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Thank you for the invitation to testify today. The Committee on the Administration of Justice (CAJ) is an independent human rights organisation which draws its membership from across the different communities in Northern Ireland. CAJ works on behalf of people from all sections of the community and takes no position on the constitutional status of Northern Ireland. In 1998, CAJ was awarded the prestigious Council of Europe human rights prize by the 41 member states of the Council of Europe in recognition of its efforts to place human rights at the heart of the peace process. One of the reasons for the success of our work on the peace process has been the continued involvement of the United States. In this context we would like to thank the honourable members of this Commission for this opportunity to raise these important issues and in particular the Co-Chairman Chris Smith for his work in this area. Co-Chairman Smith will of course know that I have testified before Congress before and on one occasion had the honour of doing so with my colleague Rosemary Nelson. It is salutary to note that the fifth anniversary of her death occurred yesterday.
These hearings have of course been convened to consider the progress or lack of progress in implementing the various police reforms in Northern Ireland. Before addressing that specific topic, however, the Committee on the Administration of Justice (CAJ) would like, with your permission, to set the question of policing change against the wider context of human rights measures in the wake of the Belfast or Good Friday Agreement.
Just over a year ago, CAJ and a number of other human rights non-governmental organisations (NGOs) active on Northern Ireland, some of whom are represented today on this panel, issued a short statement calling on governments, political parties and broader civil society to commit themselves to developing concrete benchmarks against which progress in the advancement of human rights and equality could be delivered. I would be grateful to have that statement placed on the record.
In particular, the NGOs called for the necessary political commitment to developing, legislating for, and subsequently enforcing a strong and inclusive Bill of Rights for Northern Ireland. Unfortunately, a full year on, little progress can be reported. The NI Human Rights Commission has not yet, two and a half years after publishing its draft of a Bill of Rights, produced another version although we believe that is imminent. We believe that the government has not given this matter sufficient priority. Given the enormous importance accorded in the US to its written constitution and its codified Bill of Rights, it would be helpful if this Commission were to lend its support to current efforts to establish a round table process involving political parties and civil society in the elaboration of a document which would protect the rights of all.
Elsewhere in the statement, the NGOs allude to the failures to date in seriously addressing the Agreement's proposals with regard to tackling socio-economic inequalities, long-term unemployment, persistent differentials in employment, and sectarian and other divisions. We argue that human rights language, concepts and principles have much to offer in this regard. Human rights abuses fed and fuelled the conflict, and – if not addressed in a fundamental and consistent way – will fuel the terrible legacy of conflict. Cycles of deprivation, alienation and social exclusion need to be broken if we are to develop a truly peaceful and just society. The government has been given the tools to break this cycle by the Agreement. In our view they have shown themselves resistant to use them. They need to start.
The area of criminal justice and emergency laws is of course one that has been a constant source of concern both in Northern Ireland and indeed further afield. Significant changes were promised by the Criminal Justice Review, which arose from the Agreement, but again change has been slow in coming. We will not see the establishment of the new Public Prosecution Service until at the end of 2005, five and a half years after that recommendation was made. Like the debacle over Patten we have had two major pieces of legislation purporting to implement the recommendations of the Review, neither of which completely does so. It is difficult to avoid the conclusion that there is institutional resistance to many of the changes being proposed. In addition, we now have permanent emergency legislation at the very time when our emergency has ended. Ten years after the first cease-fires non-jury Diplock courts are still operating in Northern Ireland.
Nor can we seriously move ahead without addressing the past. Mechanisms need to be established to ensure accountability for past human rights abuses. The debate about the past needs to be led by the two governments and involve wider society. It should not be used to undermine existing initiatives such as the Cory proposals which my colleague Jane Winter is addressing today. We were recently concerned at proposals made by the Chair and Vice Chair of the Policing Board, purportedly in their personal capacity, which run directly counter to Judge Cory's proposals that inquiries be held into the murders of Pat Finucane, Robert Hamill, Rosemary Nelson and Billy Wright. We would be grateful if a press statement issued by CAJ on this matter could be placed on the record.
CAJ believe that whilst political accommodation may be difficult at this time, advances can be made on the human rights front. The focus should move from the problems that have arisen in the various institutions established by the Agreement (including the failures of the NI Human Rights Commission and the Equality Commission), to a focus on what change is being delivered and should be delivered. To measure such change, we need to develop concrete benchmarks, and that is the work on which human rights NGOs are currently engaged.
Now I will turn to the specific question of policing. Our focus in the policing discussion is not on the new institutions per se, but whether they are delivering the change promised in the Agreement and subsequently in the Patten Commission report. That, we believe, will also be the test applied by citizens on the ground in Northern Ireland as to whether the new policing system is working.
There have been several advances in the policing arena, including the establishment of the Office of the Police Ombudsman for Northern Ireland; the transformation of the Royal Ulster Constabulary into the Police Service of Northern Ireland; the introduction of measures to increase Catholic representation; and the creation of the Northern Ireland Policing Board and the local District Policing Partnerships. While there have been improvements in the quality of policing, CAJ has continued to hear reports of heavy-handed raids; the protection of informers involved in crime; the recruitment of children as police informers; the unnecessary and disproportionate practice of stopping and questioning people on the street; and an intimidating approach to public order policing, which tends to fuel rather than ease tensions.
In addition there are also continuing problems relating to the failure to implement important aspects of the Patten report. Patten received many submissions describing the RUC Special Branch as a "force within a force." He also said this view was shared by a number of police officers. The Patten Commission stated that this description, whether real or perceived, is not healthy and recommended several changes, including bringing Special Branch together with Crime Branch; reducing the number of officers engaged in security work; and requiring that district commanders are well briefed on security activities and fully consulted before security operations are undertaken in their districts. In 2001, the Police Ombudsman published its report into the 1998 Omagh bomb, which killed 29 people. The Ombudsman's report found that Special Branch did not take sufficient action in response to intelligence received prior to the bombing nor pass vital information to the team investigating the crime after it took place. As a result, the Policing Board called for reports by Her Majesty's Inspector of Constabulary Mr. Crompton on the review of Special Branch and Her Majesty's Inspector of Constabulary Mr. Blakey on the review of murder inquiries. Despite the Board receiving these documents in November 2002 and June 2003, as well as additional recommendations related to Special Branch made by Sir John Stevens in April 2003, it is unclear what the current state of implementation of these recommendations is. The Oversight Commissioner stated in his last report, in December 2003, that the Patten Commission recommendations relating to Special Branch, which were made some fours years earlier, have not been implemented and progress in the area has been slow. This is not simply an academic issue. Special Branch has been closely involved in a number of high-profile raids and arrests which have not, at least to date, led to convictions and which are seen by some to be politically motivated. We respectfully request that this Commission write to the Chief Constable and the Policing Board to inquire what progress has been made in this area so that the public knows whether the "force within a force" is being dismantled.
A related area of great concern to CAJ is the independence of the Forensic Science Agency. These concerns result from press reports describing the testimony of a forensic scientist who claimed that senior police officers had tried to interfere with the agency's work for years, by requesting the agency to test evidence that may have been contaminated. An Ulster Television Spotlight programme, which was aired on the 23rd of February 2004, alleged that police officers investigating alleged dissident (i.e. anti peace process) Irish Republican activity asked a forensic scientist to delete and revise part of his report. The programme stated that the deleted information implicated another person, who it was alleged is an informer, and that an official from the office of the Director of Public Prosecutions wanted this information removed from the file and therefore made inaccessible to the defence team. The forensic scientist also described how British soldiers had opened a bag of clothing from the suspects and rubbed a gloved hand over them in an apparent attempt to "plant" forensic evidence. The extent to which these matters are aggressively dealt with by the new institutions in the policing and criminal justice fields will be a test of how far things have really changed in Northern Ireland. I would be grateful if a transcript of the programme could be placed on the record of the Commission.
Another issue of concern is the manner in which the PSNI deals with sectarianism. In its 1999-2000 report, Her Majesty's Inspectorate of Constabulary reiterated the need for the PSNI to monitor sectarian incidents. The PSNI has just recently, after five years, begun consulting on a definition of sectarian and is not currently monitoring this type of hate crime. It is also not clear how the PSNI is attempting to combat sectarianism within the service. A neutral working environment policy has been introduced, but the Human Rights Commission and the Oversight Commissioner have criticised the lack of progress in demonstrating adequate human rights and anti-sectarianism training for PSNI recruits. We respectfully call on this Commission to help us ensure that the quality of the training is as state of the art as the police college itself will be.
Regarding the Policing Board, we believe it is much more accountable and powerful than the previous Police Authority and the fact that it is able to act and take decisions despite the diversity of opinions regarding policing on the Board, is commendable. The Code of Ethics for the Police Service and the Board's plan for monitoring the human rights compliance of the PSNI are two major accomplishments. We do, however, have serious concerns relating to the Board's transparency, level of engagement with statutory bodies, human rights and community organisations and the public, and its ability to bring about fundamental change within the PSNI. In our opinion, the Board does not adequately cooperate with, or seek the opinions of, the various statutory bodies and human rights groups, community organisations and the public. Likewise, important decisions, such as the Board's endorsement of the PSNI's acquisition of CS Spray, continue to be made in private without the public knowing that the decision was even taking place. There is good work that the Board is performing, but if the public is not aware of such work, they will not be confident that the Board is effectively holding the police to account. CAJ has recently written a commentary on the work of the Policing Board, and I would like to request that this publication be placed on the record. I referred above to the intervention by the Chair and Vice Chair of the Policing Board in the discussion about how to deal with the past in Northern Ireland. It seemed to us that this intervention was designed to undermine the Cory process. Such interventions, even and perhaps especially when they are purportedly in the personal capacity of the individuals involved, not only damage the discussion around truth but also undermine the credibility of the Board.
In relation to the Office of the Police Ombudsman, CAJ also warmly welcomes the creation of this office, which has shown its ability to assert its independence and seriously criticise the Police Service. The Office of the Police Ombudsman is a massive improvement over the previous complaints body, but again there are some areas of concern. One is the power of the Police Ombudsman to investigate operational matters, policy and practice. The 2003 Police Act gave the Police Ombudsman additional powers in this area. However, it is still not entirely clear what operational issues the Police Ombudsman will investigate and which will fall outside her remit. Operational decisions are of such magnitude and have such impact on police-community relations that they must be subjected to independent scrutiny. If the Police Ombudsman regards some issues as outside her remit then we need to be clear whose responsibility it is to investigate those matters. As the Patten Commission stated, the Chief Constable has operational responsibility to take decisions without interference, but it should "never be the case" that such decisions be exempted from inquiry or review after the event by anyone.
It is not clear whether the Office of the Police Ombudsman has been able to substantiate more complaints than its predecessor or whether the problems highlighted in complaints have been fed back into the Police Service in such a way as to effect changes in police behaviour on the ground. According to the Police Ombudsman's latest annual report, 1% of the complaints concluded during the year were forwarded to the Police Service for disciplinary hearings and 5% were forwarded to the Director of Public Prosecutions. This 5% figure seems low considering that it includes cases in which the Police Ombudsman believes prosecution is and is not warranted. CAJ has also received reports of cases in which the Police Ombudsman has recommended the prosecution of police officers but the Director of Public Prosecutions has refused to bring the charges. If this is a particular problem, it may be that the good work of the Ombudsman is being stymied by the resistance of another institution.
CAJ has also been concerned over the years by the continued use of plastic bullets. While it is the case that the number of occasions on which such bullets have been fired has reduced significantly in recent years, we are concerned that the weapon continues to be deployed. Some commentators have attributed the reduction in use of the weapon by the police to the investigation of the use of such weapons by the Police Ombudsman. We are concerned however that the use of the weapon by the military in Northern Ireland is not subject to investigation by the Police Ombudsman. This situation needs to be rectified.
The human rights situation in Northern Ireland has improved dramatically over the course of the last few years. Human rights discourse is everywhere and employed by everyone. Expectations have been raised that change is on the way. If it is not delivered, these expectations will be dashed. To borrow a phrase from the US, government and its agencies in Northern Ireland are certainly "talking the talk" of human rights but they must now "walk the walk".


