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Brandi Powell
People gathered Saturday afternoon to remember a couple killed in an officer-involved shooting last Friday.
Police say 36-year-old Matthew Serbus and 34-year-old Dawn Pfister of Elkhorn, Wis., led police on a chase in a stolen car in Eden Prairie before crashing into a wall on Highway 212.
According to police, officers then shot Serbus after he exited the car, took out a knife and ignored commands to drop it. They then shot Pfister after she picked up the knife.
At a memorial at the Maple Grove Arboretum on Saturday, friends remembered a man they say is gone too soon.
Pauly Hoffman, a long-time friend of Serbus said, "Matt was kind of a goofy friend of the bunch, he was always smiling, fun to be around, he attracted fun people."
Moreover, Serbus's friends say they still have many unanswered questions.
"How can two people be shot dead over just a knife?" Hoffman said. "What really happened? What kind of force was really necessary?"
Serbus' friends admit he had a rap sheet that included trouble with the law.
"That's definitely not how we remember Matt," Hoffman said. "In our minds matt was not a criminal, he was a friend, and he was a good person and we loved him."
Law enforcement tells KSTP a knife is indeed considered a lethal weapon.
Pfister's father tells KSTP he's still thinking about filing a lawsuit, because he doesn't believe his daughter was enough of a threat to be killed.
|Sex Assault Charges Filed Against Minneapolis Man Accused of Beating Toddler
|Police: Teen Hit, Critically Injured by School Bus in St. Paul was in Crosswalk
|Law Enforcement Sources: Percocet Found in Prince's System
|Family Basset Hounds Refuse to Leave Dying Baby's Side
|Police: 1 Dead, at Least 5 Injured after Shooting in North Minneapolis


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I Was There
I Was There
By Thomas Veres
I'm a professional photographer. For many years, my offices in New York were only three blocks from the United Nations, where signs designate "Raoul Wallenberg Walk." Those who know of Wallenberg think of him as someone who saved nearly 100,000 lives in Budapest, Hungary, in the last fierce days of World War II. To me, Raoul Wallenberg not only saved lives, he also left a mark on those he saved. I know. He left a deep mark engraved in my heart and mind, one that has shaped my thoughts and actions ever since.
I first met Wallenberg on October 17, 1944, when I was a young man. By then, the Nazis had "cleansed" the Hungarian countryside of Jewish people; more than 430,000 men, women, and children had vanished, at the rate of 12,000 a day, never to be seen again. Now, in the closing days of the war, the Nazis prepared to exterminate the last large population of Jews alive in Europe, those in Budapest.
What makes a man leave the safety of a neutral country to take on personally the Nazis? I can't tell you. All I can tell you is that his weapons were his wits, determination, and a belief in the worth of each human life to the point of risking his own in exchange.
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subset: commoncrawl


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Scan and save the photograph which has to be edited in your computer. Then open this image in Photoshop by clicking on File -> Open Image. Now a window will open; select the path in which you have stored your image. Now click on the image and click open. The image will appear in your Photoshop screen as below
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January 15, 2012
Local veteran Ralph Kalberloh, a veteran of the U.S. Army Air Forces, was held in a German prison camp during World War II.
Stories this photo appears in:
Local veteran shares experience as a prisoner of war during World War II
With a sense of duty and patriotism signifying the character of those coming of age during World War II, local resident Ralph Kalberloh was honored to answer the call to service during a time of war.
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December 11, 2012
Tunisia's Ennahda Clears the Decks to Dominate
Sana Ajmi, Daily Star
AP Photo
Members of Tunisia's National Constituent Assembly – the democratically elected body responsible for drafting the country's constitution – put forward a new bill on Nov. 23 which would exclude politicians once affiliated with the former ruling Constitutional Democratic Rally (RCD) from political life for 10 years. Entitled "The Protection of the Revolution," the measure – proposed and supported by Ennahda parliamentarians – is being seen by some as a tactic to hinder an opposition front to Ennahda and ensure the Islamists' dominance in the upcoming election.
TAGGED: Islamists, Tunisia, Ennahda Party


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From: ExoHuman
THERE IS MUCH speculation that the recent, unnaturally speedy typhoon in the Philippines was man-made. Shocked? You shouldnt be. Weather-modification technology is by now well established, with many countries routinely employing it to bring rain, divert storms, and for other more nefarious purposes. You didnt hear about the hurricane on 9/11?
So, hypothetically, lets imagine that Typhoon Haiyen was induced or enhanced. So who and why? The most likely suspect, by a mile, has to be the USA (or, more accurately, elements within the US Secret Government). Okay, so why? To remove thousands of useless eaters, to help support the crumbling Global Warming scam, as a general distraction from Middle East war preparations, US martial law, the impending economic collapse
or something a little more left field?
THIS IS WHERE the recently rearranged face of US Secretary of State, the lovable John Kerry enters the frame, with a kind offer to help the poor people of the Philippines rebuild their shattered infrastructure. This will mean shipping in lots of heavy lifting and digging equipment and, as most of the affected areas have been completely flattened by the unnaturally high winds, any US relief effort will be free to proceedout of site of the displaced locals. So whats in it for Uncle Sam..?
Introducing Yamashitas Gold
AFTER WORLD WAR II a vast gold hoard of Japanese gold (most of which was stolen from other Asian countries) was found hidden in over 175 different sites in the Philippine Islands by a member of General Charles Willoughbys staff. Willoughby was General MacArthurs Chief of Intelligence.
According to financial expert Bix Weir, the treasure apparently involved more than 300,000 tons of gold and other treasures. He didnt state what part of the find was gold, but he did note that the total of all mined gold in the world was believed to be 140,000 tons. Thus, the Japanese gold find in the Philippines must have been at best only some part of the 140,000 tons.
Read the full article at: exohuman.com


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June 1 2011
FedExCup Update: the Memorial
Carroll/Getty Images
K.J. Choi has been playing as well as anyone not named Luke Donald. A victory this week could place him atop the FedExCup standings for the first time.
Filed under: the Memorial Tournament presented by Nationwide Insurance Ryuji Imada (21350) Bubba Watson (25804) Luke Donald (23983) Tiger Woods (08793) Matt Kuchar (23108) K.J. Choi (24357) FedExCup Keegan Bradley (33141) Justin Rose (22405) Phil Mickelson (01810) Mark Wilson (21878) Joe Ogilvie (21949) Kenny Perry (01945)


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Posts tagged with: Opening
by Anton D. Nagy | December 12, 2012 9:45 AM
Those who have been following our site throughout 2012 — I know you are quite a few, THANK YOU! — must have noticed the cornucopia of changes that we are constantly rolling out, let it be a complete redesign or a just a new weekly show, column, or feature that you all like! We're proud to be growing at a fast pace thanks to all of you and we are committed to further improving our readers' (your) experience. In order to do that, we need to expand, and we need to expand NOW! We've got so many plans for 2013 that we need to increase our staff; it will be a great year to tag along, ...


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The Health Literacy Database at Miami University is a resource that demonstrates a variety of cognitive motor skills and health behaviors across the lifespan and includes a collection of culturally responsive messages for children, youth, and adults advance health literacy.
Miami University has a long and proud tradition of student involvement in both radio and television productions. This exhibit will celebrate five decades of students in broadcasting. Many of these productions can be found online in the WMUB Archives. For questions about the exhibit, contact Marcus Ladd at email@example.com or (513) 529-0462.
The Miami University Archives will be closed from Monday, April 11 - June 1, 2016. Please read this blog post for further information.
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Snakes Will Sizzle and Bash the Bombers on Monday!
- Sunday, June 20, 2010 8:46 PM
- Written By: Jonathan Cash
Your "Bad Beat" for Sunday is on:
Orioles (plus 140, first 5) at San Diego.
Baltimore was playing in a pitcher's ballpark at PETCO and plated four runs in the first inning. The Orioles had a young kid in Jake Arrieta on the hill who had made two high quality starts recently to begin his big league career so losing that first five was almost impossible to fathom against the still very mediocre San Diego lineup.
Or not.
The Padres scored one in the first and another in the second to cut the lead in half. Then the Friars bashed away scoring four runs in the third inning capped by a Will Venable three run jack.
SD tacked one on for good measure in the fifth to win the first five in comeback fashion 7-4.
Your winner for Monday is on:
3* Diamondbacks (plus 150) vs. New York.
A small terrible three game slate today. I certainly can't say that I love what I see but to be able to go against the ice cold AJ Burnett today plus this price has to be a play.
The New York righty has really struggled of late and now in interleague action could be in trouble once again. Burnett will have to step into the batter's box and maybe even run a base or two. He also will face an Arizona team that has not been that terrible at home and should bring some game with powerful boppers in Reynolds and Upton.
No doubt the Yankees are the much better team and when healthy the far more powerful lineup. But Arod and Posada are not 100% and may or may not play. The Yanks also lose a bat with the pitcher hitting and are in an unfamilar situation. If any team would be fine it is Joe Girardi's very professional club but it's still not a normal game for the Bombers and I'll take my chances against them.
Rodrigo Lopez is eh. He certainly is not a guy that I can hang my hat on or believe in but Lopez has been ok and is at home so take that for what it's worth. On this day the best game on the board is this home dog and as long as Burnett does not flip the switch and look great I feel we are getting a decent enough deal.


