text:
07.02.16 23:34
UN Rights Chief cites IC for rejecting release of Tamil POWs
UN Rights Chief cites IC for rejecting release of Tamil POWs
30.01.16 06:59
NYT confines justice to US paradigm
NYT confines justice to US paradigm
Civil group appeals for Muslim, Tamil unity[TamilNet, Saturday, 10 January 2004, 14:32 GMT]
In a leaflet addressed to "Dear Muslim Brothers and Sisters," distributed in Batticaloa-Amparai district, the Batticaloa Development Committee appealed for co-operation between Tamils and Muslims in the two districts and called on the community leaders to work jointly to combat forces trying to divide the two communities.
Excerpts from the leaflet follow:
"This critical period places a historical burden on us, as two peoples living together bound by a common language and common economic aspirations, to think and act wisely. Certain selfish political elements are determined to foment discord between us and to turn our peaceful co-existence into a life of misery and fear. As brothers and sisters we have to decide who will benefit from thes acts. Who will benefit from worsening relationship between our two communities?
"Some politicians are making political capital out of claiming for separate Muslim unit and demanding independent Muslim unit in peacetalks. These politicians hatch their plans in luxurious hotels without regard to people struggling in harsh village environments.
"If we carefully examine the past we realize that duplicitous actions of past Sinhala Governments divided us. We worked hard to rebuild trust and learnt to live together. Liberation Tigers have unequivocally said that they are determined and prepared to resolve any issue to the satisfaction of both communities. They are participating in peace talks to gain our freedom skillfully leveraging their military strength and political acumen.
"We understand that, in all aspects other than religion, we are the same people. We therefore repeatedly stress the need to work and live together. Like resolving internal squabbles within families, we can resolve our differences by open discussions. We urge you not to lend support to nurture armed culture that can cause unnecessary hardship and destruction to property and lives of innocent Tamil and Muslim families.
"Let us work and strengthen our future together. We need to take timely action if we are to prevent future disasters.
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07.02.16 23:34
UN Rights Chief cites IC for rejecting release of Tamil POWs
30.01.16 06:59
NYT confines justice to US paradigm
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Since 2002, 26 U.S. states have passed laws that enhance restrictions on voters who intend to register and vote. Most have been sponsored by Republican legislators and passed by states with large Republican majorities. Proponents of such identification requirements argue that they are necessary to ensure the integrity of the electoral system by reducing voter fraud. Many Democrats have cried foul, arguing these laws are motivated by crass partisanship at best, and racial bias at worst, because they disproportionately disenfranchise minorities. Surprisingly, empirical evidence for significant demobilization, either in the aggregate or among Democrats specifically, has thus far failed to materialize. We suspect strong emotional reactions to the public debate about these laws may mobilize Democrats, counterbalancing the disenfranchising effect. We find support for this conjecture in a nationally representative survey and an experiment where news frames about voter identification (ID) laws are carefully manipulated.]]>
In 2011, the killing of a Black man by a police officer triggered violent riots across England. In a context where ethnic minorities are rarely openly blamed, we examined the lens through which the events were interpreted in the official discourses of the British Prime Minister. A thematic content analysis (Study 1) revealed that, without explicitly blaming ethnic minorities, the discourses built on antagonistic normative references opposing a virtuous majority to threatening minorities. Then, based on online survey data of self-declared Londoners (N = 223) during the riots, we analyzed (Study 2) how agreement with the discourses related to individuals' ethnocentrism and their understanding of the causes underlying the events. Results of regression analyses showed how agreement with the discourses related to blaming ethnic diversity for the riots and to higher ethnocentrism, especially among individuals least likely to discriminate against minorities (i.e., low in social dominance orientation). Agreement with the discourses was also linked to reduced blame of authorities. To conclude, we discuss the mobilization potential of political discourses on ingroup virtue and outgroup threat.]]>
Twenty-five years after the fall of communism in Poland, a considerable number of citizens manifest nostalgia for the communist times. In this article, we approach this phenomenon within the framework of autobiographical memory and decide between two sets of hypotheses, one predicting that postcommunist nostalgia is experienced mostly by people who are dissatisfied with the present time (transformation "losers") and the other predicting that it is the memory of the happy and most recollected past, and memories of particular decades of communism, that mostly trigger nostalgia. The study, carried out on a representative sample of Poles who remembered communism, provided stronger confirmation of the "negative present" hypothesis, but the positive past is also shown to matter. The decade of communism whose memory turned out to predict nostalgia the best was the 1980s and not, as predicted, the 1970s.]]>
Previous research indicates that political conservatism is associated with epistemic needs for structure and certainty (Jost et al., 2003) and that nouns elicit clearer and more definite perceptions of reality than other parts of speech (Carnaghi et al., 2008). We therefore hypothesized that conservatives would exhibit preferences for nouns (vs. verbs and adjectives), insofar as nouns are better suited to satisfy epistemic needs. In Study 1, we observed that social conservatism was associated with noun preferences in Polish and that personal need for structure accounted for the association between ideology and grammatical preferences. In Study 2, conducted in Arabic, social conservatism was associated with a preference for the use of nominal sentences (composed of nouns only) over verbal sentences (which included verbs and adjectives). In Study 3, we found that more conservative U.S. presidents used greater proportions of nouns in major speeches, and this effect was related to integrative complexity. We discuss the possibility that conservative ideology is linked to grammatical preferences that foster feelings of stability and predictability.]]>
Discussion groups are a promising tool for bridging the divide between former conflict antagonists. However, such groups do not always produce the desired outcome of improved attitudes, even when they meet the conditions generally seen as favoring positive interaction. In this article, we examine specific discussion protocols that mitigate polarization risks while fostering reconciliation. Using a randomized, controlled design, we formed a pool of 429 ex-combatants and members of conflict-affected communities in Colombia. Participants were asked to join heterogeneous groups and discuss their proposals for the future of Colombia. Overall, community members improved their attitudes towards ex-combatants significantly, while ex-combatants' attitudes toward community members do not tend to polarize. Those participants who were randomly assigned to a perspective-giving treatment protocol (where they were asked to refer to their personal experience and perspective) consistently improved their intergroup attitudes towards ex-combatants, and by a proportionally higher percentage than those taking part under argumentation and no-treatment control conditions.]]>
The current research investigates what motivates people to engage in normative versus nonnormative action. Prior research has shown that different emotions lead to different types of action. We argue that these differing emotions are determined by a more basic characteristic, namely, implicit theories about whether groups and the world in general can change. We hypothesized that incremental theories (beliefs that groups/the world can change) would predict normative action, and entity theories (beliefs that groups/the world cannot change) as well as group identification would predict nonnormative action. We conducted a pilot in the context of protests against a government plan to relocate Bedouin villages in Israel and a main study during the Israeli social protests of the middle class. Results revealed three distinct pathways to collective action. First, incremental theories about the world predicted hope, which predicted normative action. Second, incremental theories about groups and group identification predicted anger, which also predicted normative collective action. Lastly, entity theories about groups predicted nonnormative collective action through hatred, but only for participants who were highly identified with the group. In sum, people who believed in the possibility of change supported normative action, whereas those who believed change was not possible supported nonnormative action.]]>
There is growing interest in how genes affect political beliefs. To better understand the role of genes in politics, we examine the relationship between cognitive style (the need for cognition, the need for cognitive closure) and various measures of political attitudes (issue-based ideology, identity-based ideology, social ideology, economic ideology, authoritarianism, and egalitarianism). We show, for the first time, that the need for cognition and the need for cognitive closure are heritable and are linked to political ideology primarily, perhaps solely, because of shared genetic influences; these links are stronger for social than economic ideology. Although prior research demonstrated that Openness to Experience shares genetic variance with political ideology, we find that these measures of cognitive style account for distinct genetic variance in political ideology. Moreover, the genetic Openness-ideology link is fully accounted for by the need for cognition. This combination of findings provides a clearer understanding of the role of genes in political beliefs and suggests new directions for research on Big Five personality traits and ideology.]]>
Using two survey experiments, I reconsider the role that the racialized physical traits and level of assimilation of salient immigrants play in shaping attitudes toward immigration. In the first experiment, a nationwide sample of 767 White, non-Latino adults was exposed to a story about a family of undocumented immigrants living in the Unites States who were at risk of deportation. Subjects were randomly assigned to view a version of the story in which the immigrants were depicted with light skin and stereotypically Eurocentric features, or dark skin and stereotypically Afrocentric features, and their level of assimilation to mainstream American culture was suggested to be high or low. Similar to previous research, the study's results show that assimilation has a direct effect on attitudes toward immigration. Yet in contrast to previous studies, the racialized physical traits proved to be a much more important factor in shaping attitudes toward immigration than previously demonstrated. The role of an immigrant's racialized physical traits was replicated in a second survey experiment of 902 White, non-Latino adults. Overall, the findings shed new light on how media depictions of immigrants are affecting immigration attitudes, as well as the nuanced ways that race continues to shape public opinion in the United States today.]]>
