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Testimony :: Muzaffar Suleymanov
Europe and Central Asia Research Associate - Committee to Protect Journalists
Testimony before the Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe
Submitted by
Muzaffar Suleymanov
Research Associate
Europe & Central Asia Program
Committee to Protect Journalists
May 15, 2012
Journalists imprisoned in Central Asia
Chairmen Smith and Cardin, members of the commission:
Thank you for the opportunity to participate in this important hearing on political prisoners in Central Asia. My name is Muzaffar Suleymanov, and I am the research associate for the Europe and Central Asia program at the Committee to Protect Journalists, an international, independently funded organization that defends press freedom worldwide. It is an honor to speak to you today.
I will focus my testimony on journalists currently imprisoned in retaliation for their work in two of the region's countries, Uzbekistan and Kyrgyzstan. Before I discuss CPJ's concerns about these countries, I would like to commend U.S. President Barack Obama for endorsing the fight for press freedom in the statement on May 3, World Press Freedom Day.
As Obama noted, societies worldwide begin to suffer when self-censorship—spurred by, among other threats, the fear of retaliatory imprisonment—becomes the guiding principle in local newsrooms or blogger's apartments. As guarantors of human rights and freedoms, world leaders must hold Central Asian regimes responsible for denying global access to information by throwing critical reporters behind bars. "A culture of impunity for such actions must not be allowed to persist in any country," Obama said. We fully support this call and urge immediate action toward the repressive regimes in Central Asia.
Despite their constitutional mandate to guarantee freedom of the press, regional governments have either sanctioned repression of the media, or been directly responsible for it. In the past decade, President Islam Karimov's authoritarian regime in Uzbekistan firmly cemented its name as one of the worst jailer of journalists in Europe and Central Asia. At least five independent journalists remain in Uzbek prisons—in fact, until last November, Karimov's own nephew languished in a psychiatric ward, put there in retaliation for his critical reporting. And authorities in Kyrgyzstan, where leaders have publicly declared their commitment to human rights and the rule of law, shamelessly imprisoned investigative journalist Azimjon Askarov for life. It is the only country in the region where authorities have handed a life sentence to a critic.
Although no other governments in the region have such a high record of imprisoned journalists, all of them are infamous for their anti-press policies.
In June 2006, Turkmen authorities arrested Ogulsapar Muradova, a local correspondent for the U.S. government-funded Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty, and sentenced her to six years in prison in August. She mysteriously died in jail a month later. Urinboy Usmonov, a BBC World Service correspondent, was one of two independent journalists imprisoned in Tajikistan in 2011 in direct connection to their work. Igor Vinyavsky, whose newspaper criticized a violent police crackdown on protesting oil workers in western Kazakhstan, spent two months in prison earlier this year on spurious extremism and anti-state charges. These cases, and others, illustrate the continuing threats that critical journalists face, which has gradually led to their use of self-censorship as a defense mechanism.
I shall now focus on the press freedom records of Uzbekistan and Kyrgyzstan.
Uzbekistan ranks sixth on CPJ's 2012 list of the world's top 10 censors of the press. Indeed, the country has long been in CPJ's spotlight. The crackdown on critical journalists and media outlets peaked in the aftermath of the May 2005 massacre in the eastern city of Andijan, and resulted in the de facto eradication of the independent press in the country. Since then, authorities have banned reporting without accreditation and harassed the few remaining independent journalists; prosecuted journalists on defamation and ambiguous "insulting the nation" charges; and denied entry to foreign correspondents. Domestic access to critical news websites remains blocked and foreign broadcasts are also jammed, CPJ research shows.
But it is the imprisonment of journalists on fabricated criminal charges that secured Uzbekistan's spot among the world's leading enemies of the press.
In 1999, Muhammad Bekjanov and Yusuf Ruzimuradov, journalists for the opposition newspaper Erk, were convicted on fabricated anti-state charges and sentenced to 14 and 15 years in prison, respectively. Both reporters have spent more time in jail than any other journalist worldwide, according to CPJ research. Earlier this year, authorities handed Bekjanov another five-year prison term just days before he was to be released. In addition, the government has not disclosed the health, condition, or status of Ruzimuradov. CPJ's letter to the Embassy of Uzbekistan, sent last November, remains unanswered.
Two other journalists were given hefty prison terms following ostensibly marred prosecutions. Salidzhon Abdurakhmanov, a contributor to the exile-run independent outlet Uznews, was sentenced to 10 years in jail in 2008 after being charged with "drug possession for personal use." Abdurakhmanov was arrested after his car was searched by police who said they found marijuana and opium in the trunk. Although lab results showed that the journalist had no traces of narcotics in his blood, and investigators were unable to establish chain of custody or find his fingerprints on the package, authorities jailed him after amending his charges. Abdurakhmanov was being tried and sentenced at the same time that Uzbek officials were persuading the European Union to lift its sanctions—imposed directly after the Andijan massacre—by arguing their commitment to human rights and press freedom.
In 2009, authorities sentenced Dilmurod Saiid, an independent journalist from Tashkent, to 12 and a half years in jail on fabricated charges of extortion and forgery. Following a tainted probe and trial—during which prosecution witnesses openly told the court they were being forced to testify against the journalist—authorities convicted Saiid and sentenced him to jail without his lawyer, family, or the press present. Nine months after his arrest, Saiid's wife and daughter died in a car accident while traveling to the prison to visit him. His appeals were denied.
Press freedom groups, including CPJ, have repeatedly called on Karimov to ease his regime's grip on the media and to release all of the imprisoned journalists. But the Uzbek government remains defiant.
Most recently, authorities prosecuted independent journalists Viktor Krymzalov and Yelena Bondar on defamation charges. According to news reports, the journalists were tried in connection to articles they neither contributed to nor wrote. Despite the absurdity of the charges and a lack of any implicating evidence, state-controlled courts sided with the prosecution and handed each reporter exorbitant fines. Krymzalov and Bondar were spared prison terms, but their sentencing clarifies the unofficial message from the Uzbek authorities: Journalism leads to jail.
Unlike its neighbor, Kyrgyzstan was not mentioned on CPJ's prison census for the decade that our organization has compiled prison lists. In 2010, however, amid a violent ethnic conflict that deeply scarred southern Kyrgyzstan, regional authorities handed a life term to one of their fiercest critics, journalist and human rights activist Azimjon Askarov.
