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Testimony :: Jonathan Winer
Senior Director, and former U.S. Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for International Law Enforcement - APCO Worldwide and formerly of U.S. State Department
Testimony of Jonathan M. Winer
Former U.S. Deputy Assistant Secretary of State
Senior Director, APCO Worldwide
U.S. Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe (Helsinki Commission)
Justice in the International Extradition System: The Case of George Wright and Beyond"
Wednesday, July 11, 2012
2:00 p.m.
Room 2203, Rayburn House Office Building
Mr. Chairman and Honorable Members of the Committee:
As former Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for International Law Enforcement, I am honored to testify today to share my views regarding the international extradition system, and the options for the United States when the legal systems of other countries fail to meet the requirements of justice in connection with a legally proper extradition request from our country.
During my tenure in the State Department, I dealt with U.S. policies relating to extradition on many occasions. Then and since, our government has worked to vindicate one underlying goal with regard to fugitives: to secure their return to the U.S. to provide justice for our citizens regardless of the location of a criminal, anywhere. Our diplomats and law enforcement professionals have worked for decades to build a global system to secure this goal internationally. Yet there are times, such as the case involving George Wright, in which justice is denied by a foreign legal system, and the U.S. has to consider options beyond relying on a traditional extradition.
I would like to begin my testimony with my assessment of the George Wright extradition case from a legal perspective, before turning to U.S. options beyond extradition to deal with this and similar cases.
In brief, the reported decision by the Portuguese judge to refuse Wright's extradition to the U.S. is legally indefensible under the century-old U.S.-Portuguese Extradition Treaty, and under the principles of extradition law that apply internationally. Neither of the reported grounds for refusal – on the statute of limitations ground and on the ground that he had later become a Portuguese citizen by marriage – is legally legitimate under such principles. Before escaping from prison and from the U.S. through a terrorist hijacking of an airplane, Wright had been convicted of the murder of Walter Patterson, pleading no defense to charges which arose from an armed robbery in which he participated.
The statute of limitations does not run once one has been convicted of a crime. It applies after a specified number of years when a country's prosecutors have failed to try a case, in order to ensure that the facts are fresh and the trial is fair. Some countries do limit extradition of natural-born citizens to another country, although the U.S. discourages this principle and does not apply it itself. But applying this principle to someone who has lied about their past, lied about their name, and arrived in a country such as Portugal as a fugitive is a fraud on all jurisdictions involved. A U.S. citizen such as Wright cannot legitimately be protected from extradition by claiming to have become a citizen of another country after committing his crimes. The Portuguese judge's decision on these two issues is legally wrong, morally unjust, and should be given no respect whatsoever by any government beyond that of Portugal.
This analysis takes us to the core question you have asked me to consider – exploring the U.S. government's options for response. I would like to consider each in turn.
Portugal could still take action to meet its obligations to the United States and to secure justice in this case. Wright appears to have entered Portugal through under a false name, and with materially incomplete or false information about his past. Based on the facts known, he may well have engaged in immigration fraud to enter Portugal and to stay there. It appears that the true facts were not known to Portuguese authorities until 2011. In such cases, under the principles of universally applicable immigration law, Portugal appears to have the right to revoke citizenship, and to deport the person who abused its system. Were Portugal to take these steps, they could put Wright on a plane to the U.S. Or, even if Portugal dropped somewhere else to avoid legal questions about whether his deportation was a disguised extradition, the United States could secure his extradition from essentially any other country that received him, even ones with whom we do not have bilateral extradition relationships, under applicable multilateral agreements, such as the Palermo Transnational Organized Crime Convention.
George Wright is currently listed by the United States on INTERPOL's public wanted database as a fugitive. There is therefore a public "Red Notice" on him. However, the public notice I accessed this week remains out of date. It provides little information for others to use to arrest him. It does not state that he is living in Portugal, does not state his Portuguese name, José Luís Jorge dos Santos, does not list his current residence, the village of Casas Novas, just 25 miles from Portugal's capital. It also does not list any identity information, such as a passport, that he may be using for travel in the European Union or elsewhere. Every biographical detail that the U.S. government has on Wright should be provided to INTERPOL, with those necessary to help police and others track him down made publically available.
The U.S. could also alert EU bodies, such as EUROPOL, about its goal of having Wright extradited. EUROPOL has the job of tracking down fugitives within the European Union, and while it is directly responsible to its EU members, it has capacities to track down people throughout the European Union.
The FBI has a network of legal attachés throughout Europe, and these attachés, known as LEGATS, could also advise their counterparts of the U.S.'s current interest in Wright, with the goal of intensifying focus on him in the event he considers leaving Portugal.
The United States has had reward programs in place for the rendition of important fugitives back to the United States. When I was at the State Department, these reward programs focused on two principle types of defendants – major drug traffickers and major terrorists. In some cases, we put their photographs and names on books of matches and distributed them in the countries where we knew they were located, with the intention that the rewards would motivate people who lived nearby to provide information to the United States on their whereabouts. Alternatively, a reward might lead to a citizen's arrest, in which the person making the detention would take actions to get the wanted person to U.S. authorities in a location where the U.S. officials could hold the fugitive and get them into U.S. custody.
When I served during the Clinton Administration this was known as a "special rendition," and it was authorized under a number of circumstances, especially involving terrorists and murderers. The Justice Department policy for many years under a succession of Administrations has been to take the view that we will not inquire into the circumstances of a fugitive's rendition to the United States.
This approach has been upheld by the Supreme Court. In United States v. Alvarez-Machain, 504 U.S. 655 (1992), the Supreme Court ruled that a court has jurisdiction to try a criminal defendant even if the defendant was abducted from a foreign country against his or her will by United States agents.
I note that hijacking an airplane and holding a gun to the head of a flight attendant, as Wright has reportedly admitted to doing, to effectuate his escape from the United States, is a terrorist offense under multiple relevant international conventions of essentially global applicability, and is a terrorist offense recognized by Portugal.
The Justice Department's internal procedures expressly allow the use of bounty hunters and rewards. As stated in the U.S. Attorneys' Manual:
Due to the sensitivity of abducting defendants from a foreign country, prosecutors may not take steps to secure custody over persons outside the United States (by government agents or the use of private persons, like bounty hunters or private investigators) by means of Alvarez-Machain type renditions without advance approval by the Department of Justice. Prosecutors must notify the Office of International Affairs before they undertake any such operation. If a prosecutor anticipates the return of a defendant, with the cooperation of the sending State and by a means other than an Alvarez-Machain type rendition, and that the defendant may claim that his return was illegal, the prosecutor should consult with OIA before such return.
The United States government is authorized to use lures against foreign fugitives. A lure is a subterfuge to entice a criminal defendant to leave a foreign country so that he or she can be arrested in the United States, in international waters or airspace, or in a third country for subsequent extradition, expulsion, or deportation to the United States. As the Justice Department Attorney Manual explains, "lures can be complicated schemes or they can be as simple as inviting a fugitive by telephone to a party in the United States."
There are a wide range of possibilities with a lure, which in light of Portugal's location could involve the cooperation of officials in nearby jurisdictions, and could involve lures on land or sea, as well as in airspace. In order not to give Wright further clues about how the U.S. might go about this, I will provide no further details on these possibilities, other than to note that for the rest of his life, he will need to suspect absolutely everyone of being a potential lure, ready to betray him to justice in the United States.
