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Yuan Lee, recipient of the 1986 Nobel Prize in Chemistry, describes how his groundbreaking work in chemistry led to his current research focus in energy with CHF's president and CEO Thomas R. Tritton.
A moderated discussion between prominent, award-winning scientists and students, teachers, and principals from Greater Houston high schools.
Emil Jacobs of ExxonMobil and J. Craig Venter of Synthetic Genomics discuss their alliance to research and develop biofuels from photosynthetic algae with CHF's Thomas R. Tritton.
CHF's annual T. T. Chao Symposium celebrates and encourages innovation in the Houston region. All three sessions of the 2011 symposium focused on alternatives in energy.
See Tom Tritton's blog post, "Oil from Pond Scum," for reflections on the 2011 Chao Symposium.
Emil Jacobs is vice president of research and development of the ExxonMobil Research and Engineering Company, a position he has held since 2002. Jacobs joined the firm in 1978 as a research engineer. In 1999 he was named global vice president of basic chemicals and intermediate technology, and he was heavily involved in the Exxon/Mobil merger transition team.
Jacobs is a member of the Chemical Engineering Advisory Council at Princeton University, the Advisory Board of the College of Chemistry at the University of California, Berkeley, the Industrial Research Institute, and the Research and Development Council of New Jersey. He is also a member of the American Chemical Society and the American Institute of Chemical Engineering. Jacobs has a B.S. in chemical engineering from Rice University and a Ph.D. in chemical engineering from Princeton University.
Yuan Lee is the president of the International Council for Science, president emeritus and distinguished research fellow at Academica Sinica, and professor emeritus at the University of California, Berkeley. In 1986 Lee received the Nobel Prize in Chemistry for his seminal contribution to the development of reaction dynamics — a new field of research at the time.
During his career Lee has received numerous awards, including the U.S. National Medal of Science, the Faraday Medal and Prize from the Royal Chemical Society of Great Britain, and the Othmer Gold Medal from the Chemical Heritage Foundation. Among his other honors, Lee is or has been a Sloan fellow, a Dreyfus scholar, and a Guggenheim fellow, as well as a member of the National Academy of Sciences and a member of the Academy of Sciences for the Developing World. Lee received a B.S. from the National Taiwan University, an M.S. from Tsinghua University, and a Ph.D. from the University of California, Berkeley. He has received honorary doctorates from 37 universities around the world.
Nathan Lewis, professor of chemistry at the California Institute of Technology since 1991, is now serving as principal investigator for both the Joint Center for Artificial Photosynthesis, the Department of Energy's Energy Innovation Hub in Fuels from Sunlight, and the Beckman Institute Molecular Materials Resource Center. His research interests include artificial photosynthesis and electronic noses. Technical details of these research topics focus on light-induced electron-transfer reactions, both at surfaces and in transition metal complexes, and development of sensor arrays that use pattern-recognition algorithms to identify odorants, mimicking the mammalian olfaction process.
Lewis has published over 300 papers, is editor-in-chief of the journal Energy & Environmental Science, and has supervised over 60 graduate students and postdoctoral associates. His awards include the Princeton Environmental Award and the Michael Faraday Medal of the Royal Society of Electrochemistry. In 2009 Rolling Stone magazine listed him as number 17 in its top 100 Agents of Change in America. Lewis received a Ph.D. in chemistry from the Massachusetts Institute of Technology.
Andrew Revkin has reported on the science and politics of global warming for more than 20 years, from the North Pole to the White House and the tumultuous treaty talks in Copenhagen. After 15 years at The New York Times, Revkin recently left his staff position to become the senior fellow for environmental understanding at Pace University's Academy for Applied Environmental Studies. Building on a quarter century of prize-winning print work, he now writes the Dot Earth blog for the op-ed pages of The New York Times, creating an online forum where hundreds of thousands of readers meet each month to evaluate and discuss climate, biodiversity, population, and related subjects.
Revkin is the author of three books on environmental subjects in addition to countless newspaper and magazine articles. He has received journalism awards from numerous organizations, including the National Academy of Sciences, the American Association for the Advancement of Science, and Columbia University and has been awarded an honorary doctorate by Pace University and a John Simon Guggenheim Fellowship.
Thomas R. Tritton is the second president of CHF. He was the twelfth president of Haverford College. A cancer chemotherapy research expert with over 150 publications, Tritton's work was continuously funded by the American Cancer Society and the National Institutes of Health.
Before he became president of Haverford, Tritton was a professor of pharmacology for twelve years each at Yale University and the University of Vermont. At the University of Vermont he also served as deputy director of the Vermont Cancer Center—a designated comprehensive cancer center of the National Cancer Institute—and as vice provost of the university. In 2007, before assuming the CHF presidency, Tritton was "president in residence" at the Graduate School of Education at Harvard University. He holds a B.A. from Ohio Wesleyan University and a Ph.D. from Boston University.
J. Craig Venter is founder, chairman, and president of the J. Craig Venter Institute (JCVI), a not-for-profit research organization dedicated to human, microbial, plant, synthetic and environmental genomic research and the exploration of social and ethical issues in genomics. Venter is also founder and CEO of Synthetic Genomics Inc.
After earning both a bachelor's degree in biochemistry and a Ph.D. in physiology and pharmacology from the University of California, San Diego, Venter was appointed professor at the State University of New York at Buffalo and the Roswell Park Cancer Institute. In 1984 he moved to the National Institutes of Health, where he developed expressed sequence tags or ESTs, a revolutionary strategy for rapid gene discovery. In 1992 Venter founded The Institute for Genomic Research, where in 1995 he and his team decoded the genome of the first free-living organism, the bacterium Haemophilus influenzae. In 1998 he founded Celera Genomics to sequence the human genome using new tools and techniques he and his team developed. This research culminated with the February 2001 publication of the human genome in the journal Science.
"Cleanstream" filter
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Just when you thought that long-rumoured feud between ex-BFFs Paris Hilton and Kim Kardashian was over (or never even existed to begin with), Hilton goes and K.O.'s Kim with the shadiest tweet since Miley came for Katy with that "good thing ur ex boo is ur EX BOO" barb.
Without using any words of her own, Hilton simply tweeted a link to an article from the Examiner-esque 'news' site Guardian Liberty Voice with the title: Kim Kardashian Making It the Old-Fashioned Way; On Her Back.
The lengthy piece was filled with vitriol towards Kim K, with a large portion accusing the most famous Kardashian of using Paris for fame and then sleeping her way to the top (way to state the obvious, guys).
Here's a portion of what was written:
"What is so amazing is that the only reason that anybody even knows this woman's name is because she followed the plan of her pseudo-friend, Paris Hilton, and created a sex tape with the rapper Ray-J, then purposefully leaked it, so she could create buzz around herself. Good to know that Kim Kardashian decided to make it the old-fashioned way; on her back."
"It is time to recognize this [Kim Kardashian] woman for who and what she is. She was so dying for fame, that she did anything she could to suck up to Paris Hilton to be friends. Then, when she saw Hilton's sex tape go viral, she decided to make one of her own, and leak it, so that she could be famous."
The rest of the article just bashes Kim and any media outlet that dares write about her (namely Yahoo, which the author awkwardly dubbed 'Karsadihoo').
This isn't the first time that Paris has made her true feelings towards Kim K public: Back in 2011, she stormed out of an ABC News interview after being asked if she was worried that her former friend had overshadowed her.
Also, way back in the day, Paris recorded a scathing diss track titled "Jealousy" aimed at Nicole Richie — another former friend who she seems to believe used her to achieve fame and fortune.
Perhaps Kim and Nicole should just become BFFs now? They can get together and laugh about how they both became famous thanks to Paris and then went on to become more popular than her!
Update: Paris has since deleted the tweet, so it's a good thing we screencapped it before she did.

subset: commoncrawl


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Ferncliff Hall
Ferncliff Hall, located on the south end of campus, is a co-ed facility housing 151 students on four floors. The residence features all new beds that were purchased in the summer of 2012. Even though Ferncliff has an off-campus feeling, it is still very much a part of campus and Residence Life.
2016-2017 Room Rates (per semester)
Double room (per person): $2,579 *Single room: $2,995
*Single rooms are only available for returning sophomore - senior students (subject to availability)
Virtual Room Tours
Floor Plans
- First Floor (Female Doubles)
- Second Floor (Coed Doubles; Male Single)
- Third Floor (Coed Doubles; Female Single)
- Fourth Floor (Male Doubles; Male Single)
NOTE: Single rooms are available only for returning sophomore - senior students
Hall Amenities
- Formal Lounge
- Informal T.V. Lounge
- Ping-Pong Table
- Multiple Floor Lounges
- Microwave
- Vending Machines
- Cable and Internet access in every room
- Laundry Facility
2015-2016 Ferncliff Hall Staff
- Area Coordinator - Cliff Saul
- Community Advisor - Elizabeth Nelson (1st floor apartment)
Resident Advisors
- 1st Floor, Room 133 - Katherine Barlow
- 2nd Floor, Room 210 - Luke Durell
- 2nd Floor, Room 225 - Faith Mahnke
- 3rd Floor, Room 307 - Sage Pence
- 3rd Floor, Room 325 - Garrett Stout
- 4th Floor, Room 413 - Troy Weathers
Student Mail Information:
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Student's full name
Wittenberg University , Box ______
P.O. Box 6100
Springfield , OH 45501-6100
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Student's full name
Wittenberg University , Box ______
734 Woodlawn Avenue
Springfield , OH 45504


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Get more from your dining experience with our Hilton HHonors™ Bonus Points Dining Program.