Past research demonstrated that racial prejudice played a significant role in the 2008 presidential election, but relatively less is known about the relationship between prejudice and public opinion throughout the Obama administration. In the present research, we examined not only whether racial attitudes were associated with evaluations of Mr. Obama and his administration, but also whether they may have influenced the development of more general political attitudes during the early years of the Obama administration. We investigated this question using panel data from a nationally representative sample of Americans interviewed between September 2008 and July 2010. Racial attitudes measured prior to the election predicted early disapproval of President Obama's handling of important issues. Early disapproval of President Obama's performance, in turn, predicted later perceptions of whether the state of the nation was improving. Further, the divergence between high-prejudice and low-prejudice individuals in their perceptions of the state of the nation became greater over time, consistent with the idea that racial attitudes were more powerfully expressed in political judgments as time passed.]]>
The present study investigates the consequences of respectful versus disrespectful communication in political debates on voters' social judgments and voting decisions. Reconciling previously mixed results, we argue that the consequences of disrespect vary with the judgment dimension (communion vs. agency) and voters' moral identity. An initial study (N = 197) finds that a political candidate's disrespect towards his or her opponent affects voting decision through voting intention. A second study (N = 327) shows that disrespect influences voting intention through communion but not through agency ratings. Qualifying the previous finding, a third study (N = 329) shows that both communion and agency judgments act as mediators, but in different ways depending on the level of moral identity. Overall, communion judgments played a more prominent part in explaining the consequences of disrespectful communication. Our findings thus present a nuanced picture of respect and disrespect in political communication and shed light on their ramifications.]]>
Despite growing interest, the content and political correlates of contemporary global culture remain to be systematically explicated. Global culture is argued to be an extension of American-Western culture, and thus, to propagate an economically conservative agenda alongside a liberal-progressive social agenda. These conflicting emphases require the decomposition of conservatism into its economic and social facets, as suggested by the dual-process motivational (DPM) model. The current studies tested lay perceptions of this global culture and its political correlates, within a Jewish Israeli context. Studies demonstrated that the global culture cluster together with Western culture (Preliminary Study and Study 1) to form a globalized-Western culture (GWC). Endorsement of GWC was found to positively associate with economic conservatism and through its mediation with SDO (Studies 1 and 2). Contrarily, social conservatism, best indexed by RWA (Study 1), and negative evaluations of gender unorthodoxy (Study 2), was demonstrated to link with lower endorsement of GWC. The results are discussed in the context of Jewish-Israeli society, and future directions for a political psychology of globalization are suggested.]]>
Immigration is a global phenomenon, yet comparatively few psychological investigations of anti-immigrant prejudice have been conducted in East Asia, a region of high economic growth that is set to become a leading destination for international migrants. Over two studies, we examined Singaporean attitudes towards four prominent immigrant groups: Chinese, Filipino, South Asian, and Western immigrants. Each immigrant group was found to be associated with a unique attitudinal profile. Chinese immigrants, who are culturally the most closely related to most Singaporeans, were viewed the most negatively in terms of prejudice, stereotyped warmth, and realistic and symbolic threat. Westerners were viewed the most positively despite higher ratings of perceived competence, possibly due to Western cultural influence, whereas South Asians and Filipinos were viewed as being relatively unthreatening, possibly due to their occupation of undesirable social roles. Perceived threat—both realistic and symbolic—proved to be stronger predictors of anti-immigrant prejudice than stereotypes. Implications for immigration policy in the region are discussed.]]>
Two nationwide representative studies (N = 653 adolescents; N = 1007 adults) investigated the psychological correlates of the intention to penalize public expressions of prejudice in the form of support for hate-speech prohibition. We presented participants with preselected examples of hate speech from the Internet and other mass media and assessed their willingness to support the prohibition of public expressions of such remarks. Both studies found that social dominance orientation and right-wing authoritarianism are positively correlated with outgroup prejudice, but they have differential effects on hate-speech prohibition. Social dominance orientation was positively related to the acceptance of hate speech, whereas right-wing authoritarianism was positively related to hate-speech prohibition. In discussing this counterintuitive finding, we suggest that right-wing authoritarians are particularly vigilant toward norm violations—and this makes them more punitive toward counternormative expressions of prejudice, such as hate speech.]]>
The traditional and still dominant approach to authoritarianism measures it as a unidimensional construct. However, in the past few years some studies have assessed the three hypothesized authoritarianism components (i.e., authoritarian submission, authoritarian aggression, and conventionalism) separately. The aims of this study are to verify that the three-correlated-factor structure fits the data better than the one-factor model and to analyze the distinct effects of the three dimensions of authoritarianism on values and prejudice. A total of 169 Italian citizens responded to a questionnaire. As hypothesized, a structural equation model shows that the dimension of authoritarian submission is mainly related to the openness to change vs. conservation values opposition; the dimension of authoritarian aggression is more characterized on the self-transcendence vs. self-enhancement values opposition; conventionalism is mainly linked to traditional values. As concerns prejudice, this variable is predicted just by authoritarian aggression. Theoretical implications as concerns the conceptualization of authoritarianism are discussed.]]>
Politicians' desire for reelection motivates them to be responsive to voters' policy preferences. In the traditional view, voters choose between candidates based on their delivery of favorable outcomes such as ideologically appealing policies or a prospering economy. However, research in psychology shows that, in addition to outcomes, people care about procedural fairness and, particularly, impartial decision-makers who make decisions without personal motives and interests. This, I argue, confronts politicians with a delicate task: politicians must present voters with favorable policy outcomes but without appearing as if they pursue these policies based on a personal, vote-maximizing motive for reelection. In four survey experiments, I find support for this argument. Participants were significantly less inclined to trust and vote for politicians and support their policies when political decisions were described as motivated by reelection considerations than when no such motive was present. The findings advance our understanding of how citizens view political representation and have important implications for research on public opinion, legislative behavior, and democratic theory.]]>
The American flag is a powerful symbol that campaigns seek to harness for electoral gain. But the flag's benefits may be more elusive than they appear. We begin by presenting content analysis of the flag's prevalence in 2012 U.S. presidential campaign ads, which suggests both candidates saw flags as advantageous. Then, in two experiments set during the 2012 campaign and a later study with prospective 2016 candidates, we find flag exposure provides modest but consistent benefits for Republican candidates among voters high in symbolic patriotism, racial prejudice, and Republican identification. These effects arise regardless of which candidate appears with the flag. Taken together, our results speak to both the power and limitations of the American flag in electioneering. Beyond practical implications for campaigns, these studies emphasize the heterogeneity of citizens' reactions to visual political symbols and highlight potent links between symbolic attitudes and a nation's flag.]]>
Prior research suggests that liberals are more complex than conservatives. However, it may be that liberals are not more complex in general, but rather only more complex on certain topic domains (while conservatives are more complex in other domains). Four studies (comprised of over 2,500 participants) evaluated this idea. Study 1 involves the domain specificity of a self-report questionnaire related to complexity (dogmatism). By making only small adjustments to a popularly used dogmatism scale, results show that liberals can be significantly more dogmatic if a liberal domain is made salient. Studies 2–4 involve the domain specificity of integrative complexity. A large number of open-ended responses from college students (Studies 2 and 3) and candidates in the 2004 Presidential election (Study 4) across an array of topic domains reveals little or no main effect of political ideology on integrative complexity, but rather topic domain by ideology interactions. Liberals are higher in complexity on some topics, but conservatives are higher on others. Overall, this large dataset calls into question the typical interpretation that conservatives are less complex than liberals in a domain-general way.]]>
Using a discursive lens, we argue that politicians rhetorically construct categories, storylines, and moral fields. We further claim that such discursive products are action-oriented toward gaining popular support in a public sphere that is politically fault lined along similar moral orders. As a case in point, we analyze speeches delivered during congressional voting on a Reproductive Health bill (RH bill). Employing a mixed methods strategy, we first implement a quantitative lexical analysis of frequently used words, followed by a qualitative detection of cohering storylines on both sides of the debate. Results show that oppositionists mark their speeches with a deployment of the word God, while bill supporters use the word access conspicuously. One storyline claims that The RH bill stands against God, while the other purports that The RH bill advocates rights and access. Although both storylines assert moral righteousness, they invoke two different moral orders backed by power blocs and the public at large. The God story appeals to a Catholic discourse and the moral order loudly supported by the politically powerful Catholic Bishops Conference of the Philippines. The rights/access narrative references a liberal morality frame maintained by social liberals and Philippine President Aquino. We end our paper by introducing the idea of an intrastate discursive lens to analyze moral fields constructed by politicians, oriented toward winning support from the public at large.]]>
Research has consistently demonstrated that political liberalism is predicted by the personality trait Openness to Experience and conservatism by trait Conscientiousness. Less well studied, however, is how trait personality influences political orientation. The present study investigated whether differences in media preference might mediate the links between personality and political orientation. Participants completed measures of Big Five personality, media preferences, and political orientation. Results revealed that increased preferences for Dark/Alternative and Aesthetic/Musical media genres, as well as decreased preferences for Communal/Popular media genres, mediated the association between Openness to Experience and liberalism. In contrast, greater preferences for Communal/Popular and Thrilling/Action genres, as well as lower preferences for Dark/Alternative and Aesthetic/Musical genres mediated the link between Conscientiousness and conservatism.]]>