In responding to terrorism, the United States has long been willing to undertake extra-judicial measures on its own, as it did decades ago against the Achille Lauro hijackers who murdered Leon Klinghoffer by throwing him into the ocean from his wheelchair.
Such actions, in which U.S. government officials authorize direct action to capture a terrorist, can involve many different mechanisms. In some cases, such as the US Navy Seal operation that killed Osama bin Laden, the authorization may be to capture or kill the terrorist, as circumstances dictate. In other cases, the authorization may only extend to a capture of the wanted person. In principle, the U.S. government could choose to undertake a covert operation to snatch Wright as he is going about his day-to-day business, and to bring him to the United States to serve out his murder sentence, and if the law permits, to try him on his terrorist hijacking.
Notably, the use of bounty hunters, lures, and extraordinary rendition could well provoke significant protests on the part of the government of Portugal. There are precedents for those involved in these types of activities to become subject to criminal investigations and indictments in the country in which the fugitive is living. A successful extra-judicial rendition can also spark direct government-to-government protests which can chill a bilateral relationship for years, as happened between Mexico and the U.S. in connection with the Alvarez-Machain case.
Such risks must be taken into account by private persons involved in an extra-legal "snatch" of a fugitive and by U.S. officials when a rendition is the result of directed U.S. policy and activities.
The United States has active economic sanctions against terrorists, administered through the Office of Foreign Asset Control ("OFAC") at the U.S. Department of the Treasury. These sanctions are imposed against foreign threats who engage in activities, such as terrorism, that pose serious threats to U.S. national security. While Wright is a U.S. citizen, he is now located in Portugal and for the time being, is viewed by Portugal as a Portuguese citizen. Accordingly, the U.S. could designate Wright as a terrorist under OFAC sanctions, making it illegal for any U.S. person to engage in any transaction with him, and freezing any assets that he may have in any U.S. financial institution.
Although other countries need not apply such sanctions to a person designated as a terrorist by the U.S. by OFAC, in practice, sanctioned persons face difficulty in undertaking financial transactions at any major financial institution, anywhere, due to automatic OFAC screening put into place by any bank that has contacts with U.S. financial institutions. Sanctions may be particularly appropriate in this case, as Wright has stated publicly that he hopes to write a book about his life. U.S. imposition of terrorist sanctions against him would make it much more difficult for him to sell the book and to profit off his crimes, and might make it possible for profits from the book to be seized by the U.S.
In principle, the U.S. could undertake steps to punish Portugal for its court's unjust refusal to extradite Wright. However, in the case of Portugal, such steps would likely frustrate rather than facilitate justice. To begin with, it would appear to be fundamentally unfair. The failure to extradite Wright was the decision of an independent local judge, not Portugal's government as a whole, its justice ministry, or its other law enforcement components. The U.S. and Portugal work closely on military issues, which include support for U.S. forces deployed throughout Europe, the Middle East, Asia, and Africa, as well as counterterrorism, humanitarian, and combat operations in Afghanistan and Iraq. U.S. law enforcement works daily with Portuguese counterparts on a range of activities of deep importance to the security of both countries. It would almost surely be counterproductive to place this cooperation at risk through generalized sanctions, restrictions, or constraints directed against Portugal to apply pressure to secure Wright's return to the United States.
That said, our Ambassador to Portugal, our law enforcement and intelligence agencies, and the State Department and Justice Department generally, can continue to raise this issue as one that needs to be resolved, inviting positive steps by Portugal, such as denaturalization and deportation, with the goal of securing justice for Walter Patterson, and for all of those victimized by Wright's criminal and terrorist activities.
For many decades, the U.S. government has worked to build a global array of tools to extradite or otherwise secure the return of fugitives to the U.S., regardless of their location. These policies are sensible, and broadly serve the interests of the American people and of justice. There is nothing wrong with the international instruments and mechanisms we have in place. However, it is inevitable that in some particular cases, an extradition will fail and justice will be denied.
In such cases, as my testimony highlights, the U.S. has a set of graduated tools it can use to secure justice regardless.
Which of these tools will be most applicable in any particular case depends on the circumstances of the case, the governments involved, the attitude of the foreign government to the case, and a host of important institutional equities, such as bilateral cooperation on other security and law enforcement matters.
The Congress could strengthen the Executive Branch's ability to analyze and apply these tools and to consider whether it has other ones through encouraging ongoing interagency consideration of the problems of failed extraditions. It was my experience that interagency discussions of such issues tended only to arise in an ad hoc fashion, relating to particular cases or particular bilateral relationships.
In preparing my testimony, I sought to find public sources on the question of how often extraditions requested by the U.S. are refused by other countries, and which ones. I found some documents that refer to extradition statistics, but these appeared to be ad hoc, and not fully responsive to the issues under consideration by the Commission. If no existing reporting requirement applies to such information, Congress could mandate that the President, in consultation with the Secretary of State and Attorney General, provide an annual report on extraditions to Congress covering such issues as total extraditions by country, number of extraditions requested, number of granted and numbers refused, reasons for refusal of extraditions, and steps taken by the U.S. in response to a refused extradition. Such a reporting requirement might provide for further focused attention on these issues by both the Executive Branch and by Congress, thereby facilitating and vindicating the goal of securing justice for all. Any Administration will have legitimate reasons to protect confidential intelligence, diplomatic and law enforcement programs, activities, and relationships. For that reason, the Committee may wish to consider structuring any such reporting mandate to provide for a public report that delivers statistical data and information on completed matters, with a classified appendix to cover matters that are ongoing or otherwise necessarily secret.
George Wright has expressed his relief at not being returned to the United States to serve out his prison sentence, and being allowed to spend the remainder of his life with his wife and his grown children, while profiting off his crimes by writing a book about them.
Walter Patterson and his family have been denied these and many other pleasures and instead forced to suffer outrageous injuries from Wright due to decisions he took of his own volition, without regard for the consequences to anyone.
In this case, and in other cases like this, it should be the policy of the United States to take appropriate steps to make sure that murderers and terrorists, wherever located, can never breathe the sigh of relief that they have reached safety as a result of outlasting law and justice.
Which of those steps should be taken in this case will depend on the consideration by those in the U.S. government with the most knowledge of the facts about what will best secure justice here. The Committee may contribute to that process through ongoing dialogue with those who have those current responsibilities.
I am available to respond to any questions you may have.
* * *
For the Committee's background, I am currently a Senior Director at the Washington strategic communications firm of APCO Worldwide, where I provide strategic advice on a range of issues from financial services regulation to foreign investment and trade, consumer regulations, congressional investigations, data protection, foreign corrupt practices, energy policy, information security, money laundering, national security and sanctions. At the State Department, I was one of the architects of U.S. international policies and strategies on promoting and harmonizing financial transparency, as well as on cross-border law enforcement issues. I led negotiations on these and related issues with the European Union and the Organization of American States, as well as bilaterally with China, Cyprus, Hungary, Israel, Lebanon, Nigeria, Poland, Russia, Thailand, and numerous other countries in Europe, Latin America, Southeast Asia, and Africa. I previously served for 10 years as chief counsel and principal legislative assistant to U.S. Senator John F. Kerry, handling and drafting legislation pertaining to financial regulation and working with the Senate committees on foreign relations and banking. During that time, I helped conduct a series of congressional investigations, including the investigation of the Bank of Credit and Commerce International from 1989-1992. In November 1999, I received a distinguished honor award from Secretary of State Madeleine Albright for my service at the State Department. The award stated that I "created the capacity of the Department and the U.S. government to deal with international crime and criminal justice as important foreign policy functions," and that "the scope and significance of his achievements are virtually unprecedented for any single official."