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May 24, 2016
NEW YORK (AP) -- Okaro White scored 17 points and Florida State made 11 3-pointers in an 88-70 victory over BYU in the Coaches vs, Cancer Classic semifinals on Friday night at the Barclays Center.
The Seminoles came into the game shooting 38.5 percent from 3-point range but they made 11 of 20 as they led by as many as 27 points in the second half. They shot 58.0 percent (29 for 50) from the field overall while holding down a BYU offense that came in averaging 80.5 points per game.
Florida State (2-1) will play the winner of the game between No. 20 Notre Dame and Saint Joseph's in Saturday night's championship game.
Tyler Haws had 23 points, nine rebounds and five assists for the Cougars (2-1) who were within 50-43 with 17:30 to play. The Seminoles went on a 13-0 run making all three of their 3-point attempts, two by Michael Snaer.
Click Here to access the online Public Inspection File
Viewers with disabilities can get assistance accessing this station's FCC Public Inspection File by contacting the station with the information listed below. Questions or concerns relating to the accessibility of the FCC's online public file system should be directed to the FCC at 888-225-5322, 888-835-5322 (TTY), or email@example.com.

subset: commoncrawl


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Use Outlook 2010 on desktop and contact pictures are fine. On laptop I use Outlook 2013 and when you view a contact the picture of the contact is shown. When emails are sent or received the contact picture is not shown. Is this a setting in Outlook or known issue in Zimbra? Running latest connector and server version right now.
Thank you,


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Friday Jun 03 2011
Weidel on Wheels: Impreza WRX STI is quite impressive
By: Jeffrey Weidel
Ever drive a small compact vehicle that's turbocharged? If not, it's something to consider next time you happen to be out shopping for a smaller car that delivers big-time in the performance department. And that's exactly what one will get when driving the 2011 Subaru Impreza WRX STI. Unlike the typical Subaru vehicle, this one can be super fun to drive, considering its power and its superior handling. Putting a turbocharged engine in a compact is not a new concept. Rivals such as the Mazdaspeed 3, Mitsubishi Lancer Ralliart and Volkswagen GTI are all turbocharged. Test driven here, the WRX STI is equipped with a 2.75-liter, turbocharged 4-cylinder engine that delivers 305 horsepower. This little vehicle is quick, going 0 to 60 mph in a mere 4.5 seconds. Many drivers are cognizant of its speed, so beware of someone offering a challenge on the freeway or stopped at a red light. Before one heads out to buy the upgraded Impreza WRX STI, understand that it can come with a hefty price tag for a compact sport vehicle. The sticker price ranges from $33,995 to $37,345, a major jump from the $17,495 base model Impreza. If you happen to go out shopping for an Impreza, also be aware that the number of trim models is sizable, so be careful what you're buying. The Impreza is offered as either a four-door hatchback or a four-door sedan. Trim levels include the 2.5i, 2.5i Premium, Outback Sport, WRX, WRX Premium, WRX Limited, WRX STI and WRX STI Limited. And note that the Outback Sport can be purchased as a hatchback only, while the WRX STI Limited is sedan only. The STI has a few changes this year, most notably a firmer suspension calibration and improved handling thanks to lighter wheels. Naturally, the STI, like all Subaru models, comes equipped with all-wheel drive and better-than-average safety features. Despite possessing some major attributes, not all is right with the Impreza brand. The interior has some cheap plastic and the sound system should be better for the price. The interior space — head and legroom — is fine up front, but it's merely adequate at best for back-seat occupants. Trunk space varies quite a lot from the hatchback to the sedan. While the hatchback provides spacious trunk space, the sedan does not. __________ 2011 Subaru Impreza WRX STI Price: $33,995 to $37,345 Power: 2.75-liter, turbocharged 4-cylinder engine with 305 horsepower Mileage estimate: 17 mpg city; 23 mpg highway Standard features include: Aggressively-tuned suspension; tilt-telescoping steering column; 18-inch wheels; high-performance tires; Brembo brakes; xenon headlights; sport seats and faux-suede and leather upholstery; rear spoiler; AM/FM stereo with single CD player, six speakers, Satellite radio, Bluetooth, iPod capability and auxiliary input jack; heated front seats; power moon roof; all-wheel drive; stability control