Identifying strongly with the nation could entail a willingness to criticize the country or a refusal to do so. The studies reported here examine the extent to which masculine honor inspires the latter and, in turn, motivates teaching allegiance to youth in a manner that could discourage national criticism. Whereas Study 1 provides an initial test of this idea by evaluating blind patriotism's ability to mediate the link between honor endorsement and general support for allegiance education (e.g., singing the National Anthem at school functions), Studies 2 and 3 do so more decisively by focusing on more severe outcomes such as punishing students who refuse to pledge loyalty to the United States. The predicted pattern of mediation occurred in every case, even when honor endorsers were experimentally induced to feel anger toward the country (Study 3). Explanations for this latter finding are discussed and include the role of identity fusion in honor endorsers' commitment to the nation and the potential for real and enduring governmental threats to weaken or eliminate the pattern of mediation observed.]]>
This study examines the interplay between presence of stigmatized immigrants, threat, and intergroup contact that underlies radical right voting (voting propensity and actual district-level vote results). On the one hand, low-status immigrants are often stigmatized and depicted as threats. Thus, presence of stigmatized immigrants should heighten threat perceptions, thereby increasing radical right voting. On the other hand, as positive contact with stigmatized immigrants is known to reduce anti-immigrant prejudice, it should also attenuate radical right voting. As predicted, multilevel path analyses with the Swiss Election Studies 2011 data (N = 1,736 respondents in 136 districts) revealed that the proportion of stigmatized immigrants (from former Yugoslavia and Albania) in districts heightened perceived threat. Threat perceptions, in turn, increased propensity to vote for the Swiss People's Party, the major radical right party. In contrast, experiencing positive, everyday contact with former Yugoslav and Albanian immigrants reduced voting propensity through attenuated threat perceptions. Contact and threat perceptions were also related to the actual vote through voting propensity.]]>
Oftentimes, Whites are unaware that they may have slighted Blacks. Although researchers have spent a considerable amount of attention disentangling this form of implicit (unconscious) racial bias from explicit (conscious) racial bias, we are less clear about the conditions that cause implicit racism to matter in American politics. In this article, we offer a theory of how fear and Whites' unconscious racial bias are tightly linked in memory, and triggering this emotion can make these implicit attitudes more salient in public opinion. To test our theory, we focus on Whites' opinions toward voter ID laws. Our expectation is that inducing fear should cause implicit racism to play an important role in Whites' evaluation of the policy. Using an adult national experiment over two waves, we induced several emotions to elicit fear, anger, or relaxation. The findings show that the fear condition causes Whites high in implicit racism to be more supportive of voter ID laws than similar individuals in the anger and control conditions. On the other hand, fear does not cause Whites high in explicit racism to be more supportive of voter ID laws.]]>
Direct democracy plays a prominent role in the explanation of institutional trust. To date, however, empirical findings on the effects of direct democracy remain inconclusive. In this article, we argue that this inconclusiveness can be partly ascribed to the diverse effects direct democracy has on individuals. In other words, direct democracy influences institutional trust, but how and to what degree depends on individuals' personality traits. Running hierarchical analyses of unique survey data from a random sample of eligible Swiss voters, we document three findings: First, we show that the number of ballot measures is not directly associated with institutional trust. Second, we demonstrate that the Big Five personality traits affect the propensity to trust. Third, some of these traits also alter the relationship between direct democracy and institutional trust, suggesting that certain personality types are more likely to be sensitive to popular votes than others and that not everyone is equally likely to respond to political stimuli, even in highly democratic environments.]]>
Although it seems reasonable to assume that activating patriotism might motivate citizens to cooperate with the state in reaching societal goals, the empirical evidence supporting this contention is based mostly on correlational rather than experimental studies. In addition, little is known on whether patriotism can be manipulated without simultaneously triggering nationalism and on the psychological processes which determine the patriotism-cooperation relation. This current article reports results of one survey and three experiments that manipulate patriotism by displaying either a national flag or national landscapes or by priming national achievements. The outcomes indicate that reported and manipulated patriotism indirectly increase tax compliance, although the national flag also increases nationalism. National achievements, on the other hand, seemingly increases trust in national public institutions and the voluntary motivation to cooperate, whereas national landscapes only increase the voluntary motivation to cooperate. Hence, it is possible to increase social capital in the form of trust and cooperation through patriotism without fostering nationalism as well.]]>
Can social interaction contribute to a sense of community that transcends national borders? This question was initially raised by Deutsch (1953) and revived by Fligstein (2008). My analysis makes two contributions to this literature. First, insights from social psychology are applied to specify the microfoundations for why contact across group boundaries can be related to a collective identity. Second, a new three-wave panel data set is used to examine the relationship empirically. The sample includes almost 1,500 students at 38 German universities. The results show that social interaction contributes to a European identity, but that it is in particular contact with other international students rather than contact with hosts that fosters it most effectively. The data also reveal that contact has a more profound impact on individuals with a weak European identity to begin with. Finally, the change I find is stable after students return to their home institutions.]]>
"Conspiracy theory" is widely acknowledged to be a loaded term. Politicians use it to mock and dismiss allegations against them, while philosophers and political scientists warn that it could be used as a rhetorical weapon to pathologize dissent. In two empirical studies conducted on Amazon Mechanical Turk, I present an initial examination of whether this concern is justified. In Experiment 1, 150 participants judged a list of historical and speculative theories to be no less likely when they were labeled "conspiracy theories" than when they were labeled "ideas." In Experiment 2 (N = 802), participants who read a news article about fictitious "corruption allegations" endorsed those allegations no more than participants who saw them labeled "conspiracy theories." The lack of an effect of the conspiracy-theory label in both experiments was unexpected and may be due to a romanticized image of conspiracy theories in popular media or a dilution of the term to include mundane speculation regarding corruption and political intrigue.]]>
There are several psychological analyses of the processes of radicalization resulting in terrorism. However, we know little about how those in authority (e.g., the police) conceptualize the psychological dynamics to radicalization. Accordingly, we present a detailed account of an official U.K. counterterrorism intervention, the Workshop to Raise Awareness of Prevent, designed to enlist frontline professionals in identifying and referring those at risk of radicalization. Specifically, we report data gathered during an observation of this intervention delivered by the police in Scotland. This provides insight into the psychological model of radicalization being disseminated in the United Kingdom, and we evaluate the merits of this model in the light of current psychological theory. First, we consider how this model may overlook certain social dynamics relevant to understanding radicalization. Second, we discuss how this neglect limits consideration of how the surveillance warranted by the official model may lead Muslims to disengage from majority group members. Our analysis points to how political psychology's analysis of social identities and citizenship can inform public policy and practice.]]>
Poliheuristic (PH) theory has received strong empirical support for its depiction of the option selection process: it explains how leaders evaluate, weigh, and ultimately choose among a set of policy options. But PH theory does not explain how this initial set of options is generated. Foreign policy problem representation (PR) research has shown that the way in which leaders mentally represent decision problems determines which options are generated for consideration. In this article, we develop a hybrid PR-PH framework in which leaders' problem representations drive an unconscious screening process that occurs prior to the conscious screening of PH stage 1. We test hypotheses drawn from this framework experimentally and find that key elements of PR (most notably, perceived threat) determine which options consciously occur to decision makers and which options are not generated during a simulated foreign policy crisis.]]>
The conventional wisdom regarding the impact of discrimination on political behavior is that the perception of prejudiced treatment motivates individuals to take political action. This study challenges this common conception by demonstrating that the source of discrimination can play a significant role in whether perceived or experienced injustice leads to activism or withdrawal from sociopolitical life. Drawing from political science and social psychology literature, this study provides a new perspective on the potential effects of discrimination on a relatively new marginalized group in the United States. Specifically, an important distinction is drawn between political (systematic) and societal (interpersonal) discrimination in analyzing the sociopolitical behavior of American Muslims in the aftermath of the 9/11 terrorist attacks. The results will hopefully encourage scholars to take a deeper look at the nexus between discrimination and democratic engagement, which is an important, complex, multidimensional, and understudied topic.]]>
A growing literature in psychology shows that human voice pitch—perceived "highness" or "lowness" as determined by the physiology of the throat—influences how speakers are perceived. This leads to the prediction that candidate voice pitch influences voters. Here this question is addressed with two studies. The first is an experiment conducted with a large national sample of U.S. adults. The results show that men and women prefer to vote for male and female candidates with lower pitched voices. The second study examines the outcomes of the 2012 U.S. House elections. When facing male opponents, candidates with lower voices won a larger vote share. However, when facing female opponents, candidates with higher voices were more successful and particularly so in the case of male candidates. In synthesizing research on the human voice and voter behavior and triangulating evidence from a controlled experiment and a large observational study of actual elections, this article illustrates that candidate voice pitch influences election outcomes.]]>