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*Please note new room number:Dirksen Senate Office Building, Room 106
(Washington, DC) The Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe (U.S. Helsinki Commission) today announced the following hearing:
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Wednesday, March 5, 2014
10:00 am
*Please note new room number: Dirksen Senate Office Building, Room 106
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Scheduled to testify:
Hoyt Yee, Deputy Assistant Secretary for European and Eurasian Affairs, U.S. Department of State
Tanja Fajon, Member (Slovenia), European Parliament
Kurt Volker, Executive Director, the McCain Institute for International Leadership
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The Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe, also known as the U.S. Helsinki Commission, is a U.S. Government agency that monitors progress in the implementation of the provisions of the 1975 Helsinki Accords. The Commission consists of nine members from the United States Senate, nine from the House of Representatives, and one member each from the Departments of State, Defense and Commerce.
Click here for the previous year's Articles


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Where to sleep?
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Shopaholic's Paradise: It's All Here
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An ecology game for children! Planet Earth can be a beautiful place, shared by all. Sadly, it has been harmed and made ugly in lots of ways. Players work together to restore the beauty. Can they do it before the dark pollution clouds encircle the beautiful place? They have a much better chance if they work together.
Environmental concepts are presented in a simple way. Or, just play it as an exciting nature game.
Includes: 12 x 12" board, pollution clouds, ugly puzzle, good ecology deed tokens, movers, die. Made in Canada.
For ages 5 & up. Contains choking hazards, not for those 3 and under. Two to eight players per game.


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WASHINGTON—In the run up to the first Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe summit in more than a decade, the U.S. Helsinki Commission today unveiled a new web video highlighting the Commission's work over the past 35 years to encourage compliance with human rights, energy, environmental and security commitments.
Watch the video by clicking here. Run time: 3 min. 44 sec.
"Our longstanding anti-corruption work and important initiatives to shed new light on the finances of the extractive industry sector should serve as a reminder to our global audience that the commitments made at Helsinki are as relevant today as they were in 1975," said Senator Benjamin L. Cardin (D-MD), Chairman of the U.S. Helsinki Commission (Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe). "It's vital that we use new media to communicate with expanding audiences in order to share the Commission's story of how we are holding countries, including the United States, to account for their commitments."
From this year's work creating a new standard for revenue transparency in the energy sector to the decades of action preserving human rights and fundamental freedoms and freeing prisoners from authoritarian regimes, this video provides a concise overview of the goals, function, and accomplishments of the U.S. Helsinki Commission. It tells the Commission's story—dating back to its creation in 1976—through the voices of current and former Commissioners, some of whom now serve in the cabinet, and former dissidents and diplomats.
"The Commission's broad use of new media tools, like this video, reemphasizes our mission to defend human rights, ensure democratic progress on elections and good governance and expose anti-Semitism and xenophobia across the 56 countries of the OSCE region," said Co-Chairman Congressman Alcee L. Hastings (D-FL).
The video features the following people:
The Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe, also known as the U.S. Helsinki Commission, is an independent agency of the Federal Government charged with monitoring compliance with the Helsinki Accords and advancing comprehensive security through promotion of human rights, democracy, and economic, environmental and military cooperation in 56 countries. The Commission consists of nine members from the U.S. Senate, nine from the House of Representatives, and one member each from the Departments of State, Defense, and Commerce.
Click here for the previous year's Press Releases


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January 31, 2013 | 3783 views
Jerry Kremer
If you can't win fairly, try changing the rules
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If there's one thing I can't stand, it's a cheater. My rule applies to athletes who take steroids to gain an advantage over their competitors, or my neighbor who calls my tennis shots out of bounds even though he knows the balls were inside the line. I feel the same way about golf partners who kick their ball out of the weeds or lie about their scores.
1 2 Next page >
KeywordsJerry Kremer, Republican Party, election, President Obama, minorities, voting, polling places, intimidation, harassment, Florida, election districts, Democratic, Ohio, Pennsylvania, Hispanic, Asian, African-American, female, House Republicans, fiscal cliff, debt-ceiling deadline, Senate, Electoral College, Haley Barbour, Bobby Jindal
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Begin your skin care ritual with gentle, thorough cleansing to ensure that your skin can breathe and the products that follow can reach deep down in to the epidermis to deliver maximum effect. Decleor Cleansers are formulated using essential oils and plant extracts that dissolve make-up and thoroughly cleanse the skin of all grime and impurities. Excess sebum is removed without stripping the skin of natural protective oils. Harnessing the power of nature to effectively cleanse and nourish the skin while nurturing the mind, Decleor Cleansers provide practical pampering every day.
World leaders in aromatherapy skincare for over 30 years, Decleor believes that a holistic approach is vital to get the best from your skin while enhancing well-being. Decleor Cleansers contain only the purest, most natural ingredients to cleanse, soothe, and nourish the skin. Whether you prefer a light cleansing milk, rich cream, or foaming wash, there is a product in the Decleor Cleansers range to suit your needs. With each of their products offering optimal cleansing results, you can be sure that your complexion will be left fresh and radiant every day.
No matter your skin type, there is a product in the Decleor Cleansers range that will provide optimal cleansing as part of your daily skin care routine. Prepare your skin to receive the benefit of your daily treatments with these effective cleansers.
For those who prefer a light but effective cleanser, Decleor Aroma Cleanse Cleansing Milk for Face and Eyes is a skin care essential. Suitable for all skin types, this lightweight cleansing milk is formulated with lavender, petitgrain, and mallow essential oils. All traces of make-up, grime, and debris are removed from the skin, leaving it smooth, clear, and perfectly balanced.
Oily and combination skin will benefit from Decleor Cleansing Gel. Containing essential oils of ylang ylang and melaleuca together with witch hazel and mint essential waters, this refreshing, rinse-off cleanser removes excess sebum and tightens pores. Used morning and evening, this uplifting product leaves skin looking matte and healthy.
Formulated to effectively purify and refresh all skin types, Decleor Aroma Cleanse Foaming Cleanser is ideal for those who like to bathe their skin with water. With a rich, creamy texture, this effective cleanser contains oat milk and papaya extract together with lavender, petitgrain, mallow, orange, and kiwi essential waters.
Stimulate your skin's microcirculation with Decleor Aroma Cleanse Cleansing Cream for Face and Eyes. Angelica and geranium essential oils combine with oat milk and essential waters of ginkgo biloba to produce a sumptuous cleansing cream which nourishes the skin while dissolving make-up. Perfect for dry skin, this natural formula reduces blotchiness.


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Currency Displayed in
This image is from Oblivion featuring Tom Cruise as Jack Harper. It is professionally printed on archival photographic paper and is available in various sizes from a 24x36inch (60x91cm approx) poster down to an 8x10inch (20x25cm approx) photographic print. There is also an option for a canvas or fine-art print.