Enjoy Turkish and international cuisine in the Greenhouse Restaurant, sip a cup of coffee in the Lobby Lounge with its calming atmosphere or indulge in a cocktail in the Lotus Bar and listen to live piano music.
Gaze at garden views from this Ankara restaurant, serving local and international cuisine like Adana kebabs and mezze plates. In the summer, try light Ottoman selections in the Ankara HiltonSA hotel's covered outdoor terrace. Enjoy Hilton Breakfasts, daily lunch buffets and Asian flavors.
Greenhouse Menu (PDF)
Book a Table
Relax in this cozy Ankara restaurant, with a stylish and unique ambiance. Sip a Turkish coffee or snack on borek (pastry) at the Ankara HiltonSA hotel. Enjoy a fresh juice or choose a fancy cocktail from the lounge menu. Listen to live piano music or catch up on the days news and sport on the wide-screen TV.
Lotus Bar and Lounge Menu (PDF)
Unwind and enjoy the music at this elegant Ankara bar. Sip your drink in contemporary surroundings comprising mirrors and feature lamps.
Please note that reservations should be made at the night club itself.


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STANFORD, Calif.- The University of Oregon can now say they have the Mountain Pacific Sports Federation Lacrosse Coach of the Year and eight All-MPSF selections on campus as the Ducks recorded a new program-high for All-MPSF selections at the championship banquet on Thursday.
The eight selections are the most the Ducks have had selected since six were selected last season.
Head coach Jen Larsen-Beck led the Ducks to their first MPSF regular-season title after UO defeated Denver in the battle of the unbeatens last Saturday at Pape' Field, 13-8. In Larsen-Beck's eight seasons at the helm, the Ducks have recorded 12 wins three times in program history (2007, 2009, 2012). The seven MPSF wins that UO accumulated this season marked a program-high for the Ducks as Oregon finished the season unbeaten at home for only the second time in school history. Larsen-Beck's squad heads into this weekend's tournament riding a seven-game win streak. In Oregon's last 10 games, Larsen-Beck has her squad sitting at a 9-1 mark, with the only loss coming in a non-conference game. In addition to having eight players recording double-digits in the points column, Larsen-Beck has seen four of her players tabbed MPSF Player of the Week in consecutive weeks, a UO single-season record (Shannon Propst, Jana Drummond, Kristina Barrett, Caroline Federighi).
The MPSF honor for Larsen-Beck is the second of her career as she was previously tabbed MPSF Coach of the Year in 2007.
Oregon had four Ducks grab MPSF First-Team accolades and four earn second-team status.
On the first team, seniors Jana Drummond, Colleen Taggart, Kristina Barrett and sophomore Caroline Federighi were honored.
Ja. Drummond has earned a MPSF honor all four seasons on campus. This is the third straight year she has been named to the All-MPSF First-Team and was named co-newcomer of the year her first season.
For Taggart, it is her second time being named to the first-team, but for Barrett it is her first time being selected to the first team as she was a second-team selection last season.
Federighi has been solid in goal for the Ducks and built on her MPSF All-Tournament Team season last year by being selected as the goalkeeper of the year this year.
On the second team, Oregon placed sophomores Nikki Puszcz, Shannon Propst and seniors Jess Drummond and Lara Bennett.
The selections are the first for Puszcz and Propst, but seasoned veterans Je. Drummond and Bennett are making their third and second appearances on the team, respectively.
The Ducks begin their quest for the program's first tournament title against California tomorrow at 4:30 p.m. at Cagan Stadium in Stanford, Calif.


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Home > Route by subject > Divinities, heroes and... > Statue of Eros stringing his bow
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- Great bronzes
- Masterpieces
- Decoration of the Conservators' Apartment
- Imperial portraits
Divinities, heroes and mythological characters
Statue of Eros stringing his bow
From an original of Lisippo
cm 123
Location: Palazzo Nuovo > Gallery
Acquisition data: Formerly at Villa d'Este. Benedict XIV donation (1753)
Inventory: inv. MC0410


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Stacey Kent: The Ice Hotel
The Ice Hotel
Stacey Kent (vocals)
Breakfast on the Morning Tram (Blue Note 50999)
Stacey Kent (vocals),
Graham Harvey (piano), John Parricelli (guitar), Dave Chamberlain (bass), Matt Skelton (drums, percussion).
Composed by Kazuo Ishiguro & Jim Tomlinson.
Recorded: England, March-April 2007
Rating: 97/100 (learn more)
Stacey Kent's Breakfast on the Morning Tram has been nominated for a 2009 Grammy Award as Best Vocal Jazz Album, and the composition "The Ice Hotel," with intriguing lyrics by novelist Kazuo Ishiguro (The Remains of the Day) and music by the singer's husband Jim Tomlinson, won the 2007 International Songwriting Competition in the jazz category. Those unaware may assume that "The Ice Hotel" is a clever Cole Porter-like fantasy, but in truth the original Ice Hotel (yes, there are others!) is above the Arctic Circle in a Swedish village, and is elaborately sculptured entirely of snow and ice. "The bed you sleep on," vows the ICEHOTEL web site, "consists of an ice block and a thick mattress, covered with reindeer skins. You sleep in a sleeping bag." Inside, "the temperature is never colder than -5°C to -8°C." Sound comfy? Even so, you are warned, "If you take your luggage with you to your room, it will freeze."
Kent's girlish yet knowing voice, falling as it does somewhere between Karrin Allyson and Blossom Dearie, is perfect for this oddly romantic track. "What other place could serve our needs so well / Let's you and me go away to The Ice Hotel." Harvey's cascading piano intro precedes Kent's silky vocal, with the pianist then providing an effective repeated motif. Tomlinson's arrangement slides the piece in and out of a Latin rhythm, as guitar fills and then a brief but pleasing guitar solo enters the mix. Kent now resumes her seductive proposal: "This is no whim of the moment / I want you to realize / Let's go away to that palace made of ice." If there were still such a thing as standards, this offbeat creation could very well become one.
Reviewer: Scott Albin
Tags: 2000s jazz · jazz vocals
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Andalousie 2012
Lysiane MAURER-ROBEIN
Andalousie, Ronda, Séville, Cordoue, Grenade, Nerja, Marbella, Torremolinos, Gibraltar
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La Forêt-Noire
Published December 02, 2013
Le Pays basque
Published July 18, 2013
Corrèze, Lot et Tarn
Published May 28, 2013
Alpes-de-Haute-Provence et Alpes-Maritimes
Published March 17, 2012
Turquie 2007
Published January 02, 2012
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We hope you enjoy this Digi International throwback video straight from the '90s. We present to you "Here's Digi" circa 1994.
What throwback tech photos or videos do you have? Share on Twitter, Facebook or in the comments section below. We'd love to share your Thursday throwback next week!Tags: technology, video, vintage


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Baseball Sweeps UW-Milwaukee, 5-1, 3-0
April 17, 2004
Milwaukee, Wis. - The UW-Milwaukee pitching staff held the University of Illinois at Chicago hitters to a season-low six hits in each game of their Horizon League doubleheader on Saturday afternoon.
Fortunately for the Flames, the Panthers hitters ran into the dynamic pitching duo of Ryan Zink and David Haehnel.
Zink and Haehnel each tossed complete-game victories as UIC picked up the 5-1, 3-0 doubleheader sweep over the host Panthers at Henry Aaron Field.
Zink scattered seven hits and struck out five batters in the opening game to improve to 5-2 on the season, while Haehnel allowed two hits and struck out a career-high 12 batters in the nightcap to move to 3-2 on the campaign.
With the sweep, UIC improves to 23-10 overall and 6-1 in Horizon League action, while the Panthers fall to 11-17 on the campaign and 3-4 in conference play.
In the opening game, UWM starter Aaron Bushong (2-4) held the Flames to two hits over the first six innings as the score was tied at one, heading into the seventh frame.
Unfortunately for Bushong, the seventh inning wasn't nearly as successful as he loaded the bases for junior second baseman Mike Bruszer.
Bruszer drew a bases loaded walk to give the Flames the 2-1 advantage. UIC tacked on three more runs as sophomore Ted Rosinski roped a two-run double and senior shortstop Jordan DeVoir added a RBI single.
Senior third baseman Nelson Gord led the Flames offensively, going 2-for-3 with a RBI and a run scored.
In the nightcap, Haehnel was dominant from the get-go as he held the Panthers' first 10 batters hitless, including six strikeouts.
UWM outfielder Sam Jansen picked up the Panthers' first hit of the afternoon with a leadoff single in the bottom of the fourth inning.
Senior left fielder Mike Hughes (2-for-4, run) helped propel the Flames offensively, with a two-run homer, his career-best ninth of the season.
UWM hurler Robert Michalkiewicz (2-3) was tagged with the loss in Game Two, going the distance for the Panthers, allowing six hits and three runs.
