictable hardliner who reversed the liberalization promoted by his predecessor, reformist Mohammed Khatami. Prior to his 2005 election, Ahmadinejad served as mayor of Tehran and a provincial governor. His comments denying the Holocaust and raising doubts about al Qaeda's role in the 9/11 attacks, plus his contested 2009 re-election victory, created fierce opposition at home and abroad. After his presidency, Ayatollah Khamenei appointed him to the Expediency Council, where he now serves alongside such notables as Hashemi Rafsanjani, Hassan Rouhani, Ali Akbar Velayati and Mohammed Reza Aref.
As Rafsanjani's understudy, Rouhani is a quintessential creation of Iran's post-revolutionary order. He trained in the seminary and, like many young Iranian clerics in the 1960s, became active in the opposition to the shah, which led to repeated arrests. Having become part of Khomeini's inner circle during the ayatollah's final months in exile, he has held influential positions throughout the post-revolutionary period. But it was his role as a nuclear negotiator, an extension of his 16-year tenure as the secretary of Iran's Supreme National Security Council, that hurtled Rouhani into the eye of the hurricane, and brought him to the attention of the world, which had hitherto taken little notice of him. Representing Iran in talks with Europe from 2003 to 2005—an effort by the Iranian regime to stave off reprisals over its just-disclosed nuclear program—Rouhani helped hammer out an agreement that suspended Iran's most worrisome nuclear activities. To date it remains Iran's most significant concession on the nuclear issue, and it earned Rouhani the nickname "the sheikh of diplomacy" for his role in defusing a mounting clash with the West.
Yet as the sense of threat receded, and few of the incentives promised by European negotiators for Iranian cooperation materialized, Tehran quickly soured on the deal. Having only warily endorsed the 2003 suspension, Supreme Leader Ayatollah Khamenei quashed it less than two years later, resuming the nuclear program and championing defiance in tune with Iran's new president, Mahmoud Ahmadinejad. Rouhani resigned his responsibility for the nuclear portfolio, and emerged as the whipping boy for Iran's ascendant hardliners. In their eyes, Rouhani's diplomacy represented a surrender to the rapacious West, exchanging diamonds for peanuts, conceding Iran's resources and its influence as irresponsibly as the monarchy had.
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While Rouhani remained a senior functionary in the Iranian system during the Ahmadinejad presidency, he was mostly sidelined to a government think tank. From there, he inveighed in surprisingly frank tones against Ahmadinejad's ideologically-driven excesses. Sometimes he even appeared to be serving as an informal spokesman for Iran's embattled realists, most of whom had been shunted aside in the wake of Ahmadinejad's giddy arrival on the scene. During this period he also wrote one of the only truly interesting memoirs of recent Iranian political history, divulging new details about the nuclear program, sharing insider gossip and dispensing the blunt truths that are his hallmark.
Rouhani held a strange sinecure on the fringes of official respectability and relevance in these years, publicly excoriated by Khamenei for the nuclear negotiations he had led, yet somehow retaining his close bond with the supreme leader. So it was perhaps not surprising that out of 686 applicants, Rouhani was one of the eight candidates —all of them men of the system, and most of an unabashedly conservative bent— to receive the nod from the Council of Guardians.
The slate elicited little excitement and, after the short-lived commotion over Rafsanjani, many observers anticipated an anodyne campaign, a display of mindless deference to the regime's ideological strictures. Expectations reverted to what had become the conventional wisdom ever since Ahmadinejad's contested reelection: that Khamenei preferred, indeed required, an unquestioning acolyte in the presidency. This would explain his elevation and assiduous defense of Ahmadinejad, his endorsement of the 2009 electoral fraud, and the earlier backlash against the reformist Khatami.
Tehran, June 12, 2013: Iran's top nuclear negotiator and conservative presidential candidate Saeed Jalili waves to supporters during a campaign rally at Heydarnia stadium in downtown Tehran.
Behrouz Mehri/AFP/Getty Images
Like so many widely held perceptions of Iran, however, the assumption that Ahmadinejad had ever been merely a pliant errand boy for Iran's hardliners misses the mark. That may have been the intention, but Ahmadinejad eclipsed these expectations and the presidency's limited powers, overturning the revolutionary state's protocols and alarming the establishment. Late in his second term, after he had overstepped one time too often by attempting to fire the intelligence minister over the supreme leader's objections, Khamenei reined him in—which only reinforced presumptions that the supreme leader would not make the same mistake again. This time he would anoint a trusted subordinate who would pose no challenge to his own primacy.
Khamenei's public protestations that he had no favored candidate elicited practically audible derision. Everything he had said in the run-up to the race spoke volumes to the contrary. The supreme leader framed the parameters governing the election in unambiguous fashion: the ballot must be a pro-regime "epic"; candidates must avoid any hint of "concessions to [Iran's] enemies"; and any repeat of the mass unrest that erupted four years earlier would not be tolerated.
Given these criteria, Iran's incumbent nuclear negotiator Saeed Jalili seemed spot-on for consecration. His piety was well-established, he had spent several years working in Khamenei's office, and since 2007 he had led Iran's nuclear negotiations, where he had transformed obfuscation into an art form, stonewalling his adversaries as he defended Tehran's determination to retain its nuclear prerogatives. His service in the war against Iraq, in which he had lost his right leg, only underscored the depth of his commitment to the Islamic Republic.
Jalili's main competition looked to come from another next-generation conservative, Tehran mayor Mohammad Baqer Qalibaf. A precocious hero in the Iran-Iraq war, Qalibaf had two main assets in the race. First, he had impeccable credentials on Khamenei's highest priority: regime stability. In 1999, Qalibaf signed an unprecedented letter by senior military commanders publicly rebuking then-President Khatami over his handling of student protests; Qalibaf even boasted of his own role in cracking skulls during the quashing of those demonstrations. Second, his position as mayor of Tehran bestowed upon him a built-in popular base and a reputation for results on quality-of-life issues.
Tehran, June 12, 2013: Supporters carry Iranian presidential candidate Mohammad Baqer Qalibaf at a rally.
Mehdi Ghassemi/Reuters/ISNA
The other candidates represented an array of interest groups and political tendencies. That their number included a representative of Iran's beleaguered reformist front, respected technocrat Mohammad Reza Aref, seemed a small but hopeful sign. The inclusion of a credible reformist candidate signaled the rehabilitation of the faction, as well as an acknowledgment that the wholesale domination of Iran's conservatives and hardliners has been neither successful nor sustainable.
Ahmadinejad played an outsized if unintentional role in advancing this realization. Outside Iran, the former president is best known for his Holocaust denial and anti-Israeli invective, his unsettling messianism and his wild-eyed ruminations. Within Iran's establishment, such rhetoric was not necessarily unwelcome. But his proclivity for chaos and crisis was, and it alienated even the hardliners who had backed him. Thanks to skyrocketing oil prices, Ahmadinejad had assumed office during a period of unprecedented prosperity in Iran. Yet the economy cratered under his volatile stewardship, and many of the modest improvements in the social and political atmosphere effected during the Khatami presidency were also undone. The fallout from his reckless rhetoric and policies, particularly as it affected people's pocketbooks, cost him much of his initial public support and made him persona non grata within the establishment. For that reason, the campaign to succeed Ahmadinejad was characterized by an almost palpable determination to repudiate him.
Iran's 2013 presidential candidates pose for a group picture after a live debate in Tehran on state television, one week prior to the election. (L to R): Gholam-Ali Haddad-Adel; Saeed Jalili; Hassan Rouhani; Mohammad Baqer Qalibaf; Mohsen Rezaei; Mohammad Reza Aref; Ali Akbar Velayati; Mohammad Gharazi; and anchor Morteza Heidari. Mehdi Dehghan/AFP/Getty Images