Please see below for further information.
All prices are in USD.


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Original Design by: Maggie Weldon
Skill Level: Easy
Size: Toilet Cover fits most standard household toilets. Kleenex cover is for square tissue boxes.
Materials: Yarn Needle; Hot or Craft Glue(optional); Light Worsted Weight Yarn:
Tank Cover:
Black (MC) - 5 oz, 275 yd (140 g, 248 m);
Seat Cover:
White (MC) - 6 oz, 330 yd (168 g, 297 m);
36″ length of ¼″ elastic;
Snowman's Face:
White (MC) - 5 ½ oz, 248 yd (154 g, 223 m);
Small amount Orange (O);
Sport Weight Yarn: Small amount Black (B);
Powder Blush for Cheeks;
Snowman's Hat: Worsted Weight Yarn:
Black (MC) - 3 oz, 165 yd (84 g, 149 m);
Small amount Blue (CC) and White (W).
Crochet Hook: Sizes F-5 (3.75 mm), I-9 (5.50 mm) and N (10.00 mm) or sizes needed to obtain gauge.
Snowman Toilet Cover
The bathroom always seems to be left out when it comes to decorating for the holidays. The Snowman Toilet Cover is a holiday crochet project that will bring a festive spirit to this forgotten space. Most of us decorate for the holidays and the bathroom shouldn't be an exception. Toilet Covers allow you to add a bit of cheer to the most used seat in the house. Spruce up your toilet cover and tank with the smiling Snowman Toilet Cover Pattern that will bring a smile to the face of anyone that sees your bathroom decoration. The cover fits most standard toilets. Don't forget to check out the companion patterns Santa Toilet Tank Cover, Easter Bunny Toilet Tank Cover and Pumpkin Toilet Tank Cover so you can decorate the bathroom for all seasons.
Snowman Toilet Cover is an easy Christmas crochet project that will be fun for all skill levels. Even beginner crocheters will have great success making this fun toilet cover. The toilet tank top of the cover includes a square tissue box cover to give the hat shape. This Christmas crochet set is so much fun to make that you will have a hard time waiting to get it done. The knowledge of basic crochet stitches is all you need to get started making the Snowman Toilet Cover with Tissue box cover. Pull out your worsted weight yarn and start making your snowman decoration. Don't forget to make a toilet cover for each bathroom in your home for a complete festive feel this holiday season.
Shipping Policy
Orders are generally shipped within 1-3 business days of the order being submitted to us. We ship orders Monday, Wednesday and Thursday each week with the exception of any major US holidays. Our shipping and handling charges include the costs for Customer Service, processing and postage. Shipping and handling is non-refundable. We accept payment through PayPal, Visa, MasterCard, and Discover Card. We do not accept Cash, Checks or Money Orders; please do not send these to us!
Return Policy
Our policy lasts for 60 days. If 60 days have passed since your purchase was made, unfortunately we can not offer you a refund. To be eligible for a return, your item must be unused and in the same condition that you received it. It must also be in the original packaging. To complete your return, we require a receipt or proof of purchase be sent with your return. Please do not send your purchase back to the product manufacturer. There are certain situations where only partial refunds are granted: Books with obvious signs of use Any item not in its original condition, is damaged or missing parts for reasons not due to our error. There are certain situations where no refund will be granted: CD or DVD that has been opened Clearance/Bargain Items - Only regular priced items may be refunded, unfortunately Clearance/Bargain items cannot be refunded.
Download Policy
Maggie's Crochet Brand offers download versions of most of our products. Adobe Reader is required when opening the patterns. If you do not have Adobe Reader installed on your computer or device, you can download it here: http://get.adobe.com/reader/. Please note: Using other programs such as Preview or PDF Complete will cause printing errors and more. Due to the nature of downloadable products, we cannot and will not refund the cost of the item. If the item is a Maggie's Crochet Brand pattern, we can generally mail the pattern to you if you are having trouble downloading. Shipping and handling charges will have to be charged using a credit card by phone. Some downloads are not available to ship out - these are noted and all sales are final on those products. If you are not sure, please contact customer service.
Copyright Policy
Any person in violation of our copyright will be prosecuted to the fullest extent of the law. This site is owned and operated by Maggie Weldon Designs. All the content on this site, including but not limited to photographs, pattern designs, logos and text is owned by Maggie Weldon Designs. All materials contained on this site are protected by both United States and International copyright laws and may not be reproduced, distributed, transmitted, displayed, published or broadcast without the prior written permission of Maggie Weldon Designs. You may not alter or remove any trademark, copyright or other notice from copies of the content. A copy of downloaded patterns may be printed by the purchaser, for personal use only and are not to be distributed. Items made from Maggie's Crochet patterns may be sold, however a notice must be attached to each item giving credit to both Maggie's Crochet and the pattern designer.


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HOME MLB Texas Rangers Gear Texas Rangers Mens Texas Rangers Mens Mens (988 items) Product ID: 1611543
Main Content
Order as many items as you like with our $4.99 flat rate shipping.
This item ships within one business day.
Order as many items as you like with our $4.99 flat rate shipping.
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When you're at the pool or hitting the showers, you need to make sure you're boasting as much Texas pride as possible. Make sure your bases are covered with these Rangers slide-on shower flip flops. They feature Rangers logos printed on the tops, as well as adjustable hook and loop closures. Along with the non-slip soles, these shoes will keep you safe and team spirited.
- Adjustable hook and loop closure
- Imported
- Non-skid soles
- Officially licensed
- Screen print graphics
- Size S fits men's sizes 6-7, M fits 8-9, L fits 10-11, XL fits 12-13
- Imported
- Brand: Forever Collectibles
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Special event items are produced by manufacturers only after the outcome of a game or event. These are advanced sale items and will ship immediately after they are received in our warehouse.
Manufacturer direct items are shipped directly from the manufacturer. These items are not available for international or expedited shipping.
Customized items can be personalized with options such as your name, your favorite number, and/or designs. Some options may be limited by league rules.


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Revolutionary Boss Alarm Lock • 5 Minute attack tested • Oxfords strongest ever lock and is easy to use • Thatcham approved, so insurers like it • Removable, sealed unit alarm module • Water, vibration, frost and heat proof • Comes with free minder cable
2 user reviews of Oxford Boss Alarm See all
Welcome to Bike Reviews. Read road tests and owner's opinions of your next motorcycle. There are over 800 motorcycles listed, with gallery images, specifications and full reviews written by professional road testers including Niall Mackenzie and James Whitham. You can also review your own motorcycle so everyone can read your impressions.
Searching for your motorcycle: Search for your motorcycle by browsing the categories below or by using the search bar above. Here is an example search for a Suzuki GSX-R1000
Don't forget to check out the cost of Motorbike Insurance using the links in each of the reviews; comparing quotes from The Bike Insurer.
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Faithful Friends Animal Society, 12 Germay Drive, Wilmington, will host a Whisker Wonderland open house on Dec. 15 and 16.
The event will be held from noon to 5 p.m. Saturday and noon to 4 p.m. on Sunday. There will be complimentary refreshments and guests will also get the chance to take a photo with pets. There will also be visits from Santa, bake sale items for sale, and more. For more information, call (302) 427-8514.