The series will conclude on Sunday afternoon, with the first pitch slated for 12:05 p.m.


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Grant support: The development of this paper by the Clinical Efficacy Assessment Project was funded by the John A. Hartford Foundation.
▸Requests for reprints should be addressed to Linda Johnson White; Clinical Efficacy Assessment Project, Department of Health and Public Policy, American College of Physicians, 4200 Pine Street, Philadelphia, PA 19104.
*This paper was authored by Peter M. Marzuk, M.D., and was developed for the Health and Public Policy Committee by the Clinical Efficacy Assessment Subcommittee: Donald E. Olson, M.D., Chairman; David Banta,, M.D.; Howard S. Frazier, M.D.; Richard B. Hornick, M.D.; Seymour Perry, M.D.; and Willis C. Maddrey, M.D. Members of the Health and Public Policy Committee for the 1984-85 term include Edwin P. Maynard III, M.D., Chairman; John H. Eisenberg, M.D.; Richard G. Farmer, M.D.; Daniel D. Federman, M.D.; John R. Hogness, M.D.; Leo E. Hollister, M.D.; Charles E. Lewis, M.D.; Donald E. Olson, M.D.; Malcolm L. Peterson, M.D.; Theodore B. Schwartz, M.D.; and Helen L. Smits, M.D. This paper was adopted by the Executive Committee of the Board of Regents on 28 January 1985.
Philadelphia, Pennsylvania
© 1985 American College of PhysiciansAmerican College of Physicians
Biofeedback has been applied to the treatment of numerous neuromuscular disorders. The most widely used method has incorporated the electromyogram (EMG) in muscle reeducation. This technique has been used to train patients with spinal cord and peripheral nerve injuries (1-3), cerebral palsy (2), muscular atrophy resulting from surgery or arthritis (1, 2), hemiparesis resulting from head injury (4), Huntington's chorea (5), tremor (6), Parkinson's disease, and facial palsy (7, 8). However, EMG feedback has been most widely used and tested in patients with a variety of disorders that follow cerebrovascular accidents and in patients with torsion dystonias, particularly spasmodic torticollis.
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Guaranteed Fit! Call Us at 866.582.5960. We will talk you through to the Perfect Fitting Panty!
Grab a soft measuring tape and stand in front of a mirror. If possible, recruit someone for assistance.
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Supergirl TV Series Statue
It's a bird, it's a plane, it's Superman? No, it's Supergirl! This Supergirl TV Series Statue features the likeness of actress Melissa Benoist and stands about 12 1/2-inches tall. Sculpted by Adam Ross, this is one statue no Supergirl fan will want to miss out on!
Superman Homepage Ringer T-Shirt
Now you can show the world that you are a fan of the No. 1 Superman site in the world! For only $17.99 you can wear this shirt with pride and help get the word out about our super community here. (More colors and designs available)
The Big Blue Report is the Superman Homepage Newsletter sent out twice a month. It contains exclusive content not seen on the website. Subscribe now!
Cover date: January 2003
Writer: Dan Slott
Penciller: Min S. Ku
Inker: Mark Propst
"Local Hero"
Reviewed by: George O'Connor (email@example.com)
All Star, who derives her power from "an alien artifact of unbelievable power," i.e., her star charm, is thrilled for the opportunity to join the League.
Soon enough, with a new costume and a healthy eagerness, she visits the Watchtower, where she meets the League members and begins combating evil forces all over the world day by day. By Thursday of her first week, she is exhausted and eager to take over monitor duty for the down time it will afford her.
J'onn J'onnz, upon seeing her trig homework, however, disapproves and begins to explain to her that as a JL member, she must realize that there is never downtime. Intimidated by the speech, she begins to doubt her qualifications as part of the League's legacy.
Days later, an attack on Metropolis brings all 6 members of the League together (+ All Star) against one of their greatest threats: Brainiac has enslaved the entire Green Lantern Corps! Under mind controlled, Green Lanterns from every sector of the galaxy pour into Metropolis, overwhelming the League and causing the newbie, All Star, to falter under the pressure of the situation.
When All Star becomes ensnared in Wonder Woman's lasso, she admits that she's in over her head. Diana orders her back to the Javelin 7 and she complies, but only until she realizes that if she is really a true Leaguer, she must confront her fears and risk all that she has, just as her fellow Leaguers have done day in and day out.
Darting back into the battlefield, she unleashes the full power of her star charm against Brainiac, overwhelming the android's energy defenses and blasting it into oblivion.
The power exhausted, she crumples to unconsciousness, just as the Green Lanterns are broken of their mind enslavement.
Later, All Star (now powerless), goes to her room to find Batman waiting. The Dark Knight reveals that despite the loss of her powers, she is still a valued member of the League.
Story - 4: A good tale overall, with an interesting perspective of an overwhelmed teenage girl. For once, we really feel the magnitude of the League's presence, as each of the heroes seem all the more amazing through the young, inexperienced eyes of All Star. Slott wisely relied on a visual story with less dialogue and machinations, keeping it simple and finally giving Ku and Propst the space they deserve to really show off their stuff. Only complaints? It seems a tad farfetched GL would give up his place in the League to someone as inexperienced as All Star, especially when there are so many other, more qualified superheroes (Aquaman, anyone?). Also- what was with the "All Star is dead" speech and J'onn looking all crestfallen as he puts the broken star in the Watchtower's trophy room? This is a kid's book; we know you're not going to murder a teenaged kid! If you're going to try and trick the reader, put a better effort into it.
Art - 5: This stuff is great! The two page attack of the Lanterns is not the only gorgeous page here. Check out the great battle pages 14 and 15, the terrific faces on page 17, and a nervous, intimidated All Star on page 6, boarding the Javelin 7. There is an endless homage to other JL Adventures tales in the Watchtower's trophy room, and the battles against Harley Quinn and Poison Ivy, Chemo, and a Bizarro Justice League are summed up in half page panels that lead you wanting more. Terrific effort!
Cover Art - 2: Bleh! This does nothing for me. Bland and much too typical.
January 2003
Check out the Comic Index Lists for the complete list of Superman-related comics published in 2003.


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The ANC is a national liberation movement. It was formed in 1912 to unite the African people and spearhead the struggle for fundamental political, social and economic change.
The ANC's key objective is the creation of a united, non-racial, non-sexist and democratic society.
This means the liberation of Africans in particular and black people in general from political and economic bondage. It means uplifting the quality of life of all South Africans, especially the poor.
The ANC is in an alliance with the South African Communist Party (SACP) and the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU). Each Alliance partner is an independent organisation with its own constitution, membership and programmes. The Alliance is founded on a common commitment to the objectives of the National Democratic Revolution, and the need to unite the largest possible cross-section of South Africans behind these objectives.
Discussion Document
1 November -1996
1. Introduction.
1.1 The struggle for the social and economic transformation of the South African society is essentially the task of replacing the Apartheid state with a democratic one.
1.2 The establishment of a democratic state is the task which continues to define the nature and character of the African National Congress (ANC), the Liberation Alliance as well as the broad national democratic movement. This broad political front continues to recognise the leading role of the ANC in the struggle for the economic transformation and social emancipation of South Africa.
1.3 It is the quest to reach this final objective which informs the policies, strategies and tactics of this movement. Over the decades, through its theory and practice, this movement has proved that it is the only vehicle which possesses the capacity to act as the leader of the people in their struggle to establish a truly democratic state.
1.4 The struggle to transform the South African society and emancipate the people takes place within a concrete and ever-changing national and international environment. This environment calls upon the forces for democratic transformation to pursue their objective always mindful of the changes as well as the subjective and the objective factors which characterise this environment.
1.5 These forces are called upon never to forget that practise is greener than all theory, and that the true test of revolutionary practice, is to be found in the ability to narrow to the minimum the gap between theory and reality.
1.6 The political and constitutional advances which have been made by the ANC and the mass democratic movement since the 1994 democratic elections serve as a firm platform on which a fully democratic, non-racial, non-sexist and prosperous society can be built. The democratic movement has to take advantage of the many possibilities which this situation provides.
1.7 However, the full meaning of the opportunities and challenges facing the ANC and the democratic movement are contained in the correct identification and analysis of the subjective and objective factors in the national and international environment within which the struggle to establish the South African democratic state is waged.
1.8 If the philosophical tenet which says that 'freedom is the appreciation of necessity" is upheld as correct by social transformers, then the litmus test with which to judge the correctness of the conduct of struggle for social and economic transformation is to be found in the appreciation of the possibilities which these factors provide as well as the limitations which they impose on the conduct of this struggle.
1.9 The democratic movement has to strive, consciously and consistently, an in the context of a dynamic domestic and international situation to understand the essence, potential and imperative of these factors, on the basis of which it can, therefore, measure the effect of its intervention to regulate them.
2. The Apartheid State
2.1 The Apartheid state was a social mechanism for the promotion and defence of a system of white minority domination, enrichment and super-exploitation of the black majority.
2.2 This state depended, in the first instance, on the social base of the Apartheid system, namely, the majority amongst the white population, for its defence against the revolutionary challenge.
2.3 Taking into account that this section was a small minority of the total population of the country, the ruling group saw it as one of its principal responsibilities to ensure that every white person was given a stake in the Apartheid system.