Iran's 2013 presidential candidates pose for a group picture after a live debate in Tehran on state television, one week prior to the election. (L to R): Gholam-Ali Haddad-Adel; Saeed Jalili; Hassan Rouhani; Mohammad Baqer Qalibaf; Mohsen Rezaei; Mohammad Reza Aref; Ali Akbar Velayati; Mohammad Gharazi; and anchor Morteza Heidari.Mehdi Dehghan/AFP/Getty Images
A funny thing happened on the way to the conservative cakewalk in Iran: a supposed sleeper of a presidential campaign got interesting. Rouhani himself had much to do with sending the anticipated narrative off the rails. This was a surprise. By virtue of his long-standing association with the regime, he was expected to toe the official line. Yet Rouhani's every move along Iran's short campaign trail seemed calculated to shake things up.
Tehran, June 11, 2013: A supporter of Hassan Rouhani carries a poster bearing the candidate's portrait. Rouhani's campaign color was purple.
Atta Kenare/AFP/Getty Images
It is difficult to pinpoint precisely when it became clear that Rouhani did not intend to run a cautious campaign. Was it his appeal for the release of political prisoners, including detained reformist leaders Mir-Hossein Mousavi and Mehdi Karroubi, which he made even before his candidacy was approved? Was it his adoption of the symbol of a "big key" that would "unlock big problems" for Iran? Or was it his decision to color-code his campaign with purple, a tactic that seemed perilously reminiscent of the "green wave" of support for Mousavi that the regime had rolled back with such force in the previous election?
It might have been an appearance on state television when Rouhani upbraided an interviewer for misrepresenting his record on the nuclear issue and instructed him to re-read his memoir to get his facts right. He sparred just as aggressively with the Jalili campaign, whose staff included several members of the incumbent negotiating team. For Rouhani to have broached this discussion, knowing how obsessed the leadership is with retaining its nuclear infrastructure and presenting a united front to the world, was a particularly daring move. And dispensing with protocol and the state broadcasters, Rouhani released his campaign video straight to YouTube, where its emphasis on his close ties with Iran's leadership and his own achievements alternated with poetic appeals for a new spring after a long, cold winter.
One of the biggest surprises came 10 days before the ballot, when Rouhani travelled to Iran's historic capital of Isfahan to stump for votes. While there, he joined the mourning procession for a dissident cleric who had penned a public letter a decade earlier that condemned the regime for "deviation, abuse and lawlessness" and described its leadership as "henchmen of tyranny." It did not seem to bother Rouhani that the chants of support for his campaign were interspersed with denunciations of Khamenei and the theocratic system. Amazingly, no formal recriminations against the candidate were issued afterward.
In the end, however, while Rouhani's boundary-bashing may have set the stage, it was a televised debate among all the candidates that really broke the presidential race wide open. The fact that the debates were held at all raised eyebrows. Ahmadinejad's deft and dangerous exploitation of the 2009 debates—when he wielded intelligence files on television as a prop to accuse his rivals of corruption and nepotism—had sparked an uproar. Many expected that the regime would simply dispense with debates. Instead, state television organized three lengthy debates, culminating in a four-and-a-half hour foreign policy fisticuffs that laid bare Iran's deep strategic divide over nuclear diplomacy and the regime's approach to the world.
Rouhani, who had mounted a pugnacious defense of his own nuclear record while on the campaign trail, stayed true to form during the debate, disparaging Jalili as an unsophisticated puritan whose only negotiating skill was verbosity. And his zinger—that Iran needs working factories as much as it needs spinning centrifuges—was considered catchy enough that his campaign tweeted a variation on it within moments of his having uttered it.
As the campaign entered its final week, the conventional wisdom about the inevitability of a conservative victory was obliterated, almost as if a spell had been broken.
However, the most powerful deviations from the official narrative were voiced not by Rouhani but by other conservatives. Several questioned why Jalili, the presumptive front-runner, had not secured a deal in talks with the West, and challenged the sense of resistance on the nuclear issue if it came at the cost of keeping Iran's population hungry. Ali Akbar Velayati, the long-time foreign minister who owes his entire career in politics to his close relationship to Khamenei, delivered the most devastating blows. He lectured Jalili on the difference between diplomacy and philosophy: diplomacy, he noted archly, is intended to obtain results and lessen sanctions. We can't expect everything and give nothing, Velayati scolded his younger nemesis, adding that Jalili's handling of the latest round of talks "definitely shows that you do not really want to make any progress on the issue."
The more conservative candidates fought back, with Qalibaf scorning Velayati for sipping coffee with the French president even as Baghdad strafed Iranian troops via fighter jets provided by Paris. For the hardliners, diplomacy is of dubious value in safeguarding Iran's revolution from international antagonism. Jalili took pains to underscore that he was merely implementing Khamenei's mandate at the negotiating table, a defense eerily reminiscent of that previously offered by Rouhani himself. In the context of the election, however, Jalili's insistence that he was following orders only made the attacks on him seem that much more of a mutiny against the unpopular establishment.
When former vice president Mohammad Reza Aref, the only reformist in the presidential campaign, withdrew from the race, the way was open for Hassan Rouhani.
Getty Images
The debate was far more significant than simply another sharp-elbowed display by an elite known for its quarrelsomeness. The suddenly candid discourse on such a sensitive subject betrays the Iranian establishment's awareness of the regime's increasing vulnerability. Nothing like this had ever happened before, and certainly not on live state television, with approximately two-thirds of the country watching. In Tehran's public rhetoric, the nuclear program represents the nation's glory as well as its capacity to withstand the "bullying" of the West. Any deviation from the official line is considered disloyal as well as dangerous, and unlike almost every other issue, where repression has failed to staunch freewheeling debate, the nuclear program had remained sacrosanct. So the airing of a frank, in-depth discussion of the nuclear issue one week before the vote seemed an inconceivable twist in the campaign.
The nuclear debate served as the writing on the wall. It was an intervention, initiated by some of the regime's most stalwart supporters, intended to rescue the system by conceding its precariousness and appealing for pragmatism to rescue it. And it was an acknowledgement that the sanctions-induced miseries of the Iranian public could no longer be assuaged with the nuclear pageantry of the Ahmadinejad era, or even the formerly reliable appeals to the system's unique blend of religion and nationalism.
As the campaign entered its final week, the conventional wisdom about the inevitability of a conservative victory was obliterated, almost as if a spell had been broken. Two final developments sealed the election's outcome. Working on the sidelines, Rafsanjani hammered out a painstaking truce with the reform faction, headed by former president Khatami, which eased the departure of the only real reformist in the race, Mohammad Reza Aref. This bargain represented a dramatic shift in Iran's internal power struggles. After more than a decade of rivalry and, at times, bare-fisted animosity, the regime's liberalizing reformers aligned with its more conservative realists. The compact proved key to consolidating a wide swath of Iranian public opinion behind Rouhani.
Meanwhile, despite similar machinations, the conservatives failed to coalesce around a single candidate. Ill-suited to the new environment of truth-telling on the nuclear issue, the campaigns of both Jalili and Qalibaf appeared to falter as the race drew to a close. To generate a conservative victory at this stage would have required blatant manipulation of the vote, a risk that the regime may not have been willing to take, particularly with many of its neighbors in an unprecedented state of upheaval.
Supporters of Hassan Rouhani celebrate his victory in the 2013 presidential election. Celebrations broke out on Tehran streets that were battlefields four years ago following the disputed 2009 results that saw incumbent Mahmoud Ahmadinejad returned to power.
Ebrahim Noroozi/AP