Askarov's case depicts official retaliation against an investigative reporter who meticulously documented and exposed human rights abuses by law enforcement agencies. Askarov had reported on the fabrication of criminal cases, and the rape, torture, and murder of detainees by police in the southern Jalal-Abad region. Interviewed by CPJ through his lawyer, the journalist said that he had also witnessed police officers shooting and killing unarmed civilians during the 2010 ethnic conflict. He said he had shared his findings with regional and international news outlets and human rights groups, including the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe and the Moscow-based group Memorial.
Askarov's case was marred with numerous procedural violations. Although he was arrested on June 15, 2010, police did not document his detention until the next day and denied him access to his lawyer for five days. They also beat the journalist and his brother (who was also detained for two days) after he refused to hand over his reporting materials and help the authorities fabricate criminal cases against local residents. Askarov told CPJ that the police had also threatened to rape his wife and daughter, but that they had escaped. A U.S.-based physician who visited Askarov in jail last December said Askarov appeared "to have suffered severe and lasting physical injuries as a result of his arrest and incarceration."
After Askarov refused to give police his reporting materials, which implicated local officials in compliance with the conflict, authorities charged him with incitement to ethnic hatred, calls to mass disorder, attempted kidnapping, illegal possession of ammunition, and complicity in a policeman's murder.
The charges were based on accusations made by regional police, a local mayor, and two of the mayor's employees—the officials who had long threatened to silence Askarov in retaliation for his work. Their statements were conflicting and lacked detail, and there was no physical evidence—such as video footage or statements by impartial witnesses—presented in court. The bullets, which investigators claimed to have found during a search of Askarov's house, were not stored as required for material evidence. Authorities also refused to provide security to the defense witnesses, who could not give their statements in court due to attacks and death threats from the colleagues and relatives of the killed policeman. Authorities also neglected a report by Kyrgyzstan's ombudsman, whose commission investigated Askarov's case and found him innocent on all charges. Appeals by CPJ and other press freedom and human rights groups were also ignored. In September 2010, a regional court convicted Askarov on all charges and imprisoned him for life. All of his appeals were denied by national courts, including the Supreme Court.
Askarov's case is a vivid example of the post-conflict media climate in Kyrgyzstan, where the once-vibrant ethnic Uzbek-language media has virtually vanished after facing official intimidation, harassment, and politicized prosecutions, according to CPJ research.
(CPJ is preparing an investigative report that aims to shed light on Askarov's retaliatory prosecution and fabricated charges, as well as the torture he suffered during custody.)
Mr. Chairman, CPJ urges the members of this commission to discuss these issues with high-ranking officials in the Obama administration who can, in turn, raise them in meetings with Uzbek and Kyrgyz officials.
We ask you to use the powers of your office to prevent any violations against press freedom in this politically unstable region. Silencing the media leaves the international community, at a minimum, under-informed about threats to the region such as rampant government corruption, human rights abuses, natural and manmade disasters, outbreaks of chronic diseases, and other issues that hamper the socioeconomic and political development of the region. The global community's strategic interest in Central Asia must not overshadow the importance of free media in the fight against these and other regional threats. We call on you to demand the release of our imprisoned colleagues. Thank you.
to Muzaffar Suleymanov's testimony
before the Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe
Cases of journalists imprisoned in Central Asia
Muhammad Bekjanov, Erk
Yusuf Ruzimuradov, Erk
Imprisoned: March 15, 1999
Bekjanov, editor of the opposition newspaper Erk, and Ruzimuradov, a reporter for the paper, continued to serve lengthy prison terms in Uzbekistan. Regional press reports said Bekjanov was serving his term at a penal colony outside Kasan in southwestern Uzbekistan, while Ruzimuradov was being held at a penal colony outside Navoi in central Uzbekistan.
Bekjanov and Ruzimuradov were detained in Ukraine—where they had lived in exile and produced their newspaper—and were extradited at the request of Uzbek authorities. Six months after their arrest, a Tashkent court sentenced Bekjanov to 14 years in prison and Ruzimuradov to a 15-year term on charges of publishing and distributing a banned newspaper. Both reporters were also convicted of participating in a banned political protest and attempting to overthrow the regime.
According to CPJ sources and news reports, both men were tortured before their trial started. After the verdict was announced in November 1999, the two were jailed in high-security penal colonies for individuals convicted of serious crimes.
In a 2003 interview conducted at a prison hospital where he was being treated for tuberculosis, Bekjanov described being beaten and tortured in prison. He suffered a broken leg and hearing loss as a result, according to The Associated Press and the London-based Institute for War and Peace Reporting.
Bekjanov's wife, Nina Bekjanova, visited him in 2006 in prison, and told the independent news website Uznews that the journalist had lost most of his teeth due to repeated beatings. Exiled Uzbek journalists, local human rights workers, and other CPJ sources in the region said they had unsuccessfully tried to obtain updated information about the well-being of the journalists. Officials at the Uzbekistan Embassy in Washington did not respond to CPJ's October 2011 request seeking information about the well-being of the two reporters.
Gayrat Mehliboyev, freelance
Imprisoned: July 24, 2002
Mehliboyev, a contributor to the state-owned weekly Hurriyat, was being held in a penal colony in the central city of Zarafshan. He was arrested in the capital, Tashkent, while reporting on a rally held in support of the banned Islamist group Hizb ut-Tahrir.
In February 2003, seven months after his arrest, a court in Tashkent convicted Mehliboyev of anti-constitutional activities, participating in extremist religious organizations, and inciting religious hatred. He was sentenced to seven years in prison, a term that an appeals court reduced by six months.
Prosecutors introduced a 2001 Hurriyat article as evidence of his alleged crimes. In the article, Mehliboyev argued that instead of building a Western-style democracy in Uzbekistan, authorities should consider introducing religious rule. Prosecutors insisted in court that his arguments reflected the ideas of Hizb ut-Tahrir. At trial, Mehliboyev repeatedly said he was assaulted by guards at the pretrial facility where he was being held, local and international human rights groups reported at the time.
Mehliboyev was later sentenced to an additional prison term. In September 2006, the Tashkent regional court sentenced him to six more years on extremism charges, the independent news website Uznews reported. Prison authorities claimed the journalist advocated Hizb ut-Tahrir ideas to other inmates and kept religious writings in his cell. Mehliboyev denied the accusations; he said he had kept only private notes detailing mistreatment in prison.
Officials at the Uzbekistan Embassy in Washington did not respond to CPJ's October 2011 request seeking updated information about Mehliboyev's status and well-being.
