text:
"Super Shuttle ' quote is $42 (plus tip)..All Yelp reviews are bad...."wandering around town, changing drivers , 2 hours from Love to private residence....
Private car $ 100....
Taxi $ 50-60
I will have more time than money and only one small bag...no mobility problems.
There is a "line" into Dallas and then a "train" to Ft. Worth area and downtown Ft. Worth has "Molly the Trolly" to most of hotels .
What do you think???
Just "bite the bullet" and schedule the super shuttle..Opt for adventure????
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Mass transit from Love Field to hotel in Ft. Worth???
"Super Shuttle ' quote is $42 (plus tip)..All Yelp reviews are bad...."wandering around town, changing drivers , 2 hours from Love to private residence....
Report Abuse
You'll get there quicker with Super Shuttle or a cab.
If you're unsure about Super Shuttle, get your own GPS or mapquest map and "help" him drive. Shouldn't be a problem getting to the downtown area hotels.
Report Abuse
Okay, I digress -- My husband rides the train very frequently and said Love Field to downtown FW is do-able.
Here's a link to the DART website that explains the connections:
Bus Route 39 operates between Dallas Love Field and Inwood/Love Field Station, providing a link between DART Rail Green Line and Orange Line and Love Field Terminal. Frequency of service between the Inwood/Love Field Station and Love Field Airport is every 20 minutes seven days a week.
Inwood/Love Field Station
The Green Line and and Orange Line provide service to downtown Dallas. Transfer to the Red Line or Blue Line at any one of these four stations — West End, Akard, St. Paul or Pearl. Victory Station on the Green Line and and Orange Line provides a connection between DART Rail and the Trinity Railway Express (TRE) commuter rail.
The recommendation would be to get on the ORANGE line at Love Field and go to Victory Station; pick up the TRE and get off at the INTERMODAL station in downtown FW (it's the 1st stop). There are shuttle buses that will take you to the area hotels.
Report Abuse
I guess a lot depends on what you want to do once you get to Ft Worth. My personal preference in this part of the country is to rent a car. Texas just isn't really a mass transit state although it can be done as the above poster explained.
Report Abuse
Dart site and train info very helpful--I am going to give it a try...
In my younger days and when my grand-daughter was my "driver'...we always rented a car.
However, she has graduated from college and involved in her profession in Sacramento...
Since my only reason for going to F.W. is the Kimball Art Museum and to Amon Carter in area, my needs are simple..
Thanks to all for input..
Report Abuse
and the two museums are close enough to walk to each; however, you will need a cab to get from downtown to the museums -- unless the hotel has a shuttle. Molly the Trolley used to go to the arts district, but i just checked the website and it looks like it no longer does.
Report Abuse
You will have a 1.5 to 2 hour commute, at minimum. It takes about 10-15 from Love Field to the Dart station by bus. It takes another 10-15 from the Dart station to Victory station. Then it takes about 55 minutes from Victory to downtown FW. After you reach downtown FW, it will take another 15 minutes to reach the museums. So at best you're looking at a 90 minute one-way trip if you hit your connections. Considering the Trinity Rail Express runs only 11 times all day on Saturdays (NOT Sundays unless it's Fair season), if you miss one, you'll have a 90+ minute wait for the next one.
So what's wrong with a car rental?
Report Abuse
BigRuss - I think his plan is to STAY in FW, but he's flying into Love Field.
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I think the OP doesn't want to drive--they used to have a grandchild to drive on such trips, but that is no longer an option. They also mention having more time than money so the duration of the trip is apparently not a concern.
Report Abuse
After considering all the info and a call to friend who lived in Dallas a few years ago, I have "re-done" my plan...
Fly into Love Field (SWA), will give Super Shuttle a try...I will not be pressed for time so what if it takes " a while'.. However, on way back for flight home (when time could be important). I'll take a cab. My hotel in Ft. Worth does have van for local transport.
As a solo traveler, it is difficult for me to navigate in a busy street-freeway. However the "talking" GPS are wonderful..