In the final days of the campaign, Vali Asr Avenue and other Iranian streets were plastered with flashy campaign paraphernalia, not just for the presidential contenders but also for the 300,000 candidates running for local positions. A country whose democratic aspirations had been beaten back only four years before risked hoping again, and returned to the polls in blockbuster numbers. And this time Iranians opted to turn the big key. Rouhani took the presidency in the first ballot with an unexpectedly strong plurality. Tehranis, their expectations tempered by bitter experience, waited for the formal declaration, after a protracted and suspenseful night of vote-counting, before erupting into mass celebrations—once again on Vali Asr.
Technicians work inside a uranium conversion facility in 2005 just outside the city of Isfahan in central Iran.
Getty Images
Technicians work inside a uranium conversion facility in 2005 just outside the city of Isfahan in central Iran.Getty Images
Like so much about Iran, the election provokes divergent interpretations. Did an ossifying regime accede to overwhelming public demand for more responsible leadership, or did the revolution's hard-nosed stalwarts orchestrate a shift in its center of gravity away from its bellicose extremes? The truth likely lies somewhere in the middle; in other words, the election was another untidy improvisation by a regime that is acutely aware of its own vulnerabilities and has made an art form of survival under the most inauspicious circumstances.
This is a moment of tremendous opportunity for Washington, although it offers no easy answers. In fact, Rouhani's very moderation may make things harder by eroding international support for sanctions and in turn stiffening the spines of Iran's hardliners.
For a usual suspect, Iran's new president is an unusual character. Beyond his seminary studies, he also received a degree from Tehran University and pursued a doctorate in constitutional law at Glasgow Caledonian University, even as he climbed the ranks of the bureaucracy in a theocracy that had little use for European credentials. When much of the Iranian elite did little more than grumble about Ahmadinejad's provocative policies, Rouhani boldly denounced his recklessness and highlighted the costs to the economy.
Like his mentor Rafsanjani a quarter-century ago, Rouhani appears to have been tapped to effect a turnaround—to staunch a crisis and salvage the revolution from its own failings. But his past political affiliations lie closer to Iran's traditional conservatives than to the leftists who spearheaded the reform movement 15 years ago. In seeking to transcend the trap of partisanship, however, he argues that he represents the "reasonable faction," which he describes as being made up of all those Iranian politicians who are interested first and foremost in problem-solving.
This is a moment of tremendous opportunity for Washington, although it offers no easy answers. In fact, Rouhani's very moderation may make things harder by eroding international support for sanctions and in turn stiffening the spines of Iran's hardliners. Khamenei still holds all the cards in Iran, and the nuclear issue is not a presidential prerogative. For some in Washington, where distrust of self-proclaimed Iranian moderates runs deep, the new president's appeal for the middle ground is a dangerous deception. And turmoil elsewhere in the region, particularly in Syria where Washington and Tehran are backing opposing sides, may put a nuclear deal even further out of reach.
Watch former U.S. negotiator Robert Einhorn's take on the possibilities for resolving the nuclear stalemate and why he says,"In the election, the Iranian people demonstrated that they understand there needs to be greater flexibility… but there are things the U.S. side can do."
Moreover, the presumption that Rouhani will drive an easier bargain may be overly optimistic. The Europeans who sat across the table from him during his time as Iran's nuclear negotiator remember him as a tough customer. And his recent track record underscores the difficulty of expecting too much from Rouhani on the nuclear issue. The only recent progress on this issue came in 2009, with a tentative agreement to export much of Iran's enriched uranium in exchange for Western-supplied fuel rods for its medical research reactor. Ironically, the primary Iranian proponent of this arrangement was Ahmadinejad, whereas Rouhani played a vocal role in scuttling the deal, which he described as "illegal," a "mistake," and a Western attempt to deprive Iran of its uranium stockpile. These criticisms helped persuade Khamenei to back away from an initial acceptance of the agreement, sending Iran further down a path of international isolation and pressure.
On the merits, the nuclear crisis need not be intractable. Washington could tolerate some low-level enrichment in Iran, so long as its scope is capped and an inspection regime to ensure absolute transparency is implemented. Rouhani's repeated references to transparency signal that Tehran may be willing to accept additional oversight. With regard to Iran's repeated insistence that the West acknowledge its self-described "legitimate rights" to the full fuel cycle under the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT), some diplomatic sophistry and rhetorical creativity should be able to facilitate a mutually acceptable formulation.
Though no one can say for certain what the Rouhani era will bring, now that an election that was expected to consolidate authority in the hands of defiant theocrats has unexpectedly opened a tentative door to conciliation, we are hoping that the tide has turned at last. Clearly many in Iran harbor that same wish.
Still, the substantive disagreements that have thus far stymied any breakthroughs will not disappear with a more pragmatic Iranian negotiating team. It will be an uphill battle to persuade Tehran to put strong enough limits on the size and scope of its nuclear program in sufficient fashion to reassure the international community. Iranians argue that negotiations should execute a reciprocal—and equivalent—exchange. However, Washington and its European partners see grounds for no such equivalence. For them, Iran is the transgressor, having concealed its nuclear activities for 18 years and having failed for more than a decade since their revelation to fully adhere to NPT safeguards obligations or satisfy U.N. Security Council demands. Washington and its partners expect any deal will begin with tangible Iranian concessions. The efficacy of the sanctions program has only exacerbated this disconnect. With Iran having paid such a high price for its nuclear ambitions, Iranian officials may now demand a commensurately large reward in exchange for constraining the program.
The fundamental obstacle to real progress is the lack of trust between the two sides—validated by their respective historical narratives and exacerbated by their contentious domestic politics. Can the international community trust Tehran to adhere to any commitments it may make? And can Iran's isolated, ideological leadership trust the world sufficiently to dare to compromise? Both Iran and America now have presidents who campaigned on the idea of hope, but as Iran's nuclear program continues to advance, it will take more than hope to build confidence in each other.
Tehran, August 12, 2013: Iranian President Hassan Rouhani attends an open session of parliament to debate his proposed cabinet. President Rouhani told parliament that his government's priorities will be easing tensions with the outside world and improving the sanctions-battered economy.
Ebrahim Noroozi/AP
Tehran, August 12, 2013: Iranian President Hassan Rouhani attends an open session of parliament to debate his proposed cabinet. President Rouhani told parliament that his government's priorities will be easing tensions with the outside world and improving the sanctions-battered economy. Ebrahim Noroozi/AP
Three decades of rule by a revolutionary Islamic regime has generated a political reality that in many ways fails to conform to the ideological imperatives of its founders—or, for that matter, to the one-dimensional depiction that has become entrenched in the Western imagination. Iran remains a place of jarring contradictions. It is at once an autocratic system, governed by the whims of a ruler who claims a divine mandate, and at the same time a fractious country shaped by factional competition and the institutions of representative rule. Oddly enough, the secret to the Iranian regime's survival may lie in this very volatility. The dual and dueling institutions of the Islamic Republic are in its DNA, inciting the power struggles that ultimately determine Tehran's decisions. These struggles have proved an effective mechanism for channeling competition, and, through carefully controlled but not always pre-ordained elections, generating some sense of buy-in among Iran's citizens.
Despite substantive changes during its 34-year history, the Islamic Republic has yet to fully embrace the moderation that should herald the twilight of the revolution.