Implicit social pressure, applied via exposure to eyespots in nonpartisan, direct-mail blandishments to vote, has been shown using randomized field experiments to raise turnout in elections. Similar eyespot effects have been observed across a wide range of prosocial behaviors. A series of recent replications conducted by Matland and Murray (2015) have failed to consistently produce statistically significant eyespot effects on voter turnout, however, leading the authors to conclude the effects observed in previous research were likely illusory. In this article, I rebut this claim, arguing that an alternative, more circumspect interpretation of the authors' key results points to a different conclusion that supports the notion that eyespots likely stimulate voting, especially when taken together with previous findings.]]>
This article develops an analysis of diversity in two ways. We start with a theoretical discussion of the ways in which diversity has been approached within psychology, showing the competing arguments that have been developed that connect diversity, community, and multiculturalism. We show that not only are there psychological consequences to contemporary experiences of increased diversity but also that fundamental psychological capacities—such as self-consciousness, identity, and dialogue—actually stem from the experience of diversity. This has important implications for diversity management policies. The second part of the article gives an empirical illustration of how diversity is experienced in schools across England drawing on 13 interviews with senior staff and 11 focus groups with pupils aged between 12 and 14 years old. We discuss three themes related to experiences of diversity: (1) from difference to diversity, (2) real and imagined mobility across communities, and (3) collaborative practices, projects, and knowledge. What the empirical examples show is that critically engaging with diversity can be a more productive project than practices which construct diversity in terms of distinct groups that need respect and tolerance. Hence we argue approaches that promote engaging with diversity rather than traditional diversity management are more in line with foundational psychological insights as well as empirical research findings.]]>
In this article, I present findings from a survey experiment in which Chinese university students exposed to a treatment designed to increase feelings of national threat were—based on their responses to the four-item postmaterialism values-priority battery—significantly more likely to be classified as "pure materialists." These findings are presented in support of the proposition that perception of a hostile international environment may tend to exaggerate citizens' authoritarian and nationalistic sentiments at the expense of more democratically favorable value orientations. Media and political figures in the West who rail against the evils of China's authoritarian leadership might believe that they are championing and encouraging democratic aspirations among the Chinese people, but might instead be inciting impulses and attitudes that are far less "democracy-friendly."]]>
Following a Social Representations approach, the article examines the representations of citizenship held by both migrants and Greek citizens in Greece after the announcement of a heavily debated citizenship legislation. Essentialism, a way of representing social categories as holding an underlying essence that determines their characteristics, was used as an analytical tool to understand the inclusive or exclusive function of representations of citizenship towards migrants. Findings showed that Greeks construct representations based on ethnic, civic, and cultural ideas, while migrants construct representation of citizenship based on civic and cultural ideas. Essentialism was a way of constructing ethnic and cultural representations of citizenship and functioned in both exclusive and inclusive ways, but assimilatory terms accordingly. Civic and cultural representations of citizenship were constructed in nonessentialist ways and functioned in inclusive ways. However, from Greeks' perspective, civic inclusion was conditioned upon an often-questioned legality of migrants and upon cultural assimilation terms. Studying both the content and the essentialist/nonessentialist formulation of representations of citizenship is an important tool in understanding the politics of inclusion and exclusion of citizens in the social arena.]]>
We contend that the boundaries and nature of national attachments are shaped by the position of one's group within America's racial order, with higher status yielding more racially exclusive forms of identity. We test our claims in the realm of xenophobia. Using an original survey of African Americans (n = 1,000) and Whites (n = 1,000), we assess national pride, nationalism, nativism, and racial identity, plus affect toward various immigrant groups. We establish that national attachments have racially varied meanings, thereby producing sharp differences in each racial group's response to foreigners. Although national pride is unrelated to White antipathy toward outsiders, nationalism and nativism increase White hostility to immigrants—except when they are White. In contrast, national pride diminishes African American hostility to Black and non-Black immigrants, while nativism is generally unrelated to Black antipathy to outsiders. Finally, while nationalism heightens xenophobia among Blacks, this sentiment envelops all foreigners—including African immigrants. We discuss our results' implications for theories of national attachment in intergroup settings.]]>
The present study extends previous research on the influence of social dominance orientation (SDO) in international affairs by investigating the role of sociocognitive processes such as social identity complexity (SIC) and intergroup dehumanization in explaining the relationship between SDO and support for Arabs' autonomy. An Italian heterogeneous sample (N = 123), in terms of gender, age, political orientation, religiosity, and income level, was considered. We expected that those low on SDO would be more likely to support Arabs' autonomy, would have higher SIC, and would be less likely to dehumanize Arabs. We also expected that SIC and dehumanization would sequentially mediate the relationship between SDO and support for Arabs' autonomy. Results revealed that Italians low on SDO have higher SIC (i.e., a more inclusive social identity) which endorses lower dehumanization of Arabs. This in turn explained the influence of SDO on support for Arabs' autonomy. These findings integrate the literature about SDO and SIC and enhance the understanding of the sociocognitive processes underlying people's support for international egalitarian movements.]]>
Get-out-the-vote mailers using explicit social pressure consistently increase electoral turnout; however, they often generate a negative reaction or backlash. One approach to increase turnout, yet alleviate backlash, may be to use implicit social pressure. An implicit social pressure technique that has shown promise is to display a set of eyes. Researchers contend eyes generate a feeling of being watched, which cues subjects to act in more prosocial ways to demonstrate compliance with social norms. Several studies support this argument, including two voter mobilization studies. The technique has not been widely tested, however, in the political context. In five randomized field experiments, we test the impact on turnout of mobilization mailers using eye displays. We extend previous research by testing for differences in effects between male and female eyes and across political cultures. The effects are substantively and statistically weak at best and inconsistent with previous findings.]]>
We provide a novel approach to understanding the political ambition gap between men and women by examining perceptions of the role of politician. Across three studies, we find that political careers are viewed as fulfilling power-related goals, such as self-promotion and competition. We connect these goals to a tolerance for interpersonal conflict and both of these factors to political ambition. Women's lack of interest in conflict and power-related activities mediates the relationship between gender and political ambition. In an experiment, we show that framing a political career as fulfilling communal goals—and not power-related goals—reduces the ambition gap.]]>
Drawing on large-scale comparative surveys across nine sociopolitical contexts, we address the question when and why ethno-religious and city or national identities of European-born Muslims are in conflict. We argue that the sociopolitical context makes the difference between identity compatibility or conflict and that conflict arises from perceived discrimination and related negative feelings towards the national majority. Using multigroup structural equation modelling, we examine how Turkish and Moroccan Muslims in five European cities combine their civic membership of the city and country of residence—as common identities shared with the national majority—with distinct ethnic and religious identities. In all sociopolitical contexts, participants combined significant city and national identities with strong ethnic and religious identifications. Yet, identification patterns varied between contexts from conflict (negatively correlated minority and civic identities) over compartmentalization (zero correlations) to compatibility (positive correlations). Muslims who perceived more personal discrimination were more committed to their ethnic and religious identities while simultaneously dis-identifying from their country and city. Across cities, discrimination experiences and negative majority-group evaluations explained away identity conflict.]]>
Following Hirschman, voters who are discontent with the party they voted for have two options: exit the party and vote for another or stay loyal. The inclination to exit or stay loyal is rooted in the Five Factor Model (FFM) of personality. We test our argument in two panel studies in Denmark and the United Kingdom. We find that citizens open to experience are more likely to switch parties since they are more likely to think about alternatives and take risks. Extroverts identify and commit themselves to organizations and stay loyal in Denmark, but we do not confirm this pattern in the United Kingdom. Our findings demonstrate that electoral volatility is, at least partly, rooted in personality.]]>
Previous research suggests that the relationship between ingroup identification and reactions to moral violations perpetrated by ingroup members depends on the mode of identification: while glorification lowers group-based guilt, critical attachment enhances it. In our first study, based on comparative survey research, this pattern was replicated in Serbia, but not in Croatia. In Croatia, highly attached respondents tended to reject criticism of the past war irrespective of their mode of identification. In a second study, we sought to explain the Croatian results by examining how critical attachment is denied legitimacy. We analyzed the rhetorical structure of a parliamentary debate around regime-critical media coverage. The analyses show how the marginalization of critics is anchored in (1) a monolithic construction of the nation, which sacralizes particular elements and places them beyond discussion, and (2) a construction of the international context as too threatening to permit any dissent. Overall, the results of this mixed-method study highlight that the opportunity to be recognized as a critical patriot depends on a nation's sociopolitical climate.]]>
Much of what we know about the responses of voters to Black candidates and female candidates comes from experimental research. Yet the accuracy of experimental data can be threatened by the possibility that social desirability pressures contaminate self-reporting. We address this threat in a project that considers psychological approaches to reducing social desirability pressures. Offering participants the opportunity to explain their decisions about sensitive subjects, such as voting for a Black or female candidate, can lessen social desirability pressures. We analyze this approach across three commonly used samples: undergraduate, adult convenience, and adult national. Our results suggest that existing experimental research overestimates voter support for Black and female candidates, but these issues can be mitigated with the simple innovation presented here.]]>