After getting to F.W and my museums, if I find all these arrangements are too cumbersome, I'll just rent a car.
If only I were wealthy, I would just hire a driver...maybe on my next trip....
Thanks to everyone...
Report Abuse
good luck and enjoy your visit. FW is a great city!!!
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How do you track outbound links for your web site, since the request is logged on the destination server, not yours?
We started with Q&A. Technical documentation is next, and we need your help.
Whether you're a beginner or an experienced developer, you can contribute.
You can add a quick JQuery script to the page that will track external links and can either redirect them to a file on your server that will track the link and then forward to it, or add an ajax request that will submit on click for external links, and track them that way.
See here: http://www.prodevtips.com/2008/08/19/tracking-clicks-with-jquery-and-google-analytics/
and here: http://www.justskins.com/development/how-to-track-clicks-on-outgoing-links/132
Add an onclick or onmousedown handler to the anchor tag. You can see many sites doing this, such as Google.
I don't like the redirect as described by Eric Tuttleman, as you unfortunately lose the 'search engine friendliness' of the link.
I handle this on a site I own by adding an onClick to my outgoing links, which fires a function which sends the link URL and a timestamp to my database. I then wrote a backend which retrieves the data, and lets me view it by such categories as 'Most clicked / 24h', 'Most clicked / 1w' etc.
I hope this helps.
On one system I've worked on, we ended up storing redirects in a database table and creating a redirect page that takes an id as an input. On our content pages, we link to the redirect page with an unique id from this table. Once the redirect page looks up the url via the id from the table, it then sends the client a redirect response, sending them to the ending page.
This does give us logging of external links, and as an added bonus, it makes mass changes to external urls a bit easier in some cases.
Method #1:


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Education and Training Jobs in Qatar
18 Jobs Found: Showing 1 - 18
Trainer | Qatar Aircraft Catering Company | DohaQatar Airways - QatarPosted 13 JulAbout You: You will train staff according to the non-departmental training programs designed for all departments in QACC. Maintain, monitor and updaThis employer achieved a Gold Career Provider status based on their record of hiring on Bayt.com.
Training Officer | Qatar Aircraft Catering Company | DohaQatar Airways - QatarPosted 13 JulAbout Your Job: As a training officer you will be responsible to design and deliver behavioral, job specific, awareness, regulatory and developmentaThis employer achieved a Gold Career Provider status based on their record of hiring on Bayt.com.
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The Black Child-Savers: Racial Democracy and Juvenile Justiceby Geoff K. Ward
View All Available Formats & Editions
During the Progressive Era, a rehabilitative agenda took hold of American juvenile justice, materializing as a citizen-and-state-building project and mirroring the unequal racial politics of American democracy itself. Alongside this liberal "manufactory of citizens," a parallel structure was enacted: a Jim Crow juvenile justice system that endured
During the Progressive Era, a rehabilitative agenda took hold of American juvenile justice, materializing as a citizen-and-state-building project and mirroring the unequal racial politics of American democracy itself. Alongside this liberal "manufactory of citizens," a parallel structure was enacted: a Jim Crow juvenile justice system that endured across the nation for most of the twentieth century.
In The Black Child Savers, the first study of the rise and fall of Jim Crow juvenile justice, Geoff Ward examines the origins and organization of this separate and unequal juvenile justice system. Ward explores how generations of "black child-savers" mobilized to challenge the threat to black youth and community interests and how this struggle grew aligned with a wider civil rights movement, eventually forcing the formal integration of American juvenile justice. Ward's book reveals nearly a century of struggle to build a more democratic model of juvenile justicean effort that succeeded in part, but ultimately failed to deliver black youth and community to liberal rehabilitative ideals.
At once an inspiring story about the shifting boundaries of race, citizenship, and democracy in America and a crucial look at the nature of racial inequality, The Black Child Savers is a stirring account of the stakes and meaning of social justice.
