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No. 4, November 2007
On June 20, 2007, the U.S. Department of State's Bureau of Intelligence and Research convened a meeting of U.S. intelligence officials to weigh the prospect of formal engagement with the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood,[1] known in Arabic as al-Ikhwan al-Muslimin. The session was the result of several years of discussion about engaging the group considered by many to be the fountainhead of Sunni fundamentalism.
Although the Bush administration established a diplomatic quarantine of the Brotherhood after September 11, 2001, members of the U.S. House of Representatives held several meetings in Egypt in the spring of 2007–almost three months before the State Department meeting–with Muhammad Saad al-Katatni, an independent member of the Egyptian parliament and the head of its Brotherhood-affiliated bloc. On April 5, 2007, House Majority Leader Steny Hoyer (D-Md.) broke with convention and met with Katatni at the Egyptian parliament building and at the residence of U.S. ambassador to Egypt Francis J. Ricciardone. Then, on May 27, 2007, a four-member U.S. congressional delegation led by Representative David Price (D-N.C.) met with Katatni in Cairo.
Following Hoyer's visit, the U.S. Embassy in Cairo dismissed Egyptian criticism that his meetings presaged a reversal of U.S. policy.[2] In November 2007, Ricciardone also played down the meetings when he claimed that U.S. contacts with nominally independent Brotherhood members did "not imply American endorsement of the views of the individual parliamentarians or their political affiliates."[3] Despite this reassurance, the meetings with Katatni are indicative of opinion leaders, both inside and outside the U.S. government, warming to the idea of dialogue and reconciliation with the Brotherhood.
While acknowledging doubts about its democratic bona fides, recent essays and opinion pieces featured in Foreign Affairs, The New York Times Magazine, and the Boston Globe have all suggested that engagement with the Egyptian Brotherhood–the progenitor of every major Islamist movement today–could serve U.S. interests in spreading democracy to the Arab world.[4] In 2006, a much publicized white paper by the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace likewise concluded that, despite several "gray zones" of ambiguity in Islamist thinking, a "policy of engagement with Islamist organizations, particularly with their reformist wings, is the only constructive option open to organizations and governments that believe democratic development in the Middle East is in everybody's interest."[5]
Any examination of the Brotherhood's rhetoric and political platforms shows U.S. outreach to be premature.
The logic behind such reasoning rests on the supposition that, in a region where political Islam enjoys widespread appeal, so-called moderate Islamist movements are better suited to effect political change than their secular rivals. Given these organizations' large constituencies, it has become fashionable for engagement advocates to contend that representative governments can emerge in the Arab world only if groups like the Brotherhood are integrated into the political process. In a country with strong Islamic currents like Egypt, such a policy would appear not only sensible but inevitable. Yet while the movement, established by Hassan al-Banna in 1928, constitutes the most organized and well-funded opposition in the country today–the byproduct of both its charitable services and da'wa
(literally "call to God," or preaching) network that operate outside state control–any examination of its rhetoric and political platforms shows U.S. outreach to be premature. Despite its professed commitment to pluralism and the rule of law, the Brotherhood continues to engage in dangerous doublespeak when it comes to the most fundamental issues of democracy.
Islamic Law and a Civil State
For all its talk of embracing liberal reform and a civil style of governance–albeit with a marja'iyya
, or Islamic source of authority, at its core–the Brotherhood remains a dogmatic organization wedded to religious ideology. Nowhere are the perils of cooperation with the Brotherhood or its increased participation in the political arena more discernible than in the group's vision for a future Egyptian state.