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Testimony :: Osmo Lipponen
Ambassador - Head of OSCE Presence (field mission) in Albania
Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe
OSCE Presence in Albania
Report to the US Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe
Ambassador Osmo Lipponen, Head of Presence
20 July 2004
This hearing of the US Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe on "Advancing Democracy in Albania" comes at an important moment for the country. Albania has now entered a pre-election stage, with the next parliamentary elections due in summer 2005. As a result, political tension within the country has perceptibly risen, bringing with it even the possibility of early elections, for which the country is not prepared. At the same time, evaluation of the government's achievements, especially within the international context, is a topical issue in light of the country's ongoing pursuit of its primary goal of further Euro-Atlantic integration.
Whenever assessing Albania, it is always necessary to situate it in its proper context. The country has unreservedly made much progress since the well-known outbreak civil unrest in 1997 that engulfed the country following the collapse of pyramid schemes. To help the country out of this turbulence, the OSCE Presence in Albania (henceforth, "the Presence") was established at this time with a mandate to pursue democratization, human rights, electoral reform and media development. Since 1997—the most commonly used reference point for judging Albania's progress—the main activity of the national authorities, aided by the international community, was to stabilize the public order situation in the country and to begin rebuilding the state piece by piece, institution by institution. However, the country still remains an ODA-qualified developing country with grave social and economic problems.(1)
The trajectory of Albania's development over the past seven years has been upward, although not always smooth nor without significant challenges. The sharply divisive nature of the country's politics has been an ever-present factor repeatedly threatening to derail the accomplishments. Here, the Presence has played a key role in trying to mediate the recurring conflicts. Collectively, the Presence and the other members of the international community have supported Albania's own efforts towards a steady path of development, both in terms of strengthening its democratic institutions as well as its economy.
In recognition of the progress achieved and as a sign of further international commitment to the country, the European Union opened negotiations with Albania on 31 January 2003 on a Stabilization and Association Agreement (SAA), which is the first step towards future integration.(2) Discussions on greater cooperation with NATO and future possible membership have also intensified at the same time.
Despite this evidence of progressive achievement, numerous risk factors continue to confront Albania and should be taken into consideration when evaluating the current situation in the country. After illustrating the socio-economic context, this report will outline important issues from the Presence's point of view related to trends in democratic development, the challenges of the ongoing process of electoral reform, aspects of the human rights situation, the freedom of the media and the situation as regards trafficking in human beings.
Since 1997, Albania has maintained a good macro-economic framework and, and due to its close cooperation with the IMF, has followed a tight monetary policy to reduce inflation and to keep the currency stable. Figures for Albania's economic growth over this period have averaged about 8% per annum.(3) Although certainly very good, this economic growth has not been enough to solve some of the fundamental socio-economic problems facing the country affecting its rate of poverty. While GDP per capita has steadily risen,(4) it is still lower than for the other countries in the region and the gap between Albania and the rest of Europe continues to increase. This can also be seen when calculated at purchasing power parity.
Albania is challenged by inadequate infrastructure, insufficient investment in the health and education sectors, rapid urbanization and massive population movements from the north of the country to the centre(5) as well as abroad,(6) often in the form of irregular (illegal) migration. There is still a considerable rural population. As much as 57 percent lives off of agricultural production,(7) which is for the most part subsistence farming.(8) A full 25.4 percent live below the full poverty line,(9) rising to 33.8 percent when non-income poverty is taken into account.(10) A survey undertaken by the World Bank shows that 87.1 percent of respondents considered themselves as less than or not at all satisfied with their financial situation and means of consumption.(11)
The benefits of economic growth are uneven and appear to be accruing mostly to urban areas, and particularly Tirana, while rural and more remote areas are being left behind, further exacerbating the existing large gap. The World Bank has concluded that several non-income dimensions of deprivation appear appalling given the overall level of development of the country and that, "Without direct, focused and well-targeted policy action and support from the government, the possibility for many of the rural poor, and for the uneducated urban poor, to escape poverty by connecting to the economic growth process seems remote."(12)
With little industrial production and few products capable of being exported, most of the economy is concentrated on sectors that employ only non-skilled and semi-skilled labour.(13) International investment in Albania is not growing, and when occasional large investments do occur, such as the recent purchase of the National Savings Bank, they are mostly confined to buying off the few remaining state-owned companies.(14) Remittances from abroad, officially estimated to be US$453 million per annum,(15) have largely kept the country afloat, but have now showed signs of decreasing. This decline is forecast to continue over the next years.(16) On average, these remittances represent 13 percent of total income among Albanian households.(17)
Official unemployment has been calculated to be 15.4 percent, although other government sources indicate that this could be as higher when taking into account additional factors.(18) When the unemployment rate is taken into account alongside the figures for Albanian migrants working abroad (representing 1/3 of the labour force), it is clear that immigration has acted as a safety valve for the country, not only in terms of providing the source for remittances, but also in absorbing a very large population of young people, who would otherwise have little to do inside the country. An astonishing 35 percent of children of household members currently live abroad. For children who left home in the 1990s, this share reaches what has been described as "exodus proportions", with one child in two currently living abroad.(19)
The former fairly good education system has been eroded by decreased spending that is only half of what is was in 1990.(20) School attendance is decreasing and illiteracy is growing again. Child labour is a growing problem that is contributing to this trend. Healthcare is also suffering from considerable difficulties and is marked by widespread corruption in the provision of services due to underinvestment in the sector. As the World Bank has observed, health care services are increasingly being paid out-of-pocket for both formal "copayments" and informal payments.(21)
Complicating matters is the government's difficulty in raising adequate revenue. The non-payment of taxes and social security weakens the government's already low capacity to produce social assistance and educational services. Albania has the lowest rate of tax collection in the region—only 20 percent of GDP(22)—and data show that 50 percent of imports are not declared, depriving the state budget of much needed revenue. Overall, it is estimated that US$600 million is lost to smuggling.(23)
Albania is in need of real policies for how to solve these basic issues. But while there are dozens of government strategies signed off by international donors, such as the National Strategy on Socio-Economic Development (NSSED), ownership over these strategies is not strong. Moreover, there is a lack of credibility in the political system, where the citizens have come to view corruption, criminality, and rule of law problems as ever-present and unchanging constants in their lives, leading to widespread apathy and overall cynicism.(24) A recent survey conducted by the Albanian Institute for International Studies shows that an overwhelming 83 percent of their respondents cite politics as the main source of conflict in the country.(25)
The political system, predominantly characterized by polarization, is not yet properly functioning. While the Albanian Assembly has become the main forum for political exchange, it remains underdeveloped and therefore is mainly used as a space for publicizing political conflict. Hence, social and economic issues are practically not regarded as important matters of debate. Only lately have the first signs of dialogue between the Assembly and civil society interest groups over legislation taken place, but citizens' access to information is rarely accomplished in practice. Government remains non-transparent and too detached since civil servants are not yet in the habit of serving the people. Corruption and political interference have undue influence on the judicial system. And thus far, power has only changed hands through violence and protest or through disputed elections.
Despite the clearly positive developments in the country, the outlook is mixed once these political factors are taken into account alongside the socio-economic indicators. Survey data collected by a variety of organizations clearly indicate that Albanians still feel that they do not have a chance in the country because the quality of life is insufficient and the welfare gap is widening. They still look towards emigrating for better opportunities abroad. The polarization between those better off and the 30% of the population living under the poverty line is not diminishing. The creation of new jobs is too slow and the rural population is becoming totally disillusioned. The media and relatives abroad strengthen the belief that emigration is the only option. Indeed, this attitude is demonstrated by the government itself, where in the context of official international relations, visa issues and other policies concerning the free movement of people are high on Albania's priority list.
The past seven years has been an intensive period of institution-building, beginning with the Constitution, passed by referendum in November 1998. While the state structures have gradually taken shape and been strengthened, this has occurred in an uncertain political atmosphere, marked by suspicion and distrust. The main opposition party has repeatedly opted out of political processes, including the Constitutional referendum, which it boycotted and the final stages of drafting the 2000 Electoral Code. This abdication has allowed the majority routinely to take advantage of its predominant position.
A step forward towards normalization was made when the current president was elected in June 2002 through political consensus. This event ushered in a brief period of cooperation between the two main parties and, although short-lived, it left behind the notion of needing to achieve consensus on important matters of state that affect all Albanians. The opposition now accepts the Constitution—even claiming that it is its defender—and no longer boycotts the Assembly; however, it does still frequently stage walk outs.
With tensions in society and between political forces still so strong, maximum efforts are needed to build these consensual approaches on major issues, as has been done, for example, on property restitution and electoral reform. The achievements made in last year's electoral reform process, accompanied by improved political will, contributed to a very different kind of electoral campaign. For the first time, candidates began to address quality-of-life issues affecting people's daily lives such as water supply, road infrastructure, civic life, schooling and health services. This noticeable departure from past campaigns was also encouraged by citizens, who provoked the candidates with questions as to their abilities to raise living standards and solve long-standing problems.
Political campaigns in Albania have largely lacked any form of identifiable platforms since parties have traditionally relied on their supporters to vote for them simply because they are not the other party. So long as the country has been in a state of perpetual political conflict, it was easy enough to maintain this approach. As a consequence, politicians have felt unaccountable since nothing had really been promised and public pressure has been almost non-existent.
The experience of the 2003 local elections poses, therefore, interesting prospects for 2005. The 2003 results show that in many cases, the choice of candidate was a deciding factor in choosing a mayor. Differences in results between the mayoral and proportional vote give evidence to instances of vote splitting, potentially reflecting early signs of maturation in Albanian voting behaviour. In many medium-sized municipalities, voters rejected incumbent candidates or incumbent parties that showed few accomplishments and appeared willing to give a chance to a new face. At the same time, they continued to vote more or less along traditional party lines in the proportional vote for municipal and commune council members.(26)
This perceptible change in the public's voting behaviour, has been accompanied by the welcome emergence of civil society groups acting as sources of public pressure on the government attempting to render it more accountable to the people.
In the first months of 2004, for example, the government's proposed increases in the prices of bread, electricity and telephone services stirred strongly negative reactions amongst Albanians, which were captured by civil society groups such as Mjaft! (Enough!), the USAID-supported Citizen's Advocacy Office, trade unions and business groups. The government responded to the success of these campaigns by rolling back some of these price increases. The success of these protests in attracting public support on issues of concern illustrates that political parties no longer hold a monopoly on popular sentiment or expressions of public opinion. However, normal dialogue between the political forces and other interests groups is still too much driven by only a handful of professional NGOs.
At the moment it appears there is a dawning of civil society, or what some have called a "honeymoon phase". Both the prime minister and the leader of the Democratic Party have reached out to civil society in roundtable meetings over the past months to show publicly that they are taking civil society's view into account.
Despite the positive aspects discernable in Albania's democratic development, there are indicators of negative trends. As noted in various Presence reports, there is a growing convergence of political, commercial, and media interests in the country that have the potential to slow the course of Albania's evolving democracy. For as much civil society may be trying to impact upon the system of governance in the country, it is still very weak, and these other more powerful influences, accompanied by strong financial backing, are pushing to ensure that decision-making remains closed, unaccountable and non-transparent. This raises many concerns over any potential success of the very necessary anti-corruption efforts.
The signs of these intersecting interests were already visible in the 2001 elections and continued to grow since. Issues of conflicts of interest are already widely ignored, and with the current system of little or no controls on party financing, the situation where candidacies and even elections can be bought may only get worse.