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Welcome to R & R Ceramics
At R & R Ceramics, we are able to provide our customers with high quality unpainted ceramics. After we make the initial item, we then want you to take over and make the creation your own. Paint it exactly how you like and you will have a piece of art you and your loved ones will cherish. As a hobby, ceramics have kept many people busy and satisfied while creating them. The thought of being able to personalize your own ceramics is what keeps us ceramic lovers always wanting to make the next best thing.
The unfinished ceramics that we offer our customers are started by fully professional ceramic makers here at R & R. We want to get the hard part of the ceramic process out of the way for you, so that you can then stylize the rest with ease out of your own home. All of our ceramic bisque is hand poured, cleaned, and fired to cone 04 for your painting and glazing needs.
If you don't see what you are looking for in our Online Catalog, just click on Contact Us and let us know.
Call us Tuesday - Friday 10:00am - 4:30pm Central Time at 870.935.9686
(Closed Saturday - Monday)
We want our clients to know that their satisfaction is of the highest concern to us, so we are always striving to give them the best products we can. We want everyone who comes to us to leave happy and with a project for them to create and finish. We will send our products straight to you shipped by UPS, Priority Mail or Fed Ex. The Online Catalog does have a shopping cart feature. All of our ceramic bisque is shipped UNPAINTED.


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- Homepage >
- News Archives >
- Article
Soldier receives tribal honor for service in Iraq
March 16, 2010
By Sgt. Cody Harding, USDS Public Affairs
Story Highlights
- Security Transition Team Officer receives honor of "yashmagh" and "agal" headgear - honor rarely given to westerners
- Lt. Col. Mike Bush may be the first to receive the honor in several decades
ZURBATIYAH, Iraq (March 16, 2010) -- Throughout the history of the U.S. military, troops have been honored with awards and commendations for their service, especially for the times they have gone beyond what was required of them.
Tribes in Iraq also have a long tradition of honoring those they feel are deserving of recognition.
The "yashmagh," the traditional head covering of Arabic tribesmen, and the black wool "agal" headband are given to the members of a tribe as a symbol of trust and honor. The highly-inclusive distinction is usually kept within the tribe, and formal ceremonies to present the agal and yashmagh to "outsiders" are rare.
For Lt. Col. Mike Bush, a Security Transition Team Officer with the 3rd Heavy Brigade Combat Team, 3rd Infantry Division, receiving the traditional head covering was a tremendous privilege.
The shaykh of the Katawi Tribe placed the yashmagh on Bush in a formal ceremony March 2.
Though it is sometimes worn by those who have never even set foot in the Middle East as either a fashion or political statement, the actual presentation of the honor to Westerners by a tribe is rare.
From what he had been able to gather, the agal may not have been formally presented to a Westerner in several decades, Bush said.
"A lot of Americans have been given the agal and headdress, but this is the first time it's been officially given since [T.E.] Lawrence," he said.
Bush's interactions with the tribe in Wasit Province are mainly through the commander of the Department of Border Enforcement's 7th Brigade, 3rd Region, who meets with Bush three times a week.
The commander's area of operations includes the Zurbatiyah Point of Entry, a busy checkpoint on the border with Iran, and more than 42 other posts along the border.
Bush's advice to those who would follow in his steps is for them to learn about the culture and show respect to the people of Iraq.
"The Iraqi People, who have a really different culture, appreciate the fact that the United States has invested the time, effort and lives here in order to bring about security and allow this country to stand up," he said.


text: hey y'all, some of you may remember the issue i was having with my paul hubs. i was breaking the non-drive side locknut. i ended up breaking three of them. i did everthing i could to prevent it, including not torqueing the axle bolt down as tight (i always use a torque wrench when tightening axle nuts), adding chain tensioners, and whatever else i could think of. after the last broken nut (keep your minds out of the gutter), i ended up sending the wheel to paul. he told me that there may be a problem with the threading of the axle. so, he hopefully fixed it. i just got the wheel back yesterday, but havent had an opportunity to ride because its been raining and the spicer doesn't see rain. so, i'm planning on getting it out tommorow. i'll give another update, especially since i know several people on here have been contemplating picking up a set of paul hubs. i hope i just picked up one that had a problem and that its not indicative of a larger problem with the design of the hubs, because everything else about them rules. the bearings are smooth as any i've seen and they look awesome. so we'll see.


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Key returners back for Tigers basketball
Wednesday, November 10, 2010
COLUMBIA, Mo. (AP) — Expectations keep going up at Missouri. You'll not hear Mike Anderson complaining about it.
The Tigers are ranked in the preseason for the first time since 2003-04, return four of their top five scorers and have a highly regarded recruiting class heading into Anderson's fifth season as coach. He's aiming for a third straight NCAA tournament appearance, rebuilding the reputation for a school that was shut out five straight years before his arrival.
"No one expects more than me from our team," Anderson said. "We have a lot of pieces to the puzzle and we just have to figure out where they fit."
Forwards Kim English, Justin Safford and Laurence Bowers are back, along with guards Marcus Denmon and Michael Dixon from a team that went to the second round of the NCAA tournament and begins this season at No. 15. They're all well-schooled in Anderson's pressing, running system, which the school bills as "the 40 fastest minutes in basketball."
All of them can shoot the 3-pointer and can take it to the hoop, too. Denmon (10.4 points per game) and Bowers (10.2) averaged in double figures, and Dixon averaged 11.5 points in two NCAA games.
"When your 5-10 point guard can go between the legs and dunk, that's a pretty athletic team," said English, a junior who led the team with a 14-point average. "From top to bottom, there are a lot of athletes on this team. That means that coach will want us to be even more all over the court wreaking havoc."
Leading the newcomers is forward Ricardo Ratliffe, a heralded junior college transfer, and brothers Phil and Matt Pressey. The Presseys are sons of former NBA player and former teammate Paul Pressey, Anderson's best friend.
The 6-8, 240-pound Ratliffe is expected to add an inside presence the school has lacked. Ratliffe averaged 27.4 points and 11.3 rebounds last season at College of Central Florida.
"Coach Anderson brought me in here to rebound, score on the block and really just get some depth," Ratliffe said. "I think I do a pretty good job of bringing that to the table."
Another top recruit, 6-8 forward Tony Mitchell, could join the team at the semester break if he can straighten out his grades.
"We're just hopeful that the process will work but I don't think you can worry about what's not taking place," Anderson said. "You have to worry about the guys that are here and I'm certainly excited about this group."
There appears to be enough options Missouri shouldn't miss departed seniors J.T. Tiller, Zaire Taylor and Keith Ramsey too much. Just like last year when the Tigers went to the Sweet 16 after bidding adieu to 1,000-point scorers Leo Lyons, DeMarre Carroll and Matt Lawrence.
"We'll never lose the thing that's most important," Anderson said. "What is that? It's to win games. Play to win."
Safford is the lone senior, and is coming off a torn ACL at the end of last season. Anderson expects the offensive-minded English also to step up after leading the team in turnovers last season.
"For a guy that's a big guard, he shouldn't have that many," Anderson said. "But I think he understands. You want to be the guys that coach is counting on."
Anderson knows exactly what he'll be getting from the Presseys. Just like he did in the past with Carroll, his nephew, and his son, Mike Jr.
"A lot of people said when DeMarre and Mike Jr. left, 'Coach you don't have any family left, now what's going to happen?' Well, now I have two more," Anderson said. "They understand me, they understand this program, and they want to take it to higher heights."
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Voters in 31 states have passed constitutional amendments banning same-sex marriage. But no state has done it twice. That could change in 2014, however, if one Oklahoma lawmaker has his way.
Republican Rep. Mike Turner, a 26-year-old SMU graduate, has introduced a resolution that would direct the secretary of state to place the 2004 marriage amendment back on the ballot — so voters can approve some changes. Thus far, Turner's only proposed change is to substitute "Oklahoma" for the word "state" in the text of the amendment. However, Turner has also introduced a separate bill called the "Preservation of Marriage Act" — which is currently in skeletal form. Oklahoma's statewide LGBT advocacy group, The Equality Network, opposes both measures.
"Because Rep. Turner has also introduced a House Joint Resolution (HJR 1076) calling for a second statewide ballot banning same-sex marriage, it is assumed that this bill also aims to keep same-sex marriage illegal," The Equality Network says of the Preservation of Marriage Act in a fact sheet posted online.
Laura Belmonte, chair of The Equality Network, issued a statement Monday.
"Rep. Turner's proposed resolution and bill are both fiscally irresponsible and unconstitutional,' Belmonte said. "With our state facing a $170 million revenue shortfall and a court decision striking down Oklahoma's same-sex marriage ban already winding its way through the appeals process, this is a waste of time and energy that could be better directed toward tackling the many and very real challenges facing ordinary Oklahomans."
Turner told Lone Star Q on Monday afternoon that he doesn't expect the two measures to go anywhere this session. He said he filed them so that they could be used if needed to address the issue of same-sex marriage. But he said he thinks the Legislature should wait until after the 10th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals rules in a pending federal lawsuit. Earlier this month, a federal district judge in Oklahoma struck down the state's marriage amendment as unconstitutional, but the state has appealed the ruling to the 10th Circuit.
Turner said he believes marriage should be between a man and a woman, and his constituents are strongly opposed to same-sex marriage. However, he said he's not homophobic and has a gay legislative assistant. Turner said if federal courts force Oklahoma to recognize same-sex marriages, he believes the state should stop regulating marriage altogether. In other words, the state would treat all marriages — gay and straight — as civil contracts and would not refer to them as marriages.
"When the state is no longer dealing with marriage and no longer dealing with ecclesiastical matters, that means the courts and any activist can't sit there and subvert it for their own purposes," Turner said. "It also satisfies the equal protection that the law and the Constitution demands."
Turner acknowledged that the issue "more or less" boils down to the use of the word "marriage," which he claims is being co-opted.
"This is something that people care about," Turner said. "For them to sit there and see the word gay marriage, for a lot of people in Oklahoma, that is an affront to them. They're not against the equal protection; they're against marriage being perverted — by gay activists and individuals who are trying to make this an attack on religion, and that's how a lot of people here in Oklahoma see it."