Drawing on uncertainty-identity theory (Hogg, 2012), we explore the effects of uncertainty concerning a specific social identity on group identification and attitudes toward subgroup integration and separation in South Koreans' nested identity context (N = 148). All variables were measured. Path analysis revealed, as predicted, that superordinate identity uncertainty weakened superordinate identification and subgroup identity uncertainty weakened subgroup identification. We also found that subgroup identity uncertainty strengthened superordinate identification. This effect was stronger for those who perceived their superordinate group prototype and subgroup prototype to be distinct and nonoverlapping. Furthermore, superordinate identity uncertainty decreased reunification intentions by weakening superordinate identification. Subgroup identity uncertainty increased reunification intentions by strengthening superordinate identification only for those who perceived their superordinate group prototype and subgroup prototype to be distinct and nonoverlapping. Implications for uncertainty identity theory and intergroup relations are discussed.]]>
International Image Theory (IIT) suggests that individuals maintain holistic images of other countries that are akin to schemas, or stereotypes, and that these national images shape both attitudes and foreign policy preferences. Previous research has manipulated national images via explicit descriptions of fictitious countries and found initial evidence for such effects. Here we extend this research and investigate whether (1) priming subliminal associations of a real country with image-specific adjectives leads individuals to endorse such an image for that country, and whether (2) the endorsement of national images mediates observed effects on foreign policy preferences. We first demonstrate that the perception of a nation's power can be experimentally manipulated via associative implicit priming (pilot study). In Experiment 1, we then found that participants who were subliminally primed with adjectives pertinent to the ally, enemy, or dependent image of a country evaluated the country on the National Image scale (Alexander, Brewer, & Hermann, 1999) in a manner consistent with the prime. Experiment 2 further showed that induced national images mediate priming effects on foreign policy preferences.]]>
This analysis studies how variation in individuals' motivation to form accurate judgments affects the process of political discussion. I use a small-group experiment in which participants compete to elect the simulated candidate who best represents their true preferences. I manipulate economic incentives to control participants' accuracy motivations. The results show that accuracy-motivated participants, compared to those with weaker accuracy goals, seek discussants with more expertise and a more diverse set of viewpoints, place greater emphasis on socially provided messages, and reduce emphasis on political predispositions. As a result of these differences, however, accuracy-motivated participants rely more heavily on biased information. Hence, accuracy motivations do not produce more accurate judgments or better decisions. Although previous work on political discussion has largely ignored the role of motivations, these results suggest that accuracy motivations play an important but nuanced role in this process. Strengthened accuracy motivations increase individuals' exposure to political expertise and ideological diversity but also increase their potential to be misled.]]>
A key issue for political psychology concerns the processes whereby people come to invest psychologically in socially and politically significant group identities. Since Durkheim, it has been assumed that participation in group-relevant collective events increases one's investment in such group identities. However, little empirical research explicitly addresses this or the processes involved. We investigated these issues in a longitudinal questionnaire study conducted at one of the world's largest collective events—a month-long Hindu festival in north India (the Magh Mela). Data gathered from pilgrims and comparable others who did not attend the event show that one month after the event, those who had participated (but not the controls) exhibited heightened social identification as a Hindu and increased frequency of prayer rituals. Data gathered from pilgrims during the festival predicted these outcomes. Specifically, perceptions of sharing a common identity with other pilgrims and of being able to enact one's social identity in this event helped predict changes in participants' identification and behavior. The wider significance of these data for political psychology is discussed.]]>
The assumption that populist right-wing parties (PRWPs) thrive when the economy slows down is remarkably pervasive. What is often neglected is evidence showing PRWPs can thrive in times of economic prosperity. To examine this, we conducted an experiment in which participants were exposed to different appraisals of the future of the national economy and were subsequently asked to evaluate an anti-immigration speech (Study 1). Results showed stronger anti-immigrant sentiments when the national economy was presented as prospering rather than contracting. We then analyzed speeches by PRWP leaders who secured electoral victories during economic prosperity (Study 2) and found that these leaders encourage a sense of injustice and victimhood by portraying ordinary citizens as the victim of an alliance between powerful groups (the elite) and less powerful groups (refugees, immigrants, minorities). More specifically, Study 2 showed that PRWP leaders are crafty identity entrepreneurs who are able to turn objective relative gratification into perceived relative deprivation. We conclude that it is hence problematic to treat PRWP support as evidence of "resonance" with public sentiments and urge PRWP scholars interested in supply-side factors to engage with the social identity literature on leadership, followership, and social influence.]]>
As postindustrial societies become more dependent on technology, they also become encumbered by greater risk. With the mounting news reports of cyberattacks, a common reaction to these technology-based hazards is anxiety. Whether anxiety enhances or erodes information processing is a topic of debate in previous literature, and equally uncertain is whether mass anxiety facilitates or hobbles the public's ability to contemplate current events. In light of three theoretical models in the basic research of anxiety, we hypothesized that (1) anxious participants are less able to recall the information in a news report of cyberattack than their nonanxious counterparts, (2) they become increasingly inept at recalling the details as the storyline unfolds, and (3) this impairment is unique to anxiety. Participants in Study 1 (130 college students) and Study 2 (392 American adults) viewed a news story of a cyberattack and then reported their emotional states and their levels of understanding of the various parts of the report—except that the anxiety in Study 1 was naturalistic, and in Study 2, experimentally manipulated. Results from both studies showed that anxiety undermined recall performance. In addition, Study 1 found that the recall was worse towards the middle and the end of the news story and that other emotions were not significantly associated with memory deficit. Anxiety is discussed as a barrier for the public to stay informed about cyberattacks.]]>
Can voters infer candidates' political orientations from their faces? We report evidence that observers make systematic judgment errors, ascribing their own political views to attractive or competent-looking candidates. Subjects judged headshot images of student candidates running in university elections (Experiment 1), as well as professional politicians from state election races in Germany (Experiment 2), according to whether the person(s) displayed held ideologically leftist or rightist views. While prediction accuracy was above chance level in both experiments, candidate attractiveness (Experiment 1) and perceived competence (Experiment 2) increased a subject's likelihood of attributing her political views to a candidate. These findings suggest that the value of face-based inferences in choosing the candidate who best represents one's views is more limited than previously assumed. They also suggest that good looks may help extremist candidates in presenting themselves as more moderate.]]>
Given the significance of the left-right dimension as one of the most frequently employed capping term of ideological thought in most western democracies, the question arises as to how people come to identify themselves along this continuum. Drawing on a set of parent-child pairs located in Catalonia, we seek to determine whether the processes found elsewhere with respect to the intergenerational transmission of partisanship and issue stances also apply to left-right ideology, in a novel context characterized by the presence of a distinctive, partially cross-cutting dimension based on center-periphery loyalties. Results provide strong support for the principles of the direct transmission model as derived from social learning theory, while also showing the significant role of parents' place identities in conditioning the passing on of left-right orientations.]]>
The present study investigates the relationship between the foreign policy orientation of Irish neutrality and national identity using a social representations approach (Elcheroth, Doise, & Reicher, 2011; Moscovici, 1961/76). In four focus groups conducted in the Republic of Ireland, 22 participants discussed vignettes in which hypothetical conflicts were described. The findings pointed towards the dynamic relationship between neutrality and Irish national identity and more generally to the importance of macropolitical phenomena for identity construction. The process of categorization was key to participants' decision making regarding the hypothetical conflicts; the decision to support or oppose the Irish state's involvement in the conflicts frequently revolved around a reconsideration of the boundaries of the ingroup. Furthermore, social representations were laden with the possibility of social change; the construction of neutrality as morally ambivalent, motivated by pragmatism rather than principles, opened up a space for younger participants to resist dominant, pragmatic interpretations of the policy and offer alternatives. Theoretical and empirical implications of the findings are discussed. Taken together, the findings demonstrate the critical potential of extending a social representations approach to issues of political psychological significance.]]>
This study explores discourses about involvement in violent intergroup conflict and international crimes from the perspective of perpetrators. Through a critical discourse analysis of 12 personal interviews carried out with individuals accused by the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY) for crimes committed during the Yugoslav conflicts, we uncover how their discourse reveals conceptions of lacking agency and powerlessness during the conflict, how it reconstructs power relationships within and between ethnic groups, and how it reflects identity management strategies destined to elude blame and responsibility. Our findings demonstrate how discourses are tainted by the legitimizing framework in which the conflict unfolded but also how they are shaped by the particular context of the communicative situation. Findings are discussed in terms of their significance for international criminal justice and its stated objectives.]]>