The Brotherhood's first political reform initiative, issued in March 2004, provides a window into the group's thinking.[6] Regarding the movement's ultimate goal, supreme guide Muhammad Mahdi Akef is explicit. He writes that the Brotherhood's "only hope, if [we] wish to achieve any progress in our lives, is to return to our faith and apply sharia [Islamic law]."[7] Akef explains that the "establishment of God's law is the real solution to all of our suffering, whether it is due to domestic or foreign problems. . . . This [the introduction of sharia] is achieved through the creation of the Muslim individual, the Muslim household, the Muslim government, and the state which leads Islamic nations and carries the banner of da'wa
so that the world is fortunate enough to receive the best of Islam and its teachings."[8]
But since sharia
has always resembled more of an ever-evolving set of rulings and interpretations than a codified legal system, the Brotherhood's appeal for Islamic law has aroused fears of just what its implementation would entail. Akef's initiative provides few specifics, but when he does elaborate there is cause for concern. For instance, under the rubric of building the "Egyptian human being," Akef stipulates that the media be purged of all material contradicting Islamic rulings; in the field of educational reform and scientific study, he seeks a greater emphasis on military training and memorization of the Quran; and with respect to cultural creativity and the arts, he calls for "conformity between the cinema and theater and the principles and values of Islam."[9]
Misgivings about the Brotherhood's desire for an Islamic state by no means end there. While Akef has maintained that the application of Islamic law would be consistent with that of Egyptian law–article 2 of the Egyptian constitution enshrines Islam as the official state religion and Islamic jurisprudence as the
principal source of legislation–his claim has failed to assuage fears. President Anwar Sadat introduced the latter provision into the constitution in 1981 not to facilitate the enactment of Islamic legislation, but to appease his Islamist opposition as a means of undercutting leftist influence. To be sure, its effect on the drafting of legislation since has been minimal. Akef's explanation is insufficient to quell concerns about the conflicts that could arise in lawmaking should a Brotherhood plurality deem legislation "un-Islamic." Here, uncertainty abounds. What issues, for instance, would the group regard as divine and beyond the pale of elected officials? More importantly, how would the constitutionality of a controversial law be determined; that is, would independent arbiters, such as religious clergy, determine its compatibility, or would government institutions deliver a ruling? Perhaps of greater consequence, how would the Brotherhood respond to a decision that contravenes Islamic law?
Since 2004, Brotherhood members have tried to resolve these quandaries, but their statements have only served to muddy the issue further. The dissonance between the Arabic-language pronouncements of senior officials in the organization's Guidance Bureau and their softer, more elastic, English-language interviews and publications has generated greater skepticism about the movement's adherence to democratic values. In a July 20, 2005, interview with the Egyptian government weekly Akher Sa'a, Akef rekindled such doubts about an "Islamist free-elections trap" when he claimed: "We believe in democracy fully because it is the one that brings free and fair elections. But as for democracy without limits, which says that the people's opinion is everything, we say to it 'no.' People's opinion is guided by sharia
Six months later, Akef's words took on added significance when the Brotherhood registered unprecedented gains in the 2005 legislative elections. Independent candidates belonging to the group captured eighty-eight seats in the 454-member parliament despite contesting just 35 percent of the races.[11] Eager to put domestic and international concerns to rest after the elections, prominent Guidance Bureau member Abdel-Moneim Abul-Fotouh told the English-language Al-Ahram Weekly that, concerning Akef's stance, "No law, no matter how divine, can be enforced without the public's consent."[12] Muhammad Habib, Akef's deputy, later seconded Abul-Fotouh's view in an April 2007 interview with The New York Times Magazine when he declared that, should the People's Assembly (the lower house of parliament) propose a law in violation of sharia
, the legislature would have ultimate jurisdiction in reconciling the matter. "The People's Assembly has the absolute right in that situation," Habib explained. "Parliament could go to religious scholars and hear their opinion, but it is not obliged to listen to these opinions."[13]
Muslim Brotherhood parliamentarians have routinely submitted proposals to ban alcohol, Western novels, coed schooling, beauty pageants, and individual music artists from performing in Egypt.
Abul-Fotouh's and Habib's comments may appear to reflect enlightened thinking, but when juxtaposed with the Brotherhood's most recent platform, disseminated to Egyptian intellectuals in August 2007 in a preliminary draft and intended as a blueprint for a civil party, they are far less reassuring. The program, according to the independent Egyptian daily Al-Masry Al-Youm, calls for the creation of a "Supreme Ulama Council," a body of elected religious scholars that would review executive decisions prior to implementation for their compliance with Islamic law.[14] The platform states that while the body would serve in a consultative capacity, its opinions would be compulsory on matters governed by "proven [Islamic] texts,"[15] an amorphous term that could easily expand the council's authority. Muslim Brotherhood officials have defended the program as a trial balloon, but their claims miss the point. For a group sorely in need of revamping its public image, the mere reference to such a council, one reminiscent of Iran's wilayat al-faqih
(guardianship of the jurists) system of governance, will recast discussion about its true intentions.
The group's actions, especially in parliament, have also engendered little confidence in its agenda. Although the Brotherhood's growing presence in recent years has injected more accountability and debate into an otherwise anemic legislature–representatives from the ruling National Democratic Party (NDP) now attend committee voting sessions with greater frequency lest their more disciplined Muslim Brotherhood colleagues obtain a quorum–increased representation has done little to moderate the movement's ranks. Muslim Brotherhood lawmakers have often used their forum in parliament more to rail against what they perceive as Egypt's cultural decadence than to offer real prescriptions for the country's unemployment, inflation, or housing crises.