Location, ST | website.com


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Hello I'm Awesome
This great product in dark pink from our department Women and T-Shirt category can be printed just for you in the size and style you like. The design Hello I'm Awesome was created by rowbird and uploaded to Spreadshirt for you to have printed on a T-Shirt. Next to a host of other great designs, you can find this Hello I'm Awesome design in Spreadshirt's Symbols category. If you are interested in topics like Bär or Disco, then you'll love Hello I'm Awesome designs by rowbird. Spreadshirt also offers a huge selection of personalised T-shirts, hoodies and accessories for the category Symbols as well as top Flirting clothing. rowbird's designs have already impressed many of our customers, so we are sure that we've got right stuff for you! Spreadshirt is your shop for great designs of all kinds – whether it's Bär, Disco or Flirting. We are sure that you will find something nice in our shop, there are many amazing personalised Symbols T-shirts, jumpers or accessories for you to find! Tags: Design ID: 13559664
Royal blue Europe - European Union T-Shirts Designed by Mi-Enno
Willberry Wonder Pony tee Designed by 2395767
Windy Wings T-Shirts Designed by C0y0te7
England Thong Designed by DramaQueen
grrrr T-Shirts Designed by just83in
I Am Your Father 2 (dd)++ T-Shirts Designed by artpolitic
Kearnage Limited Edition Designed by Kearnage
The Spreadshirt Collection stands for best-possible print results on top-quality products A huge range of sizes makes sure that our gear fits everyone, big and small alike. What's more, the Premium T-Shirt offers an sheer infinite choice of combination opportunity with other items.
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You are attempting to RSVP for an invalid or past event.
UT's event calendar welcomes submissions from students, faculty and staff regarding upcoming events on campus and sponsored by campus organizations. The calendar's scope and variety of events will be determined by participation and submissions from these groups.
Submissions must be approved by the Office of Communications and Marketing and may be edited for space and content considerations.
The event schedule will be updated daily when classes are in session and on a to-be-determined basis during the summer and when classes are not in session.
To submit an item, follow the directions online. Once the information has been received by the Office of Communications and Marketing, it will be reviewed and submitted with any necessary changes for public viewing.
Event submissions must include: information about the event, location (building and room number), date and time, name of UT groups or academic units sponsoring the event, and contact information including name, phone number and e-mail address
It is the responsibility of the item contributor to notify calendar editors (email@example.com) through a subsequent submission if any pertinent details change after the publication of that item, so it can be corrected online.
All events listed on the campus calendar must be open to students, faculty or staff and be sponsored by university academic departments, administrative units, or university-recognized clubs or interest groups.
Events must be open to the entire university community rather than members of a certain group. If events are only open to the university community and not the general public they should be noted as such in the description.
Events must occur on campus, on university owned property (e.g. Downtown Gallery), or in the Knoxville area.
Fundraising activities sponsored by officially-sanctioned university organizations may be included if they are on behalf of third-party philanthropies (e.g. American Cancer Society, etc.). Events benefiting only the organization will not be included.
Athletic events may be included for 'home games' but not for 'away games.'
Thompson-Boling Arena event items will not be run, unless they are a university-sponsored event.
Events of a commercial nature (e.g. a clearance sale at the University bookstore) are not permitted.
If a corporation (e.g. Kaplan Test Prep) pays a student group to sponsor an event, the event may be included if the event benefits the university community. The corporate sponsor will not be mentioned.
Items about career fairs and student organization fairs on campus may be included.
Deadlines, such as application deadlines, will not be included, except for deadlines associated with the official academic calendar (e.g. last day to drop a class). Academic calendar dates may not be submitted by the public.
Events by non-university community service groups held on campus (e.g. Medic Blood Drive) may be included if the service is for the good of the university community.
Events by political parties in advance of SGA elections may be included, since political parties are official temporary recognized campus groups, after verifying the event with the Division of Student Life.
The University of Tennessee, Knoxville. Knoxville, Tennessee 37996 | 865-974-1000
The flagship campus of the University of Tennessee System and partner in the Tennessee Transfer Pathway.


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Every pair of Dansko shoes features what we like to call the Dansko "Comfort DNA". Long before a color is selected or an
artistic detail is added our design team has been hard at work engineering the perfect comfort experience. We start with
the best materials on the market. We mold and fit; measure, contour, then fit again — and before we're done, we test, test,
test. So you can select the style you love and rest assured the comfort is on us.
Box leather is ideal for workplace environments with wet, acidic
or greasy conditions. It has a smooth, clean finish that can be
easily cleaned.
Use a damp soapy cloth or sponge to remove surface dirt. Do not
saturate the leather. Ordinary scuff marks may be touched up with
shoe polish. To maintain, buff lightly with the Dansko Anytime Shoe
Shine sponge.
To find out which Dansko Material Care products to use on your shoes, see our Material Care Reference Guide.
I love the Professional clog. They are so comfortable and the extra room in the toe box is perfect for me. I try to walk or stand as much as possible and the support of the clog allows me to do this all day. I love that there are so many choices - the patents, the prints, the leathers - you can wear them absolutely anywhere!Lisa, Human Resources
Heel height is 2.00 inches.


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q / QUOTES
Here we celebrate a rich and ground breaking 60 year heritage through the very words of Chloé founder Gaby Aghion. Memorable and insightful, these quotes reflect her character, as well as the everlasting values and essence of the Maison.
Gaby, through her upbringing, ideals, vision and aesthetic has provided a guiding light for all designers that have worked with or succeeded her at the helm of Chloé.
It's Gaby's values that sit at the very heart of Chloé – femininity, modernity, free-spirited, grace, effortlessness to name just a few – they are indeed Chloé Attitudes.
We believe Gaby's quotes – brought to life here by fashion illustrator, Sandra Suy – resonate to the very core of Chloé. As we enter our 60th year, you can be sure these philosophies and beliefs will live on and inspire us for the next 60.
The Gallery
A selection of images from the Chloé archiveView
Gaby Aghion
Born in Egypt in 1921, Gaby Aghion moved to Paris after the war and pioneered the concept of "luxury ready-to-wear" with the creation of Chloé in 1952. She did not feel comfortable with the restrictive wardrobe of the fifties and her thirst for greater emancipation quickly outweighed this "Couture" period as she turned the page without hesitation to offer women a new approach to fashion.See the designs
The young Gaby chose the fabrics, drew six models and had them made by the head seamstress at the atelier Lelong. She then decided to offer them herself to the fashion boutiques which were then just starting to carry ready-to-wear clothes. She put on the first Chloé show in 1956 at a breakfast at the Café de Flore, the epicentre of young intellectual Parisians that she mingled with. It was a success and today she is still the first to express her surprise at her own audacity.
To keep the flame alive and the label youthful, Gaby Aghion continuously sought talented designers, names that are now part of the history of contemporary fashion, to work alongside her.