Albania will be facing an enormous test next summer when the next parliamentary elections are scheduled to be conducted. The expectations for these elections have grown all the greater since the report of the ODIHR election observation mission described the October 2003 local elections as a "missed opportunity for significant progress towards compliance with OSCE commitments and other international standards for elections."(27) It had been hoped that the 2003 elections would have shown sufficient progress towards meeting international standards that much of the pressure surrounding the 2005 elections would have dissipated. Unfortunately, this is not the case. As in past elections, the difficulties faced in 2003 were largely due to the lack of political will of Albania's two main parties, even if they had initially demonstrated the will to overhaul the electoral framework.
This lack of political will has meant that Albanian elections continue to be protracted and litigious affairs. The 2001 parliamentary elections, for example, ran from 24 June to 19 August requiring five rounds of voting due to re-runs and delayed voting in certain areas. In 2003, the elections took place on 12 October, but the final results were not announced until 20 February 2004, again due to various re-runs, delayed voting and court appeals, although in fewer areas.(28)
The 2003 elections were, however, an improvement over those of 2001. Many of the problems highlighted by ODIHR in its Final Report on the 2001 parliamentary elections were resolved through the new code and were satisfactorily implemented. These improvements include the performance of the electronic media, which provided generally balanced coverage; the role of the police, which stayed away from the voting centres in conformity with the amended Law on State Police; and the new system of complaints and appeals, which reduced the burden on the courts. In 2001, the problems surrounding the complaints and appeals process meant that the courts had to decide well over a third of the election outcomes in the 100 electoral zones.(29)
The OSCE Presence in Albania has been closely involved in elections in Albania since 1997, when it organised the first elections following the period of unrest. Since that time, the Presence has provided assistance in the form of legislative drafting, technical expertise and political brokerage. The progress seen in the 2003 elections was largely due to the work of an ad hoc parliamentary committee on electoral reform,(30) which worked for over a year on drafting amendments to the first post-Constitution Electoral Code in response to ODIHR's recommendations.(31)
The achievements of the "Bipartisan Committee" have often been overlooked as the conduct of the two main political parties after the expiry of the committee's mandate unfortunately overshadowed its successes. Debates within this committee managed to resolve, or at least set aside, many of the contentious issues arising from the 2001 elections. The opposition's contestation of those election results led it to boycott the Assembly until early 2002.(32)
Because a number of political issues, outside the scope of the ODIHR recommendations, remained important to the two main parties, a separate agreement between the SP and DP was negotiated outside the ad hoc committee. Although this agreement and the Presence's mediation were later criticized by the smaller parliamentary parties, it was a necessary step in order to ensure that the new Electoral Code could be passed in the Assembly. In the political reality of Albania, there would not be a credible reform process nor the proper climate for holding elections without the two current major political forces being involved in as broad a consensus as possible on the Code.
We are currently now faced with a similar situation. ODIHR has outlined a number of straightforward recommendations in its report on the 2003 elections and, together with the Council of Europe's Venice Commission, has thoroughly evaluated the new Electoral Code by highlighting in great detail where changes should be made. After several months of closely held negotiations between the SP and DP, the Presence managed to bring the two parties to agreement on establishing another ad hoc parliamentary committee to amend the electoral legal framework according to the aforementioned recommendations. Getting the two parties to agree was no small task.
The main object of discord is the political balance within the Central Election Commission (CEC), where five of the seven seats have gone those proposed by the ruling majority. It is an issue that was unable to be resolved prior to the October 2003 elections, and is one that the opposition has used as a test of the government's goodwill. Thus far, the government has steadfastly refused to consider balancing the CEC until current members' mandates expire in 2006, that is, after the next elections.
The new ad hoc committee has a very tight timeframe in which to work. All amendments to the Electoral Code will need to be drafted and agreed by the end of September so that the Assembly can approve them. Amendments on a few subjects such as improving the voter registers and the criteria for establishing electoral zone boundaries need to be approved even earlier to allow sufficient preparation time. But already we can see that insufficient provisions in the Electoral Code on party financing have led to a severe dispute over campaign funds between the major parties. The vacuum of clear rules on this issue has led to different interpretations of the law, creating an unsatisfactory situation that needs rectifying. It is on these very political issues, including especially the composition of the CEC, that the political parties must show maximum political will to compromise and to uphold their agreements.
Should political will be lacking, the next elections will be a major setback to Albania in its democratic development. While the ad hoc committee has not yet been convened as some seats remain vacant, the technical experts group wet up to support the committee has had its first meeting on 14 July, and so the practical work can be considered begun.
Participation of women in the political life of the country is an issue of particular concern to the Presence. Not only are women deprived of the right to vote in many parts of the country due to traditional patriarchal patterns of behaviour in which the male head of the household votes for the entire family, but fewer women are being run as candidates and even fewer are being elected consequently to representative government at either the local or national level. A report published by the Albanian Assembly on the history of women in parliament confirms this negative trend.(33) Currently, a disappointing nine out 140 MPs are women (6.4%). In the 2003 local elections, only 70 out of 1949 candidates for mayor were women (3.5%), and of these only 10 were elected (2.6% of 384 municipalities and communes).(34) The problem begins with political parties not respecting their own internal quotas for women as contained in their party statutes, thus reducing the number of women in party leadership posts and further reducing their chances of eventual electoral success. However, a sustainable solution for this problem is needed within the electoral system, as it is more than just a question of political will.
According to the latest specialised reports, the human rights situation in Albania has been fairly good. Nevertheless, there are a few areas over which the Presence has expressed its concern, most specifically, Roma rights, minority education rights, the state of pre-trial detention, worker's rights and freedom of the press (covered in the next section).
The social and economic realities of developing countries mean that there are unfortunately population groups, or minorities, which become more and more marginalized as a result of decision-making to allocate scarce resources. The central government's and local communities' ability to provide targeted training and facilities for these groups remains insufficient.
The group most affected by this in Albania are the Roma and Egyptians, which are being further alienated from mainstream society. Roma and Egyptian children, for example, have a higher incidence of dropping out of school. This phenomenon, of course, is not just typical of Albania, but affects much of the OSCE area. The government has drafted a National Strategy for Improving Roma Living Conditions, completed last year, but like many such strategies, there is little real ownership of the objectives and implementation is extremely poor.
In general, the basic rights of minorities are granted in Albania and there is no active persecution or maltreatment. On the other hand, as the Presence has stated on several occasions, there needs to be a more active investment on the part of the government to guarantee education in minority languages and active integration of certain minority groups into society. There are currently no governmental programmes targeting the Roma to help raise their rate of school attendance.
Perhaps the most acute human rights issue in Albania today concerns the pre-trial detention facilities, where prisoners held in remand face intolerable conditions that only seem to deteriorate, particularly as regards sanitation and hygiene. Overcrowding is a major obstacle to ensuring a basic normal treatment for the detainees, which then further impacts upon the unacceptable treatment of juvenile delinquents. Convicted prisoners are also held amongst the detainee population and there is no separation according to age nor type of crime. In a very recent example, a minor, who was being held in the same cell as an adult, died in custody on 8 July, allegedly due to police abuse.
The Presence recently completed a study of the pre-trial detention system, which outlines these concerns in detail and notes that the Ministry of Public Order's regulation on the centres does not meet the minimum international standards for treatment of prisoners.(35) For this reason, the Presence has been advocating for the swift completion of the transfer of responsibility for the pre-trial detention centres from the Ministry from Public Order, where the police exercise oversight and management, to the Ministry of Justice.
Although the government decided on making this transfer some time ago, progress has been disappointingly slow. The responsibility for only one centre, in Vlora, has been transferred; and the latest proposals indicate that the process will be piecemeal and not be completed for a number of years. One of the main hindrances to the transfer is the lack of capacity to hold pre-trial detainees and convicted prisoners. There are already efforts underway to find a solution to these issues also with international support for building new prisons.
Another concern for the Presence, prompted by the intervention of the People's Advocate (Ombudsman), is worker's rights. With the high rate of unemployment and, consequently, individuals willing to work in the black, the violation of workers' rights appears to be becoming more and more common. The great majority of the capital's construction workers, for example, are without any social security or worker protection. Care should be taken to ensure that minimum protections are guaranteed.
On the face of it, Albania would appear to have a vibrant media sector offering a variety of choice: 19 daily newspapers;(36) 46 radio and 65 television stations covering a total market of just over 3 million.(37) While the number of media outlets actually seems to be increasing, these numbers do not reveal what media analysts have described as troubling. Leaving aside a not fully adequate legal framework, particularly for print media, and a wholly chaotic situation in the broadcast sector due to an overly weak state regulator, the main trend in the media sector in the past few years has been towards less independence and greater political and economic interference.
The foremost publicly visible source of financing for the media is through advertising. It is estimated that advertising by state institutions and state-owned or partially owned companies constitutes about 60 percent of total advertising revenue.(38) This comes in a variety of forms such as published vacancy notices for civil service positions (a legal requirement) or television and print advertising for the fixed-line telephone company and the national electricity company, both of which are state-owned monopolies. With media operators heavily dependent on this steady stream of revenue, it is an easy way for the state to exercise a degree of control over them, even if indirectly.
Another way of how the state indirectly infringes upon media independence is related to the nature of the media business itself. Because media outlets largely cannot operate according to viable profit-making business models (due to the lack of sufficiently diversified advertising and other forms of subscription-based income),(39) they generally do not form an owner's primary business interest.(40) Rather, they are often a part of larger set of additional business holdings and investments and most have been set up by owners as a "side business". In this regard, incentives in the form of lucrative government-sponsored procurement contracts for goods and/or services from which the larger enterprise stands to benefit tend to influence the editorial direction of a media outlet in favour of state authorities lest these contracts be awarded to competitors with a more sympathetic and less critical voice. In this way, a politics-business-media triangle has been formed creating a mutually reinforcing relationship of benefits that operates to the detriment of media independence.
More direct means of media control has increasingly become apparent over the past two years. A number of journalists and owners have been successfully sued by government officials for libel. Although media ethics remain underdeveloped in Albania and journalistic standards are not always respected, prominent media personalities have been taken to court for their editorial views has served to threaten basic freedom of expression. The recent civil defamation case decided against
Koha Jonë
newspaper(41) has been widely criticized by numerous human rights watchdog groups both in and outside Albania, including the Council of Europe and the London-based NGO Article 19.(42) This lawsuit represents an example of what many journalists and editors have described to the OSCE Presence as the repressive climate currently surrounding the media. Numerous other lawsuits have been recently launched or publicly threatened by politicians.(43)
These threats against the freedom of expression in Albania represent a worrying trend. In order to avoid further politicization of the courts in being forced to decide on these issues, the Presence has begun planning the creation of a Media Council to develop a code of conduct for media owners and journalists. The objective is to provide a forum for self-regulation so that the media sector itself, rather than the courts, can decide on how best to balance the basic right of the freedom of expression with journalistic ethics and responsibility.
The issue of trafficking in human beings is an issue that has been associated with Albania for many years. The Presence itself began working on the issue in 1998 by raising concerns over Albania's being both a source and transit country for illegal migrants and human trafficking. Its early efforts urged the police to begin targeting the traffickers themselves rather than the victims, who could be more easily arrested. According to the latest US State Department report on worldwide trafficking, Albania still remains a source country for women and children trafficked for the purposes of sexual exploitation and forced labour and it does not fully comply with the minimum standards for the elimination of trafficking.(44)
As this report recognizes, progress has been made, however. The US State Department rewarded the government's efforts by upgrading Albania's status from a Tier 3 to a Tier 2 country in 2002 and has since reconfirmed this ranking. This improvement reflects consistent work by the international community working together in a coordinated fashion with the Albanian authorities.