Editorial Reviews
Product Details
- 9780226873183
- Publisher:
- University of Chicago Press
- Publication date:
- 06/27/2012
- Edition description:
- New Edition
- Pages:
- 344
- Sales rank:
- 446,580
- Product dimensions:
- 5.90(w) x 8.90(h) x 0.80(d)
Read an Excerpt
The Black Child-SaversRacial Democracy and Juvenile Justice
By GEOFF K. WARD
The University of Chicago PressCopyright © 2012 The University of Chicago
All right reserved.
Chapter OneCitizen Delinquent: race, Liberal Democracy, and the rehabilitative Ideal
By the eighteenth century, Western liberal societies commonly regarded children and adolescents as uniquely malleable human beings whose individual developmental potential held a distinct significance for societal fates. Mainstream civic leaders generally believed that children, unlike adults, possessed the capacity to be trained or tailored to fit social norms and expectations. Child development thus required shaping and molding a normal, productive, and mature citizen before the rigidity of adulthood set in. Owing to the cultural and political link between child development and social welfare, juvenile social control became a concern for various, often competing constituencies interested in shaping the nation. That link was central to the republican idealism of early American juvenile justice, the development of Jim Crow juvenile justice, and the nearly century-long struggle to advance racial democracy within and through juvenile social control. This chapter surveys how the juvenile delinquent came to be understood as an "embryonic citizen," whose fate was, perhaps, forever linked with the racial politics of American democratic ideals, movements, and institutions.
The Child, the Delinquent, and the State
The origins and significance of childhood as a life-course distinction in Western societies has been the subject of great interest and debate. Since at least the eighteenth century, cultural and legal concepts of childhood have been used to regulate social and political relations. The premise was that child development was in the interest of social welfare and, thus, a responsibility of the family and the parental state.
Early historiographies of childhood in Western European societies emphasize how the cultural and political distinction of the child evolved. Modern conceptions of childhood, they contend, first emerged in the sixteenth century. Before that, children were considered small people and ignored in developmental terms. In the West, only with the decline in infant mortality, the rise of Christianity, increased literacy, and industrialization and urbanization did children begin to be distinguished developmentally. With children and adolescents viewed as distinctly malleable beings, their development into adulthood had great cultural, economic, and political consequences. As the focus of increased concern, children's socialization experiences became more regulated.
Among the earliest and most influential evolutionary studies was Centuries of Childhood. In it, the French sociologist Philippe Ariès claims that modern society has progressed "from ignorance of childhood" through the Middle ages "to the centering of the family around the child in the nineteenth century." Examining children and families in the iconography of French art, architecture, religion, education, and other fields, Ariès maintains that modern conceptions of family life first surface in the sixteenth century and are common by the seventeenth. He and others explain the eventual recognition of childhood as a critical distinction in human development and civil status via demographic and social-organizational developments. Up to the Middle ages, they maintain, high rates of infant mortality discouraged parents from becoming emotionally attached to offspring; these temporary sources of pleasure and joy were worthy of little sentimental and developmental investment. By the seventeenth century, as rates of infant and overall mortality continued to decline in the West, children were recognized as "potential adults" and beings who might come of age to participate in familial and social affairs. Given this possibility, children represented the future of the familial and societal unit. Parents and religious and secular civic leaders thus took increased interest in ensuring that these malleable beings would "be shaped and molded and formed into righteous, law-abiding, [and] God-fearing adults."
Industrialization and urbanization also changed family dynamics and the status differentiation of children. By the eighteenth century, many teenagers were considered adults. In their primarily rural milieu, they often lived independently of their parents, performed similar labor, and led new families with children of their own. Previously, low levels of education and similar capacities to perform agricultural labor contributed to a lack of distinction between young and old; lack of contact with other people's children in rural environments limited concern about their control. Yet growing literacy rates provided a new basis for age-related developmental and status differentiation. Industrialization, urbanization, and the emerging market economy moved work outside the home, increased competition for labor and relevant skills, and brought young and old into contact and conflict in cities. Free young people grew more dependent on parents and for longer periods, becoming a greater concern in urban areas as the decline of informal controls seemed to increase the threat of dislocated youths. Adolescence was seen as an advanced stage of childhood, the final bridge to adulthood where the possibility for "normalization" through education and other interventions was diminishing and urgent. Adulthood lurked ominously as a point where the child-adolescent "could no longer be changed and would become set in [his or her] ways."