The Islamic Republic's unpredictability belies an unsteady but persistent stability. When the devastating sanctions that were the byproduct of the nuclear crisis threatened this equilibrium, the system stepped in to right itself again, and there is now reason to hope that the crisis can be managed to the satisfaction of both Iran and the West.
But, there is also reason to worry that this self-correction will not happen. We expect revolutions to diminish in fervor, to modulate fiery tenor and rationalize unconventional policies, once the chaos and violence that accompanies any sudden change has subsided. The Iranian Revolution has not followed this model. Despite substantive changes during its 34-year history, the Islamic Republic has yet to fully embrace the moderation that should herald the twilight of the revolution. It is still too soon to say if Rouhani's election will be the harbinger of a durable Thermidor for Iran's theocracy.
Tehran, August 4, 2013: Javier Solana (r), who formerly served as NATO secretary general, European Union high representative for common foreign and security policy, and secretary general of the Council of the European Union - and now a Brookings distinguished fellow- greets Hassan Rouhani on the day of his inauguration. Solana led European negotiations with Tehran over its nuclear program and was the first Western dignitary to attend an Iranian president's inauguration.
Fars News Agency
The new president's initial steps have given reason for tempered optimism. Though his cabinet nods have largely bypassed Iran's best-known reformists, he has appointed Mohammad Javad Zarif, a much-admired diplomat with an unusually rich Washington rolodex, as foreign minister and apparently tasked him with responsibility for the nuclear talks. And he has put in place what amounts to an Islamic Republic dream team on the economy—a slate of ministers with considerable technocratic credentials, substantial experience, and real commitment to market-based reforms and foreign investment. Perhaps most important, even in his earliest official moves, President Rouhani has reinforced the perception that his election is intended to serve as a conduit for resolving the nuclear standoff. He invited former European Union foreign policy chief Javier Solana—who negotiated with Tehran for years on the nuclear issue—to attend his inauguration, and he has continued to advocate negotiations with Washington on the basis that diplomacy can produce a worthwhile resolution to the crisis.
Anticipating how Iran's story will unfold from here is impossible. Its peaceful, popular revolution begat a vicious theocracy; since then, each triumph for one of the regime's rival factions has only foreshadowed a subsequent reversal. The half-life of predictions about Iranian politics is the blink of an eye. Perhaps that accounts for America's fascination with Iran's fate. Iran is the country whose break with the West ended our innocence about the world's affections, and whose government has kept our own leaders up at night for more than a generation. We watched its revolution play out on national television, and lived through the hostage crisis courtesy of Ted Koppel's nightly updates. We have followed the roller-coaster ride of its political turmoil, worn green in solidarity with its short-lived opposition movement, and jeered the loathsome Ahmadinejad in late-night parodies.
Though no one can say for certain what the Rouhani era will bring, now that an election that was expected to consolidate authority in the hands of defiant theocrats has unexpectedly opened a tentative door to conciliation, we are hoping that the tide has turned at last. Clearly many in Iran harbor that same wish.
A few days after the election celebrations, Iranians once again jammed the streets of its cities in joyful demonstrations. The national team had qualified for the World Cup and, just as in 1997, the confluence of the two successes—on the playing field and in the political arena—seemed almost too good to be true. Iranians have been hardened by disappointments and reversals; they know that the path of political change will be long and circuitous. Still, they take their victories where they can and, in the cool of a summer evening, hope stretches all along Vali Asr, from one end of Tehran to the other.
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Artist info
Hip Hop
band members
Ryan Egan (Ry)
Unearthed artists we like
Marksman Lloyd , Foynes, AViVA, Fozzey & VanC
Hailing from Melbourne's suburbia, Ry isn't afraid of dreaming big. Although he's softly spoken, he's also quietly confident and unashamedly ambitious.
It's this confidence that underpins Ry's effortless swag, complex rhymes, and a sonic flow that lends itself to an intoxicating mix of iconic hip hop.
After discovering his idols Jay-Z, The Notorious B.I.G, Eminem, Wu-Tang Clan and OutKast, Ry started rapping in secret as a teenager in his bedroom, and he admits, "It was only about 5 or 6 years ago that I developed the confidence to learn how to construct songs and make music. Fortunately, Melbourne is filled with so many great bars, clubs and events for young hip hop artists, so I've really been able to use that to my advantage."
When Triple J recently plucked him out as a featured Unearthed act, Ry admits that moment put him on the local map, gaining him radio exposure and giving him some great momentum resulting in being casted to the iTunes New Artist spotlight for August 2015 reaching #4 on the Australian iTunes Hip Hop /Rap Charts.
Ry's web-series "Good Things Work Out" has recently been nominated for Best International Web Series: New York Web Fest 2015 (Finalist) and Outstanding Achievement in Music: New York Web Fest 2015 (Finalist).
The 'Ivory Coast' EP is available now at all Digital Music Retailers.
Hard Copies available at: http://ItsThatKidRy.bigcartel.com
Melbourne rapper Ry delivers complex, crisp lyrics over some slick production from the likes of Hamley and Chiefs. His twenty-something's hip hop is so smooth it'll make you want to buy a convertible just so you can put the top down.
Tell us about your music. How did you develop your sound?
I've been rapping quite some time now, ever since I was a lot younger just trying to get better and better at it. Over the past few years I've developed more of a interest in actual song writing and I think that's where I found my niche or style. Once I did that it all kinda began to take shape.
You we're one of the winners of our NIDA video clip competition, and the clip made for your track 'Ride For Me (feat. Shadow Kitsune)' just premiered on rage. In it you channel Frank Sinatra, which looks fun. How did you find the experience of filming the video?
It was great fun, seeing a team of talented students all focusing on the one goal and outcome was pretty motivating. NIDA is a great institute, world class. It was a bit overwhelming arriving on set and seeing 20-30 extra's waiting to shoot their scene, I've definitely never had that before. I'm used to driving all my sets and props around in my car boot and shooting without permits. As soon as we started shooting it I knew it was going to turn out awesome, couldn't have asked for more.
What can an audience typically expect from a Ry live show?
Twerking (jokes), me performing any of my upbeat songs, some bad jokes from me and good ones from my DJ Jimmy, me rapping over a well known song by Phoenix or doing a Drake cover, then closing it all off with a tribute to Biggie Smalls.
What are you doing when you're not making music?
Running my clothing label RYWS with my girlfriend, using my Dad's laundry to do my washing, or at my part time job awkwardly whispering voice memo's into my phone.
What else is coming up for you in 2013?
My new EP Amnesia comes out late October and then I'm off to the USA just for November. When I come back I'd love to tour a bit more and get straight into finishing off my album that's produced by Hamley!
Australian music is…?
Currently incredible. The music coming out of this country is just as good if not better than the worldwide standard and that goes for all genres. The sense of community has built as well and it's great to see artists crossing over and pushing the boundaries. It's exciting to be a part of it.View Profile Hide Interview
Neon (Part I)
30 Jun 2015
My favourite track off your EP so I'm real glad to see it make it's way to Unearthed. Production has that twisted Ship To Shore organ feel and your verses hit all the right areas.
My favourite track off your EP so I'm real glad to see it make it's way to Unearthed. Production has that twisted Ship To Shore organ feel and your verses hit all the right areas.
Gimme That (Feat. Jordan De...
09 Apr 2015
Great horn loop, with Ry flowing effortlessly on it. This track brings that head nod factor, that is present in all good hip hop.
Great horn loop, with Ry flowing effortlessly on it. This track brings that head nod factor, that is present in all good hip hop.
Gimme That (Feat. Jordan De...
31 Mar 2015
This one's got an irrepressible charisma to it.
This one's got an irrepressible charisma to it.