text:
Couldn't Take It No More
You JUST noticed this? How in the...
C3PO was originally silver, but when he came to be owned by Senator Amidala, he was given a golden body. After losing his leg, he was given a temporary silver leg replacement. Due to the fall of the Republic, he never received a new golden leg. Watch all of the films and you'll see the transition.


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This job posting is no longer available on Indeed.
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Project duration: Contract award to March 31st, 2015Security requirement: Reliability Status
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Oracle Enterprise Manager Plug-In
Enterprise Storage Management
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The Plug-In also allows the DBA to react to storage-related issues, including performance and availability. The Plug-In's graphical interface allows for expedient comprehension-and therefore resolution-of storage issues.
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Save To Worklist
NURS 450 Introduction to Research Utilization
The process of research and scholarship in nursing; principles and processes in utilizing research.
This course is eligible for Credit/D/Fail grading. To determine whether you can take this course for Credit/D/Fail grading, visit the Credit/D/Fail website. You must register in the course before you can select the Credit/D/Fail grading option.
Credits: 3
- This course is restricted to students in one of these programs: BSN in year: >=3
No sections offered for 2015 Winter.


text: An update to Google Earth has landed in the Google Play Store today. It introduces a lot of new features to make the experience more useful. The biggest feature is the Earth Gallery which are curated sets of layers giving you information such as wear earthquakes have occurred, real time flights and city tours. Other features include the ability to share your current view to Google+ (or any other social app), new gestures for pinch and zoom, and more. Get a look at the full changelog and get the download over in the Google Play Store.


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In the Garden: Paul James on succulents; varieties, planting, watering, maintenance
TULSA - The family of succulent plants contains more than just cacti!
Gardening expert Paul James, with Southwood Landscape and Garden Center , says this type of plant "thrives on neglect."
Paul says that most succulents that grow in our area will be a perennial but only if brought in during the winter.
He says that most often succulents don't survive because we "kill them with kindness!" A little water is a good thing but too much of it can actually kill the plant.
Paul also told me what succulent is related to asparagus.
Click on the video attached to this story for these tips and more that Paul shared with me.
Happy Gardening!
For more gardening tips from Paul go to our section on KJRH.com .