Embrun dress, Gaby Aghion for Chloé, Autumn-Winter 1960
Gaby Aghion for Chloé, 1967
Gaby Aghion for Chloé, 1960
Karl Lagerfeld
1965-1984 then 1992-1996
In 1965, a young man from Hamburg, Karl Lagerfeld, joined Chloé and worked under the direction of Gaby Aghion – alongside Maxime de La Falaise, Michèle Rosier and Graziella Fontana – before being appointed the house's exclusive designer in 1975.See the designs
Under his direction, Chloé became one of the most iconic brands of the seventies. Karl was particularly noted for his sense of humour and eccentric creations. Each of his collections for the brand became a happening.
Karl left Chloé in 1984, but was to return for a second time in 1992, staying for another four years.
Karl Lagerfeld for Chloé, Spring-Summer 1975
Angkor Dress, Karl Lagerfeld for Chloé, Spring-Summer 1983
Karl Lagerfeld for Chloé, Spring-Summer 1994
Martine Sitbon
Born in Casablanca Martine Sitbon came to Paris to study at the fashion school, Studio Berçot. In 1987 she joined Chloé as Creative Director.See the designs
Her silhouettes for the brand played on a soft femininity combined with an eclectic wardrobe, with references as diverse as a nineteenth century dandy, the Edwardian era and a matador.
Although her early collections seem fairytale-esque, it was rock music – especially from the seventies – that became the strongest influence on Sitbon's Chloé designs.
Martine Sitbon for Chloé, Spring-Summer 1990
Martine Sitbon for Chloé, Autumn-Winter 1992
Martine Sitbon for Chloé, Autumn-Winter 1992
Stella McCartney
Stella McCartney was born in London – the daughter of Sir Paul, and his wife Linda. At the age of 26, after graduating from Central Saint Martins, Stella was hired by Chloé as Creative Director to replace the outgoing Karl Lagerfeld.See the designs
Inspired by her mother – who wore Chloé – the young designer brought a breath of fresh air: celebrities, style and buzz, youth and glamour, became part of the Chloé world.
The brand took on a vintage, sexy, rock 'n' roll tone, appealing to a new generation of young women who were nostalgic without being sentimental, independent and modern. The Chloé wardrobe always mixes all kinds of influences – and the vital energies of the street inspired Stella's take.
Stella McCartney for Chloé, Spring-Summer 1998
Stella McCartney for Chloé, Autumn-Winter 1999
Stella McCartney for Chloé, Spring-Summer 2001
Phoebe Philo
When Stella McCartney left Chloé, her assistant and friend, Phoebe Philo, succeeded her at the brand. Born in Paris, Phoebe graduated from London's Central Saint Martins a year after Stella.See the designs
Her aesthetic was subtly different. With Phoebe's arrival, Chloé started to work leather, to the delight of customers, who rushed to get bags and shoes.
With Phoebe, a complete wardrobe of desirable pieces was developed – faithful to the spirit of the brand and yet right for now. She offered a new way of looking at fashion, adding a twist of British cool to the very Parisian Chloé.
Phoebe Philo for Chloé, Spring-Summer 2004
Phoebe Philo for Chloé, Autumn-Winter 2004
Phoebe Philo for Chloé, Spring-Summer 2006
Hannah MacGibbon
Hannah MacGibbon was born in London. Another graduate of the capital's Central Saint Martins, she initially worked under Phoebe at Chloé and is credited with bringing a touch of chic to the street style of her predecessor.See the designs
In 2008, Hannah took over the reigns at Chloé for three years. Bringing in a demure aesthetic of timeless pieces and neutral colours, she drew on a seventies aesthetic of the brand but with a modern twist. Wide capes, nude tones, jeans and chambray shirts were revisited, with belted high-waist pants.
Hannah's designs were about freshness, sophistication and grace – quintessentially Chloé.
Hannah MacGibbon for Chloé, Autumn-Winter 2009
Hannah MacGibbon for Chloé, Spring-Summer 2010
Hannah MacGibbon for Chloé, Spring-Summer 2011
Clare Waight Keller
Clare Waight Keller was born in Birmingham. She succeeded Hannah at Chloé in the summer of 2011, moving from Pringle of Scotland.See the designs
A graduate of the Royal College of Art, she began her career at Calvin Klein in New York, worked in the men's studio at Ralph Lauren, and then at Gucci, under Tom Ford.
Eagerly anticipated, Clare Waight Keller's first show for Chloé took place in October 2011. It went to Chloé's very soul – fluid and feminine "but boyish", she said, these qualities were expressed in long white and powder pink pleated dresses, eyelet embroidery and belts on the hips of wide pants.
Developing her take on Chloé for Autumn / Winter 2012, there were blouses, throw-on coats and pretty dresses in a sorbet palette. Chic, sensual and natural, that's Clare's Chloé.
Clare Waight Keller for Chloé, Spring-Summer 2012
Clare Waight Keller for Chloé, Autumn-Winter 2012
Clare Waight Keller for Chloé, Autumn-Winter 2012


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Thresher shark parts sought by study
Bacterial brain infection stranding young sharks
Daniel Powell 2:52 p.m., May 29
Posted October 9, 2012
Hip-hop promoter Reggie Sinatra to bring Talib Kweli to the Show Palace, a Latin-music venue.
Daniel Powell 2:52 p.m., May 29
Barbarella Fokos 1:41 p.m., May 29
Robert Bush noon, May 29
Barbarella Fokos 11 a.m., May 29
Liz Swain 9:30 a.m., May 29
Ken Jackson 9:03 a.m., May 29
Various Authors 4:58 p.m., May 28
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Testimony :: Stephen B. Nix
Director, Eurasia Division - International Republican Institute
I wish to thank the Members of the Helsinki Commission for calling for this briefing and for inviting me to testify on both the conduct and results of the Ukrainian parliamentary elections. Ukraine remains of great strategic importance for the United States, and developments, particularly in the area of democracy, are critical to the United States' interests in the region and globally. For this reason, a careful analysis of the democratic backsliding in Ukraine and how the United States and Europe should respond is of utmost strategic importance at this time.
Again, thank you for this opportunity and I request that my remarks be entered into the record.
I would like to focus my remarks on four distinct areas: the parliamentary election campaign, the actual events on Election Day, the official results and finally, the repercussions of the elections for Ukraine and its self-expressed desire for further integration into Euro-Atlantic structures.
Pre-election campaign
Mr. Chairman,
Regardless of all of the analysis of the technical aspects of the elections which took place in Ukraine on October 28, the specter that hung over these elections was that Election Day marked the 450th day of imprisonment of the leader of the Fatherland Party, Yuliya Tymoshenko, and the 671st day of imprisonment for the leader of the People's Self Defense Party, Yuriy Lutsenko. Both faced what has been described by the US government as "selective prosecution", which kept them off the ballot and denied millions of Ukrainians who had voted for them in previous elections from doing so in these parliamentary elections.
It is from that starting point which the fairness of these elections must be judged to be a step backwards for Ukrainian democracy.
The International Republican Institute fielded an official international election observer group, with its observers visiting more than 160 polling stations on Election Day. IRI's assessment was that during the campaign period significant problems combined to create a very uneven playing field that made it difficult for the parties and candidates to compete fairly. These included the following:
The Law on Parliamentary Elections, which was adopted on November 17, 2011, was a return to the system last used in 2002 when international observers reported significant fraud. The Venice Commission strongly criticized the absence of political consensus and the lack of transparency around the drafting of the law which was done by the presidential administration and provided little substantive input from Ukrainian political parties or civil society.