Salidzhon Abdurakhmanov, Uznews
Imprisoned: June 7, 2008
Abdurakhmanov, 61, a reporter for the independent news website Uznews, was being held at a penal colony outside the southern city of Karshi after he was convicted in a politicized prosecution on charges of possessing drugs with intent to sell. CPJ has determined the charges were fabricated.
Authorities in Nukus, in Uzbekistan's Karakalpakstan Autonomous Republic, detained Abdurakhmanov after traffic officers stopped his car and claimed they found four ounces (114 grams) of marijuana and less than a quarter ounce (about five grams) of opium in his trunk, Uznews reported. Abdurakhmanov denied possessing the drugs, and said police had planted them in retaliation for his reporting on corruption in the agency. Police questioned Abdurakhmanov extensively about his journalism, searched his home, and confiscated his personal computer, CPJ sources said.
The prosecution was marked by irregularities. Investigators failed to maintain chain of custody for the seized drugs, and they did not present fingerprints or other evidence that Abdurakhmanov ever handled the material, defense lawyer Rustam Tulyaganov told CPJ. Ignoring the lack of evidence, a court in Nukus convicted the journalist in October 2008 and sentenced him to 10 years in prison. Higher courts denied his appeals.
Abdurakhmanov had reported on corruption in regional law enforcement agencies, including the traffic police, for Uznews. He also contributed to the U.S. government-funded broadcasters Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty and Voice of America, and the London-based Institute for War and Peace Reporting.
In September 2011, authorities rebuffed Abdurakhmanov's application for amnesty, citing alleged violations of penal colony rules, according to Uznews. Ilhom Nematov, Uzbekistan's ambassador to the United States, did not respond to CPJ's October 2011 request for information on Abdurakhmanov's well-being.
Dilmurod Saiid, freelance
Imprisoned: February 22, 2009
Saiid was serving a prison term of 12 and a half years on fabricated charges of extortion and forgery. Authorities arrested Saiid in his hometown, Tashkent, and placed him in detention in the central city of Samarkand after a local woman accused him of extorting US$10,000 from a local businessman. The accuser soon withdrew the accusation, saying she had been coerced, but authorities refused to release the journalist, according to Saiid's lawyer, Ruhiddin Komilov.
In March 2009, Samarkand prosecutors said new witnesses had come forward to accuse Saiid of extortion, the independent regional news website Fergana News reported. Prosecutors also said several local farmers had accused Saiid of using their signatures to create fraudulent court papers. At Saiid's trial, Fergana News reported, the farmers publicly recanted and said prosecutors had pressured them to testify against the journalist.
Komilov told CPJ that authorities failed to notify him of court hearing dates. In July 2009, a Tailak District Court judge sentenced the journalist in a closed proceeding without Komilov, Saiid's family, or the press in attendance. Saiid was being held in a high-security penal colony outside the city of Navoi in central Uzbekistan.
Saiid was imprisoned in retaliation for his journalism, CPJ's analysis found. Before his imprisonment, Saiid had reported on official abuses against farmers for the independent regional news website Voice of Freedom as well as for a number of local publications. As a member of the Tashkent-based human rights group Ezgulik, Saiid had also helped local farmers defend their rights in regional courts, local sources told CPJ.
In November 2009, the journalist's wife and 6-year-old daughter were killed in a car accident while on their way to visit him in prison, regional press reports said. Ezgulik appealed for Saiid's release on humanitarian grounds, but the appeal was denied. In September 2011, authorities rejected Saiid's application for amnesty, citing alleged violations of penal colony rules, Uznews reported.
Officials at the Uzbekistan Embassy in Washington did not respond to CPJ's October 2011 request seeking updated information about Saiid's well-being.
Azimjon Askarov, freelance
Imprisoned: June 15, 2010
Askarov, a contributor to the independent news website Voice of Freedom and director of the local human rights group Vozdukh (Air), was serving a life term on a series of fabricated charges that included incitement to ethnic hatred and complicity in the murder of a police officer.
Authorities in the southern Jalal-Abad region arrested Askarov after a violent confrontation between police and villagers in Bazar-Korgon. One police officer was killed in the conflict. The episode took place amid deadly ethnic clashes between Kyrgyz and Uzbek residents, which engulfed all of southern Kyrgyzstan in June 2010. The clashes left hundreds dead, and forced up to a half-million people to flee their homes. According to press reports and CPJ sources, Askarov was reporting on violence, destruction, looting, and human rights abuses in Bazar-Korgon at the time.
CPJ research shows that Askarov was imprisoned in retaliation for his journalism and human rights work. Before his arrest, Askarov had reported allegations that regional police had fabricated criminal cases against innocent people and had tortured detainees in custody. As a result of Askarov's work, several senior law enforcement officials had been dismissed from their posts, according to Voice of Freedom and CPJ sources.
Regional prosecutors initially charged Askarov, 60, with organizing the riots, but later expanded his indictment to include complicity in the murder of a police officer, possession of ammunition and extremist literature, and attempted kidnapping, regional press reports said. Askarov denied the charges and said he had not been present at the scene. In June 2011, Askarov told the independent news website Fergana News that he came to the scene of the killing only after his neighbors alerted him to the events. During his trial, Askarov said, neighbors wanted to testify on his behalf, but regional police and prosecutors threatened them into silence.
Askarov, held by the same department whose officer was killed in Bazar-Korgon, was beaten by police while in custody, defense lawyer Nurbek Toktakunov told CPJ. Toktakunov said he himself was attacked by relatives of the deceased officer. Authorities did not investigate the reports, according to CPJ research.
On September 15, 2010, Judge Nurgazy Alimbayev pronounced Askarov guilty on all charges and sentenced him to life in prison. Toktakunov said the prosecution had failed to produce any evidence or witness testimony that implicated Askarov.


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Owen, Sharon Ann Pierce
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References to an "earlier record" usually refer to a survey conducted in the 1950's by the Nevada County Extension Homemakers' Clubs, the original of which is on file at the Nevada County Depot and Museum.
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Copyright Notice and Limitations on Use: All informative and photographic material on the Nevada County Depot and Museum web site and compact discs are copyright ©1996-2016 Nevada County Depot and Museum. Routines that generate the pages were written by, hosted by, and copyright ©2002-2016 Danny Stewart.All rights are reserved. Individuals who access the web site or purchase a compact disk are limited to private viewing of the material or quotation in an individual's historical research project. Use of material must be attributed to "Nevada County Depot and Museum". Additional terms apply to items in the cemetery survey, as outlined on those pages. Prior written consent is required before any material is quoted or used in a work that is sold for any price or distributed by any means, either for profit or not for profit.