subset: commoncrawl


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Onion and Herb Buttermilk Biscuits
Total Time
Prep 20 mins
Cook 12 mins
Onion, Rosemary, Sage and Thyme flavor these biscuits making theme wonderful for the Holiday table. Also great for Thanksgiving because these biscuits can be made ahead and frozen up to a week ahead. When ready to serve, thaw, wrap in foil, and heat in a 325º oven for 10 to 12 minutes or until thoroughly heated.
Ingredients Nutrition
- 1 cup onion, chopped
- 3⁄4 cup buttermilk, chilled
- 2 cups all-purpose flour
- 2 teaspoons baking powder
- 1⁄2 teaspoon salt
- 1⁄4 teaspoon sugar
- 1⁄2 teaspoon fresh rosemary, minced
- 1⁄2 teaspoon fresh sage, minced
- 1⁄2 teaspoon fresh thyme, minced
- 1⁄4 cup unsalted butter, chilled cut into small pieces
- Preheat oven to 425°. Heat a small skillet coated with cooking spray over medium heat. Add onion; cook 6 minutes or until tender, stirring frequently. Spoon onion into a blender. Add buttermilk and process until smooth. Cool.
- Lightly spoon flours into dry measuring cups, and level with a knife. Combine flours and next 5 ingredients (flours through herbs) in a food processor with a metal blade; pulse until the mixture resembles coarse meal. Add onion mixture; stir just until moist.
- Turn dough out onto a heavily floured surface (dough will be sticky), and knead lightly 5 times with floured hands. Roll dough to a 1/2-inch thickness; cut into 10 biscuits with a 3-inch biscuit cutter.
- Place on a baking sheet coated with cooking spray. Bake at 425° for 12 minutes or until golden.
Most Helpful
Amazing bikkies!!!! Lovely fluffy, flaky and tender on the inside with such a great taste! Mmmm, the herbs really shine through and make for a great tasting treat! I liked the sour touch from the buttermilk and the sweetness from the sauteed onion. YUM! I used whole spelt flour, doubled the herbs and left out the sugar. Other than that though I stuck to your recipe and it was perfect! THANK YOU SO MUCH for sharing this easy and rewarding recipe with us, ~Rita~! Ill make it again! :) Made and reviewed for Veggie Swap #24 July 2010.
These biscuits are wonderful. I love the flavor of the onions and herbs in the biscuit. They were quick and easy to make, the crumb was wonderful. The herbs were very subtle, the sweet onion was the predominent flavor. They taste just like stuffing. Thanks for sharing a recipe that I will be enjoying often. :)
These were really awesome biscuits! I loved the seasonings. I'm freeing some to sop up a stew later on and I can't wait!


text:
Premium Content
It's not over yet for DirecTV and Gannett ( Cfax , 11/30), with their retrans contract expiring at midnight Fri (11/30). "We remain in productive discussions and have no intention of removing any of their local stations after today—that decision is entirely up to Gannett," a spokesman said Fri. However, Gannett has refused DirecTV's request for an extension in talks, and instead is threatening to take channels away from subs "as negotiating tactic," he said. "We don't see how that fulfills their obligation to serve the public interest." Regardless, DirecTV subs should rest assured that, "even though Gannett recently removed its stations from another provider for a brief period of time, we would hope they will not resort to any unnecessary blackout, however brief it might be," he said. Gannett, which owns 23 stations across the country, continued to warn viewers that they might lose the stations after midnight. Several of its stations are asking DirecTV subs to call the op to keep the stations on their Websites. Messages on CBS affil WUSA 9 were frequent Thurs night. Both the station Websites and DirecTVpromise.com told viewers that in the case of a blackout, they can still view Gannett Broadcasting programming over-the-air. If viewers have a newer TV set, the antenna is typically built right in. Subs can boost reception with an inexpensive digital antenna available at local electronics store. — This one is over. Charter reached an agreement for continued carriage of LIN TV stations late Thurs, before the contract's midnight expiration. "This is a win for Charter customers, who will continue to enjoy LIN's broadcast TV from Charter. We appreciated our customer's patience and support as we worked through these negotiations, protecting their best interests," Charter said in a statement. LIN said in a statement on its Website that "we are pleased to inform you that an agreement has been reached with Charter and you will not lose access to your local TV station."