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King Arthur Flour Logo Apron Rating: 5 Recommend: Y Comments: Sent this to a dear friend as a birthday gift, along with a "Bake" mug and a sco...
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my husband always blame me whenever our child get hurt. how can i deal with it?
I have a 2yrs old daughter and she seems to fall all the time. She is walking/running everywhere and he constantly trips and falls and bump her head.like Yesterday, after eating dinner i first stand up for a sec coz i have a little not so important thing to do. then my child fall from her sit when she is trying to get off from her chair on her own and hit her face on the ground. She almost lost her teeth.Then my husband blame me for im not looking out for her. He constantly blames me when something happens to our daughter. How do I get my husband to stop telling me I am a bad parent when my daughter falls/ i am very hurt by this and I don't know how to deal with it. Please help!
Posted: 07/07/2013 by babyuuna
Mom Answers
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First her very clumsiness doesn't sound normal think you need to tell her doctor this. And for your husband I think you need to have a heart to heart with him. Ask him for his help in keeping her safe too.posted 07/07/2013 by sisqo4ever
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Author: Sorey, Kellie Crawford; Gregory, Dennis
Date published: January 1, 2010
Language: English
Journal code: CSAJ
Before then, college students nationwide who opposed the war were holding rallies and teach-ins, and committing acts of civil disobethence. And they are not just from Berkeley and Ann Arbor or other campuses the nation has come to recognize as Uberai bastions. The anti-war movement is stirring the passions of high schools, community colleges, public flagships and private research universities and those institutions in between. (Marklein, 2003, D 1)
The lines above could have been quoted from almost any national newspaper in 1968. They do, however, come from the March 25, 2003, edition of USA Today. Today's college students seem more and more likely to follow in the footsteps of their "boomer" parents. The increase in "college activism has been gaining momentum since the mid-1990s, and leaders of some student groups are hopeful that the passions aroused both in favor and against Bush's policies will draw even more young activists" (Marklein, 2003, D 1).
The protest movement of today is certainly different from that of the 1960s in that student support for the troops fighting in the war with Iraq was equally as vocal as the vocal protest of those opposed to the war (Mangan, 2003). September 11, 2001, which may become the defining moment for the "millennial" generation, has certainly had an impact. Mangan (2003) wrote:
Banging on drums, chanting antiwar slogans, and blocking city intersections, students around the country who oppose the war in Iraq marked the beginning of the bombing with rallies, class walkouts, and faculty-led teach-ins. On some campuses the antiwar protesters clashed with those who supported the war. (Mangan, 2003, A6)
A great deal has been written in the recent past about who today's students are and how the students attending American campuses think, look, and act (Day & Hurtado, 2000; Howe & Strauss, 2000; Levine & Cureton, 1998). In his book Bowling Alone, Putnam (2000) vividly described how American society, and by implication today's college students, are becoming more isolated. As a result, Putnam explained that social systems are breaking down. This information is critical to higher education faculty and staff - particularly student affairs professionals. Understanding who our "clients and customers" are, to use TQM terms (Cornesky & McCool, 1992), is obviously important.
Several authors, including Levine (1981) and Rhatigan (2000), discuss the importance of history to the student affairs profession. This article will describe events that occurred during a critical period in American higher education and will emphasize the profound impact these events had upon higher education, and particularly on student affairs. The authors posit that the impact of the protest movements of the 1960s is still being felt today. The death of in loco parentis, the evolution of both contractual and constitutional approaches to working with students, the involvement of the federal government in implementing an agenda of civil rights and liberties, and a change in the legal philosophy of institutional liability for student behavior came at least partially from this period.
This article will assist those working in higher education, particularly student affairs professionals, in reflecting on the past to better understand and anticipate the future. In light of today's student population, increased activism, and the interaction of the social systems, this article will also assist them in understanding how current student activism may impact their profession.
A stunned America observed with disbelief and horror the unfolding of a new phenomenon on America's college campuses in the mid- to late 1960s. The increasingly disruptive and violent protests, which had grown from the more peaceful movements of earlier days could no longer be ignored or forgotten by the general population of the U. S. Shortly after two violent protests in 1970, President Richard M. Nixon established a Commission (hereafter referred to as the "Scranton Commission") to study the nature and causes of this radical movement. Student protests were gaining national attention.
The remainder of this article will trace the development and prevalence of disorderly and violent student protests on college campuses during the late 1960s and early 1970s. Reasons for these protests, such as the new student culture emerging on college and university campuses; the critical societal issues during this decade; and the role and response of the American university, will be explored. Society's changing perception of higher education and its students during this period will also be stressed because these views, as will be discussed, may have fueled the growth and volatility of these protests. Particular emphasis on Berkeley's Free Speech Movement and the Kent State tragedy will be provided.
A Historical Perspective of Student Protests
Student unrest in America did not begin in the 1960s. Its inception can be traced back to the early 19* century. During the early 180Os, inhabited public buildings at Harvard were blown up and Yale students celebrated Christmas by breaking windows of college buildings (Bledstein, 1976). In 1836 at the University of Virginia, a group of students refused to surrender their guns to University faculty. A riot soon followed with students participating in random shootings and attacks on professors' homes (Bledstein, 1976). Furthermore, a student stabbed the president of Oakland College in Mississippi to death, and the president and a professor at the University of Georgia were stoned (Rudolph, 1990). Also according to Rudolph:
Between 1800 and 1875 students were in rebellion on at least one occasion at Miami University, Amherst, Brown, University of South Carolina, Williams, Georgetown, University of North Carolina, Harvard, Yale, Dartmouth, Lafayette, Bowdoin, City College of New York, Dickinson and DePauw. (p. 98)
These disturbances were usually in rebellion against the inadequate living conditions, terrible food, rigid rules, and the Puritan religious values that characterized colleges of the time (Report, 1970). Discontent during that early period was largely apolitical. This began to change, however, in early 20th century with the emergence of the Intercollegiate Socialist Society (ISS) - the first radical political movement at America's institutions (Report, 1970). Campus protests in the 1920s and 1930s focused on political issues with strikes against the war, protests against the Reserve Officers Training Corps (ROTC), attacks on America's foreign policy (Report, 1970), immigration, and free speech (Lucas, 1994).
Students who entered college in the late 1940s and 1950s were very different from the cohorts that entered during the period of the 1920s and 1930s. They were also different from those who entered in the 1960s and early 1970s. As Lucas (1994) asserts, students who entered after World War II - many of whom were war veterans - had little time for social involvement on college campuses. Their primary goal was to obtain a degree and gain employment. The students of the fifties, referred to often as the "silent generation," entered college passively. They feared any challenge to the status quo and believed that the government and college administrators possessed unlimited power (Kaplan, 1998). This characterization is very different from that used to describe students who entered college during the 1960s. During the 1960s students and society underwent phenomenal transition. Both students and society as a whole began to expect more of their colleges, of their government and of their society.
Although student unrest can be traced back as early as these examples illustrate, it was during the 1960s when campus protests riveted the nation. Scalmer (2000) attributes this national awareness, and in effect collective action, to the technological advances that made it possible for the world to participate through such media as radio, newspaper, and television. Lucas (1994) asserts that the "highly sensationalized accounts of each new incident. . . [were] further fanning the flames of discontent" (p. 259). Isserman and Kazin (2000) noted that nearly 90 percent of Americans had televisions by the end of the 1950s. Outsiders could now get involved by observing the shaping of a new cuitare. As the Scranton Commission described, although the public was "outraged by violence on American campuses," the outrage was "often intensified by a more general revulsion against the distinctive dress, life style, behavior, or speech adopted by some young people" (Report, 1970, p. 40). Moreover, "some segments of the public [had also] become increasingly disenchanted with student protests of all kinds - and even with higher education itself (Report, 1970, p. 41).
Scalmer (2000) asserts that until 1960, the International Student Conference forbade debate and action on non-campus issues. Affiliated student organizations, according to Scalmer, were restricted by this limitation. Once these restrictions were lifted, "university students in the industrialized world began to act with a new political confidence" (Scalmer, p. 493). The disorder and violence that characterized the '60's protests, along with the increased opportunities for national exposure through the media, simultaneously contributed to the notoriety of this new movement.
Major Issues of the 1960s
During the early years of the 1960s, most protests were in the form of nonviolent marches, sit-ins, and picketing. Issues at hand were freedom of political speech and action, civil rights, nuclear testing, compulsory ROTC, the draft, and the Vietnam War (Phillips, 1985). Referring to students who participated during the early 1960s, Skolnick (1969) wrote "students who participated in these activities saw them primarily as moral responses to specific issues, yet some began to perceive general political implications" (pp. 88-89). The characteristics of the movements in the early 1960s were different from those that portrayed it at the end of the decade. When the decade began, "American students were either apolitical or dedicated to working peacefully for change within the existing system" (Report, 1970, pp. 18-19). By the middle of the decade, tactical shifts began to occur. Non-violent demonstrations were replaced by disruptive and often violent revolts during the latter part of the decade.
Much of the earlier protest that brought violent responses came as part of the civil rights movement. According to Oppenheimer (1984), the Southern Regional Council reported in September 1961 that approximately 3,600 students and their supporters had been arrested since the civil rights movement's inception in February 1960. Hundreds of students and other protesters were gassed, beaten, attacked by police dogs, or had burning cigars or ammonia thrown on them as they sat at lunch counters (Oppenheimer, 1984). One account reported that 388 people participating in a demonstration in Orangeburg, South Carolina, were arrested, placed in a stockade, and sprayed with water during freezing temperatures (Oppenheimer, p. 50). During the 1965 Watts riot, 1,072 people were injured and 34 people were killed (Judis, 1998, p. 24).
The Scranton Commission reported that some Americans "openly applauded police violence against students, arguing that they had only themselves to blame if they were killed by police during disruptive or violent protests. Such public attitudes clearly encouraged violent responses by civil authorities" (Report, 1970, p. 44). While students were perceived to have provoked the majority of the violent responses, this same report indicates that student deaths were more common than were the deaths of their adversaries. Law enforcement officials were often the adversaries, and even the "moderate" students were propelled to intervene as they observed their peers being brutalized and killed by the police (Report, 1970, chap. 1). Judis (1998) wrote:
The seeming contradiction between U.S. intervention [in the Vietnam War] and American ideals, [Lyndon] Johnson's dishonesty and betrayal [of his campaign promise not to send Americans to Vietnam], and the rising list of casualties on both sides of the war inspired a growing rage against Johnson and the government. The antiwar movement split into a moderate wing that sought a negotiated withdrawal and a violent pro-North Vietnamese wing that threatened to "bring the war home." (p. 24)
Regardless of whether the growth and intensity of the 1960s protests was real or a mere perception, it is no doubt that these events had many in America on the defensive. Violent crime increased 156 % over the decade, and by the end of the decade, 44% of college students thought violence was sometimes justified to change society. Of the general public, 14% said that violence could sometimes be justified (Roberts, 1993).
While much of the student protest occurred on the campuses of the United States, this protest spilled out, often after students were disciplined for their on campus behavior, into American courts. A case resulting from the civil rights movement, Dixon v. Alabama State Board of Education (1961), is credited with beginning the demise of the legal theory of in loco parentis which had been formally in place since at least the beginning of the 20th century. In Healy v. James (1972), a case that began in the late 1960s, the Supreme Court acknowledged the freedom of association rights of a local chapter of the Students for a Democratic Society (SDS) at Central Connecticut State College despite the advocacy by the national organization for violent disruption of university activities. The local organization condoned such activities but had no record of involving themselves in them.
According to Bickel and Brechner (1978):
The law developed so quickly in this area that many college and university administrators found themselves in court prior to the time that they could reasonably identify the legal problems involved in regulating student conduct and adjust their rules and regulations to bring them into compliance. Moreover, even when the procedures were adjusted to provide for clarity in regulatory codes and for due process in procedural aspects of student discipline, many individual students and student organizations continued to challenge the authority of the college or university to regulate student conduct. (P- 8)
Gregory (1987) noted:
Student activism with regard to procedural safeguards in disciplinary cases was not the only direction marked by cases launched during the 1960s. Students began to press issues related to a number of First Amendment concerns including freedom of speech, press and association, some of which ultimately reached the Supreme Court and had major impact on higher education. In addition, students challenged search and seizure regulations of colleges and universities and more recendy have begun to raise issues of educational malpractice ... (p. 4, citations omitted).
The Emergence of the "Counterculture"
Families of students entering universities in the 1960s had experienced years of economic stability under Eisenhower (Kaplan, 1998). The wages of the manufacturing worker, according to Isserman and Kazin (2000), had doubled since World War II and the economy was on an upsurge. As reported by Judis (1998), the United States economy experienced the longest consecutive boom from February 1961 to September 1969 with an economy that grew by 4.5% each year (p. 26). Having grown up in a middle-class culture, most students entering college had no fears about the future or about gaining employment (Thomas & Kunen, 1986). They were raised to think about their quality of life rather than the "iron law of wages" (Judis, p. 22). Leisure and consumption were now important to society (Judis).
College students of the 1960s and early 1970s were the first generation to grow up watching television (Isserman & Kazin, 2000). Television was such a large part of this generation's culture that Thomas and Kunen (1986) refer to the television set as the students' "surrogate parent" (p. 23). Parents were perceived to play a less significant role in the daily lives of their children.
The advancing industrialism during this time may also have contributed to the changing relationship between adults and children. It weakened traditional adult controls and youth were spending an increasing amount of time together and away from their parents (Report, 1970). Society, which before had taught young people to adhere to the values of the adult social system, was taking a more liberal approach. Many students entering college in the 1 960s grew up in homes where parents were often guided by Dr. Benjamin Spock's child-rearing techniques, which encouraged children to test the waters (Thomas & Kunen, 1986). Isserman and Kazin (2000) point out that:
Surrounded by one's peers and largely free from the responsibility of career, family, and mortgage, young people could experiment with their minds and bodies in ways that usually shocked and enraged older people raised amid the constricted horizons of the Great Depression and World War II. (p. 150)
Having grown up in this environment, where parents were becoming more liberal, the fear of challenging the status quo was diminished or erased, and American citizens expected more from their institutions. As a result, youth grew to be activists who expected and demanded more from America.
The Scranton Commission suggested that the lessening of Cold War tensions was a factor as well (Report, 1970). TheComission contended that with this decreased tension, "students felt less obliged to defend Western democracy and more free to take a critical look at their own society" (p. 21). Upon doing this, many did not like what they saw. Thomas and Kunen (1986) echo this as they write, "In reaction to parental values deemed empty and materialistic, a flamboyant and vocal minority known as the Woodstock generation preached rock music, free love and heightened consciousness. Mostly they celebrated youth" (p. 23).
Students perceived that as America "was becoming highly automated [and] was capable of producing great abundance... archaic political and economic arrangements were preventing America from enjoying its fruits" (Judis, 1998, p. 21). Similarly, Miller (2000) asserted that students related issues to what they believed universities should be. As an extension of this ideal, they began to relate issues to what they expected America to be. College students, now appearing in large numbers, could make an impression - and perhaps even predominate - in world affairs (Skolnick, 1969).