A 2005 study conducted by the Al-Umma Center for Studies and Development in Cairo revealed that of the total number of Brotherhood interpellations during the 2000-2005 parliament, approximately 80 percent dealt with issues of culture, media, or education. The trend has carried over to the current parliament. In November 2006, Brotherhood member of parliament Ali Laban excoriated Education Minister Yousri al-Gamal for appointing Monica Chavez, a U.S. education expert, to administer a project reforming the country's curricula. "The appointment of an American expert to take responsibility for modernizing education in Egypt is an act of treason for which the minister should be executed," stated Laban, who is a visceral critic of the U.S. Agency for International Development's efforts in Egypt.[16] He recommended a similar punishment for Prime Minister Ahmed Nazif and Minister of Religious Endowments Hamdi Zaqzouq after they approved tearing down a Cairo mosque to make way for a downtown subway line. Laban may be a firebrand, but his outlook for Egypt is not an aberration: other Muslim Brotherhood parliamentarians have routinely submitted proposals to ban alcohol, Western novels, coed schooling, beauty pageants, and individual music artists from performing in Egypt.
Despite these concerns–or perhaps because of them–ambiguity in the group's official programs persists. Though progressive in the area of constitutional reform, the Brotherhood's electoral platform for the June 2007 Shura Council (the consultative upper chamber of parliament) elections continued to gloss over the contradiction in terms between its calls for both sharia
and parliamentary democracy. Like the 2004 reform initiative before it, the seventy-three-page manifesto confirmed the "Egyptian people as the source of all authority," but stressed that the state's system of governance "conform to Islamic law."[17] To date, calls for greater clarification on how these principles would play out in practice–and the all important issue of whether the Brotherhood would establish a political party, independent of the religious movement, that is open to all Egyptians–have fallen on deaf ears. Until they are answered unequivocally, the Brotherhood's inability or reluctance to reconcile Islamic law with democratic norms will continue to fuel speculation that its commitment to pluralism is both fleeting and politically expedient.
The Coptic Question
Controversy over the Brotherhood's vision for a "civil state with an Islamic framework" also stems from its ambiguous, if not distressing, view of Egypt's Coptic Christians. Though considered one of the most homog-enous countries in the Arab world, Egypt boasts the largest Christian population in the region; estimates vary because of sensitivity, but Copts are thought to comprise between 8 and 15 percent of the country's nearly 80 million people.[18]
Since the Brotherhood's success in the 2005 parliamentary elections, the question of whether the group would safeguard minority rights and universal citizenship has risen to greater prominence.
The minority status of Egypt's Coptic community has long been a delicate issue. The recent outbreak of sectarian violence in the village of Bamha in May 2007 highlighted the growing religious divide between Egypt's Christians and Muslims. The phenomenon is nothing new. As Nabil Abdel Fattah, assistant director of the Al-Ahram Center for Political and Strategic Studies in Cairo, noted recently, the roots of intercommunal tension in Egypt stretch back more than half a century. "The structure of the political regime effectively holds no space for Copts. Coptic political representation began to diminish at the end of the 1940s and with the coming of the 1952 revolution almost disappeared," he stated.[19]
Today, the plight of Copts and other minorities is perhaps even more precarious. While the constitution's defense of universal citizenship and religious tolerance is beyond reproach, institutionalized discrimination against Christians remains commonplace. For instance, presidential decree 291, a modern-day adaptation of the Ottoman Empire's Hamayouni Edict, places the construction and renovation of churches under government jurisdiction.[20] Approval is often an arbitrary and protracted process. Appointments to government and university posts by Egyptian president Hosni Mubarak are just as revealing: only one of the country's twenty-six provincial governors is Christian, and there are no Christian deans or presidents at any of Egypt's public universities.[21] Copts are also unable to matriculate at Al-Azhar University, the taxpayer-funded institution considered the Arab world's leading center of Sunni religious scholarship. Discrimination also extends to politics: of the 109 candidates fielded by the NDP and vetted by Mubarak in last June's Shura Council elections, not one was Coptic.[22] In general, Christians are all but barred from the upper ranks of the military and executive branches.
It is within this context that the Brotherhood's duplicitous remarks about religious tolerance have caused consternation among Christians. Since the Brotherhood's success in the 2005 parliamentary elections, the question of whether the group would safeguard minority rights and universal citizenship has risen to greater prominence.