text:
Bengaluru FC Media Bengaluru: Bengaluru FC Head Coach Albert Roca said his stint with the champions of India would be a big challenge but one that he was confident of working hard towards and succeeding at, as the Spaniard interacted with the media for t
Shillong Lajong FC Media SHILLONG: Shillong Lajong registered their first win in their opening match of the Independence Day Celebration Invitation Football Tournament held today at AR Ground in Aizawl. The Reds defeated Bethlehem VT FC 2-1 with goals fr
Shillong Lajong FC Media SHILLONG: Shillong Lajong FC is happy to announce that Centre Back, Chinglensana Singh and Midfielder Isaac Vanmalsawma have been selected for the Indian National Senior Team Camp which started on 25th July 2016 in New Delhi. Th
Bengaluru FC Media BENGALURU: JSW Bengaluru FC, on Wednesday, revealed its plans for a full-fledged residential academy at the JSW Township in Vijayanagar, Bellary, at a press conference addressed by club COO Mustafa Ghouse, CTO Mandar Tamhane and new H
Bengaluru FC Media Bengaluru: Bengaluru FC are delighted to announce the appointment of Albert Roca as the club's new coach. The 53-year-old Spaniard has signed a two-year deal that keeps him with the Blues till the end of the 2017-18 season. Roca brin
I-League Media NEW DELHI: All state associations are requested by All India Football Federation to send their nominations for the Second Division League 2016-2017. The nominations must be sent through along with the requisite documents by 7th July 2016.
All India Football Federation expressed regret and surprise at the sudden decision of Salgaocar SC and Sporting Clube de Goa to exit the I-League. Terming it as a knee jerk and speculative reaction, AIFF General Secretary Mr Kushal Das said, "We, along
I-League Media NEW DELHI: All state associations are requested by All India Football Federation to
All India Football Federation expressed regret and surprise at the sudden decision of Salgaocar SC a
Shillong Lajong FC Media Shillong: The young striker from the Shillong Lajong FC Academy, Samuela L
Shoubhik Mukhopadhyay I-League Media CHANDIGARH: Minerva Academy FC came into the fray of Second Div
Shoubhik Mukhopadhyay I-League Media Team GUWAHATI: Satyajit Chatterjee is one of the rarest breeds
TWEET us with#HeroILeague


text: Posted March 10, 2013 The difference is those teams groomed someone to replace all of those guys. We haven't drafted anyone, nor groomed anyone to replace Gross. Now we're stuck with a 33 year old overpaid LT who's athleticism is beginning to leave him, and making him a question mark as a pass blocker. What's worse, is we're not in the position to draft his replacement at this time.... Yea very true. But you also have to consider how a very young offense like Miami with a 2nd yr QB can let their LT Jake Long test free agency and really showing no sign of wanting to bring him back. I have been preaching about wanting to keep Gross but if he show no desire to help this team out in restructuring his contract, I'd gladly cut him. I don't want to be in a position where we have to keep an overpaid player just bc by cutting him leaves us a big hole at a certain position. Our hands are pretty much tied up if we go in that direction. Cut the guy, and use that money elsewhere. This is an off season filled with OTs in both FA and the Draft. Good teams can live with cutting a good player. Share this post Link to post Share on other sites


text:
Originally posted on Patriots Life | Last updated 4/9/13
So, news came out around a week ago that New England Patriots Wide Receiver Julian Edelman visited the New York Giants. But no moves have been made since that visit, with Edelman apparently weighing up all his options. So we've got to consider where the Patriots would stand with or without Edelman. If he stays, it's another body. It's a familiar receiver for Tom Brady to throw to, and he'd probably slot right into the number 2 receiver slot on the depth chart behind Danny Amendola. And that's still a worrying picture when you take the Tight Ends out of the picture. Besides Amendola, the receivers on the roster are weak. Donald Jones and Michael Jenkins? Yikes. So based on this, we probably need him back. I expect the Patriots will go into the draft to bolster the team at WR, so this guy will probably slot in at number 2, and Edelman is a nice number 3 receiver. The number 3 receiver won't see much playing time anyway. With the receiving corps that weak, the 2 TE set will be vital,...
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League Of Evil
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Stop The Evil Scientists Again With League Of Evil 2
Those pesky evil scientists are at it again in this glorious follow-up to the hit game League of Evil.
Andy Nicolaides
| February 15
Popular iOS Apps And Games On Sale For A Limited Time
Gameloft, Sega, and a handful of other prominent developers have decided to treat their fans to pre-Halloween deals on some of their most popular apps.
Tyler Tschida
| October 25
League Of Evil Goes Free Temporarily
Ravenous Games have made their retro platformer, League of Evil, free of charge for 24 hours. Grab it while its hot because it comes highly recommended for platforming fans.
Mike Lata
| August 10
League Of Evil Update Adds 30 New Levels
League of Evil Gets more levels, a jungle theme and a bunch of new content in the latest 1.2 update. The game is a platformer with great controls and fast-paced gameplay.
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| April 25


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Our Homebaked line:
These t-shirts feature cookies that the sisters made and decorated themselves.
They are almost as much fun to make, as they are to wear.
They are all printed on 100% organic cotton.
Remember making the dough for this and then eating most of it before it became a cookie? Then being glad that some actual made it? Us too
Check out our etsy site to see some of our designs!!


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Salmon and Soba Salad
- 8 ounces soba noodles
- 1 tablespoon canola oil
- 4 6-ounce pieces skinless salmon fillet
- kosher salt and black pepper
- 1 red bell pepper, sliced
- 4 scallions, sliced
- 1/4 cup store-bought ginger vinaigrette
- Cook the soba noodles according to the package directions. Drain and run under cold water to cool.
- Meanwhile, heat the oil in a large skillet over medium heat. Season the salmon with ½ teaspoon salt and ¼ teaspoon pepper. Cook until opaque throughout, 5 to 6 minutes per side.
- Using a fork, flake the salmon into pieces.
- In a large bowl, toss the noodles with the bell pepper, scallions, and vinaigrette. Transfer the noodles to bowls and top with the salmon.


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Show transcribed image text
Show transcribed image text Create a 10 second time vector in MATLAB. Use fs (sampling rate) = 1000 Hz. Using the formula for a chirp from last lab (formula 2) create a chirp signal from this time vector. Use the initial starting frequency f0= 10 Hz and a modulation index, e=l. Plot this signal in both the time and frequency domains. In the frequency domain you should see a continuous band of frequencies starting at 10 Hz. What (approximate) frequency ranges does this signal contain? What is the maximum frequency in the signal? From Nyquist's criterion what (minimum) sampling rate should be used to sample this signal?


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US Recants Claims on 'High-Value' Detainee Abu Zubaydah
by Jason Leopold
The Justice Department has quietly recanted nearly every major claim the Bush administration had made about "high-value" detainee Abu Zubaydah, a Guantánamo prisoner who at one time was said to have planned the 9/11 attacks and was the No. 2 and 3 person in al-Qaeda.
Additionally, …


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ZNWL Prepares future women leaders…….through the GLP
Kafushi girls club and the vegetable project with guidance from the club matron. The girl's leadership club at Kafushi High... Read More
The vision of ZNWL is A nation with women and girls fully present in leadership roles and actively involved in decision making processes.
Learn More
Membership to the Zambia National Women's Lobby is open to all women and gender sensitive men committed to Lobby and Advocate for Equal representation of women and girls in decision making positions at all levels. All you have to do is complete a membership form available at the secretariat on 7 Njoka road Olympia Park and pay a one-off subscription fee of ZMW 10.