2.4 The situation had to be created such that no white person should feel that, in the event of the destruction of the system of white minority domination, they had nothing to lose.
2.5 With regard to the machinery of state, a number of steps were taken including the ones listed hereunder.
2.5.1 Jobs For Whites
184.108.40.206 One of these was that many white people were absorbed into the public administration to ensure that they were guaranteed an income, with the resultant proportionate impact on the solution of the "poor white problem".
22.214.171.124 Secondly, state corporations were formed to create other job opportunities, to direct resources to the white minority and to absorb any residual white unemployed, even if these were superfluous in terms of the organic requirements of these state corporations.
22.214.171.124 Ultimately, the Apartheid ruling group saw each and everyone of these whites as an armed counter-revolutionary combatant, active participants in the process on which, finally, the Apartheid system depended for its survival, terror and repression.
126.96.36.199 It was therefore not merely driven by altruism to seek a better life for all members of the white minority. It knew that when the moment came, it would have the possibility to use these .white beneficiaries of Apartheid to defend their stake in the system of white minority domination.
220.127.116.11 Further to strengthen the cohesion of the white social base, it did all it could to infect the white population with the pernicious ideas of racial superiority.
2.5.2 State Repression
126.96.36.199 Given the nature of the Apartheid system, the notion of the state as an instrument of repression assumed special prominence.
22.214.171.124 This necessitated that there should be placed within the state bureaucracy people whose tasks related directly to the execution of the function of repression, including the control of the population as a whole.
220.127.116.11 In addition, there had to be maintained security forces of repression at the necessary strength and with sufficient means to meet the mass revolutionary challenge, whatever its growing intensity.
2.5.3 The Second Front
184.108.40.206 As this challenge escalated, the Apartheid ruling group decided on other constitutional measures in order to constitute a second front for the defence of Apartheid. For instance, it instituted the bantustan system, cloaked in a fraudulent theory of separate development.
18.104.22.168 It sought to ensure that in each of the 'state' entities created by this system, there should exist as complete a state machinery as possible which, like its parent, would buy its legitimacy by providing jobs in the bureaucracy as well as carry out the function of repression.
2.5.4 The Third Front
22.214.171.124 The captains of Apartheid also decided to create another constitutional front for the defence of Apartheid, this being among the Coloureds and the Indians. Some of the concepts which defined this front was the job reservation, the "own" and "general" affairs and the subsequent thesis that the National Party was the political representative of the minority national groups.
188.8.131.52 As a result of this, yet another process was set afoot to put in place elements of a state machinery to be presided over by a thin layer of politicians who for better or worse, were prepared to work within the system.
2.5.5 Benevolent Apartheid
188.8.131.52 In the latter years of the Apartheid regime, noticeable changes took place with regard to the public accounts.
18.104.22.168 These were:
18.104.22.168 With regard to the first two of these, the 1991 Budget Review of the Department of Finance includes some interesting comments. With regard to expenditure on social services, the Budget Review says:
" The host of urgent socio-economic issues in South African society requires that in certain respects, the composition of state expenditure be urgently and drastically further restructured to effect...greater fairness in government spending in respect of the different communities...In this process (of effecting this change) it is inevitable that in the short term a degree of duplication of government activities will occur, as the conversion of more effective methods of provision proceeds. " (Pg. 3.6)
" The important shift in emphasis in the composition of government expenditures in favour of developing communities is being done in full confidence that it will make an important contribution to greater domestic stability...The greater stress on socio-economic services represents a leap of confidence that is being made in order to create a more stable climate in South Africa. "(Pg. 3.7)
126.96.36.199 With regard to the police, the same budget says:
" Regrettably, a portion of the resources released by the downscaling of Defence Force expenditure must go to the maintenance of law and order...Rising crime, the need for certain security steps and mass action requires (sic) a large visible police presence, implying that the emphasis must shift from reactive to pro-active police action with a larger personnel." (Pg. 5.11).
2.5.6 Buying Allies
188.8.131.52 Thus we have the party of minority white domination, foreseeing its demise, suddenly taking an interest in "greater fairness in government spending in respect of different communities".
184.108.40.206 Unable to hide the truth, it confesses that it is taking these position to buy "a more stable climate in South Africa."
22.214.171.124 In other words, it sought to wean the masses away from the revolutionary project by buying them out, as it had done with the working white people.
22.214.171.124 The figures below indicate the trends in the functional composition of non-interest consolidated government expenditure (as percentages of the total) during the years 1982/3 to 1994/5 for General Government or, in the latter years, National and Provincial Governments.
|Protection services
|Social Services
|Economic Services
These figures speak for themselves.
22.214.171.124 At the same time, to deal with those who would refuse to be deluded by the belated benevolence, it transferred resources from Defence, which could not pursue the campaign of external aggression and destabilisation any longer, to the police to empower them to handle "certain security steps and mass action."
188.8.131.52 More work needs to be done to disaggregate the figures relating to expenditure on social services.
220.127.116.11 In the context of our discussion, this relates in particular to a number of civil servants and administrative structures spawned by the additional funding of these services, in part referred to in the Budget Review as a "short term...duplication of government activities...".
22.214.171.124 This would constitute an additional layer of the state administration put in place to buy more allies for the Apartheid regime at a time when it was faced with imminent collapse.
2.5.7 Less Investment
126.96.36.199 Of particular importance is that during the latter years of the Apartheid regime, there was, as it has been pointed out, a sustained drop in capital expenditure.
184.108.40.206 In general this means that increased government spending went into consumption - that is, spending on wages, salaries and other personal benefits, whether legally obtained or otherwise.
184.108.40.206 The aim of the additional spending was to increase the amount of money in individual pockets, including the pockets of those who could dispense direct patronage and was not directed at laying the basis for sustainable development.
188.8.131.52 The figures immediately below reflect total government capital expenditure as a percentage of General Government or National and Provincial Government expenditure in the years between 1982/3 and 1994/5.
|Capital expenditure
184.108.40.206 More work also needs to be done to assess the disbursements the Apartheid state made to increase both immediate and deferred emoluments to the management and other layers of the white civil service, again to purchase the allegiance of these sections of our population in the light of the then impending democratic transformation.
2.5.8 The Public Debt
18.104.22.168 To finance the expenditure associated with the efforts to buy space for the Apartheid regime during its last days, the ruling group went on a borrowing spree to finance a level of spending that could not be sustained on the basis of the extant revenue base.
184.108.40.206 The figures below graphically illustrate the evolution of this problem.
Total Government Debt (as at 31 March) has increased as follows:
|R billion
|% of GDP
220.127.116.11 Further to illustrate the emergence of this problem in the latter years of the Apartheid regime, we reproduce immediately below figures indicating the Debt Servicing Costs associated with the rising debt.
|R billion
|% of budget
|% of GDP
22.214.171.124 It is important to note that costs will continue to increase and to accelerate as a percentage of the GDP unless the deficit is brought down to sustainable levels.
184.108.40.206 The Apartheid ruling group imposed on the country an unprecedented
debt burden whose acquisition had to do exclusively with shifting the balance of
forces during the period of transition from Apartheid to democracy, so that this
anti-democratic group would not be as weakened, politically as it would
otherwise be , in the contradistinction to the democratic movement.
3. The Apartheid State And Capital
3.1 An outstanding feature of colonialism and Apartheid in our country was the direct relationship between this socio-political system and the ability and practice of capital to engage, not only in shouldering an oppressive system, but also in maximising the super-exploitation of the oppressed majority.
3.2 The partnership between successive white minority governments and capital had its logic in the very act of colonisation of South Africa. The establishment of the outpost of the Dutch East India Company in 1652 marked the beginning of the long history of colonisation. This outpost was a direct consequence of economic expansion in Europe and the emergence of a new commercial class which saw colonisation of foreign markets and kingdoms as one of the important ways of multiplying its fortunes.
3.3 The enemy of the oppressed majority therefore clearly defined itself in both national and class terms.
3.4 One of the consequences of this is that the national liberation movement has, for 70 years, contained within itself both a national democratic and a socialist tendency.
3.5 This was a response, not only to the origin of colonialism and Apartheid. It was also a response to the fact that a symbiotic relationship between the white minority Apartheid state and capital had been cemented. Who, and during which period, the dog was and who the tail, in this relationship, is a matter which the economic historians will have to sort out.
3.6 As the international struggle against Apartheid intensified, the racist ruling group found itself in a state of siege which was accompanied by extra-ordinary developments.
3.6.1 These developments included the isolation of the South African economy from the world inter-governmental financial institutions.
3.6.2 It also imposed particular forms of existence and operation of domestic capital. One of these forms was incubation and protection behind high tariff walls.
3.6.3 Another was the guarantee of access to cheap, untrained and unorganised labour.
3.6.4 Yet another was the growth of private monopoly control of the economy.
3.6.5 Another was the insulation of the private sector from the vagaries of foreign exchange fluctuations through the provision of forward cover by the Reserve Bank, with all losses carried by the public accounts.
3.6.6 Yet another was, whatever the requirement to maintain foreign exchange reserves at certain levels, the creation of space for big domestic capital to capture strategic positions in segments of the international economy, so as to use these bridgeheads to break down the state of siege, among other things.