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Title: "Cemetery Survey - Falcon Cemetery - New Section - Owen, Sharon Ann Pierce"
Published by: Nevada County Depot and Museum, 403 West First Street South, Prescott Arkansas 71857
URL: www.depotmuseum.org/cemetery.php?number=22044&sequence=4750
Retrieval Date: June 1, 2016


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Kinaawa D(Iii) Group
This is a group loan. The loan funds will be distributed among the group members, each of whom will invest in her own business. The members mutually guarantee one another's loans. If one member does not repay, the other members are responsible.
Additional Information
About BRAC UgandaThis loan is administered by BRAC Uganda, a registered non-governmental organization (NGO) in Uganda that is also a part of the BRAC international network. BRAC Uganda attempts to address poverty through a holistic model, offering programs in education, health, water & sanitation, agriculture, and microfinance. BRAC Uganda's microfinance program aims to provide the poor with easy, reliable, and efficient access to institutional financial services, and reaches over 150,000 families in Uganda. For more on BRAC Uganda, please see our partner page, and join our lending team, Friends of BRAC Uganda.
This is a Group Loan
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Success!! The loan was 100% repaid
- Repayment Term
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- Listed
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- Currency Exchange Loss:
- Covered
- Ended:
- May 3, 2009


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Bubble Mouse
by Masque Publishing
Shoot bubbles to save the city from mischievous cats! Unlock over 90 puzzles and 6 locations in this free addictive match 3 bubble saga, which includes power-ups, mini-games, leaderboards, and so much more! And as a special NEW GAME, visit the Candy Shoppe for a fast-paced Bubble Mouse Blast sugar rush to crush the competition and reach the top of the leaderboard! Pop bubbles by matching 3 or more of the same kind of bubble, and multiply your points by bouncing trick shots off the walls and making streaks of successful shots to unlock new puzzles and locations. Watch out for cats and other obstacles that block your way – you must use your wits to knock out the bubbles above them. A variety of power-ups can help you through the game, but use them wisely! You'll need them for the most challenging levels! NEW FEATURES!!! · Play Bubble Mouse Blast at the CANDY SHOPPE! Candy and cakes advance towards your mouse hero and his makeshift cannon can only hold an item for a few seconds! Can you defeat the cats' new fiendish plan? · Earn a Key to the City for completing all 6 puzzle locations on the map! · ALL NEW Roquefort Towers puzzles! · Leaderboards for each puzzle!
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You searched for: Languages English Remove constraint Languages: English Dates by Range 1600-1649 Remove constraint Dates by Range: 1600-1649 Start Over
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Skip to main content
"I think it's a wonderful opportunity to really advocate for our patients...I'd never done it before, I learned as much as I hope I was able to contribute."— Laura Savage, RN, MSN
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Mr Chairman and members of the Commission.
First of all I want to thank your commission for the invitation to inform you about four child abuse cases we are working on for so many years already.
I myself represent two Turkish victims who were raped and sexually abused when they were 11 and 14 years old. The perpetrator was a high ranking Dutch government official, nowadays Secretary-General of the Dutch Ministry of Security and Justice, Mr. Joris Demmink. I also represent B., who is present today to answer your questions. B. was a victim of the same Dutch high ranking official Mr. Demmink at the time that he, as a young boy of 15 years old, was forced to work in a brothel.
I was informed about the crimes committed by Mr. Demmink in Turkey by official Turkish sources. They informed me that Mr. Demmink in 1995 was caught in the act of sex with minors, in Turkey, while attending a party in Bodrum. At this party, minors were sexually abused. One of the boys tried to escape and created a great deal of commotion, which brought the police. Mr. Demmink was arrested and subsequently released, after which his criminal file was used to blackmail the Dutch authorities to take action in a case against a Kurdish activist who at the time stayed in the Netherlands. I am also the attorney of this Kurdish businessman, named Mr. Baybasin.
The two well documented criminal charges that were filed against Mr. Demmink by the two Turkish boys Osman B. and Mustafa Y. were never investigated according to Dutch criminal investigative procedures. The same goes for the criminal charges filed by my other client Mr. Baybasin against Mr. Demmink. The victim, who is present today, was in 1998 a key witness in the so called Rolodex investigation. His statements never led to an investigation, prosecution or conviction of the real perpetrators, the high ranking customers (the Dutch Super Elite) of the numerous minor brothels in our capital Amsterdam, at the time.
The question arises what is going on in the Netherlands? In your 2012 report on human trafficking, you recognized the Netherlands as a tier 1 status country, in full compliance with the minimum standards to combat trafficking in persons. My experience in the four cases I represent is completely different. High ranking government officials and politicians in the Netherlands seem to form a privileged elite, who are above the law when they sexually abuse minors, and will never be arrested, tried or convicted.
Rolodex investigation
In 2000, the Guardian described in a well-informed article, the Netherlands and especially Amsterdam as a paradise for pedophiles where the police seemed to be powerless to act.[1] We now understand why.
In 1998, an Amsterdam police investigation, called the Rolodex Affair, was conducted into a pedophile network of influential Dutch customers of boys brothels. The investigation targeted high-ranking Dutch officials and politicians suspected of abusing young boys in Amsterdam brothels. As a victim, B. was one of the key witnesses in that investigation. One of the suspects in that investigation was Mr. Demmink. But according to leading investigators in this case, as soon as Demmink became a person of interest in this matter, the investigation was shut down. Information about intended actions by the investigating police was leaked. A policeman who worked on this investigation said that he arrived at the location and the "middle man" of this network, Professor Van Roon, was waiting for the police team. Not surprisingly, all video evidence was missing and all telephone communication between the suspects suddenly stopped. Law enforcement officials on the case were forced to sign non-disclosure agreements and were sworn to secrecy regarding all information pertaining to the involvement of Demmink and other high ranking officials in this shocking behavior.