More recent histories challenge aspects of the evolutionary account of childhood; they do see a growing urgency to regulate child development by the end of the eighteenth century. Relying on more direct sources of parent and adult orientations toward children, such as diaries, biographies, and institutional records, these critics demonstrate that some of the allegedly modern conceptions of childhood existed in the Middle ages and that children were not regularly objectified and brutalized before the modern era. The evidence suggests that parents have for all known time identified and loved their children, in ways that are more consistent with than distinct from modern conceptions but that defy generalization within and across societal contexts.
Critics of the evolutionary view acknowledge changes in the cultural and political conceptions of childhood and related child-welfare practices by the eighteenth century. Such changes are crucial for understanding the general and racial politics of emerging juvenile justice systems. The historian Linda Pollock observes, for example, an "increased emphasis on the abstract nature of childhood and parental care from the seventeenth century onwards." Beyond documenting events of misbehavior and punishments in response, she finds that parents' diaries are increasingly consumed with general "methods of discipline" and the "duties of parents to children" and, ultimately, society. By the eighteenth century, parents were increasingly concerned with the civic utility of child discipline and their accountability for "'training' a child in order to ensure that he or she absorbed the correct values and beliefs and would grow into a model citizen." Faced with this blended concept of child and social welfare, she found eighteenth-century mothers and fathers increasingly "approaching parenthood with apprehension and trepidation, worrying whether their modes of child care were correct, and whether they were sufficiently competent to rear their children."
Despite overstating the novelty and generalizable quality of eighteenth- and nineteenth-century sociolegal conventions related to families and children in Europe, Ariès's sociological and political insights help account for the development and application of child-welfare reform strategies. The key novelty of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, he suggests, is not the formal appreciation of childhood as a stage of human development, but the cultural and institutional significance of the child relative to parents, families, and society. In particular, cultural conceptions of children as clay-like souls, the unsettled futures of family and society, and adult sensitivity to civic responsibility in raising children moved eighteenth- and nineteenth-century parents, and, in time, the parental state, to become more deliberately and coercively engaged with issues of child-welfare and juvenile social control.
By connecting the rise of modern society and the growing significance of the "family unit" and the "child" as status groups, Ariès uncovers the tightening of juvenile social control, a "contradiction in denying children their freedom, in the name of their own protection and moral education," as Corsaro puts it. To an unprecedented extent, Ariès claims, a symbolic and constructive unity emerged in the idealized family. Between the medieval period and the seventeenth century, he argues, the child returned to the home, rather than being entrusted to apprenticeship relations, giving the seventeenth-century family its principal characteristic: the child "became an indispensable element of everyday life, and his parents worried about his education, his career, his future."
By the eighteenth century, then, the child's importance grew in private families and public policy. Child welfare and discipline increasingly dominated concerns over success, not merely for individual children (or embryonic citizens), but for their familial and communal attachments. Spreading literacy, growing pressures of conformity and obedience, and the increasing presence of the state in regulating family life raised concerns with the civic utility of child discipline. This broadening of parental responsibility to ensure the proper socialization of children reflects Ariès's notion of the growing significance of the private sphere in regulating social and political relations. "The modern family," Ariès explained, "cuts itself off from the world and opposes to society the isolated group of parents and children." In what clearly applies only to free adults and family units and especially to the more privileged among them, he continues: "all the energy of the group is expended on helping the children rise in the world, individually and without any collective ambition: the children rather than the family." The founding justification for modern juvenile justice, and the logic of reform efforts since, has been that, if the more autonomous and apparently vital conjugal family failed in this child-socialization role, another regulatory apparatus, such as the parental state, would be needed to steer troubled youths into paths of self-discipline and social integration.