3.6.7 Another was the formation of long-term partnerships with particular international banking and industrial corporations to whom a premium was paid, to ensure their continued involvement in the Apartheid economy.
3.7 This symbiotic relationship contained the requirement that particular forms of interaction between the Apartheid state and capital should exist.
3.7.1 These included "permitting" the illegal flight of capital.
3.7.2 It made it possible for capital to accept the notion and imposition of the practice of "prescribed assets".
3.7.3 It allowed for the elaboration and institution of "profit guarantee" schemes to capital such as continue to characterise the liquid fuels industry.
3.7.4 It created the possibility and necessity for the state to "turn a blind eye" to the process of tax evasion and avoidance, by running down the capacity of the inland revenue services to carry out their functions effectively.
3.7.5 Towards the end of the life of the Apartheid regime, during the 1980's, efforts were made formally and openly to institutionalise the partnership between the state an capital, both to enhance the legitimacy of the Apartheid state and to present the interests of capital as being conterminous with "the national interest".
4.0 The Democratic State
4.1 As the struggle began to present the possibility of the defeat of the Apartheid regime, the slogan - Amandla Ngawethu! Power to the People ! - took its place as one of the principal battle-calls of the national liberation movement.
4.2 Students of the revolutionary struggle might be interested to note that this slogan replaced another relevant to its time, which was - Africa, Mayibuye - Freedom in our Lifetime!
4.3 Throughout the years that the ANC led with the slogan - Power to the People! - it waged a determined political and ideological struggle to ensure that, both in theory and in practice, this was not misinterpreted and vulgarised to mean - Power to the ANC!
4.4 This position, grounded on a particular understanding of the tasks of the democratic movement, continues to inform the perspective of the ANC on the nature of the democratic state.
4.5 The most important current defining feature of the South African democratic state is that it champions the aspirations of the majority who have been disadvantaged by the many decades of undemocratic rule. Its primary task is to work for the emancipation of the black majority, the working people, the urban poor, the rural poor, the women, the youth and the disabled. It is the task of this democratic state to champion the course of these people in such a way that the most basic aspirations of this majority assumes the status of hegemony which informs and guides policy and practice of all the institutions of government and state.
4.6 However, there is a need to recognise that the South African democratic state also has the responsibility to attend to the concerns of the rest of the population which is not necessarily part of the majority defined above.
4.7 To the extent that the democratic state is objectively interested in a stable democracy, so it cannot avoid the responsibility to ensure the establishment of a social order concerned with the genuine interests of the people as a whole, regardless of the racial, national, gender and class differentiation.
4.8 There can be no stable democracy unless the democratic state attends to the concerns of the people as a whole and takes responsibility for the evolution of the new society.
4.9 The democratic state should also address the important issue of the just and correct resolution of the national question, which question colonialism and Apartheid elevated to a special position of prominence, both theoretically and in practice.
4.10 In a similar vein, the democratic state must also seek to forge a democratic and equitable partnership as well as a working relationship between labour and capital in the interest of social stability, economic progress, reconstruction and development. In the context of the South African situation, the tension between labour and capital demands special attention by the democratic state because it can easily be confused with or can help to exacerbate problems associated with the national question.
4.11 There are a number of important things the democratic state will have to ensure in order to empower the people to be the real custodians of the process of social and economic transformation. The following few examples serve as an attempt at driving this point home.
4.11.1 Popular Participation
126.96.36.199 The empowerment of the people to participate in the process of governance, expressed in the concepts of a people-centred society and people-driven processes of transformation, indicates the centrality of the concept of popular and participatory democracy to the democratic movement's understanding of the functioning of a democratic state. It shows the commitment of this movement to the proclamation in the Freedom Charter that 'The People Shall Govern!" It is the process of the people becoming their own governors.
22.214.171.124 This is one of the central reasons why the democratic movement must resist the liberal concept of "less government", which, while being presented as a philosophical approach towards the state in general, is in fact aimed specifically at the weakening of the democratic state. The purpose of this offensive is precisely to deny the people the possibility to use the collective strength and means concentrated in the democratic state to bring about the transformation of society.
188.8.131.52 The effect of such weakening would be to enhance the strength and impact of other centres of power in society, with the resultant disempowerment of the people. Reference here is to the wide variety of important centres of power which, thanks to the Apartheid inheritance, are decisively controlled by the white and privileged section of the population.
18.104.22.168 What this points to is the importance of community-based and non-governmental organisations in the system of governance of the democratic state. Where the people are no longer the enemy of the state, the question arises as to what role the people play with regard to state matters.
188.8.131.52 The issue turns on the combination of the expertise and professionalism concentrated in the democratic state and the capacity for popular mobilisation which resides within the trade unions and the genuinely representative non-governmental popular organisations.
220.127.116.11 The democratic state therefore has a responsibility to ensure that this independent and representative non-governmental sector has the necessary strength to play its role in the ensuring that the people themselves, and in their own interest, become conscious activists for development and social transformation.
4.11.2 Policing
220.127.116.11 The police were front-line troops in the counter-revolutionary offensive in the defence of the system of Apartheid. Deployed to act against the oppressed, who constitute the majority of the people, they earned the just hostility of this majority.
126.96.36.199 As the struggle intensified, so did they continuously shift their focus away from fighting crime, towards intensifying their counter-insurgency role as guardians of Apartheid.
18.104.22.168 The political police (Security Police/Special Branch), gained pride of place within the police force and were treated as a favoured elite which became a law unto itself.
126.96.36.199 This set the stage for its systematic corruption. This also affected other echelons of the police force, which the ruling group ignored, as long as it was assured that this force was doing its work of protecting white minority rule.
22.214.171.124 Policing in a democratic state requires a radical departure from all these practices of policing in an Apartheid state. Policing has to be about ensuring the safety and security of the individual and communities from crime.
188.8.131.52 All states have an inherent "right" to the use of force against the citizen. The extent of the use of this force is directly proportional to the degree of legitimacy of the state and/or the breakdown of social order.
188.8.131.52 Whereas the continuous resort to force was a distinctive feature of the Apartheid state, as a state created as a social organisation directed against the people, the opposite is true of the democratic state. This is so because the latter is a social institution created to serve the interests of the people, with qualitatively diminished activities in the areas of repression and population control.
184.108.40.206 The people, the true beneficiaries of the democratic order and its attendant processes of development and social transformation, themselves share an objective interest in securing their own safety an security as an important factor in the struggle to improve their quality of life.
184.108.40.206 Those who have not understood the central importance of the creation of a new state, have put forward such calls as - "more police, less crime!".
126.96.36.199 On the contrary, what the democratic state requires is:
220.127.116.11 The point to be made is that once such measures have been put in place, as they should be in a democratic state, less police personnel will be required to protect the community and less state resources would be expended on poling work.
4.11.3 Right-Sizing
220.127.116.11 The democratic state does not have the responsibility the Apartheid state had to purchase the allegiance of the people to an illegitimate order by placing people in unproductive jobs, as a device to grant them a means of livelihood.
184.108.40.206 This creates the possibility to look closely at the staffing of the state machinery from the Apartheid era to see what is justified in terms of desirable employment and what is merely a body of employees who hold their posts to satisfy the strategic needs of the Apartheid system as described above.
22.214.171.124 The logical conclusion to this must be that the construction of the democratic state necessarily entails removing some of the personnel from the public service, to the extent that these do not add value to that particular task of the democratic state with regard to meeting the needs of the people.
22.214.171.124 The democratic state must prepare and position its personnel and institutions in such a way that in terms of skills, efficiency and dedication to the interests of the customer, they can optimise they service. It must deliberately and systematically set out to ensure that it has the most skilled and the best motivated work-force in the country.
184.108.40.206 Building "a better life for all", requires of the democratic state that it constitutes itself in such a manner that it provides this better life in the most cost effective way.
188.8.131.52 The objectives of efficiency and high levels of productivity, and the levels of work discipline, managerial responsibility, accountability and responsiveness to the public interest, have to become the hallmark of the performance of the public service. Organised sections of the public service work-force, who had been part of bringing into being the democratic state, must provide the leadership to the rest of the public service in upholding these norms.
18.104.22.168 The issue therefore does not turn only on "right-sizing". It also bears on the skill levels, competitive earnings, the motivation and the philosophical orientation of the new public service unique to the democratic state.
188.8.131.52 Needless to say, this has an important impact on the structuring of public expenditures on wages, salaries, benefits, goods and services, whose acceptability has to be measured according to whether this restructuring is consistent with the objective of creating a lean, mean and customer-serving public service.
5. The Democratic State And Capital
5.1 The defeat of the Apartheid regime raises the question of what the democratic revolution should do with capital, which was such an important and central factor in the totality of forces responsible for the anti-human misery baptised as Apartheid.
5.2 Much of the confusion that occasionally afflicts the democratic movement arises from the oscillation within this movement, between the objective of the establishment of a democratic state and the wish to establish a state whose distinctive feature would be the total defeat and suppression of both the national and the class forces responsible for the system of national oppression and class super-exploitation epitomised by Apartheid.
5.3 Hazily understood though this may be at this moment, it is around this strategic choice that the ultra-left has failed to appreciate the objective imperatives of the current era in social development.