Our present State Secretary of Justice, Fred Teeven, was one of the leading prosecutors in the Rolodex investigation. In 2007, he expressed his frustration about the blocking of the investigation in a closed court hearing under oath. He then told the court that this investigation indeed targeted high ranking representatives of the Dutch government, who were sexually abusing minors. He also stated that this investigation never has led to the prosecution of these suspects because of certain contra-actions.[2]
When a Dutch publication in the Gaykrant accused Mr. Demmink in 2003, of being involved in the abuse of minor boys in a park in the south of the Netherlands, the newspaper was forced to withdraw its accusations under threat of bankruptcy by Demmink's lawyer. The editor of the Gaykrant, Henk Krol, was told by Demmink in a private meeting, that he indeed has had sex with young boys without asking their age. But Demmink let Mr. Krol know during that meeting: "Remember well, Mr. Krol, that we are the ones who make the laws in this country".
The Turkish victims
In 2008 and 2010 I filed three well documented criminal charges against Mr. Demmink on behalf of my Turkish clients Osman B. and Mustafa Y. for rape and sexual abuse of minors under the age of sixteen.
The criminal charges filed by Mustafa against Demmink were never investigated. The Dutch authorities dismissed the allegations, after demanding that Mustafa first had to travel to the Netherlands to officially answer their questions. Meanwhile the boy was heavily threatened and abused in Turkey (his tongue was cut with a razor blade), in an effort to quash his complaint.[3] The boy was approached by the then high ranking police chief Emin Arslan who offered him a good life in case he withdrew his charges against Demmink. If not, the boy's life would be destroyed. The boy was frightened to death but never withdrew his charges against Demmink. He had his experience in Turkey where you don't have any right in front of such high-ranking officials. As a result of what happened to Mustafa I asked the prosecutor to arrange official security for Mustafa during his stay in the Netherlands to give his statement. I also asked to allow his lawyer to be present during the police interview. Those requests were consequently refused despite the terrifying experiences Mustafa went through. Mustafa did not travel to Holland to answer questions about his accusations against Demmink. He offered again and again to answer all questions the Dutch police and prosecutors still might have, in Turkey in an official inquiry hearing. Such an inquiry has never occurred..
The second Turkish boy Osman traveled to the Netherlands, where he was interrogated by Dutch investigators, in February 2011. However, a thorough criminal investigation was never initiated in his case. Five witnesses with direct knowledge about this crime were waiting in Turkey to be interviewed by Dutch prosecutors, but they were ignored, until now. The Turkish policeman Mehmet Korkmaz who was Demmink's security officer during the Secretary-General's visits to Turkey and who has since admitted kidnapping minor boys for Demmink to abuse, offered to be heard by Dutch police in Turkey, despite risks to his personal safety. No one ever contacted him. His testimony can be seen on the video presented to this hearing and on our website[4]. The same goes for the former chief of the Istanbul police, Necdet Menzir (also former Minister of Transport in Turkey), who was also willing to testify about Demmink's visits to Turkey in the 1990s and the fact that his police officers were ordered to protect Demmink. No one ever contacted him, either. Subsequently also the offer of a third Turkish boy, Yacine, who said to have been sexually abused by Demmink, in 1995 in Bodrum, was ignored by the Dutch authorities.
Despite this overwhelming amount of available primary witnesses, the criminal charges filed by Osman and Mustafa never led to an official criminal investigation as defined in the Dutch Code of Criminal Procedure. The prosecutors persisted that there were insufficient grounds to call Mr. Demmink a suspect and to start an official criminal investigation against him. Only a so-called 'exploratory' investigation was conducted, that is not accepted by the Dutch code of criminal procedure. And without an official criminal investigation based on the Dutch Code of Criminal Procedure, the "hands of the prosecutors were completely tied", according to their own words. Without an official suspect and criminal investigation, the prosecutors lacked the authority to travel to Turkey to interrogate the available witnesses and to properly investigate the data of Demmink's official and non-official trips in the 1990s.
In the Netherlands, where it only takes an anonymous tip to initiate not only a criminal investigation, but also police actions such as arrest and house searches, the reaction of the prosecutor on this matter can be called quite absurd.
Travel dates
Instead of performing its own research, the prosecutor's office has simply taken for granted Demmink's "alibi" - that he never visited Turkey since 1987.
A Dutch research journalist however who asked the Ministry of Security and Justice to be provided with all the travel dates of their high ranking officials in the nineties, was told that all travel documentation older than five years was destroyed. That is why the final conclusion of the prosecutor in Osman's case in February 2012 was that it could not be confirmed that Demmink traveled to Turkey in the nineties.
Moreover, Turkish authorities have leaked documents proving that, notwithstanding his denials, Joris Demmink did indeed enter Turkey in the 1990s.[5] At the time Mr. Demmink was Director-General of International Affairs of the Dutch Ministry of Justice and as a member of the EU K4 committee specially responsible for the Kurdish-Turkish conflict. Even without the Turkish documents we received, it is inconceivable for the Dutch to claim that a high-ranking European official with duties specifically focused on Turkey's conflict with the Kurds would not have visited Turkey during the 1990s. That would be equivalent to an American Ambassador of Turkey based in Washington who never visited Turkey. Besides that, it is a fact that the Dutch authorities who received copy of this Turkish list of travel dates of Mr. Demmink, never did any effort to check the status of this document in Turkey itself or the entry dates it mentions.
The travel dates of Joris Demmink are stored in the computers of the intelligence agencies in Turkey. Several sources confirmed, that they have seen this information available. The latest information confirming Demmink's travel dates, we received from the Turkish prosecution office in Diyarbakir. This office has started an investigation against Demmink and two of his Turkish allies (in corruption and child abuse): the former Minister of Interior Mehmet Agar and the former police and intelligence chief Emin Arslan who was the one threatening Mustafa after he filed his first criminal charge. One of the first results of the recent Turkish criminal investigation is that Demmink used three different aliases to enter Turkey at the time.
The validity of Demmink's travel dates to Turkey are also confirmed by sources including the "EK RAPOR" (report) of the senior Turkish intelligence official Huseyin Celebi. Celebi introduces himself in his letter of February 2010 as the Turkish Intelligence official who wrote the EK RAPOR in 2006 to inform the highest (military, political and juridical) level officials in Turkey. [6] In his report, he was the first to reveal what Demmink did, travel to Turkey during the mid-1990s and how these criminal acts were used to blackmail the Netherlands in order to force the prosecution and conviction of the Kurdish activist Huseyin Baybasin for non-existent crimes, with the help of falsified telephone recordings.