The government's National Strategy on Trafficking in Human Beings, originally drafted in 2001, has had a degree of success in concentrating the attention of various ministries on their role in combating this crime, such as in the opening of a government-supported shelter for trafficking victims. Practical policing assistance provided by Italy in patrolling the waters of the Adriatic for people smugglers and the US-backed policing programmes at Albania's three main ports (Durrës, Vlora and Mother Theresa Airport) have provided further support to the police with measurable results. Moreover, a number of police operations, including those coordinated regionally by the Southeast Europe Cooperative Initiative (SECI), have disrupted trafficking networks and netted a large number of traffickers.(45)
In spite of these improvements, trafficking is remains a relevant issue and recruitment still takes place in Albania.(46) The tragedy occurring on last January 9, when 21 Albanian illegal migrants lost their lives in the Adriatic Sea, also shows that smuggling networks still exist, or at least can come together relatively quickly. As well, it illustrates that the demand to leave also exists. So while the international community's efforts to support anti-trafficking initiatives by planning training and providing expertise and technology and financial assistance can be regarded as having some success, a more holistic or systematic approach is still needed.
Such an approach would not only prioritize the repressive dimension of solving the problem through law enforcement, but would also take into account the social and economic situation of the country, which, as demonstrated, provides the breeding ground for trafficking in human beings and people smuggling. Transparency in the public administration and judicial system, need also to be emphasized, particularly as corruption and criminality have penetrated these systems, undermining public confidence and potentially compromising effective solutions. While police actions have resulted in sizeable arrests, appropriate sentencing has been lacking. Therefore, properly functioning special courts to handle these cases accompanied by a workable witness protection scheme are essential for achieving successful prosecutions. Robust public awareness-building measures should necessarily underpin these efforts.
A further note of caution should be sounded. The disruptions to the networks of people smuggling and trafficking in Albania has raised the costs of this criminal activity, leading to a search for easier profits. In turn, this has produced an increase in drug trafficking from and through Albania. According to the
World Drug Report 2004
, recently released by the UN Office for Drugs and Crime, Albania has become the most frequently cited source country for cannabis in Europe(47) and is an increasingly important transhipment point for heroin coming from Afghanistan via Turkey.(48) The prominent rise of heroin trafficking in Albania poses a serious threat to overall security, as has been seen in a number of other countries.
Drug trafficking and the money laundering that accompanies it also pose risks for the financial system, which still overwhelmingly remains cash-based, by increasing the black economy. The fight against money laundering also belongs to the systematic approach because although there has been new legislation adopted on this issue, implementation needs significant improvement. The economic and financial surveillance systems in general do not yet function properly. As a consequence, the black economy contributes to the flourishing of the grey, or informal, economy, which is estimated to constitute at least one-third of GDP.(49)
Albania's progress towards establishing closer relations with Euro-Atlantic structures, namely the EU and NATO, have as much been a reward for its achievements as a means of ensuring the international community's engagement in promoting further reform and institutional development. While Albania's macro-economic indicators have been largely positive, further attention needs to be given to the country's socio-economic risk factors. The consolidation of the state and its institutions has brought the public order situation under control and has allowed the government to provide some improved services. However, rampant corruption within the public administration and the judicial sector severely damages the public's trust and only serves to magnify the existing inequities. A major risk factor is further posed by organized crime, which has taken advantage of the continued weaknesses within the police and justice system to increase its influence over the state and infect the political system.
Without a more normalized political atmosphere, where political and institutional forces can balance one another, Albania's democratic development will remain incomplete and its institutions fragile and vulnerable. Civil society, which can exert a positive influence, has at last become recognized as a factor, but is still too weak.
With the next parliamentary elections now on the horizon, Albania finds itself at a critical juncture. These elections will stand as a test for the depth of its institutions and maturity of its political class. For this to occur, the country's political leaders must demonstrate sustained political will to support the ongoing electoral reform process and to ensure that international electoral standards are at last met. The international community must also remain collectively engaged to help this process and provide assistance as necessary.
For Albania to be able to manage its significant socio-economic and rule of law problems in order to meet the needs of its citizens and guarantee them a secure future, Albania must move towards having a normally functioning parliamentary system built on constructive debate and dialogue. Government-opposition interaction should put governance issues first rather than continue to focus on divisiveness. In the forthcoming elections, whichever party should win needs to have programmatic readiness based on sound policies and be able to demonstrate tolerance and respect to the opposition.
1. ODA refers to official development assistance and comprises grants or loans to developing countries and territories on the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development/Development Assistance Committee (OECD/DAC) list of aid recipients that are undertaken by the official sector with promotion of economic development and welfare as the main objective and at concessional financial terms. Albania is designated as a Lower-Middle Income Country (having a per capita gross national income (GNI) of $746-$2975) on Part I of the DAC list.
2. Stabilisation and Association Agreements are a solution for building closer ties with the European Union being offered to the countries of the Western Balkans.
3. Republic of Albania Ministry of Finance, Progress Report on the Implementation of the National Strategy for Socio-Economic Development during 2003 (Tirana: April 2004), 20.
4. In the World Bank's Albania Poverty Assessment (Washington, DC: 3 November 2003), it is noted that Albanian GDP figures should be treated with caution. This report cites a GDP per capita amount of US$1230 in 2002. The Ministry of Finance's 2003 NSSED Progress Report, however, cites a figure of US$1950 for 2003. The World Bank reports further notes that the Albanian government recently changed its methodology for calculating GDP. Government officials routinely cite figures in the range of US$1400-1500.
5. A recent report published by the Albanian Institute of Statistics, INSTAT, based on the Population and Housing Census of 2001 and the Living Standard Measurement Survey (LSMS) of 2002 shows that 91% of internal migration was towards the central and coastal parts of the country, 54% of total specifically moved to Tirana, increasing the population there by almost a quarter. Kukës Region, the poorest area of the country located in the Northeast, lost almost a third (29%) of the population to migratory outflows since 1989. Albanian Institute of Statistics, Migration in Albania (Tirana: 2004).
6. It is estimated that at least 458,000 Albanians are living abroad. Other figures indicate that up to 600,000 Albanians were legally residing in Greece and Italy in 2001, not including those who were there illegally. This figure represents one-fifth of a population of 3.069 million. World Bank, Albania Poverty Assessment, 131.
7. INSTAT, Migration in Albania.
8. Agriculture represented 24.7% of GDP in 2001. 2003 NSSED Progress Report, 4.
9. Ibid., 12.
10. Calculated according to Unmet Basic Needs (UBN): water and sanitation, housing conditions (as perceived by the household), energy supply, crowding of the dwelling, and education of the household head. A household is defined as UBN-poor when two or more of these basic needs are unmet. Ibid., 17.
11. Ibid, 23.
12. Ibid, 39.
13. The 2003 NSSED Progress Report reveals that the fastest growing sector of the economy is in construction (11.3%) whereas the industrial sector is declining.
14. The Austrian Raiffeisen Bank bought the National Savings Bank for €126 million.
15. Ibid., 133.
16. Conclusion based on a survey of 1150 emigrants presented in a paper by I. Gedeshi and E. Uruçi on "The Role of Remittances in the Social Economic Development in Albania" at the 4th International Bank of Albania Conference on the Albanian Economy: Performance and Policy Challenges (Saranda, Albania: 11-12 October 2003).
17. World Bank, Albania Poverty Assessment, 131.
18. Ibid., 64.
19. Ibid., 134.
20. Ibid., 98.
21. The World Bank found that informal payments are widespread, especially in hospital care where 60% of people reported making under-the-table payments. These payments also represent an important share of total expenditure, accounting for about a quarter of total expenditure on hospitalization. Ibid., 88.
22. International Monetary Fund, Albania Country Report, No. 4/22 (Washington, DC: 8 January 2004), 23.
23. UNDP Albania, Early Warning Report: Human Security in Albania (Tirana: April 2004), 15.
24. Survey data shows that 46.3% of respondents were not satisfied with the performance of the Albanian Assembly; 38.8% not satisfied with the courts and 33% not satisfied with government at all. The survey also indicates that 74.4 percent believe that at least some or most civil servants are corrupt.
25. UNDP Albania, Early Warning Report, 20.
26. The SP lost 16% of their mayors, while the DP gained 13%. The SP's share of the proportional vote decreased by 9% while DP stayed almost the same.
27. OSCE Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights, Election Observation Mission Final Report on the 2003 Local Government Elections in the Republic of Albania, (Warsaw: 25 February 2004), 1.
28. In 2001, the elections were run with two rounds of voting. Given the incurred delays, the new Electoral Code removed the ballotage round, leaving the elections beginning in 2003 with only one round of voting. This will also be the case for the parliamentary elections. This change clearly did not remove the possibility of delaying the final results of the elections, however.
29. Under the Albanian Constitution, 100 out of 140 seats in the Assembly are directly elected through a first-past-the-post system. The remaining 40 seats are attributed to parties through a formula based on proportional results, with the aim of the overall result to be proportional.
30. Often colloquially referred to as the "Bipartisan Committee", due to the consensual nature of the voting mechanism established for this committee.
31. The Presence also led the drafting of this first Electoral Code in 2000. The amendments drafted in 2003 to this code were so extensive that it was considered to be a new Electoral Code.
32. One opposition party, the New Democrat Party, did not support the boycott, however.
33. Women's representation in the Assembly plummeted with the dissolution of the Communist regime, falling from 30% to 4% after the first democratic elections. Since 1991, an average of only 6.2% of MPs have been women. Source: Assembly of the Republic of Albania, Research and Library Section, Women in the Assembly (Tirana: 2003), 25.
34. ODIHR, 2003 Elections Final Report, 17. There are no figures for the number of women represented on the municipal and communcal councils, although the Presence is supporting a project to compile these figures.
35. OSCE Presence in Albania Rule of Law/Human Rights Department, Pre-Trial Detention Centre Situation Survey (Tirana: April 2004), 8.
36. Adrion Distribution Ltd.
37. A total of 128 public and private broadcasters are licensed by the National Council on Radio and Television: including 3 national television stations; 62 local television stations; 3 national FM radio stations; 43 local FM radio stations; 1 satellite transmitter; 3 television broadcasters with repeaters; 3 radio broadcasters with repeaters; and 10 cable providers. Source: National Council on Radio and Television.
38. Diana Kalaja, The Media Picture of Albania: Little Berlusconis Threaten Real Albania Media Freedom, Media Online Special Report, Albanian Media Institute, 21 April 2003.
39. For example, the 19 newspapers cited above have generally low circulation figures averaging only 3,000 to 4,000 copies daily. Although new dailies continue to appear, the true ability of the newspaper industry has routinely been placed in doubt by media experts.
40. In his recent speech given before the Albanian Assembly on 5 July 2004 regarding the media situation in Albania, Prime Minister Fatos Nano stated that official statistics reveal that 45 percent of licensed television broadcasters' pre-tax earnings comes from advertising revenue, 5 percent from sponsorships, and 50 percent from "other sources". Concurring with the Presence's own opinion, the prime minister further stated that, "…[F]rom what the balance sheet shows, the investments some media owners declare can in no way justify their financial resources."
41. Prime Minister Nano and two top advisors sued Koha Jonë for 40 million lek (US$40,000) for damage to their "honour and dignity" in response to the newspaper having run a story criticizing a government decision awarding a bonus of five months' salary to these officials for having assisted in the successful privatization of the National Savings Bank. The Tirana District Court decided in favour of the plaintiffs, imposing a fine of 2 million lek (US$20,000).
42. In a letter to the chairman of the Albanian delegation to the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe, Søren Søndergaard, co-rapporteur of the Parliamentary Assembly's Monitoring Committee on Albania expressed serious concern over the "apparent disproportionality" of the court's verdict. Similarly, in a letter to Prime Minister Nano, the executive director of Article 19, Andrew Puddephatt, described the fine as "unduly harsh" and questioned the procedural violations of the court.
43. The Koha Jonë publisher is facing another lawsuit by the Prime Minister Nano and his wife. The editor-in-chief of the opposition newspaper Tema was found guilty of libel in June in a criminal case also initiatied by the prime minister. Lawsuits against Tema have been filed by the chairman of the Social Democratic Party and the deputy speaker of the Assembly. In 2003, the editor-in-chief of the Greek language newspaper Romiosini was ordered to pay €4,000 compensation to the chairman of the Human Rights Union Party.
44. US Department of State, Trafficking in Persons Report (Washington, DC: June 2004), 116.
45. In Operation Mirage 2003, organized by the SECI Regional Center for Combating Trans-Border Crime in September 2003, the Albanian police succeeded in arresting 125 traffickers, representing the highest number of arrests out of any country in Southeast Europe.
46. SECI Regional Center for Combating Trans-Border Crime, Operation Mirage 2003: Evaluation Report (Bucharest: February 2004), 3.
47. United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime, World Drug Report 2004, Volume I, (Vienna: 25 June 2004), 126.
48. Ibid., 85.
49. Jan-Peter Olters, "The Informal Sector: Impeding Economic Development?" (Paper delivered at the 4th International Bank of Albania Conference on the Albanian Economy: Performance and Policy Challenges, Saranda, Albania, 11-12 October 2003), 2.