In studying the electoral fortunes of Black candidates, scholars have almost exclusively focused on White voters' attitudes. In this article, we employ a set of randomized experiments and nationally representative survey data to examine how both Black and White voters evaluate the ideology of racially diverse candidates. In line with previous research, we find evidence that White voters stereotype Black candidates as being more liberal than White candidates in three of our four tests. In contrast, we find that Black voters—particularly those who identify as politically conservative—project their own ideology onto Black candidates. These findings have electoral importance because, as we show, vote choice for both Blacks and Whites is substantially mediated by perceived ideological distance from a candidate. These findings also enable us to better understand the manner in which Black voters navigate a trade-off between descriptive and substantive representation.]]>
The present study examined how Israelis and Palestinians present their narratives related to their conflict in school textbooks used by the state educational system and the ultraorthodox community in Israel and by all Palestinian schools in Palestinian National Territories. The focus was on how each side portrays the Other and their own group. The content analysis was based on a developed conceptual framework and standardized and manualized rating criteria with quantitative and qualitative aspects. The results showed in general that (1) dehumanizing and demonizing characterizations of the Other are rare in both Israeli and Palestinian books; (2) both Israeli and Palestinian books present unilateral national narratives that portray the Other as enemy, chronicle negative actions by the Other directed at the self-community, and portray the self-community in positive terms with actions aimed at self-protection and goals of peace; (3), there is lack of information about the religions, culture, economic and daily activities of the Other, or even of the existence of the Other on maps; (4) the negative bias in portrayal of the Other, the positive bias in portrayal of the self, and the absence of images and information about the Other are all statistically significantly more pronounced in Israeli Ultra-Orthodox and Palestinian books than in Israeli state books.]]>
Criminal organizations have a strong influence on social, political, and economic life in Italy and other parts of the world. Nonetheless, local populations display collective passivity against organized crime, a phenomenon known as omertà. Omertà is linked to the concepts of honor and masculinity. That is, in order to fit ideological constructions of manliness, individuals should display indifference toward illegal activities and should not collaborate with legal institutions. In two studies, we investigated the link between endorsement of a masculine honor ideology and collective action intentions against criminal organizations (antimafia). Study 1 (N = 121) involved a Northern Italian sample, and Study 2 (N = 301) involved a Southern Italian sample. Across studies, results showed that endorsement of masculine honor ideology was associated with lower willingness to engage in social activism against criminal organizations. This relationship was mediated by attitudes toward criminal organizations (Study 1 and 2) and, in line with the notion of omertà, by lower levels of collective motive and more anxiety about interacting with police (Study 2). Directions for future research are discussed.]]>
The article is set in the normative claim that our work as political psychologists emerges from concerns with our contemporary worlds and that political psychologists should not hesitate to draw out the policy implications of their own work. Following a brief explanation of the Allport tradition of the contact hypothesis and its critics, the article proposes four analytical considerations that contribute to the further understanding of the psychology of encounter and the politics of engagement: First, the insight that the individual is already constituted as a social being, through contact; second, an exploration of the opportunities and challenges of dialogue; third, the changing nature of selfhood, agency, and identity in the contemporary world; and, finally, through deep multiculturalism, the cosmopolitical perspective, and the politics of care, the case for a viable and sustainable politics of engagement.]]>
This article develops an identity performance model of prejudice that highlights the creative influence of prejudice expressions on norms and situations. Definitions of prejudice can promote social change or stability when they are used to achieve social identification, explanation, and mobilization. Tacit or explicit agreement about the nature of prejudice is accomplished collaboratively by persuading others to accept (1) an abstract definition of "prejudice," (2) concrete exemplars of "prejudice," and (3) associated beliefs about how a target group should be treated. This article reviews three ways in which "prejudice" can be defined in the cut and thrust of social interaction, namely, by mobilizing hatred and violence, by accusation and denial, and by repression. The struggle for the nature of prejudice determines who can be badly treated and by whom. Studying such ordinary struggles to define what counts (and does not count) as "prejudice" will allow us to understand how identities are produced, norms are set into motion, and populations are mobilized as social relations are reformulated.]]>
Groups, particularly when immersed in an intractable intergroup conflict, place considerable value on protecting and defending their historical group narrative. However, some group members are more narrative-protective than others. In Study 1, we introduce a new individual-difference measure of motivation to achieve a Firmly Entrenched Narrative ClosurE (FENCE) and test it on several Israeli samples (N = 1132). In Study 2 (N = 120), we show that in-group glorification, right-wing political orientation, and right-wing-authoritarianism, but not attachment to the In-group, nonspecific need for cognitive closure, or need for cognition, predict FENCE motivation and Behavioral Lack of Openness to Counternarratives (BLOC). In Studies 3 and 4, we show using international (N = 24) and Israeli (N = 78) samples that a belief in the zero-sum nature of the conflict is related to FENCE and BLOC. In Study 5, we demonstrate that FENCE affects quality of recall of conflict information. The potential merit of FENCE in accounting for the variability among group members in protecting the group narrative is discussed.]]>
This article examines if deep-seated psychological differences add to the explanation of attitudes toward immigration. We explore whether the Big Five personality traits matter for immigration attitudes beyond the traditional situational factors of economic and cultural threat and analyze how individuals with different personalities react when confronted with the same situational triggers. Using a Danish survey experiment, we show that different personality traits have different effects on opposition toward immigration. We find that Openness has an unconditional effect on attitudes toward immigration: scoring higher on this trait implies a greater willingness to admit immigrants. Moreover, individuals react differently to economic threat depending on their score on the traits Agreeableness and Conscientiousness. Specifically, individuals scoring low on Agreeableness and individuals scoring high on Conscientiousness are more sensitive to the skill level of immigrants. The results imply that personality is important for attitudes toward immigration, and in the conclusion, we further discuss how the observed conditional and unconditional effects of personality make sense theoretically.]]>
Following the attacks of September 11, 2001, a rally effect led to a precipitous rise in political trust. However, the increase in political trust concealed a simultaneous decline among a smaller portion of the population. This article examines the psychological mechanisms underlying these heterogeneous attitudes towards government and shows that a biosocial model best explains the observed patterns of response. The interplay of genetic and environmental factors of political trust reveals the stable but dynamic nature of heritability: genetic influences of political trust increased immediately following 9/11 but quickly decayed to pre-9/11 levels.]]>
Hope is an emotion that has been implicated in social change efforts, yet little research has examined whether feeling hopeful actually motivates support for social change. Study 1 (N = 274) confirmed that hope is associated with greater support for social change in two countries with different political contexts. Study 2 (N = 165) revealed that hope predicts support for social change over and above other emotions often investigated in collective action research. Study 3 (N = 100) replicated this finding using a hope scale and showed the effect occurs independent of positive mood. Study 4 (N = 58) demonstrated experimentally that hope motivates support for social change. In all four studies, the effect of hope was mediated by perceived efficacy to achieve social equality. This research confirms the motivating potential of hope and illustrates the power of this emotion in generating social change.]]>
Prior research on personality and politics has largely investigated relationships using national samples from North America and Europe. In contrast, we used multigroup path analysis to assess how Big Five personality, ideological attitudes (RWA, SDO), and group identities (National and Ethnic Identification) predicted right versus left Political Behavior (party support, past voting, present voting intention) across majority and minority ethnic groups in a New Zealand national sample (N = 6,333). The effects of personality on ideological attitudes and group identities were mostly invariant across ethnic groups and consistent with prior findings. In contrast, the effects of ideological attitudes on Political Behavior varied across ethnic groups being moderately strong for the European majority but nonsignificant for the minorities. Group identities had little effect on Political Behavior. We discuss cultural and contextual factors that might account for this disconnect between ideology and politics among the minority ethnic groups.]]>
Research connecting sociopolitical attitudes to personality typically relies exclusively on self-report measures of personality. A recently discovered mechanism of bias in self-reports highlights a particular challenge for this approach. Specifically, individuals tend to report exaggerated levels of a trait to the extent that they view that trait as desirable. In a community sample of 443 participants, differences in sociopolitical attitudes were associated with differences in the extent to which individuals provided biased self-reports for a given trait (relative to trait levels indicated by peer-report or an objective measure) as well as differences in views of the desirability of that trait. Further, the tendency to misrepresent traits in a manner consistent with one's sociopolitical attitudes was mediated by differences in views of trait desirability. Thus, although meaningful personality differences exist among those with differing sociopolitical attitudes, those differences may not be as large as people with opposing sociopolitical attitudes might like them to be.]]>

subset: commoncrawl


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DEFINITION of 'Days Sales Outstanding - DSO'
A measure of the average number of days that a company takes to collect revenue after a sale has been made. DSO is often determined on a monthly, quarterly or annual basis and can be calculated by dividing the amount of accounts receivable during a given period by the total value of credit sales during the same period, and multiplying the result by the number of days in the period measured.
The formula for calculating days sales outstanding can be represented with the following formula:
A low DSO value means that it takes a company fewer days to collect its accounts receivable. A high DSO number shows that a company is selling its product to customers on credit and taking longer to collect money.
Days sales outstanding is also often referred to as "days receivables" and is an element of the cash conversion cycle.