5.4 A number of practical issues arise out of this strategic "choice" to fight for the graduated creation of a democratic state to replace the Apartheid state. Firstly, it is instructive to note that the historic and objective reality at this stage of human development is that the bulk of capital, as investible wealth, is in private hands, both domestically and internationally.
5.5 Secondly, investment, or capital, is crucial to the creation of the material conditions which make it possible continuously to improve the conditions of life of the people. To talk of new factories, new technologies, adequate job creation is, ultimately, is to talk of new investment.
5.6 Thirdly, already in the last century, students of political economy had noted the tendency of capital to operate internationally, unconstrained by questions of boundaries of national states or the sovereignty of these states. Clearly, in the modern period there has been a rapid acceleration of this tendency, with capital treating the entire world as one market-place.
5.7 This process of acceleration has also affected the speed with which capital relocates from one area of the world economy to another, driven by short-term or long-term considerations affecting the generation and accumulation of profit.
5.8 The freer and more rapid movement of capital across national boundaries has been described as a process of globalisation of the economy, one of whose effects is to reduce the sovereign capacity of states to take decisions without consideration of, and inserting such decisions within the context of the world situation as a whole.
5.9 It has already been stated that the democratic state has got a developmental and a transformative responsibility. Among other things, this responsibility has to do with the central question of the creation of material conditions to ensure that the people as a whole benefit from this process through a rising standard of living and a continuous and all-round improvement in the quality of life. This responsibility would be impossible without a similarly continuous process of increasing productive investment in the economy, in both absolute and relative terms.
5.10 Because of human intervention and therefore the social context within which this investment takes place, this process of creation describes a set of social relations, whose study is correctly called political economy, to make the point that it is a study in social relations rather than an inquiry into the laws governing motion in nature.
5.11 Objectively, this places the process of investment, as an inalienable component part of material development, formally among the historic driving forces of progressive social change and transformation.
5.12 Consequently, the democratic state has an obligation to harness this driving force to ensure that the state and capital act in concert, balancing and meeting the interests of these two forms of social organisation. This consideration raises two urgent questions of strategic and historical importance which the democratic movement must address.
5.13 One of this is the determination that one of the central tasks of the democratic state is the mobilisation of "the surplus" both domestically and internationally, for investment and therefore the encouragement of the domestic and international owners of capital to take and act on decisions consistent with the attainment of this objective.
5.14 For their part, it should be acknowledged, these private owners are driven by the requirement continuously to reproduce and increase the volume of capital in their hands. They do this through the generation of profit, which is a fundamental condition for the existence of capital.
5.15 The second question arises from the pursuit of this objective and has to do with how the democratic sate should therefore define its relationship, on the subjective sphere, with the class forces described as owners of capital.
5.16 Proceeding from the objective reality of the place and role of private capital described above, which exists independent of our subjective wishes, the correct strategic decision the democratic movement must take is that the democratic state must establish a dialectical relationship with private capital as a social partner for development and social progress. The defining element is a working and harmonious, even at times, conflictual relationship between the democratic state and capital. It is a relationship which is necessarily complex and dialectical rather than simple and linear.
5.17 This is meant to describe a complex, contradictory, co-operative and dynamic relationship, many of whose elements are formed or decided at the international level. What is certain is that there is a need for co-existence and co-operation between the democratic state and private capital in order to address social development, of which both the state and capital are an expression and on which they also have a decisive impact.
5.18 In the event of the failure of the democratic state to secure co-operation and necessary delivery from capital, which can translate to the failure to ensure the creation of new jobs, better social services and a sustained improvement in the condition of life, in both absolute and relative terms, the door shall have been opened to the forces of reaction and counter-revolution.
5.19 It is therefore imperative from the strategic point of view for the democratic movement and government to elaborate programmes of action to realise the objectives spelt out in this argument. What the democratic state and movement say and do in this regard has to be consistent, clear and without equivocation.
5.20 As it has been stated above that the democratic state has to attend to the genuine concerns of all other social and national groups, it also has to attend to the concerns of private capital if it has to ensure industrial stability, sustainable economic growth and a secure political democracy. It has to try to balance different and at times conflicting interests whilst addressing the needs of the people over a wide variety of spheres.
5.21 This point emphasises the fact that the democratic state serves the interests of the people in a differentiated manner, in part responding to the fact that each of the groups that make up society has the possibility and right to present its unique claims to the state. It is in that context that the obligations of the democratic state to the people may not, at all times, be consistent with what capital may consider its legitimate and justified pursuits.
5.22 The days of the "robber barons" are clearly over. The regulatory role of the state, exercised through legislation, fiscal and monetary policy and adherence to international agreements and conventions, is an integral part of the ordering of modern societies.
5.23 However, the democratic state must be aware that the vested interests of capital will try their best to ensure the protection of those of their interests which were guaranteed by the Apartheid state and which they feel they cannot protect through their own actions.
5.24 On the hand private capital must recognise that the democratic state offers the best possible environment for the realisation of the interests of capital. So the partnership between the democratic state and capital is mutually beneficial. The alternative is an environment of social and economic dislocation which is not conducive to the interests of the two parties. It is true that history has examples of the situation where capital made fortunes under dictatorial regimes.
5.25 The reality, however, is that that capital had to take joint responsibility with those regimes for the multiplication of the anguish suffered by the oppressed and super-exploited because, invariably capital had to take measures to try to stem the imminent or existent social upheaval. In addition, capital owners were themselves not free because they had to perpetually suffer the uncertainty of when the day of the upheaval would come.
5.26 Out of the multiple issues that belong with this relationship, what
stands out as the defining element that enables the strategic partnership
between the democratic state and capital is the progress achieved through new
investment to increase the capacity to create improved material conditions.
6. The Democratic State And Labour
6.1 Labour, just like capital, stand at the centre of the creation of the material conditions which make it possible continuously to improve the conditions of life of the people as a whole.
6.2 The creation of improved material conditions cannot be achieved nor can it be sustained without the working class's readiness and freedom to sell its labour power. The freedom to sell labour power should be understood also to mean that conditions must be created whereby the labour force can participate in economic production as a respectable and mutual beneficiary in the process of production.
6.3 This therefore has to mean that the working class together with the democratic state and capital complete the proverbial golden triangle necessary for the development and transformation of society.
6.4 However, the process of the building of the new democracy has to contend with the present material reality of the working class in general and the black section of the working class in particular.
6.5 This section of the working class, like the rest of the black people, continue to suffer from the legacy of national oppression the super-exploitation under the colonial and Apartheid system. This is expressed by such issues as the gross racial disparities in wages, incomes and skills, continuing racism at the work place, racial disparities in living conditions, the quality of life, unemployment levels and so on.
6.6 This objective reality provides the basis for one of the defining features of the relationship between the democratic state and the black section of the working class as well as the trade union formation representative of this class.
6.7 In addition, this is consistent with the reality that the black section of the working class was one of the principal motive forces in the struggle for the defeat of the Apartheid system. This section understood that it could succeed to address its class concerns, which are not different from those of the working class in socio-economic systems similar to that of the South African society, when it was freed of the disability imposed on it by its oppression as part of the system of Apartheid national oppression.
6.8 Then it is to be expected that this section of the working class, together with its representative organisations, would be best poised to assume a stance that is developmental and transformative. It will therefore be expected to do everything in its power to ensure the speediest advance towards the realisation of its material interests.
6.9 This understanding emphasises the centrality of the continuing and special role of the progressive trade union movement and its leadership to the mobilisation of the black workers to understand and adhere, to the broader objectives of the process of democratic transformation, in their own interest.
6.10 The instinct towards "economism" on the part of the ordinary workers has to be confronted through the positioning of the legitimate material demands and expectations of these workers within the wider context of the defence of the democratic gains as represented by the establishment of the democratic state.
6.11 If the democratic movement allowed that the subjective approach to socio-economic development represented by "economism" should overwhelm the scientific approach of the democratic movement towards such development, it could easily create the conditions for the possible counter-revolutionary defeat of the democratic revolution.
6.12 The task of educating the working class on the need to correctly balance the short term material gain with the longer objective to build sustainable economic growth and a secure democracy, is not the task to be left to the progressive trade union alone. It is the task of the unions as representatives of the working class but it is also the task of the entire democratic movement as the custodian of the aspirations of the democratic majority which includes the black section of the working class.
6.13 Furthermore, the democratic movement as led by the ANC should make it one of its priorities to ensure that, at all times, the progressive trade union movement is built, consolidated and made to appreciate its strategic role in the total emancipation of the South African society.
6.14 An infantile and subjective response to the democratic victory which resulted in an attempt by the popular forces to secure their sectional economic "victories" now and at all costs, would objectively produce its own opposite - the potential political defeat of these forces and the destruction of the economic base which is necessary for the sustained improvement in the conditions of life of the ordinary working people. The entire democratic movement, must assume the responsibility for the future of the country - today, tomorrow and the day after.
6.15 The democratic trade union movement has to take its place among the forces for democracy which through policy formulation and implementation of that policy, engage in the discharge of the developmental and transformative tasks of the democratic state, in the interests of the people.
6.16 It is to deny the progressive trade union movement the possibility to play this role, and to facilitate its regression to the positions of "economism" and narrow "revolutionary militancy", that the opponents of the democratic movement are vigorously promoting the idea that, as the ruling force, the rest of the democratic movement must distance itself from its trade union and working class component part.