In his EK RAPOR Celebi wrote literally :
"Demmink also participated in similar (pedophile) parties in Turkey. Because a gun went off during a party in Bodrum in 1995, the police arrived.(---) Joris Demmink, who was especially occupied with the case against Huseyin Baybasin in the Netherlands, visited Turkey as a tourist in 1995 and for an international meeting in Antalya in June 1996. Besides that, he entered and left Turkey in the years 1997, 1998, 1999, 2000, 2001, 2002, 2003 and in most of the cases he wiped his tracks. This information is collected by official and special Intelligence Services. It is also known that he entered Turkey under different names."[7]
The Dutch Prosecution Office never investigated the sources of the EK RAPOR either. This is surprising, because the information of the EK Rapor is confirmed in an old document of the Ministry of Justice in the Netherlands, in which is said that "the Baybasin case is used as leverage in order to get something done from the Turkish authorities in another case" and that the responsible official was Joris Demmink.[8] The first reaction of the Public Prosecutor on the EK report was that in his view Hüseyin Celebi was a non-existent person. Hüseyin Celebi then wrote his letter of February 2010 (together with a photo of him in the company of a high ranking Turkish politician of the ruling Turkish AK party) to the Dutch authorities offering 'them to answer their questions regarding his report and accusations. Also this offer was subsequently ignored by the Public prosecution Office.[9]
All these facts lead to only one conclusion. The criminal charges filed by the two Turkish boys Mustafa and Osman against Demmink were never investigated. The travel movements of Demmink in the nineties were never examined. None of the witnesses presented in Turkey were heard. During the 'orienting' investigation Demmink simply maintained his position as highest ranking official of the Ministry of Security and Justice. And on the base of this non-existent criminal investigation the Turkish criminal charges against Demmink were dismissed.
It seems to be a repetition of what happened in the Rolodex investigation in 1998.
At the moment I am preparing an appeal against the decision of The Dutch National Prosecution Office not to prosecute Mr. Demmink for the crimes committed in Turkey and the Netherlands against my clients Mustafa, Osman and Baybasin. I am still waiting for a copy of the official file of the Turkish prosecutor who collected the entry dates of Demmink in the nineties and the aliases he used. But according to my Turkish sources, there is considerable pressure exerted on the Turks by the Dutch not to reveal the truth.
One important issue to keep in mind is, that the media have not been very supportive in informing the Dutch public about this horrific story. Most of the large mainstream media have not written anything for several years about Demmink. This weekend a large national newspaper is finally going to publish new material about Demmink. The power elite in the government we are told haw muzzled the leading editors not to write about this story.
I am born and educated in the Netherlands. I am proud of the values of democracy and Rule of Law that govern our society. I am here because some of our leading officials seem to have hijacked our system, abusing all their official power to cover up their ugly behavior towards young people and others. That is terrifying. Nobody should be above the law when he sexually abuses minors or abuses his official government position to cover this up. We only search for justice and we ask your commissions help and advice to reach this.
In conclusion, I would like to ask for two things:
The State Department should remove the Tier 1 Status from the Netherlands, as they don't deserve it.
The Helsinki Commission or US State Department, should put maximum pressure to have the official dates released which prove that Demmink was in Turkey in the 1990s.
Thank you for your attention.
Adèle van der Plas
[1] see appendix 1: article of Nick Davies, Guardian, 27 November2000: Amsterdam as a center for pedophiles
[2] Appendix 2: report of the hearing of Fred Teeven on 12 April 2007 in the District Court of the Hague in the case Paul H./OM, file number: 09/754023-06
[3] see: http://www.bs-foundation.nl/the-story-of-mustafa-with-some-excerpts-from-his-video-interview/
[4] See: http://www.bs-foundation.nl/english-subtitled-version-video-policeman-mehmet-korkmaz/
[5] Attached appendix 3: the list of dates , received from the MIT, with the dates that Demmink entered the country.
[6] Huseyin Celebi works for the Turkish State Security Counsel, the military wing of the Turkish Intelligence Service. Since 1980 Celebi was special security adviser for among others the Turkish Minister of Interior. See appendix 4: letter of 5 February 2010 of Celebi to the President of the Dutch Investigation Committee, the TCEAS, prof. Y. Buruma.
[7]Appendix 5: the original EK RAPOR of January 2007
[8] Appendix 6: Memo of the Dutch Ministry of Justice, 15 July 1997
[9] Very recent however the Attorney-General of the Supreme Court requested to re-investigate the telephone recordings that constituted the evidence in the Baybasin case, for possible manipulation.
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HOME Wisconsin Badgers Gear Wisconsin Badgers Mens Wisconsin Badgers Mens Accessories Wisconsin Badgers Mens Accessories Ladies (19 items) Product ID: 696728
Main Content
This item ships within one business day.
$4.99 flat rate shipping. See other shipping options.
Keep your shades handy with this school-spirited visor clip featuring a printed team logo! This handy tool clips onto your car visor or your clothing so you won't lose your sunglasses, no matter how long and crazy your day cheering on the Badgers may be.
- Imported
- Made of plastic
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- Sunglasses not included
- Team logo
- Made in the USA
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Manufacturer direct items are shipped directly from the manufacturer. These items are not available for international or expedited shipping.
Customized items can be personalized with options such as your name, your favorite number, and/or designs. Some options may be limited by league rules.


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Morton's neuroma is an inflammation and scarring of a nerve in the foot that goes to the toes. Surgical treatment involves removing the area of inflammation and the nerve.
Reasons for Procedure
Morton's neuroma can cause pain and tingling. Morton's neuroma removal is done to lessen these symptoms when other treatment has not helped. After the removal, most people have pain relief.
Possible Complications
Problems from the procedure are rare, but all procedures have some risk. Your doctor will review potential problems, like:
- Recurrence of pain
- Numbness in the nearby toes
- Bleeding
- Infection
- Poor wound healing
Some factors that may increase the risk of complications include:
What to Expect
Prior to Procedure
You doctor may do the following:
- Medical history
- Physical exam
- MRI scan of the foot
Local or general anesthesia will be used. Local anesthesia will numb the area. With general anesthesia, you will be asleep.
Description of Procedure
A small incision will be made on the top of the foot. It will be made between the two toes that are affected by the neuroma. The area of inflammation and the nerve will be located and removed. The end of the nerve will be attached to a toe tendon. Sometimes, the ligament between the involved foot bones is cut to prevent pressure on the area. The incision will then be closed with stitches. A bandage will be applied over the area.
After Procedure
The removed tissue will be examined in a lab. The results may take several days.
How Long Will It Take?
Less than one hour
How Much Will It Hurt?
Anesthesia will prevent pain during surgery. Pain and discomfort after the procedure can be managed with medications.