BREAKING DOWN 'Days Sales Outstanding - DSO'
Due to the high importance of cash in running a business, it is in a company's best interest to collect outstanding receivables as quickly as possible. While companies can most often expect with relative certainty that they will in fact receive outstanding receivables, because of the time value of money principle, money that a company spends time waiting to receive is money lost. By quickly turning sales into cash, a company has a chance to put the cash to use again more quickly. Ideally, the company will use it to reinvest and thereby generate more sales. A high DSO value may lead to cash flow problems because of the long duration between the time of a sale and the time the company receives payment. In this respect, the ability to determine the average length of time that a company's outstanding balances are carried in receivables can in some cases tell a great deal about the nature of the company's cash flow.
For example, suppose that during the month of July, Company A made a total of $500,000 in credit sales and had $350,000 in accounts receivable. There are 31 days in July, so Company A's DSO for July can be calculated as:
($350,000 / $500,000) x 31 = 0.7 x 31 = 21.7
With a DSO of 21.7, Company has a very short average turnaround in converting its receivables into cash. Generally speaking, a DSO under 45 is considered low; however, what qualifies as a high or low DSO may often vary depending on business type and structure. For example, a DSO of 40 may still cause cash flow problems for a small or new business that has little available capital. Because of the lower earnings that often accompany small or new businesses, such businesses often rely on obtaining their accounts receivable quickly in order to cover startup costs, wages, overhead and other expenses. If they cannot collect payments quickly enough, they may struggle to meet these costs. On the other hand, a DSO of 60 may cause few issues for a large and well-established corporation with high available capital. Though the company could likely improve its earnings by reducing its DSO and thereby maximize its potential to reinvest earnings, it is unlikely that the company will need to trim salaries or cut other costs in order to make ends meet.
Generally, a high DSO can suggest a few things, including that the company's customer base has credit issues or that the company is deficient in its collection processes. Conversely, a very low DSO ratio may suggest that the company is too strict with regard to its credit policy, which could alienate customers and thus hurt sales as well.
It is important to remember that the formula for calculating DSO only accounts for credit sales. While cash sales may be considered to have a DSO of 0, they are not factored into DSO calculations because they represent no time between a sale and the company's receipt of payment. If they were factored into DSO, they would decrease DSO values and companies with a high proportion of cash sales would have lower DSOs than those with a high proportion of credit sales.
Uses of 'Days Sales Outstanding - DSO'
Days sales outstanding has a wide variety of applications. It can indicate the amount of sales a company has made during a specific time period, how quickly customers are paying, if the company's collections department is working well, if the company is maintaining customer satisfaction or if credit is being given to customers that are not credit worthy.
While looking at an individual DSO value for a company can provide a good benchmark for quickly assessing a company's cash flow, trends in DSO are much more useful than an individual DSO value. If a company's DSO is increasing, it may indicate a few things. It may be that customers are taking more time to pay their expenses, suggesting either that customer satisfaction is declining, that salespeople within the company are offering longer terms of payment to drive increased sales or that the company is allowing customers with poor credit to make purchases. Additionally, too sharp of an increase in DSO can cause a company serious cash flow problems. If a company is accustomed to paying its expenses at a certain rate on the basis of consistent payments on its accounts receivable, a sharp rise in DSO can disrupt this flow and force the company to make drastic changes.
Generally, when looking at a given company's cash flow, it is helpful to track that company's DSO over time to determine if its DSO is trending in any particular direction or if there are any patterns in the company's cash flow history. DSO may often vary on a monthly basis, particularly if the company is affected by seasonality. If a company has a volatile DSO, this may be cause for concern, but if a company's DSO dips during a particular season each year, this is often less of a reason to worry.
Limitations of 'Days Sales Outstanding - DSO'
Like any metric attempting to gauge the efficiency of a business, days sales outstanding comes with a set of limitations that are important for any investor to consider before using it.
Most simply, when using DSO to compare the cash flows of multiple companies, one should compare companies within the same industry, ideally when they have similar business models and revenue numbers as well. As mentioned above, companies of different size often have very different capital structures, which can greatly influence DSO calculations, and the same is often true of companies in different industries. DSO is not particularly useful in comparing companies with significant differences in the proportion of sales that are credit, as determining the DSO of a company with a low proportion of credit sales does not indicate much about that company's cash flow. Comparing such companies with those that have a high proportion of credit sales also does not usually indicate much of importance.
Furthermore, DSO is not a perfect indicator of a company's accounts receivable efficiency, as fluctuating sales volumes can affect DSO, with increase sales frequently lowering the DSO value. DDSO is a good alternative for credit collection assessment for use alongside DSO. Like any metric measuring a company's performance, DSO should not be considered alone, but instead should be considered with other metrics as well.
For more on DSO and how to lower it, read Understanding The Cash Conversion Cycle.
Cash FlowThe net amount of cash and cash-equivalents moving into and out ...
Days Sales Of Inventory - DSIA financial measure of a company's performance that gives investors ...
Days Payable Outstanding - DPOA company's average payable period. Calculated as: ending accounts ...
Cash DiscountAn incentive that a seller offers to a buyer in return for paying ...
Credit1. A contractual agreement in which a borrower receives something ...
Accounts Receivable - ARMoney owed by customers (individuals or corporations) to another ...
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|Iowa Courthouses Set to Close Eight Days Between March and June - Page 4
|Commentary/Politics - Iowa Politics
|Written by Lynn Campbell
|Friday, 27 February 2009 15:07
Page 4 of 6
Panelists at IowaPolitics.com Forum: Keep Education a Priority; Avoide Taxes
Education should remain Iowa's top priority, and tax increases should be avoided during this time of economic uncertainty and budget cutbacks, representatives from two Iowa special-interest groups and the state auditor said an IowaPolitics.com forum Thursday afternoon.
Brad Hudson from the Iowa State Education Association and Ed Failor Jr. from Iowans for Tax Relief joined state Auditor David Vaudt at the forum held in Drake University's Levitt Hall.
While the three men represented different interests and occasionally clashed on political and economic ideology, they found common ground that education should be a government spending priority and that now is not the time to raise taxes.
"I don't think this is the time to be raising taxes -- I don't think we need to," Hudson said. "I think we have the resources, and we can set the priorities such that that's not necessary."
Vaudt said a recession would be the worst time to raise taxes and would only put more burden on individuals who are already strapped for cash. Failor worried that increased taxes would discourage spending and investing, which are vital to jump-starting the economy.
The panelists -- liberal and conservative alike -- also agreed that public education should remain Iowa's top priority and continue to receive the lion's share of money in the state budget. When asked what should escape the 6.5-percent budget cut to most state agencies and programs proposed by Culver, there was consensus that more, not less, should be spent on Iowa's public schools.
"Education, quite frankly, is the first thing that needs to be the priority of the government," Failor said. "Beyond that, I wouldn't stop looking at anything [to be considered for budget cuts]."
At a time when the state faces a $779-million budget gap, legislators are looking for ways to cut spending and increase revenue. All three men warned that "one-time money" on its way to Iowa as part of the federal economic-stimulus package should be used wisely and not depended on in the future.
The forum, produced with partners Drake University and Mediacom, is scheduled to be televised on the Mediacom Connections Channel (channel 22 in most areas of Iowa) at the following times: 3 p.m. Wednesday, March 4; 11 a.m. Sunday, March 8; 2 p.m. Monday, March 9; and 3 p.m. Wednesday, March 11.
It will also be available through Mediacom's "On Demand" service after March 6.


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Six stories high, crowned with a pool, and with a direct lineage back to the Bauhaus, a new town house in Tel Aviv manages to both embrace and provide refuge from the teeming Israeli city. Photo by Amit Geron.
The fourth-floor kitchen features appliances by Miele, and Heracleum II pendants by Bertjan Pot for Moooi hang over both the kitchen island and the dining table. Photo by Amit Geron.
A couple in Israel seized the rare chance to rehab a 1969 Airstream to experiment with indoor-outdoor, space-efficient living.
Nestled within a citrus orchard, Keren Milchberg Porat and Shai Porat's home combines a rehabbed Airstream and single-room structure into a cohesive whole. The playroom is positioned as close as possible to the trailer without blocking its light and view and is clad in similar galvanized steel sheeting.
"All houses done by our office are designed
around the library," says Omer Dagan, an architect in Pitsou Kedem's eponymous Tel Aviv, Israel, firm. It's a boldly bibliophilic conceit, and an idea that makes an especially strong impact in Kedem's 2011 Haifa House. Photo by Amit Geron.
Keren Milchberg Porat, who heads up the architecture firm Studio ID253, used a slew of recycled and raw materials, strategically located openings to maximize ventilation and natural light, and "circular passages" to create this open and flexible family home.
The master bath is a clean and spare space, a mixture of white and concrete.


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American olim cultivating the volunteer spirit. Kosher Meals on Wheels empowers seniors, volunteers. Remembering Hank Greenberg's sacrifice.
Archived Sections
Affirming Life, Right To The End; Jewish Renewal Founder's Spiritual Roadmap; Starting Late, But Not Too Late; Staying Young, With Cello; As Jewish Boomers Retire, Is South Florida Losing Its Appeal?
Forever Young Advice from an anti-aging guru, Israeli grandparents in Israel's "Amazing Race," dating in your 70s, and more.