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Pittsburgh, PA (Sports Network) - Pittsburgh Penguins coach Dan Bylsma
announced on Tuesday that defenseman Matt Niskanen will miss 2-to-4 weeks with
a lower-body injury.
Niskanen has one goal and two assists in five games this season. He suffered
the injury during Sunday's game against the Ottawa Senators.
The 26-year-old tallied four goals and 17 assists in 75 games with the
Penguins in 2011-12.
The Sports Network


text: I bought a S4 Gear Lockdown bino system and I am having a hard time getting it adjusted. The harness is riding up onto my neck and it is very uncomfortable. I don't want to get rid of it. It has a great design. Archery season is fast approaching. Does anyone have any suggestions on how to cure this problem?


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Beth Moore's 'James: Mercy Triumphs' at Centreville Presbyterian Church
Wednesday, 07 November, 2012|
We are looking forward to a wonderful Women's Bible Study this fall at Centreville Presbyterian Church! Mark your calendars now for the start of our study beginning September 19th. We will be doing Beth Moore's study on James: Mercy Triumphs. We will continue to meet on Wednesday mornings from 9:30-11:30 a.m. and childcare will be provided. The study runs for 9 weeks and the cost of workbooks is $20.
Centreville Presbyterian Church
15450 Lee Highway
Centreville, VA 20120
Centreville, VA 20120
Event ContactKim Gilbert
Phone: 7038300098
Website: Click to Visit