Average Stay
If there were no complications, you may be able to leave the same day.
Post-procedure Care
You will have to restrict activity while recover. This may take 3-6 weeks. Home care may include:
- Caring for the surgical wound
- Using compression or ice
- Keeping your foot elevated
- Exercises to maintain flexibility and strength
The small area where the nerve was removed is likely to remain numb.
Call Your Doctor
It is important for you to monitor your recovery after you leave the care center. Alert your doctor to any problems right away. If any of the following occur, call your doctor:
- Signs of infection, including fever and chills
- Redness, swelling, increasing pain, excessive bleeding, or discharge from the incision site
- Pain that you cannot control with the medications you were given
- Recurrence of the symptoms in your foot, or new, unexplained symptoms
If you think you have an emergency, call for medical help right away.
Revision Information
- Reviewer: Michael Woods, MD
- Review Date: 05/2016 -
- Update Date: 05/29/2014 -


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The Delaware Museum of Natural History, 4840 Kennett Pike, Wilmington, will present Ready, Set, Glow! from 9:30 a.m. to 4:30 p.m. on March 9.
The event will include glowing rocks and mineral demonstrations from the Delaware Mineralogical Society, free glowing give-a-ways for the first 200 children and more. This event will also feature a fluorescitorium, a darkened, tunnel-like display that will allow visitors to see various rocks and minerals glowing under special lighting. In addition, visitors will learn what makes each mineral glow a particular color or, in some cases, multiple colors.
Admission is $9 for adults; $7 for children three to 17; $8 for seniors; free for museum members and children two and younger. This event will be free with admission. For more information, call (302) 658-9111 or visit delmnh.org.
Location, ST | website.com


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Here are a few of my favourite things. Plus you can get music, and other items like DVDs and books in the Miscellaneous section. Hope you find something you like.
?Another Side? is an album full of classic songs. They are songs that John has wanted to record for many years, all of them having had a personal meaning or connection in his life and career. Across a number of musical genres, but predominantly sumptuous, streamlined pop, he lends his rich vocals to, amongst others, Cyndi Lauper?s ?Time After Time?, Elton John?s ?Your Song?, Chicago?s ?If You Leave Me Now? and Billy Joel?s ?She?s Always A Woman To Me?.
?All Out Of Love? is an epic ballad featuring intense, soaring strings.?Weekend In New England?, a Barry Manilow classic; ?Feeling Good? is a nod to a bygone era, with a wonderfully late night supper club feel, and ?All By Myself?, is the perfect finale, a tribute to Eric Carmen?s masterful original.
Another Side
by John Barrowman is available from Amazon in the UK
or from Amazon Canada


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Calvin "Dear Steve, I am a college student with severe chronic depression. The illness has been so debilitating that I have gone from being a dean's list student to entering the second term of my fifth year of undergraduate school. Unfortunately, this situation has forced me to take on $41,000 in student loans. I can't afford health insurance and even ... Read More »
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The Thule Adventure Team of Martin Flinta, Jacky Boisset, Myriam Guillot, Marcel Hagener, Per Vestling and Eva Nyström, collects some of the world's most talented multisport athletes. They're all driven to compete in the toughest, most extreme adventure races. And they're all proud members of the Thule Crew.
At Thule, we take product testing very seriously with exhaustive lab tests to live up to our own rigorous standards. Which is why we also get our products used by the Thule Crew, people who are capable of testing them to the extreme in real life. Every single day.
Meet the Thule Crew >


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Using a daily moisturizer is absolutely essential for healthy and resilient skin. Topix Moisturizers provide a vital step that should be incorporated into any skin care regimen. All skin can benefit from Topix Moisturizers which help to seal in essential moisture left behind from cleansing. Topix Moisturizers retain hydration and prevent water loss. Topix Moisturizers plump up the skin and make it look healthier and more vibrant.
The collection of Topix Moisturizers offers solutions for different skin types and concerns as well as different areas of the face and body. Many of the Topix Moisturizers provide additional benefits by delivering active ingredients that exfoliate, protect and repair the skin. Topix Moisturizers help improve the health of the skin by restoring the critical lipid barrier which protects the skin against water loss as well as a host of common problems associated with dryness and dehydration.
Topix Moisturizers should be applied every day after cleansing. With continued use, Topix Moisturizers allow the skin to take on a softer, more supple feel and appearance. Many of the Topix Moisturizers fall under a specialized Topix line for the treatment and maintenance of a particular skin type and concern. Topix Moisturizers can help any skin look and feel its best.
Finding the right moisturizer—one that keeps your skin hydrated without leaving it feeling oily or weighed down—is often a challenge. Topix Moisturizers feature natural ingredients and oil-free formulas, allowing your skin to stay soft and smooth without feeling greasy. Gentle enough to use daily, Topix Moisturizers are a must for your daily skin-care routine.
Keep your face well-moisturized without leaving greasy residue with Glycolix Elite Facial Cream 20%. Featuring 20% glycolic acid, this cream exfoliates dull dead skin cells on the top of your face, helping to eliminate fine lines and uneven skin tones. The result is healthier, glowing, more supple skin with fewer fine lines. Topix Glycolix Elite Facial Cream 20% includes Liposomal Vitamins A, C, and E, Co-Q10, and green tea extract. Its gentle but effective formula moisturizes all skin types and is suitable for daily use.
Featuring 15% Glycolic Acid, Topix Glycolix Elite Facial Cream 15% sloughs off dead skin cells to reveal your healthiest layer of skin. This effective formula reduces the appearance of fine lines, reduces uneven skin tones, and creates more supple skin. Topix Glycolix Elite Facial Cream 15% is an ideal moisturizer in a Glycolic Acid regimen and moisturizes all skin types. The gentle, natural ingredients such as Liposomal Vitamins A, C, and E, Co-Q10, and green tea extract leave your skin looking its best.
Create softer, smoother skin with Topix Glycolix Elite 15% Body Lotion. This light, oil-free lotion exfoliates dead skin cells to uncover healthy, fresh skin that is soft and smooth. This lotion is ideal for all skin types, especially dry skin, and contains Liposomal Vitamins A, C, and E, Co-Q10, and green tea extract. Topix Glycolix Elite 15% Body Lotion also helps to treat keratosis pilaris.