One source of friction between Copts and the Muslim Brotherhood stems from discrimination in the public sector. Though the Brotherhood's 2004 reform initiative and 2007 Shura program describe Copts as "partners of the homeland" and "part of the fabric of Egyptian society," such statements are mere platitudes. Semantics is a Brotherhood art form: the programs are more illuminating for what they imply than for what they actually state. Take the 2007 Shura platform: it declares that Copts "are equal with their Muslim brethren in all rights and duties, and in obtaining public positions on the basis of ability and specialization."[23] On the surface, this clause may appear benign, but for those well versed in Brotherhood parlance, it is yet another telltale sign of deception. The document offers little clarity as to what this means except to state that "all citizens have the right to obtain membership in parliament."[24] Responses to questions of a more sensitive nature, such as whether a Christian can serve as president or hold high-ranking positions in the security forces or executive cabinet, are conspicuously absent from
the document.
Such questions, of course, are not unfounded. In April 1997, then-supreme guide Mustafa Mashhur set off a firestorm of criticism when he portrayed Copts as fifth columnists and demanded the reinstatement of the jizyah, the traditional poll tax levied on non-Muslims living under Muslim rule. Mashhur, no doubt one of the more polemical figures in the Brotherhood's history, told Al-Ahram Weekly
that the taxation of Copts "is a part of sharia which also entails their exclusion from the army. . . . If we have non-Muslims in the army and a Christian country attacks us, then Christian members of the armed forces could change their allegiance and become agents for the enemy."[25]
Brotherhood officials have since repudiated the jizyah and the related concept of dhimmitude–the second-class status to which jizyah-paying, non-Muslim subjects were relegated–but their track record on universal citizenship remains worrisome. In a May 17, 2005, interview with the Arabic daily Azzaman, Habib, the current deputy guide, invoked the doctrine of wilaya kobra (major governance; i.e., the presidency) to justify the Brotherhood's position on religious rule. In defending the principle, which holds that non-Muslims cannot preside over Muslims in high-level civil positions, he stated: "When the movement will come to power, it will replace the current constitution with an Islamic one, according to which a non-Muslim will not be allowed to hold a senior post, whether in the state or in the army, because this right should be granted exclusively to Muslims."[26] In a February 2, 2006, editorial posted on the Brotherhood's official Arabic-language website, Habib soft-pedaled his earlier stance when he wrote that the Brotherhood would bestow "complete citizenship" upon Christians, which would include the "full right to hold public office, except for the head of state."[27] But as Israel Elad-Altman points out, Habib's translated comments on the Brotherhood's English-language website were even more diluted to read that Copts would enjoy the right to hold public posts "including
that of head of state."[28]
Yet, in another familiar instance of Brotherhood schizophrenia, the movement's most recent party platform prohibits both women and Christians from occupying the presidency because the position entails certain Islamic duties neither can perform. On October 10, 2007, Brotherhood member of parliament Mustafa Awadallah echoed the document's view when he stated, "We cannot accept a Coptic nominee for president" because "we do not want to oblige anyone at the expense of religion."[29]
Mistrust of the Muslim Brotherhood is also rooted in its equivocal condemnations of sectarian violence. When Coptic-Muslim violence convulsed Alexandria, Egypt's second largest city, in April 2006 after a knife-wielding Muslim assaulted parishioners in three churches, killing one, Essam El-Erian, head of the Brotherhood's political bureau, denounced the attacks as "wanton acts of violence," confirming that the "grievances of the Coptic community of Egypt are an integral part of the wider grievances of the people of this country."[30] However, an April 17, 2006, report in the London daily Al-Quds al-Arabi
revealed that, while the Brotherhood condemned the attack itself, it endorsed the whitewashed account put out by the Egyptian Interior Ministry: that the violence was not the result of religious intolerance or incitement, but rather the work of a mentally deranged individual.[31] The Brotherhood's acknowledgement of the root causes behind Christian-Muslim strife has since improved but leaves much to be desired. Following the latest episode of violence in Bamha, in which Muslims, protesting the construction of a church, set fire to Coptic shops and homes, the movement issued an English-language condemnation attributing the incident to "religious intolerance" and an "incorrect understanding of Islam," but posted no such statement in Arabic.
A Renunciation of Violence?
Reservations about the Brotherhood extend to the group's position on violence. To date, it has eschewed only terrorism within Egypt, which arouses suspicions about its efforts to obtain legitimacy as a peaceful political actor.