New Paths to a New Stage of Life Boomers and Their Aging Parents; Never Too Old for Love; Israel Now Catering to Active Retirees


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An explosion at a bus stop that rocked the Etiler neighborhood of İstanbul early on Thursday and was most likely caused by a bomb injured eight people, officials have said.
The explosion took place near Akmerkez, one of İstanbul's leading shopping centers, around 9 a.m. Initial reports said one person was injured but İstanbul Governor Hüseyin Avni Mutlu and İstanbul Police Chief Hüseyin Çapkın said eight people, including a police officer, were injured in the blast. They said their injuries are not life threatening.
Speaking to reporters at the scene of the explosion, Çapkın said the explosive was of medium strength, adding it was not a percussion bomb but aimed to create damage. He said five vehicles, including a municipal bus, were damaged in the blast. Çapkın noted that the bomb had been placed on an electric bike under the bridge.
Ambulances were immediately dispatched to the area. An eyewitness who spoke to the NTV news channel said she heard only one explosion. The eyewitness, who identified herself as an employee of a shop in Akmerkez, said police evacuated the area fearing that there may be other explosions. The eyewitness also confirmed that the explosion took place at the bus stop under the Koç Bridge.
There are reports that the explosion may have targeted a police academy near Akmerkez.
Turkey has been experiencing increased tension in recent weeks, with the terrorist Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) stepping up their campaign of violence ahead of the June 12 parliamentary elections. The group has mainly targeted the police in its recent attacks.
Çapkın said the fact that the explosion took place near the police academy and its timing are the two issues that deserve attention. "We will investigate whether the police academy was targeted," he said. As for the question of who may be behind the attack, the police chief said it would be wrong to prematurely comment on this issue. "We will find the perpetrators," he noted.
Governor Mutlu also spoke to reporters later in the day and said the attack targeted civilians. He said no group had claimed responsibility for the attack. Mutlu said it was a coincidence that a police officer was wounded in the attack.


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Why Not? Tbilisi - Legend HostelTbilisi, Georgia
I loved everything about this hostel....
Hostel GlideYerevan, Armenia
Ana and her mother were a dream
Drifter Jack's HostelAustin, USA
I just have to mention 2 wonderful front desk people to include my brother from another mother Travis and Amanda who were very helpful...I have to mention a not so nice worker Anthony who was quite rude but he's only there for a few more weeks...Thank You! I have never said an unfavorable comment after traveling 152 countries but I had to mention this rude young man...maybe it will get to him..maybe not.
El Diablo Hostel BelgradeBelgrade, Serbia
Star HostelBelgrade, Serbia
Abrahams HostelDublin, Ireland
Lagan BackpackersBelfast, Northern Ireland
Amazing people and staff
Abrahams HostelDublin, Ireland
Unity HostelBudapest, Hungary
Fira backpackers placeSantorini, Greece
Manos Studios HotelHeraklion, Greece
Freeborn HostelTimisoara, Romania
Transylvania HostelCluj Napoca, Romania
Hostel Costel TimisoaraTimisoara, Romania
I loved the staff and the dog with a human personality
Star HostelBelgrade, Serbia
Perfect location and wonderful staff!
Shanti-HostelSkopje, Macedonia
Hostel TivoliLjubljana, Slovenia
Hostel Ruthensteiner ViennaVienna, Austria
Art Hostel TaurusBratislava, Slovakia
Hostel TivoliLjubljana, Slovenia
SunnyLakeHostelOhrid, Macedonia
Hostel OrquideasCancun, Mexico
Hostel Rio PlayaPlaya del Carmen, Mexico
Hostel OrquideasCancun, Mexico
Perfect spot I had to give some goods lol
MM Cozy Place mid-range Guest HouseAddis Ababa, Ethiopia
Discover Rwanda Youth HostelKigali, Rwanda
Dahab HostelCairo, Egypt
It was freezing cold in this hostel and there was no accomodation of extra balnkets
Tatiana MotelApia, Samoa
Dayspring B&B Lodge TongaNuku'alofa, Tonga
South Seas Private HostelSuva, Fiji
The Flaming Kiwi BackpackersQueenstown, New Zealand
Great Staff
Nomads AucklandAuckland, New Zealand
No customer comment
- Globetrotter
- (35 reviews)
Nomads Fat Camel HostelAuckland, New Zealand
The Original Backpackers HostelSydney, Australia
No customer comment
- Globetrotter
- Male, 31-40
- (35 reviews)
Hostelgate PrivatesVilnius, Lithuania
nice hostel
- Globetrotter
- (35 reviews)


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Stock Repurchase. Flashback Corporation is evaluating an extra dividend versus a share repurchase. In either case, $16,320 would be spent. Current earnings are $3.10 per share, and the stock currently sells for $85 per share. There are 3,400 shares outstanding. Ignore taxes and other imperfections in answering the first two questions.
a. Evaluate the two alternatives in terms of the effect on the price per share of the stock and shareholder wealth.
b. What will be the effect on Flashback's EPS and PE ratio under the two different scenarios?
c. In the real world, which of these actions would you recommend? Why?


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Every business has a story. What's yours? Share your story with us and we will publish it with your profile. Profiles will be selected each week to be featured on our homepage, Twitter, Facebook, and Google+. Send us your email (no marketing, we promise!) and we will reach out to you to begin.
This profile for Duck Commander, Inc. is located in West Monroe, LA. Duck Commander, Inc. industry is listed as Whol Sporting/Recreational Goods.


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Welcome to Aib Salon
Welcome to AIB Eyebrow Threading Salon. Everyone wants to look their best but it can be difficult to know exactly what look complements your personal style and what is current in contemporary fashion trends. However, if you live in DFW area there is no reason to worry. AIB Eyebrow Threading salon is here to help you. Your face is the first thing people see when they meet you. What kind of impression does your face give? Don't you want to present the best possible version of you? The perfect eyebrows almost transcend the beauty of the face and make an immediate visible impact in a makeover session. At AIB Threading Salon We offer a full range of beauty services for our clients. Our technicians are experts in the beauty field and can not only make you look and feel great but also give you the helpful tips you need to accentuate the look you want. We love what we do and we ensure you that our services will satisfy all of your beauty needs and desires. Come visit us and experience the kind of difference that perfectly shaped eyebrows can make!
"To provide best services that enhances our customer's physical appearance and mental relaxation."
" We believe in building a relationship, not clientele"
For an Appointment /Online check-in click here
Now offering Eyebrows/Eyelashes Tinting and Eyelashes Extensions
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Joomla! Slideshow


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Art In The Garden
Arboretum Welcomes First Artist In Residence
Lynda Chandler (right) talks about her acrylic painting on canvas "Blue Lotus with Koi" with Edith J. Carrier Arboretum Director Jan Mahon during a reception Friday at the EJC Frances Plecker Education Center. Chandler is the arboretum's first artist in residence. (Photos by Michael Reilly / DN-R)
Lynda Chandler talks about her acrylic paintings as the new artist in residence at the Edith J. Carrier Arboretum during a reception Friday at the EJC Frances Plecker Education Center.
HARRISONBURG — Officials at the Edith J. Carrier Arboretum didn't set out to find an artist in residence, but they now have one and are excited for the opportunities it brings.
Lynda Chandler, a…
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H Mart
Few things can make us drive north of the George Bush Turnpike other than a trek to H Mart. This Asian-inspired grocery store opened its first location in Queens in the early 1980s and has since expanded across North America and even opened a location in Carrollton. According to its website, H Mart is short for "Han Ah Reum" or "One Arm Full of Groceries," but chances are you'll leave the department-store-sized Carrollton location (the spot used to house a Mervyn's) with a cart full of loot. H Mart is home to some of the freshest (and reasonably priced) fresh produce in town, a meat market section stocked with meats you would expect at a typical grocer, and tanks filled with live seafood we'd never seen outside of the Discovery Channel or Food Network. The market also offers some less conventional fare, from kimchi and seaweed to quail eggs and dragon fruit. There's also a section of household appliances and gadgets and the most impressive sake selection in town.
More Awards from This Winner
Location Details
Carrollton TX 75007
More Food & Drink Awards
BEST ICE CREAMPaciugo
BEST RESTAURANT FOR KIDSThe Lot
BEST OUTDOOR PATIO/DECKThe Foundry
BEST HAPPY HOURUnion Bear


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Whether you're at a conference, a fundraising event, or otherwise away from the office, you still need to get work done. TechSoup offers a variety of mobile technologies that can help you and your staff work more effectively while traveling. You can find tools to access the Internet from remote locations, accept mobile donations at a fundraiser, or connect with colleagues at your nonprofit or charity when you're not in the office.
Use the dropdown arrow below to browse solutions like: mobile devices; mobile websites; and mobile software and services.
Visit our Mobile Impact page to learn how to make an impact with mobile technology and services.
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New 1.33-GHz quad-core tablet with 2 GB RAM, 16 GB internal storage, 6,400-mAh battery, and Windows 8.1 operating system
Donated, refurbished 4G LTE smartphone with discounted pricing for no-contract mobile service (available directly from Sparrow)
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