While they began to expect more, many students believed the responses from colleges and society were too slow or simply not sufficient. As situations worsened in society, such as the escalation of the Vietnam War, the ghetto riots, and the assassinations of key leaders, protests became more disruptive and violent (Judis, 1998, p. 24). As discussed earlier, some (e.g., Judis, 1998; Report, 1970) contend that this violence was actually a response to the violence that was inflicted on student protestors in even the most peaceful of protests. The backlash from the American public only inflamed protesters. Students also learned quickly that the media provided better coverage when protests were intense (Lucas, 1994).
Although some (e.g., Gerlach, 1997; Kaplan, 1998; Thomas & Kunen, 1986) described the 1960s generation as self-absorbed, the Scranton Commission disagreed. Instead, it contended that students did not act wholly out of selfinterest, but rather on principle and ideology. Given that few college students were drafted and White students participated in the civil rights movement, these activists were engaged in issues that did not direcdy impact them. While many outsiders viewed this counterculture in a negative light, Judis (1998) believes this generation was a product of what American capitalism had encouraged and enabled. Judis writes:
The origins of the counterculture lay at the interstices of this new American culture of leisure and consumption that business helped to promote. The counterculture was a product of the new culture at the same time as it represented a critique of and a counter to it. (p. 22)
Anti- Racism and Civil Rights
The beginning of student involvement in what has commonly been referred to as "the movement" commenced on February 1, 1960, when four African American male students at the North Carolina Agricultural and Technical College went into the Woolworth store in Greensboro, North Carolina, for lunch and were refused service. The next day, when joined by 23 fellow students, they were again refused service. By the week's end, the group grew to include White women from nearby Bennett College and the sit-in filled all the seats (Isserman & Kazin, 2000). In less than two weeks, non- violent sit-ins had spread to other areas of North Carolina, South Carolina, Tennessee, and Florida (Oppenheimer, 1984). Students of all races were participating. Within two months, students in northern states were also engaged with an estimated 50,000 persons participating across the United States (Oppenheimer, p. 50). The civil rights movement was initiated because of despair over racial injustice.
Students for a Democratic Society (SDS), a small group of student activists, formed in 1960. Although all White and predominantly from middle-class backgrounds, members recognized the problems of racism and committed themselves to the civil rights movement (Isserman & Kazin, 2000). Estimates of their size vary, but by the late 1960s, the group reported to have over 100,000 members (Hunt, 1999). By this time, the issues addressed by the SDS had grown well beyond the civil rights movement.
Other groups, such as the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC), began to emerge and join in the protest movement. Although the groups may have formed to work on differing issues, they relied heavily on each other and learned that greater effectiveness could be achieved through combined efforts (Phillips, 1985). SDS, viewing America as the enemy, publicly announced that by 1969, it would be the "vanguard of a violent revolution against the United States" (Judis, 1998, p. 24).
In the early 1960s the majority of civil rights protests occurred off-campus and were non-violent, with the exception of violence perpetrated against protestors by police and onlookers. Student protesters were from all races and backgrounds. During the summer of 1964 this changed. Urban riots in Harlem, Rochester, and Watts sharply divided the more conservative White students from Black and White militants who considered the riots as legitimate rebellions (Report, 1970). Riots such as these are thought to have been triggered by Black perceptions of unequal treatment, particularly by White police offers, as well as the failure of Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. and the Southern Christian Leadership Conference to expand the non-violent struggle for civil rights beyond the South (Judis, 1998).
Stokely Carmichael, a civil rights activist, led those who no longer had faith in the non-violent protests to take control of the SNCC (Isserman & Kazin, 2000). He also expelled White students from the organization (Report, 1970). Militant actions became customary, particularly after the assassination of Dr. King in 1968 (Judis, 1998). Additionally, protests by militant groups began to occur on campus property and were often directed against the universities (Report, 1970). Black student activists claimed that the university "had helped to perpetuate black oppression through its admissions policies, its 'white-oriented' curriculum, and its overwhelmingly white teaching staff (Report, 1970, p. 33).
Civil Liberties and the Berkeley Free Speech Movement
As discussed in the preceding section, the summer of 1964 was a time of significant change for the civil rights movement. In this same year, activism at the University of California at Berkeley profoundly shaped the broader student movement. The Scranton Commission notes:
The events... defined an authentic political invention - a new and complex mixture of issues, tactics, emotions, and setting - that became the prototype for student protest throughout the decade - [and] altered the character of American student activism in a fundamental way. (Report, 1970, pp. 22, 24)
The Berkeley revolt is significant in that it involved three essential issues: civil rights, civil liberties (particularly the protection of free speech), and the right to organize and conduct political activity on college campuses.
Berkeley students had traditionally conducted political activities, such as soliciting funds and members, on a 26-foot strip of land at the entrance to the campus that they thought was owned by the City of Berkeley. During the summer of 1964, the University administration announced that the strip of land was university property. The administration also re-imposed an old policy that prohibited political groups from conducting political activity on campus property (Lipset & Wolin, 1965).
Lipset & Wolin (1965) report that a student protest movement organized on that piece of land almost immediately, the Free Speech Movement (FSM), and the reform of university rules and regulations affecting political activity on campus were demanded. Eight students were suspended for violation of the university's prohibition against campus political activity (Report, 1970). On October 1, 1964, campus police arrested a non-student activist for trespassing. When the police attempted to remove the arrested individual from campus in a car, 600 students spontaneously staged a sit-in and prevented the car from moving (Lipset & Altbach, 1967). During hour 32 of this sit-in, the university announced it would not press charges (Report, 1970). After university hearings, the administration announced it would allow six of the eight students who had been suspended to return to school. Although the students achieved some victory, the prohibition against campus political activity had not been resolved. There was much more for the FSM to accomplish.
Upon their return from Thanksgiving break in 1964, leaders of the FSM organized a two-day sit-in at the administration building to defend their right to organize on campus (Report, 1970). Governor Edmund G. Brown halted this protest by calling in the police. Hundreds of arrests were made and charges of police brutahty surfaced (Lipset & Wolin, 1965). This made matters much more difficult. Support for the FSM's goals grew dramatically. Before police intervention, approximately 2,500 students supported the FSM (Report, 1970). Police intervention backfired. FSM's meetings and rallies began to attract crowds as large as 7,000 (Lipset & Wolin, 1965).
The semester-long dispute drew involvement from members of the state legislature, the governor, alumni, and the faculty (Lipset & Wolin, 1965). The university was in such a crisis that classes and other academic activities were cancelled (Report, 1970). Eventually, in January 1965, the FSM achieved its main goal. The university liberalized its restrictions on political activities.
Phillips (1985) writes that the Berkeley revolt "revealed to much of the American public, including administrators, faculty, students, and the mass media, some of the potentials of student protest actions (pp. 147-148)." Explaining this potential, DuBose (1967) writes:
Student activists across the nation were shown by the Berkeley blowup that they could organize, protest, rally, sit-in, and strike - and get results. After all, the Berkeley activists had accomplished what they had intended. They had won faculty support, and were thus transformed from marginal disrupters [sic] of the university into legitimate spokesmen for the entire academic community. And this means student power, (p. 2)
The media's attention to this event was also significant. The louder the students were, the more attention they received. Another outcome of the Berkeley revolt was that students began to see the campus as a place where social issues could be protested. They also realized the significance of issues other than civil rights. In the Task Force Report Submitted to the National Commission on the Causes and Prevention of Violence, Skolnick (1969) wrote:
Student activists, before the Free Speech Movement, had viewed campus issues as trivial compared to the civil rights struggle. The only way for white students to display their commitment to social change, to put themselves "on the line," was to move off the campus. The Free Speech Movement showed how the campus itself might become a front line. Students now saw that what happens on campus could really matter politically, and that a local campus uprising could have national and international importance, (p. 93)
When students came to view the campus as an avenue for describing their political ideas, the American higher education institution began to be scrutinized by the students, the faculty, and the public. This was the final, but enduring, effect of the Berkeley revolt.
University as "Another System"
Described by Lipset and Altbach (1967), Berkeley became the "locomotive behind which many toy trains were hooked by the press, frightening deans and college presidents" (p. 202). After the Berkeley incident, students began to relate issues to what they thought a university should be - "a center for moral and independent thinking" (Miller, 2000, p. 7). Studies of students conducted during the 1960s found that although students were not essentially disgruntled about the education they were receiving, the majority disapproved of their schools as moral institutions (Report, 1970). The Scranton Commission attributes this lack of moral authority to the expansion and professionalization that the university underwent after World War II. By 1960, 3.6 million students were attending college - more than double the number that had attended 20 years earlier (Isserman & Kazin, 2000). Discontent with what they perceived as moral defects in the nation, students in the 1960s began to take notice of the moral defects they perceived in higher education as well.
The university did not adapt well to this new youth culture that challenged the status quo. Students began to voice their concerns about racial inequalities, and the university's interference with academic freedom, the First Amendment, and the free exchange of ideas (Report, 1970, p. 13). Other protests concerned student governance issues, the university's participation in government defense contracts, and the presence of military recruiters on campus (Lucas, 1994, p. 258). Students denounced the growing focus of research and the seeming loss of interest in teaching that was occurring at campuses (Report, 1970). They also called for the teaching of socially relevant material (Lucas, 1994).
As indicated above, protests were developing at college campuses across America and the institutions themselves were often the targets of these protests. For example, when Columbia University proposed the relocation of African American residents from a ghetto area on university-owned property near the edge of campus in 1 968 in order to build a gymnasium, Black students seized the administration building and violence escalated (Lucas, p. 258).
The majority of administrators managing campuses during the 1950s and 1960s came from educated families with an upper middle-class or rich background (Kaplan, 1998). Students did not trust them, and perceived them to be hypocritical (Kaplan). Students viewed these leaders as an arm of the larger system, which they could not and did not trust. Kaplan explains:
Just as adolescents test their parents to find limits, the youth of the sixties tested their leaders and found them empty. . .. students wanted leaders they could respect. . .. but most university administrators were repeatedly tested by students and were exposed for what they were. (P- 313)
Lipset and Altbach (1967) viewed many college leaders during this time - particularly administrators - as weak. Lipset and Altbach (1967) assert that administrators, often criticized by faculty for their lack of leadership abilities, were selected for their positions "for their ability to get along, rather than for their scholarly eminence or leadership qualities" (p. 211).
Edward J. Bloustein, the president of Rutgers Universities during this time, described the dynamics between students and campus administrators during the 1960s in The University and the Counterculture (1972). Bloustein wrote:
Too many of our academic leaders have mistaken the true nature of student revolt. They are confused because at different times it appears to be addressed to one or another of different, relatively insignificant, or, even when not significant, relatively isolated, facets of college life. First it is free speech on campus, then it is visitation hours in student rooms, then admissions and scholarships for black students, then recruitment of students by war industries, then the building of a gymnasium in an urban slum, then the contract relationship between the university and a defense research corporation. The connection between these seemingly isolated forays is that they all represent a testing of the academic decision process; they all go to challenge the legitimacy of the constitutional apparatus of the college or university. Student activists have chosen to throw the gauntlet down... on issues which test the academic hierarchy, (p. 59)
Students at this time were testing the university, and often concluded that the university had failed. Particularly at large, pubic universities, students believed their institutions to be "depersonalized" (Lipset & Altbach, 1967, p. 213). They also began to view the university as "just another system" that they deplored.
The students had an overwhelming feeling that the university, like other American institutions, was not Hstening to them. Americans as a whole were expecting and even demanding more from their government such as clean air and water and a safe workplace (Judis, 1998). Students, having grown up with similar expectations, were also demanding more. However, the growing professionalization of higher education institutions made it difficult for the American college to respond. Universities during this time had to accommodate a huge increase in the number of students. At the same time, they were facing increasing demands from government and business, and faculty who were research-hungry Report, 1970, p. 76). Carl Davidson, a leader of Students for a Democratic Society (SDS), declared in 1967 that radical students had come to understand "the impossibility of freedom in the university so long as it remained tied to the interests of America's corporate and military elite" (Isserman & Kazin, 2000, p. 172).
The Scranton Commission asserted that the deadly combination of major social and political issues with university issues made it increasingly difficult for campus administrators to respond in any effective way (Report, 1970). Skolnick (1969) quotes Morris B. Abram, former president of Brandeis University, as describing the response to campus disruptions as a "herculean task" (p. 120). Universities would respond with strict and punitive measures, and then later lift them. The lack of communication between students and administrators, particularly at large campuses, further exacerbated the problems (Skolnick). An erosion of a clear mission in American higher education and a lack of organization were also offered as shortcomings of the university during this time (Report).
The university was finding it increasingly difficult to satisfy any of its constituencies including its students, faculty, government, or business. With what Skolnick (1969) refers to as the "fragmentation of interests" (p. 119) within the university - that is different and competing values and interests between administrators, faculty, and students - schools were particularly vulnerable in making good decisions. American universities, having become more national in focus, no longer represented a community of shared values (Skolnick). Instead, according to Skolnick, it had "become deeply involved in the larger political community without conscious direction and occasionally without intent, and without careful consideration of the problematic character of its enlarged commitments" (p. 112). Kaplan (1998) wrote that the most striking disturbance in the 1960s was when universities politicized themselves by taking a stance on the Vietnam War (p. 313).
The Vietnam War and the Kent State Tragedy
The Vietnam War received the most intense and sustaining student focus, particularly in 1965 when the United States began bombing North Vietnam (Lucas, 1994). Students believed the war to be morally wrong and were opposed to all policies and practices that seemingly supported the war, including the draft, military research and the ROTC (Report, 1970). At a time when students were twice as likely to go to college as their parents, were idealistic and assertive, and had never before been "quite so noisily self-conscious," (Thomas & Kunen, 1986, p. 22) their expectations were drminishing from the social and economic shocks they experienced from the war. Judis (1998) asserts that students viewed America's involvement in the war as a reflection of "the priorities of American capitalism and its power elite" (p. 24). Facing a greater loss of faith in the system, the war was interpreted by radical students as "a 'logical' outcome of the American political system" (Report, 1970, p. 31). As discussed earlier, the university was perceived to be a part of the larger "system" and thus, became the target of much antiwar protest.