The Evil of Juvenile Delinquency
Changing cultural and political perspectives on childhood were not alone in the nineteenth-century development of novel concepts and systems of juvenile social control. Also critical were concerns about dependency and crime among young people and the development of a specific legal framework giving the state the regulatory authority to seek the normalization of child and adolescent attitudes and behaviors, when conjugal families could not. During the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, social changes including massive waves of European immigration, the rise of a market economy, the perceived inadequacy of informal controls in growing cities, and ideals of participatory democracy stoked the eagerness of societal elites to establish new laws and institutions to regulate child development.
Deviance has existed as long as social norms have, but the popularization of the concept of juvenile delinquency in Western societies can be traced to the late eighteenth century and the early nineteenth, when the United States and older Western European nations were transitioning from rural, agricultural societies to rising industrial powers. The Industrial revolution and rapid urbanization inspired great excitement and fear; the new metropolis represented both a buffet of opportunity and adventure and a "place [where] scarcity, disease, neglect, ignorance, and dangerous influences" seemed equally abundant.
Growing cities provided especially fertile ground for the rise of juvenile crime as a social problem and subject of popular and official concern. Rural family cohesion and work routines facilitated supervision of children and adolescents, but the Industrial revolution disrupted family-centered controls. Urban labor markets distanced parents from idle children for longer periods of time, rendering older mechanisms of informal juvenile social control less effective. Population growth and change through urban internal migration and immigration resulted in larger proportions of juveniles in urban populations and increased community disorganization owing to greater crowding and unfamiliarity in neighborhoods. Urbanization also brought potentially delinquent youths into proximity with potential victims and agents of control. this pattern was of tremendous significance to juvenile justice in the twentieth-century black American experience as the Great Migration brought large numbers of black families to early, primarily urban, juvenile court communities. Well before then, however, movable goods and new relationships of ownership proliferated under industrialization and market capitalism, increasing the possibility of property crime and appeals for intervention. Manufacturers and merchants sought protection from theft through increased surveillance and the formal sanctioning of offenders, many of whom were youths.
In the industrializing West, actual and perceived increases in juvenile crime and deviance drew a steady stream of concern in the first decades of the nineteenth century, the problem usually being attributed to a mix of social disorganization and the pathology of individuals and families in new urban centers. In 1816, for example, the First Survey of Juvenile Delinquency in London announced the discovery of "some thousands of boys under seventeen years of age in the metropolis who are daily engaged in the commission of crime." The study's authors blamed this growing "catalogue of criminals" on the neglectful conduct of parents, lack of education, lack of suitable employment, lack of religious observance, and "habits of gambling in the public streets." The secondary sources of this "evil of Juvenile Delinquency" were said to include the "severity of the [criminal] code," the "defective state of the police," and the "existing system of prison discipline," all of which either ignored or worsened the problem of delinquency. In Further Description of Juvenile Delinquency in London, a follow-up study conducted two years later, the authors still found it "painful to reflect that the remedy provided by the law should be one great cause of the evil"; they resolved that, for the youngest offenders at least, "absolute impunity would have produced less vice than confinement in almost any of the gaols in the Metropolis." These critics were arguing, not that the state and concerned citizens should do nothing about juvenile delinquency, but rather that it was a novel problem requiring its own solution.
Much of delinquency's novelty was attributed to the foreign element alleged to be common among young offenders. Similar to today's rhetoric, a complex mix of genuine concern for public safety and child welfare, sensationalism, elitism, and xenophobia shaded portrayals of juvenile delinquents and appeals for their control across emerging industrial centers. In 1853, Charles L. Brace, the founder of new York's Children's aid Society, characterized delinquents in that city as "mainly American-born, but the children of Irish and German immigrants ... as ignorant as London flashmen [and] far more brutal than the peasantry from which they descend." Rivaling the spectacular "superpredator" rhetoric of over a century later, Brace warned that menaces then were "ready for any offense or crime, however degraded or bloody," and that, without normalizing influences of juvenile social control, "we should see an explosion from this class which might leave [the cities] in ashes and blood."