6.17 As during the period of the struggle for the defeat of the Apartheid
regime and the transfer of power to the people, the progressive union leadership
cannot abandon its place and role among the political forces for the democratic
transformation of society, by defining the interests of the working class as
solely economic, and deciding that those interests are best served by a
sectarian detachment of the working class from the rest of the people.
7. The Democratisation Of The Economy
7.1 The deracialisation and democratisation of the economy is one of the key tasks of the democratic state. This task should not be understood in the narrow sense of "black economic empowerment" whose only and ultimate goal is only the creation of a "black bourgeoisie". This task should be aimed at maximising the number of ordinary communities who increase they share of participation, not only in creating improved material conditions, but also in determining the depth, direction and pace of economic transformation.
7.2 The democratic movement must resist the right-wing offensive for the "withering away of the democratic state", which includes an attempt to reduce the capacity of the democratic state to intervene in the economy. Equally, it must refuse to be converted into ideological adherents or opponents of privatisation. As on the question of privatisation, the guiding position should be that these processes are instruments which can be used to achieve reconstruction and development objectives.
7.3 The democratic state has the capacity to make an important impact on the economy through the capital in its own hands, represented by state corporations.
7.4 The democratic state should endeavour to address the deracialisation and democratisation of the economy in the course of addressing such questions as infrastructure development and provision of affordable services, attraction foreign investment, infusion of modern technology and managerial skills and acceleration of the human resource development. It should be ready to reposition these state assets so that they help to achieve these objectives. Surely the democratic state cannot adopt a "business as usual" approach as, indeed, these assets were built up and positioned to address the objectives of an Apartheid state.
7.5 The democratic state should also interact with big capital, domestically and internationally, with the aim of engaging these sections of capital in the process of economic empowerment of the black majority. Part of the answer to this question lies in the relationship between the democratic state and private capital. The democratic state has to define common mutually beneficial interests with private capital.
7.6 It is to be expected that some sections of capital, especially domestic capital, will respond in a lukewarm fashion to the objective of black economic empowerment and specifically it element of the deracialisation of ownership of capital. This arises, in part, from the force of the inertia of the Apartheid and racist past. It would also derive from fear that the growth of the volume of black owned-capital represents an offensive ultimately to replace white with black ownership of capital as a whole.
7.7 It is the task of the democratic movement and state to make owners of capital aware that the democratic settlement is permanent and has its own authentic internal momentum. Owners of capital should be made to realise that their long-term interests are best served by economic emancipation of the black majority, the creation of a non-racial economy, the attainment of a free and competitive environment, and ultimately by social and economic stability which can serve to further nurture the culture important to a modern economy.
7.8 Capital must be made to understand that one of the greatest challenges ahead is to achieve a full and unrestricted integration in world affairs and the need to cope with the demand for active and friendly relations with the entire world. The South African economy no longer operates in siege conditions of relative (economic) autarky.
7.9 Both the form and content of the relationship between the democratic state and capital has to be informed by the new objective reality that now a democratic state exists, and that this state is an unrestrained participant in the ordering of world affairs.
7.10 For its part, and as a fundamental condition for the discharge of its developmental and transformative responsibilities, the democratic state has an objective interest in ensuring that a "black bourgeoisie" does not get formed as a result of:
7.11 Without the open intervention of the democratic state to facilitate the process of the democratisation of the economy, it is inevitable that these two processes of the birth of a "black bourgeoisie" would occur, with a fatal impact on the building of a democracy representative of the people as a whole.
7.12 The Public Accounts
7.12.1 Another instrument in the hands of the democratic state whose use also impacts on the economy is the national budget. It impacts on the economy in various ways.
7.12.2 These include the drawing of revenues from the economy through taxation and other levies, the spending of those revenues to meet government obligations, as well as borrowing from the capital markets, in the event of the levels of expenditure exceeding the revenues already mentioned.
7.12.3 Needless to say, the larger these quantities are, as a proportion of the gross domestic product, the more likely that their effect will be felt in the economy. To understand the nature of this effect, it is necessary to understand that every economic system has its regularities - what might be called its laws of development, which operate independently of individual wishes.
7.12.4 In the context of the discussion underway, this emphasises the point that, relatively, it is possible to predict the economic consequences of the budget decisions that the government may take. Given its developmental nature, the democratic state must of necessity concern itself about the impact that its budget policies may have on the possibility to build the capacity to create improved material conditions.
7.12.5 It would therefore seek to achieve the right balance between consumption and investment in its own expenditure patterns, mindful of the influence it can have on the interaction between the supply and demand factors in the making of the national economy.
7.12.6 But equally, in the context of the mixed economy, it would be sensitive about the effect, particularly on the capacity of the economy as a whole to invest, that the channelling, through taxation and borrowing, of a portion of the gross domestic product into the state coffers, would have. This is more so if the greater part of this portion is devoted to consumption, or more broadly, recurrent expenditure.
7.12.7 To complicate the matter further, the servicing of the state debt means the diversion of public resources from other uses. Money spent to pay interest to the lender is money not available to build a classroom, a house or a clinic. This is why the resort to borrowing to finance consumption expenditure is, in the end, a recipe for disaster. Since such consumption does not produce new and improved material conditions the mounting service and redemption obligations would result in bankruptcy of the state. It is self-evident that this is a result to be avoided.
7.12.8 Of importance also is, apart from the volume of the debt, the cost of servicing it. This relates to the interest that must be paid as a first charge on the public revenues. In a situation of limited resources, public borrowing can have the effect of raising interest rates.
7.12.9 Not only does this increase the cost of servicing the public debt, and therefore result in the reduction of state resources available for development, it also increases the cost of borrowing on everybody else in the economy. This includes the individual who borrows to finance the purchase of a house, consumer goods, etc. as well as the person who borrows for the purpose of starting a new business or expanding operations, with particular reference to small and medium business.
7.12.10 The inflationary effect of these processes further impacts most
negatively on the poorest, who include those who have no power to adjust their
incomes to keep up with the rate of corrosion of their earnings, such as the
unemployed or under-employed beneficiaries of the "social welfare system of
extended families", pensioners, and small savers.
8. Economic Determinism
8.1 The essential point being made here is that the democratic movement and state must never entertain the notion of voluntarism with regard to economic questions, according to which the concept takes hold that the subjective can assume ascendancy and preponderance over the objective, in violation of the laws of motion governing the objective sphere.
8.2 It is this lurch into subjectivism which, in the history of human development, led to such experiments as "The Great Leap Forward", which was, in reality, its own opposite. It also informs our knowledge of the reasons why many "economic bubbles" burst, despite the amounts of investible funds thrown at these economic mirages.
8.3 This is not to assert a theory of economic determinism, which is standard fare in modern right-wing political philosophy, according to which the creation of wealth is governed by some mystical "market", which is amorphous, disembodied, colourless, odourless and ethereal.
8.4 The right-wing tendency in both domestic and international politics agitates for the universal acceptance of a false view of a world dominated by the impact of "the free market". In reality, this serves as a means to expand the "predator space" of the most powerful sections of capital, whose socially negative impact has, within the present epoch, resulted in the condemnation by ideological adherents of private property of the phenomenon of "the unacceptable face of capitalism".
8.5 This is not to deny that the process of the globalisation of the world economy is, simultaneously, accompanied, and perhaps driven, by a world tendency towards the concentration and centralisation of capital.
8.6 Rather, the point being made is that the subjective intervention in social development must take into account the reality that the possibility to intervene successfully is determined by the extent to which there is appreciation of the regularities which govern social behaviour.
8.7 In other words, a dialectical relationship exists between the objective and the subjective, according to which social transformers are neither prisoners of ineluctable forces of "free market" capitalist development, nor free agents of popular empowerment who can write any letter of the alphabet as they wish, because what they have in front of them is a tabula rasa.
8.8 The reality is that the democratic movement, which functions in a state in which capital is largely in private hands, is locked into an equation which contains both these elements. The ability to address this contradiction successfully, in the context of the developmental and transformative tasks of the democratic state, constitutes one of the major challenges of leadership for change.
8.9 With regard to this, the directive principle in the world of the philosophers is stated as - freedom is the recognition of necessity!
8.10 In other words, we are able to free ourselves from enslavement by the objective regularities of the process of development only to the extent that we understand the essence and imperatives of these objective regularities, and can, therefore, measure the effect of our subjective intervention to regulate these objective regularities.
8.11 The destabilising theoretical and practical reality and the enemy of dogmatic certainty is that - social transformers are neither slaves nor free agents: they are both slaves and free agents!
8.12 To deal with this real world, the democratic movement has to strive,
consciously and consistently, and in the context of a dynamic domestic and
international situation, to understand the impact on development and
transformation of such issues as taxation and public revenues, public
expenditure, budget deficits, monetary and exchange rate policy.
9. South And Southern Africa
9.1 If the efforts aimed at defeating underdevelopment in South Africa are to succeed, they must of necessity be accompanied by the struggle to try and defeat underdevelopment in Southern Africa as a whole.
9.2 The Apartheid state could and did try to guarantee the growth of South African capital through its expansion into the rest of the region as a dominant and exploitative force, backed by a machinery of aggression and the extension of the white colonial order into the rest of the region.