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I need to change styles in Word 2007. In Word versions pre-2007 I had no problems with this, but in Word 2007+ I can't get it working. Here is what I got.
I changed the Normal style to use Arial font. I thought this should change all styles which are derived from Normal, such as Heading 1, 2, etc, but it's not the case. Some of heading styles which were occasionally used in the document keep using Cambria. So I compelled to change the styles manually to use Arial.
When I click on the dropdown box with fonts in a concrete style modification dialog, I see that 2 first elements are Cambria (headings) and Calibri (body). From where does this come? How can I change this to be Arial (headings) and Arial (body)?
I have read, that this is from document's theme, but strangely all the group Theme is disabled in the document, so I can't even get into the theme. Well, this is not a native docx-document, but I need to change this and replace Cambria and Calibri even without a theme.
Also I thought about changing Cambria (headings) and Calibri (body) via styles, assuming that there should be styles "headings" and "body". The style "body" indeed exists, and I changed it to Arial, but this had no effect (I still see Calibri (body) everywhere). There is no such a style - "headings" (I switched on the complete list of styles). Now I'm not sure what is a relation between the built-in style "body" and the term "body" after Calibri font name in the theme. If these things are unrelated then why did Microsoft name them some ambiguous?
Also I have read that default font can be changed in the Font dialog, by pressing the "Default" button in the left bottom corner. I did this for Arial, and saw confirmation message about changing default font to Arial, but it's not clear how is this related to "headings" and "body". I confirmed the change, but still see Calibri for body and Cambria for headings.
So the question is - how to customize styles to use required fonts, and get rid of Cambria and Calibri everywhere?


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Forge HDPE bags into workable sheets of solid plastic using a double-boiler.
Using a double-boiler method, HDPE bags are forged into workable sheets of solid plastic. This improves on a previous iteration by not using vegetable oil impregnated into the material.
Heat the oil bath and ready your materials. I used a plastic bag full of shredded plastic bags, and used a paint mixing stick to stir. I recommend using a wooden implement as metal may become too hot and stick too much to the plastic.
FIll the pot with plastic pieces and stir continuously. You'll find that the plastic will quickly shrivel and form into a ball. Periodically spread out and break up the ball to encourage even heat distribution.
After a few minutes, when the plastic has been sufficiently heated and congealed, lay it out onto a piece of silicone parchment paper.
Congratulations! You now have a point-of-use recycled piece of plastic stock with which to fabricate DIY projects. The advantage of this over the old "stewing" method is that you no longer have to worry about constant greasy residue, and the natural marbling of the plastic bags can make for interesting textures in your designs. Good luck!


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GreatNonprofits is the best way to find great local nonprofits.
Volunteers and donors use GreatNonprofits to search for ratings and reviews of nonprofits in their town.
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Annandale Volunteer Fire Department Incorporated
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to learn about aadamigas great education projects go to its website. www.aadamiga.org you will see videos about how aadamiga... more »
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This is our daughter's fifth year as a member of the youth chorus of the Fairfax Choral Society. During those 5 years she has... more »
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Northern Virginia Conservation Trust is an accredited land trust. Accreditation means Northern Virginia Conservation Trust meets... more »
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I have shared with my faculty several of the the strategies and practices outlined in the videos and PDF outlines provided on... more »
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The representatives always went out of their way to ensure that I was taken care of. This made me feel like I mattered to the... more »
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World Children's Choir, Inc.
5 stars 44 reviews
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My name is Mia Rojas and I entered the Choir at age 9 and was there all through High School until I graduated in 2007. The choir... more »
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All times are in India Standard Time. ID 2016-1032 # of Openings 1 Job Locations US-MD-Frederick Posted Date 7/19/2016 Category Delivery Services More information about this job: Overview: This individual will play an active hands-on role in all aspects of the systems7/28/2016 Frederick Save This Job
Etsy is seeking a Senior Analyst of Financial Planning & Analysis, to be based in Brooklyn, NY, and reporting to the Manager of Financial Planning & Analysis. Etsy is experiencing rapid global growth and is continuing to build out the FP&A tea7/22/2016 Brooklyn, NY Save This Job
Location: Apple Valley, MNDepartment: Information TechnologyType: Full TimeMin. Experience: Experienced Senior Business Analyst, IT Note: you must already be located in the Twin Cities, MN. SUMMARY The Senior IT Business Analyst at Questar is accountable for defining,6/4/2016 Apple Valley, MN Save This Job
Business Analyst East Lansing, MI, United States Innovative, detail-oriented, and strategically minded? Business Analysts are part of our Product Management team and help envision the future and make those visions reality by understanding customer needs, staying close to7/26/2016 East Lansing, MI Save This Job
Chicago, IL Full Time Mid Level SHARE Overview Snapsheet is a mobile enterprise startup that is disrupting the outdated auto insurance claims process and turning a $120B market on its head. We have locked up contracts with top insurance carriers and are entering7/12/2016 Chicago, IL Save This Job
Location: Fort Myers, FL CallMiner is the leading cloud-based customer interaction analytics solution for extracting business intelligence and improving agent performance across all contact channels and currently has an opportunity that you might be interested in. Why6/4/2016 Fort Myers, FL Save This Job
? Location: Waltham, MA, United States ? Department: Sales Job Description: Overview The Business Analyst will be responsible for the requirements, testing and delivery processes for the team. This role will have responsibility for discovering, analyzing, and documenting6/27/2016 Waltham, MA, MA Save This Job
Job description At Empirix the Oracle Business Systems Analyst manages the functional usage, modification and configuration of the Oracle EBS Application portfolio, collaborates with Business Systems Management on corporate strategic and operational initiatives and coordinate6/13/2016 Billerica, MA Save This Job
Department: IT Reports To: ERP Manager DESCRIPTION: Based in Houston, Texas, the Business Analyst will play a key role in the implementation and long-term development and support of RigNet?s new ERP System, SAP Business One, which will complete global launch in6/7/2016 Houston, TX Save This Job
Job Description The Client Business Analyst has responsibility for the management of key client and operational processes, including; new client implementation, project management, issue escalation and resolution, and client performance management / improvement. As part of this7/27/2016 Santa Barbara, CA Save This Job
Location:San Diego Req ID:1931 # of Openings:1 Peregrine Semiconductor Corporation, a Murata company, is the founder of RF silicon on insulator (SOI) and is a leading fabless provider of high-performance, integrated RF solutions. Since 1988 Peregrine and its founding team have7/26/2016 San Diego, CA Save This Job
AT MEDSYNERGIES, INC. Date Posted: 7/23/2016 APPLY Not ready to Apply? JOB DESCRIPTION Business Analyst II The Business Analyst II supports the subject matter expert in facilitating business process improvements through investigation, determining content, review and7/28/2016 Irving, TX Save This Job
? Location: Waltham, MA, United States ? Department: Sales Job Description: Job Title: Senior Sales Operations Analyst Location: Waltham Overview: The Sales Operations Analyst will support the North America Sales team as part of the Sales Operations team within the Intralinks7/27/2016 Waltham, MA Save This Job
CLEVELAND HEARTLAB JUNE 27, 2016 JOB OPENINGS Cleveland HeartLab, Inc. (CHL) is a premier next-generation clinical reference laboratory committed to advancing cardiovascular risk assessment through unique and proprietary diagnostic tests. We focus on novel inflammatory and7/22/2016 Cleveland, OH Save This Job
Location:Denver Job Code:184 # of Openings:1 Description Performance Analyst Company Overview Bridgevine?s powerful customer acquisition solutions make it easy for companies to reach, acquire, and retain customers across all relevant points of customer contact; including7/13/2016 Denver, CO Save This Job
Customer Success Iselin, NJ, United States Client Services Data Analyst Are you looking for an opportunity to accelerate your career and work with a team of friendly, creative people? Upland Software offers a collaborative work environment full of smart, positive, and6/29/2016 Iselin, NJ Save This Job
Location: Providence, RI Department: Customer Experience Type: Full Time Min. Experience: Experienced About Retail Solutions, Inc (RSi) Retail Solutions develops and delivers a comprehensive suite of award-winning software-as-a-service (SaaS) solutions that turn Retailer5/30/2016 Providence, RI Save This Job
Development East Lansing, MI, United States Vertafore?s Regulatory Compliance team uses their problem solving and analytical skills to configure regulatory changes in our software suite of Sircon solutions. The Business Analysts are involved in the full cycle of implementing7/26/2016 East Lansing, MI Save This Job
Customer Success Iselin, NJ, United States Are you looking for an opportunity to accelerate your career and work with a team of friendly, creative people? Upland Software offers a collaborative work environment full of smart, positive, and passionate people who are respected6/29/2016 Iselin, NJ Save This Job
Sales Operations ? Hackensack, New Jersey We are looking for a Cloud Services Business Analyst to gather requirements, innovate solutions to business processes and problems, and assist in the solution development. This is a full time, contract role expected to last 8-126/26/2016 Hackensack, NJ Save This Job