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Tire Pressure Gauges, Tire Durometer & TPMS Sensors
|Tire gauges come in all shapes from the simple pencil shape to the more accurate and precise digital versions. If you're racing, tire pressure is a key chassis set-up issue. Choose one of the many options in accurate tire gauges from JEGS, Auto Meter, Intercomp, Percy's and more. JEGS also carries tire pressure equalizers to accurately match pressure between your tires.
|94 Products
|94 Products


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Location Index
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- Resort: Counter
- Resort: Table Service
WDW Recipes
Dinner Shows
Special Dietary Needs
- Celiac Sprue
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- Kosher
- Low Carb
- Other Special Diets
- Vegetarian/Vegan
- --Parks Counter
- --Parks Table Service
- --Resorts Table Service
- --Strategies
- --Meet the Authors
of Vegetarian WDW
- --A Vegetarian at
Mickey's Table - I
- --A Vegetarian at
Mickey's Table - II
Special Dining Events
- Afternoon Tea
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Princess Tea Party
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Restaurants That
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Walt Disney World Dining
The New AllEars.Net Dining Database!
We are proud to announce the "soft opening" of the new AllEars.Net Dining Database!
Over the past year and a half, we've been working on a comprehensive dining database that we think will be a useful tool in helping you plan your Walt Disney World vacations. Our goal is twofold -- to make it easier for you to have all the information you need about Walt Disney World dining at your fingertips, and to make it easier for us to keep that information up-to-date.
So we've pulled together all the information we have about almost every Walt Disney World dining location -- location descriptions, dining plan and discount info, menus, restaurant and food photos, videos, even recipes -- all into one place.
Here are the two main links you'll need to start navigating your way around this new database:
Dining Location Index
Menu Index
Please update your bookmarks accordingly.
As we are still in "soft open" mode, please let us know if you find anything that's not working the way you think it ought to. And as always, we welcome your feedback. Drop us a note using our feedback form HERE.
Thanks in advance for all your help and your continued support!


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First and foremost, sway bars are designed as safety features, implemented automatically when high levels of torsion increase a vehicle's rollover risk. The greater the stiffness of the sway bar is, the greater the resulting amount of force required to induce a rollover is. SUVs, trucks, and other larger vehicles are especially prone to these rollover forces, and so it's more critical for owners of these types of vehicles to install effective sway bars to prevent these unfortunate outcomes.


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Outdoor Waste Receptacles
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Our garbage cans are both functional and attractive. They will withstand and kind of weather for many years of waste disposal. Choose from metal and wood commercial trash cans to find the models that best suit your space. With an accessible place for garbage and recycling, people can easily clean up after themselves, maintaining the natural beauty of the outdoors.
Nobody likes to see waste lying around on the ground, but when people don't have a clear place to put their garbage and recycling, that is often what happens. When candy wrappers and tissues are left scattered around a picnic or playground area, the whole space looks messy. Having an appropriate place to dispose of waste close by encourages kids to be green at school, so you are not left with a messy space and you don't have to give an additional task to your busy maintenance or cleaning staff.
Why do I need garbage cans and recycling bins outside?
When you provide garbage cans and recycling bins, you demonstrate the value of being clean and eco-friendly while maintaining the aesthetic appearance of your building and its surroundings. Most people are happy to throw away their own garbage, but they won't want to carry it around, searching for an appropriate place to dispose of it, especially if they are cleaning up messy items. With the appropriate commercial trash cans within easy reach, your outdoor areas are more likely to stay clean for longer periods of time.
What is the best place for trash cans and recycle bins outside?
The optimal locations for trash cans and recycle bins are near the spaces where people are most likely to be eating. It is important to place them in a space that is close enough to be reached easily, and prominent enough to be noticed, but far enough away from where people are eating that unpleasant smells won't bother them. The ideal placement will probably be a few feet away from areas where people are sitting, out of the way of any play equipment or footpaths.
To encourage an eco-friendly approach to waste disposal, it is a great idea to put recycling bins right next to trash cans. This way, people won't have to go out of their way to dispose of materials in an environmentally-friendly fashion. Even those who don't naturally seek out opportunities to recycle will be likely to put materials in recycle cans when it is a natural and easy thing to do. In the educational environment, the presence of proper waste disposal will demonstrate your institution's concern for the environment, and will help develop kids with a cause.
How do you choose outdoor recycling cans?
When ordering outdoor recycling cans, you have to choose which materials they will be for. The right selection ultimately depends on what people are most likely to be disposing of in a particular location and what materials the local area has the capability to reuse. You can choose to have separate compartments for cans and bottles, plastic and glass, and even a bin that is designated just for paper. With a number of recycling bins in a row, it will be easier for people to separate materials and identify the right place for each thing. This arrangement is also helpful for a school that collects bottles and cans as a fundraiser for student activities or another worthy cause.
Our outdoor waste receptacles come in a selection of base finish colors so you can choose the hues that suit your space. Some will prefer vibrant colors that match playground equipment and stand out prominently so they are easy to find. For a more subdued professional setting such as an office building, a more subtle shade that blends in with natural surroundings is preferable.
What kinds of waste receptacles do you have?
Glaro recycling cans are designed for the convenience of patrons and cleaning staff. They have slotted lids which are specially designed to accommodate the materials they hold so people won't get confused and mistake them for garbage cans. A removable inner container and separate spots for dividing various materials make them easy to empty and save sorting time.
UltraPlay trash cans are built to withstand the elements for a sleek appearance that lasts many years. Perforation provides airflow that will diffuse smells and prevent rust and other buildup. These garbage cans will fit in well by the side of a school playground or outdoor lunch area.
Wooden garbage cans from Oxford Garden have a classic appeal that will blend in with natural surroundings. They will fit in well in the entrance or courtyard of office buildings and other professional environments. They are constructed from super durable Shorea Wood for a natural appearance that will not disrupt the harmony of a space.
Hertz Furniture cares about the environment and the aesthetic appeal of your outdoor areas. Our commercial trash cans and recycling bins are designed to encourage proper waste disposal while maintaining an attractive appearance around your building. If you need help deciding how many units you need in a given area, or what the ideal hue is for the playground, contact the Hertz Design Center for free project-planning advice.


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6 Tips For An Indulgent Shower Turn your shower into an indulgent retreat with a few simple luxuries that are within your beauty budget.
Beach Beauty EssentialsRemember to pack your bag with these surfside essentials to keep you looking and feeling beautiful for a day at the beach.
Beautiful Skin for All SeasonsFollow our seasonal tips for soft, glowing downright gorgeous skin you'll want to show off.
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