Enter the Parental State
Juvenile delinquency was believed to grow from the social disorganization of city life and to threaten the life and prosperity of emerging societies. This inspired government and private entities to invest heavily in its control. The differentiation of juvenile and adult offenders in criminal law and punishment is evident "as far back as written records go," but growing recognition of childhood and adolescents as opportune moments for "Americanization," combined with the apparent threat to nineteenth-century ambitions of juvenile offenders, lent inspiration, urgency, and direction to the establishment of modern juvenile justice.
Excerpted from The Black Child-Savers by GEOFF K. WARD Copyright © 2012 by The University of Chicago. Excerpted by permission of The University of Chicago Press. All rights reserved. No part of this excerpt may be reproduced or reprinted without permission in writing from the publisher.
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Geoff Ward is associate professor in the Department of Criminology, Law and Society at the University of California, Irvine.
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Comments about 'BYU basketball: Coming off break, BYU looking to end losing streak'
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Time to get over the delavadagger and start building momentum for the post season. Let's not spoil to the tribute to two of the all-time great BYU players.
- 4:21 p.m. Feb. 15, 2013
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With the four best rpi wins of anyone in the state, utah's one in a million
chance of an at large invitation to the dance is significantly better than byu
or usu's chance.
Does not bode well for the future of weak coast conference schools.
- 5:37 p.m. Feb. 15, 2013
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you really didn't go to utah, did you? pac12 has done nothing for utah sports other than put them in the conference cellar. delusional behavior has a number of treatments and u of u med center has a first class treatment center
- 6:00 p.m. Feb. 15, 2013
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With such a young team - 5 Sophs playing significant minutes - the future looks brighter than the Ute's future in the PAC 10.2. A weaker conference than the "Weak Coast Conference".
- 10:04 a.m. Feb. 16, 2013
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Even though I'm disappointed in the season so far, I have to say that having BYU in the WCC has been refreshing. The WCC is a classy conference that competes at a high level.
- 11:09 a.m. Feb. 16, 2013
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The past two weeks have given me a taste of what it is like to be a u fan.
- 10:12 p.m. Feb. 16, 2013
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|Reviews for TCOT Returning Relative
| dellawannabe chapter 20 . 10/12/2015
Loved it! Great suspense, very romantic. Just wondering how they worked out the could-Della-still-work-for-Perry-as-his-wife issue.
Also, did she "use" Ben? She denies it, but did she? Is that supposed to be ambiguous for the reader?
Part of me couldn't believe she would kiss him if she were in love with Perry. Maybe vulnerability could lead to her failing to avoid his initiative-taking good-night kiss, but would she go into his house and stay there to make out with him? I know that part was important for the alibi part of the plot, and the jealousy angle, but I was unconvinced that Della would do that. Even if she likes Ben. Maybe I'd buy it if she and Perry hadn't ever acknowledged their love before this, hadn't made love. Even though they resolved to put that behind them (to preserve their working relationship, I assume) she wouldn't have stopped belonging to him in her heart enough to canoodle with Ben, I don't think...My only qualm.
I love when Perry rescues Della. That rarely happens in the TV series. Very good rendering of Perry jealous and Perry protective! One quibble: shot guns shoot shot, not bullets. The shotgun shot is in shells of specific gauges. Rifles shoot bullets of a specific caliber. Sorry to be such a fact fiend.
| kouw chapter 20 . 10/6/2015
Holy shit... okay. This is unexpected. Very unexpected indeed.
| kouw chapter 19 . 10/6/2015
I'd be having nightmares too - Della's been through some shocking things and pile some pregnancy hormones upon those it's a sure-fire way of getting terrible nightmares. But she's told him. In a very un-Della-esque roundabout way. She must have been so terribly worried to not just have come out with it.