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Recreational Saltwater Angler Survey
The New Jersey Division of Fish and Wildlife's Bureau of Marine Fisheries utilizes an angler survey to collect information on certain recreationally important marine finfish species. Current data collection efforts for recreational fisheries are hindered by sampling only a small portion of the fishing public and from collecting only minimal data on discarded fish. Information collected through this voluntary survey will provide data which may support alternative management stratagies that increase fishing opportunities for the public.
The focus of this voluntary survey is catch and effort from fishing trips in marine and estuarine waters of the state and surrounding areas. For catch information, we are interested in collecting information on the number and size of both kept and discarded fish.
Thank you for your assistance with this project. We value your input.
Recreational Saltwater Angler Survey FAQs
Please DO NOT submit Striped Bass Bonus Program information using this survey. Please use the Online Striped Bass Logbook only.
* = required fields
Thank you for submitting your information. The data from this survey will be used to increase your enjoyment of fishing in New Jersey!


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|Supt. qualifications identified
|Written by Brenda Johnson Brandt
Qualifications for the Holyoke School District Superintendent search were identified by school board, staff and community in March 17-18 meetings with Colorado Association of School Boards representative Bob Cito.
CASB posted the superintendent position March 23, and will accept applications through the April 17 deadline.
In the brochure announcing the superintendent vacancy, CASB emphasized the board invites applications from candidates who have demonstrated essential qualities and aptitudes to be an excellent leader in this district and community.
Qualifications identified in the recent meetings with Cito are highlighted in the brochure, as follows:
—understanding of small rural communities and schools.
—strong background in instruction, finance and budget.
—excellent communication and listening skills.
—willing to be visible and involved in both classrooms and community.
—ability to build and maintain trust with community, staff and school board.
—willing to make tough decisions and follow through.
—current on best educational practices.
—ability to build on existing programs to improve achievement.
—open, accessible and value input.
—relationship builder.
—hold or be eligible to hold a valid Colorado administrator's license.
Cito is scheduled to meet with the board Tuesday, April 7 at 6:30 p.m. Interviews with candidates will be scheduled Friday and Saturday, May 1 and 2.
In its superintendent search with CASB, Cito emphasized the local school district pays one fee until a superintendent is on board. "We're here to help the district find the right person," he added.


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The State Police is investigating a crash on Kennett Pike at Twaddell Mill Road in Centerville that claimed the life of a Wilmington woman.
Frances Goode, 73, was pronounced dead at Christiana Hospital.
Investigators say on March 13 Goode was crossing Kennett Pike in the area of Twaddell Mill Road. They say as she walked from the west to the east side of the roadway, she was struck by a northbound Subaru Outback operated by Paul Lockwood, 44, of Kennett Square, Pa.
Police are still investigating the crash and no charges have been filed.
Location, ST | website.com