In 1965, the federal government announced that it would defer college students from the growing draft calls on the basis of academic standing. College activists, particularly the SDS, were seeking connections between the university and the war. Some were using illegal means to do so (Report, 1970). In 1967, the SDS revealed that Michigan State University was conducting research that served to fund a CIA operation in Southeast Asia (Report, 1970, p. 32). Similar accusations, often true, were also highlighted. Activists spoke against student aid programs that were tied to defense spending and harassed campus military recruiters. As the war escalated, Michigan State and other universities were increasingly denounced for their involvement with the defense establishment and their participation in a corrupt national system. Kaplan (1998) empathizes with these students and poses the question: "Is it any wonder that the generation of the sixties was disabled when faculty and administration could not distinguish between an educational institution and a political one?" (pp. 313314). Protests and strikes grew more abundant and violent when President Nixon announced the U.S. invasion of Cambodia on April 31, 1970.
Richard Nixon was elected President of the United States in 1968. It is believed by many that his promise to end the Vietnam War was a major reason for his victory (Lewis & Hensley, 1998). Believing that the war was winding down, antiwar protests were also diminishing. President Nixon's announcement in April 1970 "resuscitated a staggering anti-war movement" and propelled "the most violent wave of disorders in the history of the nation's campuses" (Semas, 1970, p. A31). A national campus strike, called almost immediately by several students and faculty members at Brandeis University in Massachusetts, mobilized more than 200 campuses to strike within a few days (Semas, 1970).
Kent State University, a state-supported school located in the business district of Kent, Ohio, had been relatively tranquil prior to May 1970 (Report, 1970). About 500 protesters attended an antiwar rally, led by less than half a dozen graduate students, on May 1, 1970 (Gordon, 1990). Although a copy of the U.S. Constitution was buried, it was a relatively peaceful demonstration (Bills, 1988). It was so peaceful that Kent State President, Robert I. White, left town to go on a previously scheduled trip (Bills, 1988).
During the evening, an unorganized riot broke out in downtown Kent. Windows were smashed, stores were looted, and bonfires were set in the street (Gordon, 1990). At 12:30 a.m., Kent Mayor Leroy Satrom declared a state of emergency and imposed an immediate citywide curfew (Bills, 1988). On May 2, during the early morning hours, he also requested assistance from the National Guard after conferring with the governor's office (Gordon). Later that evening, a second antiwar rally was held on campus. A crowd reportedly of 500 to 1,000 attended and eventually succeeded at burning down the campus Army ROTC building. Firemen arrived and were unable to extinguish the fire because demonstrators prevented their attempts. According to the Scranton Commission: "Members of the mob. . .slashed and stabbed the hose with pocket knives, an ice pick, and a machete. They threw rocks at the firemen, who then withdrew" (Report, 1970, p. 249). The Portage County Sheriffs Department arrived to assist, and dispersed the crowd by firing tear gas (Gordon).
Heading downtown, the crowd reportedly set an archery shed on fire and destroyed other city property (Gordon, 1990). Later that evening, the crowd reached Kent's main intersection where the National Guard, who forced them back toward the campus, met them. Except for a few minor altercations, the students returned to their apartments or residence halls.
On May 3, local and state government officials made threats. For example, Kent Police Chief Roy Thompson warned:
I'll be right behind with the National Guard to give our full support - anything that is necessary. Like Ohio law says, use any force that is necessary, even to the point of shooting. We do not want to get into that, but the law says we can if necessary. (Gordon, 1990, p. 25)
With the National Guard stationed on the Kent State campus, the afternoon was fairly quiet. Bills (1988) reports that although a state of civil emergency was interpreted by law enforcement officials to mean that all demonstrations and rallies were banned, this was not communicated to the students. That evening the students held another rally. Again, the Guard used tear gas to disperse the crowd Gordon).
The crowd finally went to the main gate of campus and staged a sit-in. A student issued a list of what Gordon (1990) defines as "non-negotiable demands" that included stopping the Vietnam War, abolishing the University's ROTC program, removing the National Guard from campus, reducing tuition, meeting all future demands of the Black Union Students, and lifting the town curfew (pp. 25-26). When a National Guardsman announced that the earlier imposed curfew of 1:00 a.m. would be moved to 11:00 p.m., the students became hostile. It was reported that some students began cursing and throwing rocks at the Guard and police. In response, the Guard used tear gas and stabbed students with bayonets (Gordon).
Bills (1 988) offered a description of the events that occurred on Monday, May 4, 1970. President White, who had returned to campus, issued a statement that the National Guard would remain on campus indefinitely because the events had "taken these decisions out of University hands" (Bills, 1988, p. 16). At noon, approximately 2,000 students convened on the University Commons to hold another rally. University patrolman Harold Rice used a bullhorn to order the students to disassemble. Most accounts report that few students heard this order. After tear gas had again been fired, the guardsmen moved toward the crowd with their weapons "locked and loaded" (Bills, 1988, p. 16).
Within 10 minutes, the National Guard was firing ammunition. They fired 61 rounds of ammunition in 13 seconds. Four students were killed and 9 were wounded. Allison Krause and Jeffrey Miller, rally participants, were killed. Sandra Scheuer, another casualty, was innocently walking to class when killed. An ROTC student, William Schroeder, was also killed (Bills, 1988). By court order, the university was closed that day and was to remain closed for the remainder of the spring quarter (Bills, 1988). President White stated, "Everyone without exception is horror-struck at the tragedy of the last few hours" (Semas, 1970, p. A31).
The Kent State tragedy and the issue of Cambodia affected campuses across the country. Bailey (1999) reports that classes were cancelled for the remainder of the year at more than 500 campuses nationwide. Arson and violence at American universities were widespread. Students at the University of Wisconsin set several fires, including two in ROTC buildings, while chanting "Remember Kent" (Semas, 1970). A total of 37 ROTC buildings were torched across American campuses, and two more students died during a protest at Jackson State University in Mississippi (Hayman, 2000).
The Scranton Commission found that the Ohio National Guard had overreacted at Kent State. In 1973, a grand jury indicted the Ohio National Guard on civil rights violations, but a judge later dismissed the case. In January 1980, an out-of-court settlement was reached, and the state of Ohio paid a total of $675,000 to the victimized students and the parents of the deceased (Lewis & Hensley, 1998). In addition to the financial settlement, a statement signed by 28 defendants was also required in which members of the Ohio National Guard expressed regret over the event (Lewis & Hensley, 1998). A Gallup poll conducted in the aftermath of the event showed that most Americans supported the guardsmen's actions (Hayman, 2000). As many (e.g., Hunt, 1999; Phillips, 1985) note, the Kent State tragedy marked the end of the 1960s.
The events of the 1960s were not forgotten as the decade came to an end. Several writers have emphasized the importance of this tumultuous decade. Lewis and Hensley (1998) wrote, "the shootings have come to symbolize a great American tragedy which occurred at the height of the Vietnam War era, a period in which the nation found itself deeply divided both politically and culturally" (p. 16). These events began to raise questions concerning the communication channels and overall administration and leadership of America's higher education institutions (Report, 1970; Skolnick, 1969). These events also began to raise questions about university responses to crisis and the mechanisms in place when such crises occurred (Phillips, 1985). The culmination of these events also led some to question the constitutional rights of students and the protections they could and should be afforded (Report).
The atmosphere on many American college campuses changed dramatically during the 1960s. After two decades of relative calm, students felt freer to speak out on issues they perceived to be unjust or immoral. These students grew up during more liberal times when parents exercised fewer controls, and when society began to expect more from its government and institutions.
During the early 1960s, students noisily but peacefully challenged the status quo. Issues such as racism, civil rights, freedom of speech and assembly, the Vietnam War, and university policies and procedures were protested. In response, the students found these challenges ignored, marginally disregarded, or met with brutal acts and arrests from those they began to perceive as "them." The "us" versus "them" theme began to play out in all sectors of campus life and in almost all issues. The students also found that the louder and more disruptive they were, the more attention they would receive. Escalation was the key, many students believed, to change. Gallup polls and surveys conducted during the sixties reported that many outsiders were supportive of violent interventions and reactions against student protesters.
Students, joining in the civil rights movement, began to view their own universities as prejudicial and untrustworthy. The perception of the university as a system - a system that they could not and did not trust - was prevailing. When the Berkeley Free Speech Movement took place, students began to view the college campus as a place where broader issues could be protested. Students nationwide began to recognize their power to affect change and make powerful statements about issues critical to them. Civil liberties, racial inequality, student governance and the loss of interest in teaching were issues that gained momentum during the 1960s. The Vietnam War and the Kent State tragedy were the most significant events marking the end of the decade. Four students were killed and a nation mourned.
As reported in Davies (1973), when Federal District Court Judge Ben C. Green rescinded the gag order earlier imposed on witnesses in the trial of the national guardsmen, he stated: "The events which occurred at Kent State University. . .are a matter of national, social, political, and moral concern and debate. The ban prevents not only the three hundred [witnesses] from speaking, but the rest of the world from hearing" (p. 157). The rest of the world began listening.
Skolnick (1969) reported that the student movements during this decade had a profound impact on the power and influence of American students. The result of their activism was that students began to take on formal roles within university governance as never before (Skolnick). After these movements, people began to view students differently. Administrators, faculty or society no longer saw students as complacent and unconcerned about issues that impacted them and the country. In fact, students began to take on more formal roles in society as well. Schamel (1996) credits the antiwar movement for the passage of the 26th Amendment in March 1971, which extended voting rights to 18-yearolds. It is the authors' belief that people began to see youth as motivated, involved, and educated, as well as in a position to serve in the military and give their lives for their country and thus, worthy of voting privileges. Skolnick warns: "It is neither reliable nor justifiable to expect contemporary students to remain content as second-class citizens within the university" (p. 122). After these movements, people began to view students differently.
Campus protests declined significantly during the early to middle 1970s. The end of the Vietnam war, the movement by federal courts to impose their will on those states who failed to integrate their schools and colleges, the passage of federal legislation to improve the civil rights and civil liberties of students and others, and the recognition by colleges and universities that their students were adults with constitutional rights signaled that the student protests had achieved many of their goals. Lucas (1 994) writes: "Peace had somehow inexplicably returned, and it would endure for some time to come" (p. 263). While this is true, students continued to push their causes through less aggressive campus activism and in the courts. With the coming of the late 1970s and 1980s also came another evolution in student goals, directions, and focus.
The 1960s were certainly turbulent times on college campuses. With the changes shaped by student protest, the student affairs profession changed as well. Student affairs professionals who had often served as quasi parents to their students prior to this period took on new and significantly expanded roles hereafter. A period of what Bickel and Lake (1999) have called the "bystander era" in which colleges and universities treated students as adults for whom they had no responsibility and over whom they had no control followed the protest era. Student affairs professionals, however, began to see "student development" as their primary role within the institution and the profession and its supporting "professional" organizations began to grow. Protests gave way to other issues and the students and student affairs professionals have changed over time. Now the generation X students (Levine and Cureton, 1998) are being replaced by "millennial" students (Howe and Strauss, 2000) and the interests of students are more outwardly focused.
Did the "millennial" students begin to flex their numerical and ideological muscles in the activism that began to emerge around the war with Iraq? Will student affairs administrators need to acquire skills for dealing with student protest, long forgotten or never acquired? How will the lessons learned in the 1960s need to be re-taught to the new generation of campus leaders, students, and faculty? These questions and others may need to be answered within the student affairs profession and in graduate ttaining programs in the years to come.
Bailey, B. L. (1999). Sex in the heartland. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.
Bickel, R. D., & Breckner, J. A. (1978). The role of college or university legal counsel. In D. D. Gehring, & D. P. Young, (Eds.), The college administrator and the courts: Basic casebook (p. 8). Ashville, NC: College Administration Publications.
Bickel, R. D., & Lake, P. F (1999). The rights and responsibilities of the modern university: Who assumes the risks of college life? Durham, NC: Carolina Academic Press.
Bills, S. L. (Ed.). (1988). Kent S tate /May 4: Echoes through a decade. Kent, OH: Kent State University Press.
Bledstein, B. (1976). The culture of professionalism: The middle class and the development of higher education in America^ New York: Norton.
Bloustein, E.J. (1972). The university and the counterculture. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press.
Cornesky, R., & McCool, S. (1992). Total quality improvement guide for institutions of higher education. Madison, WI: Magna.
Davies, P. (1973). The truth about Kent State. New York: American Report.
Dey, E. L., & Hurtado, S. (2000). Students, colleges and society: Considering the interconnections In P. G. Altbach, R. O. Berdahl, & PJ. Gumport (Eds.), American higher education in the twenty-first century (pp. 298-322). Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press.
Dixon v. Ahbama State Board of Education, 294 F.2d 150, (Fifth Circuit, 1961).
DuBose, F. (1967, May 5). Student freedom. Daily Texan, p. 2.
Gerlach, A. (1997, January). Economic decline and the crisis of American liberalism. Contemporary Review, 270 (1572), 1-8.
Gordon, W. A. (1990). The fourth of May. Buffalo, NY: Prometheus.
Greeblatt, A. (1995, May 13). Crossing the line in the dust. Congressional Quarterly Weekly Report, 53 (19), 1295-1298.
Gregory, D. E. (1987). The role of college and university legal counsel as defined by operational and policy making responsibilities. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of Virginia.
Hayman, E. (2000, May 3). History channel revisits Kent State tragedy. Retrieved February 21, 2003, from www.apbnes.com/ media/reviews/television/.
Healy v. James, 408 U.S. 169 (1972).
Howe, N., & Strauss W. (2000). Millennials rising: The next great generation. New York: Vintage Books.
Hunt, A. (1999). When did the 60s happen? Searching for new directions. Journal of Sonai History, 33 (1), 147-159.
Isserman, M., & Kazin, M. (2000). America divided: The dvilwar of the 1960s. New York: Oxford University Press.
Judis, J. B. (1998, August 31). The spirit of '68: What really caused the 60s. The New Republic, 219 (9), 20-27.
Kaplan, M. A. (1998, May). The misbegotten 60s. World and I, 13 (5), 309-317.
Levine, A. (1981). When dreams and heroes died. San Francisco: JosseyBass.
Levine, ?., & Cureton J. S. (1998). When hope and fear collide a portrait of today's college students. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass.
Lewis, J.M. & Hensley, T.R. (1998). The May 4 shooting at Kent State University: The search for historical accuracy. Retrieved February 12, 2003 from http: / /dept.kent.edu/sociology/leis /LEWIHENhtm
Lipset, S. M. & Wolin, S. S. (Eds.). (1965). The Berkeley student revolt: Facts and interpretations. Garden City, NY: Doubleday- Anchor.
Lipset, S. M. & Altbach, P. G. (1967). Student politics and higher education in the United States. In S.M. Lipset (Ed.), Student politics (pp. 199-252). New York: Basic Books.
Lucas, C. J. (1994). American higher education. A history. New York: St. Martin's Griffin.
Mangan, KS. (2003, March 28). Reacting to war. The Chronicle of Higher Education, XUX (29), A6-A9.
Marklein, M. B. (2003, March 25). College students unite in protest. USA Today, D1-D2.
Miller, M. (2000, Winter). Organizing for social change: What we did right, what went wrong, how we can overcome. Social Policy, 31 (2), 4-13.
Oppenheimer, M. (1984). The movement - a 25-year retrospective. Monthly Review, 36 (9), 49-56.
Phillips, D. E. (1985). Student protest, 1960-1 970: An analysis of the issues and speeches. Lanham, MD: University Press of America.
Putnam, R. D. (2000). Bowling alone: The collapse and revival of American community. New York: Simon & Schuster.
Rhatigan, J. J. (2000). The history and philosophy of student affairs. In M. J. Barr & M. K. Desler (Eds.), The handbook of student affairs administration _(pp. 3-24). San Francisco: Jossey-Bass.
Roberts, S. V. (1993, October 25). 1963: A new civil war raging. U.S. News & Report, 115 (16), 36-41.
Rudolph, F. (1990). The American college and university: A history. Athens, GA: University of Georgia Press.
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Schamel, W. (1996). The 26th amendment and youth voting rights. Social Education, 60 (6), 374-376.
Semas, P. W. (1970, May 11). A week of tragedy: Disorders flare, 4 students die as U.S. action in Cambodia inflames many campuses. The Chronicle of Higher Education, 4 (31), A31.
Skolnick, J. H. (1969). The politics of protest. New York: Simon & Schuster.
The President's Commission on Campus Unrest (1970). The report of the President's commission on campus unrest. New York: Arno Press.
Thomas, E., & Kunen, J.S. (1986, May 19). Growing pains at 40: As they approach mid-life, baby boomers struggle to have it all. Time, 127, 22-31.