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Related Products
Motocross Stunt Racer for Pocket PC and Smartphones
free shipping
High-speed motocross
thrills go mobile
Product Information
Motocross Stunt Racer for Pocket PC and Smartphones steers all the major motocross action—including jump ramps, tight corners, and vertical jumps—right to a mobile device. This lightning-fast game features awesome graphics and sound, loads of levels, and smooth gameplay that will keep you coming back for more! Perform death-defying motocross stunts on your mobile device with the third-generation 2Dream gaming engine for state-of-the-art performance and platform compatibility.
Product Features
- Third-generation 2Dream gaming engine for state-of-the-art performance and platform compatibility
- 45 superbly crafted levels
- Three modes: race, stunt course, and free ride
- Realistic physics, sound effects, and gameplay
- Voxel technology, super-fluid animation, realtime shadows, and fast frame rates
- Switch between stylus and gamepad controls while in play
- Configurable buttons and persistent settings
Product images may differ from actual product appearance.
System Requirements
- Pocket PC with Pocket PC 2000, Pocket PC 2002, or Windows Mobile 2003 software for Pocket PC or Smartphone
- 600 KB of RAM
- A PC with Microsoft ActiveSync technology installed (included with all Pocket PCs or Smartphones or available by download from microsoft.com/windowsmobile) is required for installation to your Pocket PC or Smartphone.
Windows Requirements
- Microsoft Windows 95 or later with ActiveSync 3.7 installed
- PC with Pentium 90 or faster processor
- 15 MB of available hard-disk space for installation
- VGA or higher-resolution monitor
- Microsoft Mouse or compatible pointing device
Note: Administrator privileges required to properly install the program on Windows XP, Vista, and Mac OS X. User is responsible for Internet access fees and phone charges
Be the first to review this product. Write a Review
- Mfr's Part #: 99268
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RIP Vine April 2013 to June 2013 😂
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On my way to the 💰
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After Shah Rukh Khan and Alia Bhatt gave the first glimpse of their upcoming film 'Dear Zindagi' through an interesting Twitter exchange, the team of the flim had a get-together at director Gauri Shinde's place on Thursday. Alia, Shah Rukh, Kunal Kapoor, music composer Amit Amit Trivedi an...read more
Aditya Roy Kapoor News
Aditya Roy Kapur and Shraddha Kapoor starrer film 'OK Jaanu' has wrapped up its shooting. The romantic drama directed by Shaad Ali completed filming in just 35 days, creating a record of sorts. Karan Johar, who is producing the film, announced the wrap-up news on his Twitter handle. "#OKJA...read more
Shraddha Kapoor and Tiger Shroff-starrer 'Baaghi' has been performing very and has been declared a super-hit collecting over Rs 70 crore within ten days of its run. Though it didn't impress critics very much, the action-entertainer garnered a lot of appreciation from the audience. The team...read more
Actress Alia Bhatt is currently shooting for Gauri Shinde's next opposite superstar Shah Rukh Khan. The film which went on floors in January, also stars four more male leads and their names have been revealed. According to Mumbai Mirror, the 'Kapoor & Sons' actress will be seen romanci...read more
Aditya Roy Kapur and Shraddha Kapoor will shoot an intense love-making scene for their upcoming film, 'OK Jaanu'. "It is the moment of reckoning, so to speak," reveals a source close to the project. "Aditya and Shraddha would have to get very comfortable with one another for this particular love-...read more
Actress Shraddha Kapoor, who was reported to have been roped in for a film opposite Sanjay Dutt, has refuted the reports as rumours. Shraddha and Sanjay were reported to be starring together in a film about an unusual love story between a middle-aged man and a young girl....read more
Shraddha Kapoor and Aditya Roy Kapur who enthralled audience with their rain-soaked romance in 'Ashiqui 2', are all set to recreate the magic in 'OK Jaanu'. Filmmaker Karan Johar who is producing the movie unveiled its first look on Twitter today. The cute first look picture has Shraddha h...read more
'Fitoor' starring fresh pair Aditya Roy Kapur and Katrina Kaif which opened to a slow start on Friday, February 12, saw a rise in footfalls in the next two days. However, the increase was not very impressive. The film's total box office collection after three-day run at theatres was pegged a...read more
Aditya Roy Kapur and Katrina Kaif's romantic saga 'Fitoor' hit the theatres on Friday. It was one of the most anticipated film of the year but unfortunately the movie failed to show opening day miracle. Abhishek Kapoor's 'Fitoor' falls flat at the box-office. It only registered an opening day occ...read more
Filmmaker Karan Johar whose celebrity chat show 'Koffee with Karan' was immensely popular, thanks to his wit and humour, will grill Aditya Roy Kapur on a web-based chat show. The special show called '#HotChocolateWithKaranAndAditya' will have the actor as its first guest. The 'Ashiqui 2' a...read more