That the Brotherhood has sanctioned violence in the past is not in question. A 1946 intelligence report commissioned by the U.S. War Department painted a picture of a "militant society" that "encourages youth movements and maintains commando units and secret caches of arms," estimating that the movement possessed somewhere between 60,000 to 70,000 rifles.[32] Established in the 1940s under British occupation, the group's paramilitary branch known as the al-nizam al-khas
(special apparatus) carried out a wave of bombings and targeted assassinations. The violence culminated in the 1948 murder of Egyptian prime minister Mahmoud Naqrashi following his order to disband the movement. A failed attempt by the group on the life of then-prime minister Gamal Abdul Nasser in October 1954–its actual role in plotting the attack is still the subject of controversy–forced the movement underground until it reemerged under Sadat as a counterweight to Nasserist forces. By the time it resurfaced in the 1970s, however the Brotherhood was not in a position to engage in terrorist activity against the state.
Instead, the movement sought a modus vivendi with the Sadat regime. As Gamal Sultan, an ex-member of the violent Islamist group al-Jama'a al-Islamiya, explained, "The Muslim Brotherhood had just come out of Nasser's prisons, they were worn out and just wanted to make peace with the government–al-Jihad and al-Jama'at were young groups that had different ideas–they were more appealing to the youth."[33] Upon their release, most Muslim Brotherhood members recanted their views on violence and distanced themselves from the beliefs of Sayyid Qutb, the Muslim Brotherhood ideologue whose seminal 1964 work, Signposts
, served to radicalize a new generation of Egyptians for whom the group was not confrontational enough. (Today, the Muslim Brotherhood as a movement still refuses to renounce Qutb's tract, even though it serves as the ideological inspiration for al Qaeda and other like-minded terrorist groups).
But as the Brotherhood's radical fringe splintered off to embrace jihad and take up arms, the Guidance Bureau, led by then-supreme guide Omar Tilmisani, embarked on a new, gradualist approach to implementing Islamic law by penetrating society not only through the mosque, but also through the political system. Although prohibited from operating as a licensed political party, Muslim Brotherhood members were allowed by Mubarak to stand as independent candidates for parliament in the 1980s. In the 1984 legislative elections, the group threw its hat in the ring by forming an alliance with its traditional foe, the liberal al-Wafd party. The Muslim Brotherhood shift in methodology paid off as the alliance won 13 percent of the seats in parliament, and the Brotherhood emerged as a potent opposition force to Mubarak.[34] The movement's intermittent participation in elections since 1984–and its apparent willingness, at least procedurally, to play by government rules despite heavy manipulation–has helped silence many of its critics, but questions about its repudiation of violence still linger.
On December 10, 2006, Muslim Brotherhood-affiliated students clad in fatigues and black masks staged a paramilitary parade at Al-Azhar University. The Hamas-style spectacle drew a swift rebuke from government officials leery of the movement's clandestine nature and violent history. Minister of State for Parliamentary Affairs Moufid Shehab accused the movement of reactivating latent militia cells by "issuing directives to Al-Azhar University students . . . to undertake acts of sabotage, violence, and destruction."[35] Although the parade allegedly arose as a remonstration against restrictions placed on Brotherhood students running in student union elections, the group gave the government and state-run press ample ammunition to portray it as a threat by failing to adequately respond to their recriminations. Brotherhood leaders apologized and denounced the event, but they squandered a golden opportunity to make their movement's internal operations more transparent. Parliamentary bloc leader Muhammad Saad al-Katatni, for example, spun the episode as an "athletic" display, yet failed to discredit charges, no matter how specious, of Muslim Brotherhood incitement and indoctrination on university campuses.