text:
January 3rd, 2013
He was their shining star.
(submitted by Sam)
He was their shining star.
(submitted by Sam)
Creative use of hair gel….and rage.
One of these things is not like the other…
Less shining star, more brooding menace
i know you guys! first time I actually know the family!
That must be a nifty feeling to know who they are! What are they like? Hopefully the kid in question has grown up a bit. Nice looking family though!
LOL The dad should have spiked out his beard to match. Would have been a great shot!!
ahhh this is one hilarious family!!


text:
• Fordham Students Share College Life with Bronx High Schoolers
• Social Service Conference on Health and Mental Health Benefits
• Law Students Volunteer in New Orleans
• Longtime Fordham Employees Honored
• Fordham University Association Hosts Winter Wonderland
— Brian Kluepfel
Back to Top
A contingent of 30 Fordham University Law School students traveled to New Orleans in January to help the city's public defenders with a backlog of criminal cases caused by Hurricane Katrina's ravaging floods in 2005.
Fordham was one of 12 universities that sent more than 345 student volunteers during the winter break for weeklong stints to help the backlog that is estimated to be as high as 6,000 cases. As part of the project, students interviewed indigent defendants in jail, some of whom had been waiting to see a lawyer for months. The students were supervised by Ian Weinstein, J.D., professor of law and director of clinical education, and Martha Rayner, J.D., associate clinical professor of law.
The volunteers were part of an initiative known as the Katrina-Gideon Interviewing Project, in which law schools from across the country send teams of students to provide behind-the-scenes assistance in an effort to help get Louisiana's courts moving again, and the Student Hurricane Network, a national association of law students and administrators dedicated to providing long-term assistance to communities affected by Hurricane Katrina.
— Victor M. Inzunza
— Brian Kluepfel
Back to Inside Fordham Home page
Copyright © 2007, Fordham University.