| kouw chapter 18 . 10/6/2015
Oh good she'll make it. That is a great relief and oh Perry you are good. You are a good man. I think Aunt Mae knows. And then there's a confession, all in good Perry Mason style. Well done you!
| kouw chapter 17 . 10/6/2015
Plot twist done right. Absolutely so well done - I am in awe of you!
| kouw chapter 16 . 10/6/2015
Ghaaaaaaaaaahhh this is killing me!
| kouw chapter 15 . 10/6/2015
Okay now I am scared. This is worrying.
| kouw chapter 14 . 10/6/2015
Oh Paul - I adore you. You are the best sidekick ever.
And Della knows... and what's more Aunt Mae knows. And it's going to be a problem... Oh my heart... And then someone is picking her up? Please let it be Perry...
| kouw chapter 13 . 10/6/2015
Okay - well this is a plot twist I didn't see coming and I love it. It is going so fast suddenly! I love it. It's a really great story - I should be working, instead I am reading and reviewing and that's more rare than you'd think :)
| kouw chapter 12 . 10/6/2015
I am rather relieved to find Della in bed with Perry. I am not very relieved about what she may have found under those floorboards...
| kouw chapter 11 . 10/6/2015
Pauline... well. That is an interesting turn of events. Very selfless. Very... odd. And I just don't like Ben - I know I am not supposed to and it's okay. Oh and Della my love. well - we know now, don't we. You poor thing. Excuse me while I cry a bit for her. And please be careful girl! before it's you who gets hit with that poker!
| kouw chapter 10 . 10/6/2015
You are turning up the pace! I like the way Della is so wholly herself through all of it, but also quite confused. I don't think she is in love with Ben, tbh. I do think things are very complicated though. Also, I have a pretty good idea that Ben is going to be the next one to die.
| kouw chapter 9 . 10/6/2015
Oh Della... your coffee is too bitter? That's not like you. I don't like these little hints at all... oh honey... *hugs for Della*
ANYWAY! Pauline is so interesting, I love the way you give us just enough. It's amazing.
| kouw chapter 8 . 10/6/2015
There's nothing like a bit of sibling fighting to get the blood pumping... but Ian is being stupid. Mae on the other hand... I don't know. She isn't telling everything she knows, I think. She might be protecting Ian. And Della... I will have to go back to the start, but that stomach of yours... it has me a little worried...
| kouw chapter 7 . 10/6/2015
Oh I like this a lot. I like that Della doesn't think about calling him twice and that he doesn't think about coming to her aide twice. I like that they have their usual banter, but with a little bit of an edge to it. I like that Ben and Perry dislike each other immediately. But now I also think that perhaps - maybe... Ben isn't about Della at all. Maybe he has been about Ian all along...


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Correspondence Volume 121 | Issue 9 | September 2013
Arsenic Levels in Chicken: Nachman et al. Respond
Citation: Nachman KE, Baron PA, Raber G, Francesconi KA, Love DC. Arsenic levels in chicken: Nachman et al. respond. Environ Health Perspect 121:A267–A268 (2013); http://dx.doi.org/10.1289/ehp.1307083R
Address correspondence to K.E. Nachman, E-mail: email@example.com
The authors declare they have no actual or potential competing financial interests.
Published: 1 September 2013
PDF Version 82 KB
In our paper (Nachman et al. 2013) we focused on dietary arsenic exposure from the use of arsenic-based drugs in food animal production, specifically chicken. We thank Lasky for broadening the discussion on arsenic regulations for food to include federal agencies beyond the Food and Drug Administration (FDA).
The results of our study (Nachman et al. 2013) indicate that the use of arsenic-based drugs increases the levels of inorganic arsenic in chicken meat. Based on these findings, we recommend banning the use of arsenic-based drugs in food animal production, which are under the jurisdiction of the FDA. It is important, however, to recognize the potential role that could be played by the U.S. Department of Agriculture (USDA) Food Safety and Inspection Service (FSIS) under its National Residue Program (NRP).