9.3 On the contrary, the approach intrinsic to the democratic state is that capital must exist and grow in conditions of freedom and democracy, both within South Africa and in the rest of the region. This underlines the interdependence of the countries and peoples of our region and coincides with the tendency of capital to operate internationally.
9.4 The "elemental and spontaneous" process of the collapse of the colonially imposed national boundaries within the region has to be replaced by a conscious and inclusive process of constructing equal and mutually beneficial relations among the countries of Southern Africa. One of the results of this process must be the building of a common economic market which would ensure balanced economic development in the region as a whole.
9.5 This process of "conscious regionalisation and globalisation" would not only help the democratic state consciously and constructively to impact on the movement of people and goods already taking place within the region, but also create the best conditions for sustained regional development based on the faster reproduction of capital, the acceleration of the process of the attraction of foreign capital into the region, the growth of trade and the strengthening of the bargaining position of the countries of the region in the ordering of international economic and other relations.
9.6 This challenges the entire democratic movement, in the context of a democratic system of international relations, to address the complex issue of all-round regional co-operation and development as one of the fundamental objectives of our revolution.
10. An Historic Opportunity
10.1 The entry of South Africa into the community of democratic states has been greeted internationally as an epoch-making event. This has happened, in part, because this event took place at an historical moment marked by great changes in world politics and the world economy.
10.2 Coming at the moment that it did, the change in South Africa suggested that the new democracy was both an expression of these changes and, more important, that it also had the possibility to be at the cutting edge of these processes of political and economic change.
10.3 This would happen because the new democracy would have the possibility to learn from the accumulated experience of all humanity and seize the historic opportunity presented by the challenge to destroy the old state, to construct its own policies, practices and institutions taking into account the most progressive achievements of humanity to date. It is an historic opportunity the democratic movement dare not throw away through a refusal to think in a bold and innovative manner.
10.4 Part of that thinking must relate to the reconstruction and development of the South African economy on the basis of modern means of production, which draw their own dynamism from the scientific and technological revolution.
10.5 This suggest immediately, for instance, that the democratic state must push very hard to build the infrastructure that would put South Africa on the "Information Super-highway", with all the possibilities for the modernisation of society which this communication and information infrastructure would present.
10.6 Some of the basic things the democratic state must do if it is to take advantage of this historic opportunity would be to create the possibility for sustained economic success through such measures as:
11. International Regulation
11.1 Contrary to the views of the ideologues of "the free market", the
functioning of the world economic system is becoming more regulated. This has nothing to do with the nature of this market but rather it has to do with the reality that the world market is, in fact, less and less free.
11.2 This historical tendency serves to emphasise the importance of the international institutions that are relevant to, or impact on these economic questions.
11.3 Inevitably this enhances the importance of the Bretton Woods institutions. It also helps to stress the importance of such bodies as the WTO. The UN and its relevant specialised agencies do, in this context, also regain recognition of their importance.
11.4 An important feature of the modern world economy is also represented by the birth and development of regional economic groupings such as the EU, NAFTA, ASEAN, MERCOSUR, ECOWAS, SADC and others. Once more, these represent an attempt to regulate economic relations rather than allow a situation of international laissez faire.
11.5 In this context, the democratic movement must take into account the fact that the world is witness to the globalisation, centralisation and concentration of capital, which leads to the birth of corporations whose decisions affect millions of people across boundaries and the economic future of countries. The world economy is tending towards greater regulation, in the interests, and with the urging, both of capital and the state, both at the domestic and international levels.
11.6 Add to this the progress towards the development of international capital markets which further brings its own challenges to the assumed sovereignty of the nation state. The economic globalisation and the effect of technological progress on the world scale imposes a certain surrender of a nation state's control over many areas. These areas would include currency and fiscal policies, environmental control and global warming, the effect of the new international division of production and labour and the illegal narcotics trade.
11.7 In this larger and more integrated sense, national security becomes increasingly inseparable from international security and there is increasing reliance on transnational or subnational agencies in the pursuit of overall social and economic security.
11.8 As South Africa inserts itself into the world described above, it must take seriously the task of ensuring that, as a state, necessary impact is made in terms of the evolution of international economic and social relations.
11.9 This calls for a sophisticated, complex and dynamic foreign policy which can be broadly defined, but clearly, not fossilised in a "foreign policy White Paper", whose distinguishing feature would be its irrelevance from the moment it was printed. There is a need for a foreign policy which would be informed not only by a government Department of Foreign Affairs, but also by those who, by playing a role in the economy, help to decide whether the people shall, or shall not have, a better life.
11.10 It must also be guided by the understanding that South Africa's ability to make a real impact on world affairs is dependent on the success achieved in forming stable alliances with other countries with whom, broadly, she shares the same strategic interests. Democratic South Africa cannot, on its own, influence world events.
11.11 The democratic movement must resist the illusion that a democratic
South Africa can be insulated from the processes which characterise world
development. It must resist the thinking that this gives South Africa a
possibility to elaborate solutions which are in discord with the rest of the
world, but which can be sustained by virtue of a voluntarist South African
experiment of a special type, a world of anti-Apartheid campaigners, who, out of
loyalty to us, would support and sustain such voluntarism.
12. Postscript
12.1 The democratic movement must elaborate its own slogans to express the strategic perspectives indicated in this Discussion Document.
12.2 These slogans must be consistent with the overall strategic perspective of the democratic movement, which remains the all-round emancipation of the black oppressed, especially the African majority.
12.3 The issues these slogans must address include:


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Cody Scaggari went 1-for-2 with an RBI for the Utes.
May 11, 2013
SEATTLE - The Utah baseball team fell to Washington, 5-2, on Saturday afternoon.
Although Utah held an early 2-1 lead, Washington pulled ahead with runs in the fifth, sixth and seventh innings.
Dalton Carroll pitched seven innings, allowing five runs (three earned) on nine hits with three strikeouts and two walks. He falls to 3-7 on the year. Josh Chapman pitched the eighth inning and recorded two strikeouts.
Utah had five hits, with Cody Scaggari going 1-for-2 with an RBI and a walk.
Although Braden Anderson looked to start things off strong for the Utes with a leadoff single in the first inning and Cory Hunt walked to put two runners on, Washington got the next three hitters out to get out of the inning. The Huskies took a 1-0 lead in the bottom of the inning after Braden Bishop led off the inning with an infield single, moving over on a sacrifice bunt and stealing third before scoring on a ground out.
Utah came back in the top of the second to score two runs and take the lead. Kody Davis and Konnor Armijo hit back-to-back singles to lead off the inning. Davis scored on a bunt, while Scaggari hit an RBI single to score Armijo.
Washington took a 3-2 lead with two runs in the fifth inning. Three hits included an RBI single, and a hit batter with the bases loaded also led to a run. The Huskies added an unearned runs in the sixth and seventh innings to pull ahead for the win.
The Utes and Huskies play the rubber match on Sunday, May 12, at 12:00 p.m. PT. The game will be televised on the Pac-12 Networks.


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Celebrating 100 Years of Girl Scouts
Click here to download field trip flyer.
New! Earn a badge! This new program allows girl scouts to earn a badge during their visit. They will learn about the past and make scones, a parasol and play games.
The "Growing Up" Tour of the Gordon-Roberts House is specially designed for Girl Scouts. It includes hands-on activities, a craft item and a game in the garden. These tours must be schedule in advance and are free.
Free Tours
First Saturday in April through October


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|Mar 17, 2010
I am interested in the gray chair that is used in this film Can you please tell me any information about this chair Who the maker is specifications and any drawings details you may have and which web site that I can obtain 1 from
|Fucking Machines
18 U.S.C. 2257 Record-Keeping Requirements Compliance Statement All material shown on this website is consensual. No model was harmed during the filming of these movies. Copyright ©2016 Kink.com


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The 19th Annual Senior Lifestyle Expo takes place on Tuesday August 26th and Wednesday 27th, 2014. This special elders two day event location is at Drury Lane Theatre & Conference Center 100 Drury Lane, Oakbrook Terrace, IL, both days start at 9:00am to 2:00pm.
This charity event supports the "Holiday Meals On Wheels" program (providing meals to elders in need on holidays and weekends). The regular meals programs don't supply these days and some were forced to skip eating on these days. To sponsor, exhibit, or looking for more information on this special event please visit www.SeniorLifestyleExpo.org .
This event is presented by Northeastern IL Agency On Aging, for more information visit http://www.AgeGuide.org . Admission is $3, parking is free, see website for coupons, and group discounts (10 or more special rates are available). This special event is thankful to all of the generous sponsors: Chicagoland Senior News, Cigna Healthspring, Humana, Flu+You, Illinicare Health, Alternatives For Seniors, and Breakthrough Care Center.
Lots of activities for elderly to look forward to including: entertainment, game show, giveaways, exhibitors, health & wellness, seminars, prizes, senior idol competition, and writing contest.
Do you or a loved one have a talent? Compete at the event and win cash, to register call 630-293-5990. There will be over 100 booths and many talented (60 and over) performers competing for prizes. Please bring in food items if financially able, they will be collecting for a food drive at this event. A thanks in advance, food donations are very much appreciated for local elderly in need,.