text:
Mac Cosmetics: Lady Gaga Spokeswoman Againshellthings
MAC Cosmetics has once again signed Lady Gaga to be their spokeswoman.
In 2010, both Lady Gaga and Cyndi Lauper were in a Mac Cosmetics Viva Glam campaign. The two had what is said to be the most successful campaign for the M.A.C AIDS Fund. The mission of the fund is to serve all people with AIDS and HIV: all races, sexes, and ages.
The fund supports programs that deal directly with the victims. "Making a difference, one VIVA GLAM lipstick at a time" is their mission, as every cent from the VIVA GLAM lipstick and lipgloss goes to helping those affected with HIV and AIDS.
Lady Gaga has signed on for a second year as spokeswoman, this time on her own. The ads are to be shot by Nick Knight and styled by both Thierry Mugler and Gaga stylist Nicola Formichetti.
With Lady Gaga's style, how could the campaign go wrong? MAC hopes for another successful campaign for their important cause.
Photo: PRPhotos


text:
Hope you are crediting SolCommand for the model.
Masterspace is a game about mining, creating and exploring, featuring fully destructible environments and spaceships that allow you to travel between different planets. Use explosives to mine metal ores or watch your newly constructed home get smashed to pieces by a meteorite impact. As you venture into space to discover new planets, the hull integrity of your custom built spaceship will be tested.
New stonecutter model with production particle effects.


text:
Hi-Lo Swiss LE 608 Inline Hockey Bearings
Hi-Lo Swiss LE 608 Inline Hockey Bearings
The number one name in chassis, HI-LO, brings the proven HI-LO advantage to bearings, wheels and replacement parts.
- Swiss Engineered Components
- Made to last precision
- Material #1040393
How do these rate compared to ABEC-9 bearings?
By Mark from Chicago, IL on April 22, 2014
By Customer Service on April 29, 2014
Answer:Swiss bearings have a higher tolerance than ABEC-9 Bearings. Swiss Bearings are the highest rated bearings available.
My son wanted the elite what is the difference? He has mission hi-lo, so does that mean he has to have the mission le?
By Kim from Deptford nj on December 25, 2013
By Customer Service on December 27, 2013
Answer:He can use any 608 Standard Bearings. There are a few companies that make the Swiss bearings, which are simply the highest quality bearings for inline hockey. The Swiss Elite bearings are a model made by Bones. The Mission Swiss LE 608 Bearings would be a great choice.
I bought 2 Mission DSX 4-packs of 72mm and 76mm wheels and plan to make them Hi-Lo. Is there anything wrong with doing that? Also, are Hi-Lo bearings reccomended for doing this?
By Bill from Media, Pennsylvania on September 7, 2014
By Customer Service on September 8, 2014
Answer:That should work just fine if you have a Hi-Lo chassis, but we always recommend going with the exact Manufacturer-prescribed sizes. The Hi-Lo bearings are a good choice, but any Standard 608 bearings will work.
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