Under its mandate, the NRP facilitates the monitoring of arsenic levels in poultry products and supports enforcement actions for animal products in violation of arsenic standards (USDA FSIS 2012). Unfortunately, the NRP faces constraints (in addition to those noted by Lasky) that limit its effectiveness (Silbergeld and Nachman 2008). The most important of these constraints is the current arsenic standard for meat, which was set before 1963 (FDA 1963) and does not account for recent epidemiologic research. In addition, the standard applies to total arsenic concentrations rather than to inorganic arsenic, the species of greatest health relevance. Because arsenic can be present in food in various forms that have widely varying toxicity, standards might need to be species specific.
The U.S. Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) is currently revising its toxicological assessment for inorganic arsenic (U.S. EPA 2010) as part of its Integrated Risk Information System (IRIS) program. The purpose of this revision is to produce health-based guidance that can be useful in setting arsenic standards in different media (including foods) that reflect our current understanding of dose–response relationships between arsenic exposures and adverse health outcomes. To achieve this goal, coordination between the FDA, U.S. EPA, and NRP is essential. By applying appropriate standards and methods with adequate sensitivity for the arsenic species of interest, the NRP could play a central role in minimizing dietary exposure to arsenic through animal products.
Although sale of roxarsone remains suspended in the United States, nitarsone, a chemically similar arsenical drug, continues to be sold (Zoetis 2013). Industry statements in the media have confirmed nitarsone use in the turkey industry (Aubrey 2013), and the USDA estimates of per capita turkey consumption are increasing (USDA 2013). Research is needed to characterize potential contributions of nitarsone to inorganic arsenic concentrations in turkey meat. For these reasons, monitoring efforts remain relevant. In the absence of regulations that limit inorganic arsenic in our foods, the banning of arsenic-based drugs would minimize dietary arsenic exposures in poultry consumers.
Aubrey A. 2013. How Trace Amounts of Arsenic End Up in Grocery Store Meat. Available: http://www.npr.org/blogs/thesalt/2013/05/15/184261664/how-trace-amounts-of-arsenic-end-up-in-grocery-store-meat [accessed 12 June 2013].
FDA (Food and Drug Administration). 1963. Food additives resulting from contact with containers or equipment and food additives otherwise affecting food. Fed Reg 28:10871.
Nachman KE, Baron PA, Raber G, Francesconi KA, Navas-Acien A, Love DC. 2013. Roxarsone, inorganic arsenic, and other arsenic species in chicken: a U.S.-based market basket sample. Environ Health Perspect 121:818–824; doi:10.1289/ehp.1206245.
Silbergeld EK, Nachman K. 2008. The environmental and public health risks associated with arsenical use in animal feeds. Ann NY Acad Sci 1140(1):346–357.
USDA (U.S. Department of Agriculture) FSIS (Food Safety and Inspection Service). 2012. National Residue Program for Meat, Poultry, and Egg Products: 2012 Residue Sampling Plans. Available: http://www.fsis.usda.gov/PDF/2012_Blue_Book.pdf [accessed 13 June 2013].
USDA (U.S. Department of Agriculture). 2013. World Agricultural Supply and Demand Estimates. Available: http://www.usda.gov/oce/commodity/wasde/latest.pdf [accessed 13 June 2013].
U.S. EPA (U.S. Environmental Protection Agency). 2010. IRIS Toxicological Review of Inorganic Arsenic (Cancer) (2010 External Review Draft). EPA/635/R-10/001. Washington, DC:U.S. EPA. Available: http://cfpub.epa.gov/ncea/iris_drafts/ recordisplay.cfm?deid=219111 [accessed 24 October 2012].
Zoetis. 2013. Histostat Type A Medicated Article. Available: http://online.zoetis.com/US/EN/Products/Pages/Histostat.aspx [accessed 12 June 2013].
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