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PREVIEWSworld's Featured This Week Comics and Graphic Novels for 6/1
Every week PREVIEWSworld calls attention to those books and graphic novels which stand out from all the rest. These titles can be found at your local comic shop on June 1! Titles include
Superman Rebirth #1
, and more!
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Ten Video Game Comics You Should Be Reading Now
We're celebrating Video Game Month at PREVIEWSworld with ten classic video games that have made the leap from the console to comic books, and are now available at your local comic shop!
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Evil Ernie Gets A God Complex
In this interview with writer Justin Jordan, read how
Evil Ernie: Godeater
is the latest mini-series from Dynamite Entertainment that brings back the homicidal teen for more murder and mayhem!
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Scott Snyder Is Not Done With Batman
Snyder shows that while he may be done writing the regular
title for the New 52, he isn't done with Bruce Wayne's alter ego as the debut of
All-Star Batman #1
debuts in the June
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Dan Abnett Exclusive To DC Entertainment
DC Comics has reached an agreement with writer Dan Abnett to create comic book content solely for the company's DC and Vertigo imprints. His new tenure starts with
Aquaman: Rebirth #1
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PREVIEWS Prevue: Star Wars — The Force Awakens #1 from Marvel Comics
It's been decades since the Rebel Alliance destroyed toppled the Galactic Empire. But now, on the remote planet of Jakku, there's been a stirring in the Force: a young scavenger named Rey.
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Vokes Returns for Dark Tales of Monsters and Mayhem
Neil Vokes has been illustrating comic book nightmares for over three decades, and his latest blood-drenched tome pulls no punches whatsoever. Read what he has to say about
Dark Tales From The Vokesverse
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Back In Print — Halo, Hellboy, & Giant Days
Trade paperbacks and graphic novels are the best way for collectors and new readers to keep up to date on comics in one sitting. Here is a quick checklist of titles that include
Halo Volume 1: Escalation TP
, and more.
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Cyberpunk Space Sisters In Dark Horse's Bounty #1
Big explosions. Bold colors. You might even think of
The Fifth Element
for a moment, because things get loud and crazy pretty fast in
Bounty #1
. Read our interview with series creator/writer Kurtis Wiebe!
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Marvel Announces The Future Is Now
As the industry's top creators and hottest up-and-coming voices leave their mark on the world's top Super Heroes, get ready for the most exciting and energetic comics on the stands!
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SDCC 2016 PREVIEWS Exclusives Announced
There are
over 25 extremely limited PREVIEWS Exclusives
available for this year's Comic-Con International: San Diego held July 20-24. Click now to see what you can get at SDCC 2016!
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Matt Wagner Chronicles The Death Of Margo Lane
In comic shops June 1! Legendary comic creator Matt Wagner writes and draws the ultimate adventure of the Shadow for Dynamite Entertainment,
The Shadow: The Death of Margo Lane
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Suicide Squad Gets A New Ongoing Series
With the rebirth of the DC Universe, all hands are on deck. It's a new day. A new game. And there's a new #1 issue coming your way for the lean and mean dream team: the Suicide Squad.
More >>
Celebrate Officer Downe's Film Debut with Image HC
On June 3, Joe Casey & Chris Burnham's ultra-violent lawman will leap from the comic pages and onto the silver screen at the LA Film Festival, and fans can celebrate with the new
Officer Downe: Bigger Better Bastard Edition HC
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Trade Paperback Tuesday — Teen Titans, Daredevil, & Alice In Wonderland
Here is a quick checklist to consult for the hottest trade paperbacks and graphic novels that are available to purchase from your local comic shop this week. Titles include
Teen Titans Go!: Heroes On Patrol New Edition TP
, and more.
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Not Just Another Manic Monday
The secrets at the center of the global financial web are so dangerous that there are cadres of assassins who will do whatever it takes to protect those secrets and ensure that power is uninterrupted!
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Civil Rights Movement Peaks In March Book Three
The March trilogy concludes this summer in
March Book Three GN
, taking the story of the Civil Rights Movement from the summer and autumn of 1963, including the famous March on Washington.
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Read Up Before X-Men: Apocalypse
We've picked the trade paperbacks you should read before seeing
X-Men: Apocalypse
and hopefully give more history on the characters making the leap from comic to screen.
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Sneak PREVIEWS: Look What's in June's Catalog
Arriving in comic shops May 25th, June's issue of
, the comic industry's indispensable resource showcases products scheduled to go on sale beginning August 2016.
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A Fight For The Future In Marvel's Civil War II
Brian Michael Bendis has been at the forefront of the Marvel Universe's biggest events of the last decade, and he is joined by his Invincible Iron Man collaborator David Marquez for a story that will shape the Marvel Universe for years to come.
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Top 100 Graphic Novels: April 2016
Grant Morrison and Yanick Paquette's
Wonder Woman: Earth One
original graphic novel from DC Entertainment was April's best-selling graphic novel.
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Top 100 Comics: April 2016
T'Challa faces revolution in Wakanda in Marvel Comics'
Black Panther
#1 from National Book Award-winning Ta-Nahesi Coates and Brian Stelfreeze, the best-selling comic book of April.
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Terry Moore Talks About Rachel Rising's Finale
Terry Moore is known for his inventive stories featuring beautiful female leads and engrossing drama. As his latest series draws to a close, PREVIEWSWorld talks to the prolific comic creator about life, death, and what comes after.
More >>
How To Use PREVIEWS To Order From Comic Shops
Read our handy guide on how to use the
PREVIEWS Catalog
to find exactly the comics and merchandise you want (plus a few you didn't know you wanted!) and get the most out of your local comic shop!
More >>
PREVIEWS How-to: Using a Pull-and-Hold Service at Your Local Comic Shop
Make sure you get the comics and merchandise you want each week at your local comic shop! Learn about how shops offer a Pull-and-Hold Service to their customers!
More >>
Get Out Of The Shadows With This TMNT Reading Guide
Leonardo, Michelangelo, Donatello, and Raphael are at it again as Teenage Mutant Ninja Turtles: Out of the Shadows comes crashing into theaters! Learn more about all the crazy characters hitting the screen with these five comics you should be reading.
More >>
Convention Calendar
Drive your business, interact with fellow fans and retailers, and meet comics, gaming, and science-fiction professionals at a convention in your area!
More >>
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Judge Clayton Greene Jr., the Other Black Judge on Md. Highest Court
When Maryland Court of Appeals Chief Judge Robert M. Bell retires on July 6, he will leave one other Black judge at the upper levels of the state's judiciary– Judge Clayton Greene Jr.
Greene was appointed to the appellate court by then-Gov. Robert Ehrlich in 2004. Greene, like Bell, has played an instrumental role in administering the state's courts.
"He's served with distinction at every level of the court system, very much like Judge Bell," said Larry Gibson, a law professor at the University of Maryland School of Law.
He said that Greene has displayed leadership as an administrative judge, helping to ensure the upkeep of courthouse buildings, managing court case flow, assigning judges to courts and working as a liaison between counsel and judges.
"He has worked as an administrative judge, which is well-respected among both judges and lawyers. It would be hard to imagine a person more qualified than Greene," Gibson said about the possibility that Gov. Martin O'Malley might nominate Greene to fill the chief judicial vacancy.
Born in Glen Burnie, Greene attended Pasadena, Md. public schools. He earned both his undergraduate and law degrees from the University of Maryland before becoming an assistant public defender in 1977. For 10 years, Greene represented clients in Anne Arundel County.
In a historic move in 1988, Greene became the first Black judge appointed to the District Court of Maryland in Anne Arundel County.
Greene's law career spans nearly 40 years. During that period he has served as a trial judge and administrative judge until being elevated to the Circuit Court for Anne Arundel County in 1995 as its first African American judge. He also served as administrative judge for the Fifth Judicial Circuit, which includes Anne Arundel, Howard and Carroll counties and the Court of Appeals of Maryland, the state's highest court.
Baltimore attorney William H. "Billy" Murphy Jr. said he has long admired the strong work ethic and commitment to excellence Greene has exhibited during his career.
"He is tremendously intelligent. He has superior judgment and complete integrity," said Murphy. "He has a very, very strong sense of fairness and it permeates not only in his judicial interactions, but in the way he treats other people."
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Update: Missing man, 81, found safe
Published: Wednesday, July 24, 2013 at 10:59 p.m.
Last Modified: Wednesday, July 24, 2013 at 10:59 p.m.
(Updated Thursday morning) James Don Jackson, 81, has been found and is safe, according to the Marion County Sheriff's Office.
Man, 81, reported missing
(Original article) An 81-year-old mentally disabled man was reported missing on Wednesday evening, sheriff's officials said.
James Don Jackson was last seen in the 12000 block of Northwest Highway 225A at about 11:30 a.m. He was reported missing at 5:30 p.m. after relatives were not able to find him, said Capt. Eric Rawls of the Marion County Sheriff's Office.
Jackson had not been located as of 10 p.m. Wednesday, despite efforts by law enforcement, including the use of the sheriff's helicopter, which has an infrared camera.
Jackson is described as a black male, 5-foot-6 inches tall, weighing approximately 150 pounds. He was last seen wearing navy blue sweatpants and an unknown colored T-shirt, deputies said.
Jackson has a speech impediment and has gray hair and full beard. He is also in need of his daily medication.
Anyone with information about Jackson is ask to call the Sheriff's Office at 732-9111.
Reader comments posted to this article may be published in our print edition. All rights reserved. This copyrighted material may not be re-published without permission. Links are encouraged.


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Benefit tournament set for Ocala Golf Club
Published: Saturday, August 2, 2014 at 11:04 p.m.
Last Modified: Saturday, August 2, 2014 at 11:04 p.m.
OCALA -- Professional Firefighters of Ocala 2135 will be hosting a golf tournament to benefit the Never Say Never Foundation on Aug. 8 at the Ocala Golf Club.
Registration for the event is noon, with tee time at 1:30 p.m. The cost is $200 per team, and the tournament includes 18 holes of golf, riding cart and lunch, with mulligans available for purchase.
For registration and sponsor information, call Richard Grubbs at 266-5340.
Reader comments posted to this article may be published in our print edition. All rights reserved. This copyrighted material may not be re-published without permission. Links are encouraged.


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Chilean town shaken by reminders of deadly quake
In this photo taken Nov. 29, 2012, a student walks past a sign indicating an evacuation route in the event of a tsunami, in Navidad, Chile. The road to the town of Navidad (Christmas in Spanish) is lined by a forest of eucalyptus trees and wildflowers that grow around painted tsunami warning signs that urge residents to build their homes high or dash for higher ground in case of a quake. (AP Photo/Luis Hidalgo)


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GWINNETT COUNTY, Ga. -- There is a major accident that is affecting 2 of 4 right lanes on I-85 Northbound just south of the I-985 interchange at Exit 113 in Gwinnett County.
You should avoid the area for now.
Georgia Department of transportation expects to have the road cleared around 6p.m.
MORE | Real time traffic updates


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Product Description
This is a collaboration with the international star of proper house music – MR V. He is a dj/producer/singer/song writer with a massive list of huge tracks to his name. Check him out at www.solechannelmusic.com
We use only very high quality AMERICAN APPAREL garments. There is a 50/50 blend of cotton and polyester that is light, slightly fitted, and very comfortable. Our shirts and tank tops are manufactured and designed in America utilizing fair labor practices – most brand's shirts and tank tops aren't. We think it's important to support brands who don't utilize cheap products manufactured in countries where slave labor is supported and even endorsed. On top of that, we are the only brand in the world that focuses entirely (and only) on the genres of house music, techno, trance, D&B, nu-disco, dubstep, and trap. So, support our movement if this represents your musical interests, as well as your different ideologies. Or, if you just like the fact that you don't see designs like these in big box stores……Music Is A Gift


text: We are pleased to announce that Erb Photography will be joining us during our 19th annual Collector's Weekend. On Saturday, April 26th at 10:00am, Scott Erb and Donna Dufault will start our Lecture Series off with their topic on photographing Christmas. Husband and wife duo, Scott and Donna, are based in Worcester, Massachusetts and are Read More »


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Keep in mind though when you check out this offer there are distance restrictions for Reagan, Dulles and BWI.
Take 50 percent off a historic candlelight tour in Old Town Alexandria with this Groupon. You explore historic homes and landmarks for just $20.
Brides, check out I'm a Mrs.com. For $15, the site will take over the hassle of changing your last name. They fill out the forms for the government, financial, utility, mortgage companies, loyalty programs, your medical -- the whole 9 yards. You find this deal on Gilt City.


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key x_item TA2224
Tilting Candle - Harries Magic
Item Number: TA2224
One of the classic that always has amused - and still does! A borrowed bill is signed and placed in an envelope. The envelope is placed in a stand which is standing in front of a candle. The candle "accidentally" tilts over setting the envelope on fire.
The signed bill then appears in another envelope which inisde of your wallet.
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