The government increased pressure on independent media. The independent television station ATN was closed in September 2011 and in April 2012, the tax authorities, increasingly used as a tool of government and formerly headed by the current Prime Minister, exerted pressure on the media, began to target TVi and this past summer opened a politically motivated criminal case against the station's owner.
The Ukrainian government has also started to more closely monitor and regulate activities of domestic civil society organizations. Tax authorities have targeted independent civil society organizations with criminal cases and in one case the Association of Ukrainian Banks came under pressure from the tax authorities to cease its work.
The largest network of civic organizations in Ukraine which operates under the Civil Initiative Support Center reported that many individuals who attempted to exercise their legal rights to check their names on the voter registry during the pre-election period were contacted by representatives of government agencies inquiring why they were asking to confirm their name on the list instead of simply having their names and addresses confirmed or corrected.
Political parties and candidates have suffered intimidation and investigation by tax authorities and other governmental bodies that reduced their ability to compete in the elections.
As highlighted at the at the beginning of my remarks, key opposition figures were prevented from participating in the elections, due to their incarceration stemming from politically motivated charges.
The composition of election commissions was uneven, and major parties were at times excluded from membership in polling stations commissions. IRI observers noted what appeared to be pseudo parties that were created with the sole purpose of allowing the ruling party to dominate membership of commissions. As a result, the composition of precinct election commissions suffered from a lack of representation of legitimate political parties competing in these elections.
The fact that many election commissioners were not able to answer the simple question from IRI observers: "which party do you represent" shows the lack of transparency in the process of allocating precinct commission memberships.
All of these factors, as well as many credible reports of the use of administrative resources by parties and candidates aligned with the government, the pre-election period was one which simply did not allow for a fair and competitive process.
Election Day
The overall conduct of the electoral process was assessed as regression of democracy by most international election observers. Here is what others had to say about the elections:
"One should not have to visit a prison to hear from leading political figures in the country." These are the powerful words of Walburga Habsburg Douglas, the Special Coordinator who led the OSCE short-term election observation mission and the Head of the OSCE Parliamentary Assembly delegation of the Office of Security and Cooperation in Europe.
Audrey Glover, the Head of the OSCE Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights (OSCE/ODIHR), long-term election observation mission stated, "The lack of appropriate responses by the authorities to the various electoral violations has led to a climate of impunity."
Andreas Gross, the Head of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe (PACE) delegation, after observing the election first hand in Ukraine, stated "The 'oligarchization' of the whole process meant that citizens lost their ownership of the election, as well as their trust in it. Unfortunately, the great democratic potential of Ukrainian society was not realized..." He went on further to say "…we saw a trend towards the strengthening of authoritarianism."
And to quote Special Coordinator Habsburg Douglas again, "democratic progress appears to have reversed in Ukraine."
And Mr. Chairman, just this past weekend, Catherine Ashton, High Representative of the European Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy and Vice President of the Commission, and Štefan Füle, EU Commissioner for Enlargement and European Neighborhood Policy issued the following statement:
"We express our concern about the conduct of the post electoral process, which was marred by irregularities, delays in the vote count and lack of transparency in the electoral commissions. This comes in addition to the lack of response to the shortcomings and problems identified already earlier by the OSCE-ODIHR interim reports. Taken together, this represents deterioration in several areas compared to standards previously achieved."
Ukraine had made good progress in the administration of elections and ensuring a level playing field in its most recent presidential election and the last two parliamentary elections. The problems in the campaign period and on Election Day are particularly troubling as they indicate that Ukraine has not progressed in the way that it should and has not advanced as far as other former soviet republics, including Georgia, which just saw its first peaceful transfer of power from one democratically elected government to another.
While overall Ukraine's October 28 parliamentary elections were administered in an orderly manner, Ukraine continues to fall short in ensuring voters a campaign in which candidates have an equal opportunity to be heard and they can be confident that their individual votes count. Despite the efforts of polling officials and voters who turned out to cast their ballots, Ukraine still faces significant obstacles to its democratic development.
Because half of the 450 members of parliament are selected on a proportional ballot and the other half are selected in single mandate districts, it is important to analyze the results from both.
On the proportional ballot, the governing Party of Regions received 30 percent of the vote, for 73 seats in the proportional ballot, the United Opposition received 25.54 for 61 seats, The Ukrainian Democratic Alliance for Reforms received 13.96 for 34 seats, the Communist Party received 13.18 for 32 seats and Svoboda Party received 10.44 for 25 seats. This was predicted by IRI polling data and later confirmed by local IRI polling partner "Rating Group", that opposition parties would win 120 seats under the party list system.
A threshold of five percent was required in order to win seats in parliament. These five parties were the only parties competing in the election which met the threshold.
A rough count of the 225 single mandate districts shows that the Party of Regions won the most votes in 115 districts and candidates openly backed by the Party of Regions had the most votes in an additional 14 districts for a total of 129. The opposition got the most votes in just 56 single mandate districts and candidates openly backed by the opposition won an additional four seats for a total of 60. That leaves 36 relatively independent deputies that defeated candidates from both the Party of Regions and the opposition.
What this tells us is that the collective opposition was able to outperform the governing parties on the proportional ballot. However, in the single mandate districts, the governing party was able to make up for that deficit. For this reason, we believe that the Party of Regions has the greatest likelihood of being able to form a governing coalition. Therefore between now and December 17 when the new parliament is expected to be called into session, the international community should continue to pay close attention to the manner in which any new coalition is formed.
IRI would like to note that following its public criticism of the CEC for not releasing election results by polling station protocol totals, the CEC did begin to provide PEC results online for the public to review. This had been cited as a major failure in the administration of elections, which appears to have been rectified upon urging from IRI and the United States Embassy in Kyiv.
The fact that the election was administered in a way which gave an unfair advantage to candidates aligned with the government is an indication that more could have been done in order to level the playing field so that parties, candidates, poll workers, commission members, party observers and civic organizations participating in the election process could have more effectively contributed to a democratic election process.
Repercussions/Next Steps
In sum, Ukraine's 2012 parliamentary elections were a step backwards in Ukraine's democratic development. Although Ukraine has shown that it can improve upon its administration of Election Day activities, the uneven playing field in which the opposition did not have equitable access to media, the massive use of government resources by governing party candidates, and the intimidation of opposition candidates left the opposition unable to compete fairly. Unless and until Ukraine improves the environment in which campaigns are conducted, it will not be considered a full democracy and will not be able to fully integrate into Euro-Atlantic structures.
It should be noted that there have been numerous calls for banning visas to the US, Canada and the European Union for those individuals involved in selective prosecution of political figures and freezing of financial assets of the same individuals. The Ukrainian government had an opportunity with these elections to demonstrate that such actions were not necessary. However, with the conduct of these elections, the call for such measures has increased.
In terms of future democracy assistance in Ukraine, I have several recommendations. Against the backdrop of a newly adopted parliamentary election law less than one year before the election, the international community missed an opportunity to fully support the advancement of Ukrainian democracy. In an election being conducted under new rules, those participating were not able to realize their full potential as actors in the electoral process.
Secondly, IRI regularly receives requests from all major political parties, many candidates, poll workers, commission members, party observers and civic activists for additional technical assistance in order to prepare them to fulfill their specific roles and responsibilities in the election. IRI strongly believes that in order to contribute to a level playing field in future elections in Ukraine, appropriate attention must be given to strong political party development. Without strong, nationally representative political parties in the opposition as well as in the government, competing fairly in future elections in Ukraine, further steps backwards in Ukraine's democratic development could be expected.
IRI in Ukraine
Since 1994, IRI has actively supported the promotion of democracy in Ukraine. To address the aforementioned challenges and respond to Ukraine's rapidly deteriorating political environment, IRI is working to strengthen political parties, foster mechanisms for good governance, support the next generation of political activists, and develop a more transparent electoral system.
In order to ensure Ukraine has vibrant, democratic parties, which reflect the needs of citizens, IRI trains parties on how to improve their structures and organization, coalesce, and recruit new members. Recently, IRI launched an innovative program to enhance communication between political parties and local CSOs.
To encourage Ukraine's elected officials to be responsive to citizens, IRI provides training to local elected officials on communications, constituent service, management and other skills necessary for effective and transparent governance.
One means to encourage government accountability is IRI's public hearing program, which enables Ukrainian civil society to bridge the gap between citizens and elected officials. By selecting a local problem and addressing it through the mechanism of a public hearing, citizens are able to participate in the decision-making process.
To ensure democracy has a strong and stable future, IRI has been supporting four youth-oriented CSOs, which established Youth Political Leadership Schools in Ukraine to teach political activism, particularly in Eastern Ukraine and Crimea. More than 1,000 students have graduated from these schools with more than 87 percent entering into some form of public service.
To assist in the development of Ukraine's electoral processes, IRI has conducted international election observation missions, observing every parliamentary and presidential election since Ukraine became independent in 1991.


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Testimony :: Sanjar Umarov
Chairman - Sunshine Coaliation; Former Political Prisoner
U.S. Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe
Briefing "Political Prisoners in Central Asia"
Statement by Sanjar Umarov
May 15, 2012
Rayburn House Office Building
Washington, DC
Thank you for the opportunity to make a statement to this committee regarding "Political Prisoners in Central Asia."
Since independence in 1991, the Government of Uzbekistan has consistently repressed all opposition – including commercial, political and religious groups - using the criminal courts and security services to persecute persons perceived as potential threats. An alarming trend is the increasing number of people sent to prison under special, arbitrary national security laws (Sections 8 and 159 of the Uzbek criminal code). These laws are especially pernicious because they can be used to convict anyone of anything, so in practice they are most often used for political purposes. In the past, (1990's), they were used to repress a relatively small number of members of political, religious and economic elites. Now, we are witnessing vastly increasing numbers of prosecutions under these and similar statues, resulting in a dramatic rise of political prisoners and prisoners of conscience in Uzbekistan.
In March of 2006, after my appeal, I was sentenced to prison for 10 1/2 years under these laws. This conviction was entirely due to my participation and leadership in the "Sunshine Coalition," an alliance of secular groups and individuals supporting peaceful dialog on political and economic reforms in Uzbekistan. Due to the political nature of the charges against me, from the early minutes of my arrest on October 22, I was drugged and tortured routinely. At first, my interrogators tortured me hoping for confessions. However, prison administrators and guards continued to torture me even after my sentencing.
Those who carry the label of a "political prisoner" while in custody in Uzbekistan are tortured more severely and more frequently than the general population. As one example of many, in the brutally cold winter of 2008, I was held at Penal Colony 47, Kyzyl-Tepa, near Bukhara. Three other prisoners and I spent five freezing days in January in the "monkey cage"-unheated, open-air punishment cell- with nothing to wear other than t-shirts. We survived by lying back-to-back and moving continuously. If we would have slept or stopped moving, we would have frozen to death. After this experience, my health seriously deteriorated and I spent several months in a near-death health condition. In my case, public concern over my health made the prison administration as well as the governing regime fear my death at their hands and I was, eventually, spared and set free on the basis of humanitarian grounds. Yet, for every case like mine, there are thousands of other prisoners who die as a direct result of abuse and torture by investigators, prison guards and administrators.
The United Sates and the world community must defend the thousands of prisoners in Uzbekistan that are being tortured as we speak. The US and the world community must demand that the Government of Uzbekistan take specific and verifiable actions to address political persecutions and the torture of prisoners. The lifting in January of the prohibition on the sale of military goods to the GOU provides the US with an opportunity to show the GOU that systematic, institutionalized violence must stop. Any deepening of US military ties to Uzbekistan must be explicitly conditioned upon real and verifiable concessions on human rights.
As we, the people who are trying to bring Uzbekistan closer to world civilized standards reconfirm our belief in our ultimate goals of freedom for all political prisoners and prisoners of conscience, the free return of those in exile and independent political representation in Oliy Majlis, we must also set the agenda for realistic progress on human rights and torture. For the record, I would like to mention that a broader list of prisoners of conscience will be provided. The minimum conditions in this agenda could include, release of prisoners of conscience such as Rustam Usmanov, Khairullo Khamidov, Solidjon Abdurakhmanov, Dilmurod Said and students (up to 200) of legally registered Turkish lyceum arrested since 2007. Other agenda items can include supporting meaningful dialog between key members of local independent groups promoting human rights on one end and Ministry of Internal Affairs on the other. Such dialog can only be meaningful if internationally-respected human rights organizations would be allowed to monitor such processes, in an effort to protect local groups from repression.
Unfortunately, the issue of prisoners of conscience is not unique to Uzbekistan, as there are prisoners of conscience in all of the States of the former Soviet Union. In particular, the ethnic tensions in Southern Kyrgyzstan continue to be aggravated by the imprisonment of Azimjon Askarov and his group. This should be viewed not just in the interest of inter-ethnic relations of these individuals, but as a case for justice, as they were not given fair opportunity to defend themselves. An expedited release of the above-mentioned people would be a good sign towards improvement of the human rights situation.
Over the years, the Helsinki Committee has held many hearings about the worrying trends for human rights in Central Asia. Unfortunately, the Commission's record of testimony demonstrates that year after year the trend of political repression is aggravating and escalating. A dramatic example of this is the continued widespread use of torture in Uzbekistan's jails and prisons. The US and the world community have a responsibility to support human rights in Uzbekistan by conditioning deeper economic and military ties to practical and verifiable steps from the GOU for real reforms. Such a start can be achieved via inter-parliamentary cooperation on developing overhauled legislation aiming at streamlining the role and functions of the law enforcement institutions, such as the Office of Attorney General, Ministry of Internal Affairs, Ministry of Justice, courts and penitentiary systems in matters of protecting the human rights and the supremacy of the Rule of Law.


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Melisa A. Wilson, ARNP, ACNP-BCSymposium ChairOrlando Health Heart InstituteOrlando, Fla.
Frances Rogers, MSN, CRNPTemple University Medical CenterSymposium Vice-ChairPhiladelphia, Pa.
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Barbara Prendes, ARNP-BCDepartment of Veterans AffairsTampa, Fla.
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Helena Purl, RN, BSN, CCRCBaylor College of MedicineHouston, Texas
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Laura Savage, RN, MSN, PCCNVCU Health SystemRichmond, Va.
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