While the Al-Azhar episode rekindled doubts about the movement's disavowal of violence at home, it has been its position on violence and terrorism beyond Egypt's borders that has given U.S. policymakers pause. Here, Muslim Brotherhood sympathizers have found it more difficult to rally to its defense. On August 3, 2006, with Arab governments standing on the sidelines during the height of the Israel-Hezbollah war, Akef declared his readiness to "send immediately 10,000 mujahedeen to fight the Zionists alongside Hezbollah."[36] That Akef, who had praised Hezbollah's initial seizure and killing of Israeli soldiers on July 12, 2006, as a "heroic act"–the casus belli
for Israel's month-long military campaign–was unable to deliver on his promise mattered little. His declaration was consistent with the movement's anathematic view of Israel. In their public oratory, Akef and other Brotherhood officials have made little secret of their enmity for both Israel and the United States, which, like the Jewish state, they perceive as a colonial and expansionist power. To this end, the Brotherhood has regularly endorsed Palestinian and Lebanese "resistance"–a euphemism for terrorism–against Israel and legitimized suicide operations against U.S. forces in Iraq and Afghanistan as "a religious obligation."[37]
Camp David and the U.S.-Egyptian Relationship
Should the Brotherhood ever assume power or constitute a majority in parliament, such positions, of course, would have profound implications for the Camp David Peace Accords and, ipso facto
, the U.S.-Egyptian relationship. While the Brotherhood's numerous policy programs have skirted the issue of adherence to the accord, Akef has been more forthright in his public pronouncements. In a November 10, 2007, interview, Akef stated that the "Brotherhood has not recognized Camp David from the very first day it was signed," explaining not only that the group rejects all agreements with Israel but that Arabs and Muslims should "resist the enemy [Israel] with armed jihad."[38]
So ingrained is this rejectionist stance within the Brotherhood that when political bureau chief and unofficial spokesman Essam El-Erian, a so-called voice of moderation, told the pan-Arabic daily al-Hayat
in October 2007 that the "Brotherhood would recognize Israel if it ever came to power," the internal backlash proved so overwhelming that El-Erian retracted his statements and informed the Brotherhood's website that the movement "sees Israel's existence as null and void. . . . [I]t is not possible to recognize it."[39] Perhaps concerned that El-Erian's initial statement signaled a softening of the Muslim Brotherhood position, Akef put the issue to rest when he emphasized that the movement "did not have anything called 'Israel' in its dictionary," and that while Muslim Brotherhood members were free to express their opinions, "the final decision rests with the supreme guide."[40]
But despite their tough talk, Muslim Brotherhood leaders have yet to articulate how they would deal with the likely fallout of such a decision. To be sure, abrogating the Egyptian-Israeli peace agreement would be reckless. It would have far-reaching consequences not only for the Brotherhood but also for Egypt. Voiding the treaty would accelerate the Brotherhood's isolation in the Western world, but more importantly, it would all but guarantee the termination of Egypt's annual $1.8 billion U.S. aid package–$1.3 billion of which is earmarked for military assistance. For the Egyptian military, a powerhouse institution that depends on Washington for much of its training and the procurement and maintenance of its armaments, an abrupt cutoff would jeopardize security and invite internal instability. Just how the Brotherhood would compensate for U.S. assistance and maintain a deterrence capability toward Israel is unclear.
The ambiguous and loophole-ridden rhetoric of the Brotherhood casts serious doubts on the belief that it could serve as a coalescing force for moderation and liberal reform.
Economic considerations are also paramount to the equation. In their rhetoric, Muslim Brotherhood leaders have often touted plans to develop traditionally neglected regions, such as Upper Egypt and the Sinai Peninsula. But would, for example, a Brotherhood-led government subordinate pragmatism to principle and annul the Qualified Industrial Zone (QIZ) agreement, a 2004 trilateral arrangement with Israel and the United States whereby Egyptian goods manufactured in designated industrial areas can enter the United States duty-free because of a proviso that such products contain a minimum percentage of Israeli inputs? While it is true that the QIZs are geared toward textiles, their abolition would not be insignificant. From January to November 2006 alone, Egypt exported LE 3.5 billion ($630 million) worth of goods under the QIZ, an amount equaling 22 percent of all Egyptian exports sent to the United States during that period.[41] Indeed, if a Brotherhood-led government decided to scrap the QIZ deal, which Egypt and Israel expanded in October 2007 to include eight new zones in Upper Egypt, such a decision would no doubt have a deleterious effect on Egypt's ability to attract foreign investment, and could scuttle its participation in the European Union's Euro-Mediterranean free-trade zone, slated to come on line in 2010.
Engage or Isolate?
Since the September 11, 2001, terrorist attacks, U.S. policymakers have grappled with various challenges in their efforts to spread democracy to the Arab world, of which few have been thornier than the question of how to cope with the region's mainstream, non-violent Islamist movements. The dilemma is clear: Should the U.S. government reach out to organizations that obtain power through legal channels but that may be inimical to Western interests? Or should it isolate such movements and subject itself to the charge of advancing a foreign policy fraught with double standards? In the aftermath of 9/11, the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt has presented U.S. officials with precisely this conundrum.
The question has become particularly acute, especially in academic circles, since 2005, when the movement made historic gains in parliamentary elections and became the leading opposition force to the Mubarak government. Those advocating U.S. engagement with the Brotherhood have pointed to both its success at the ballot box and the weakness of secular liberal parties, both financially and organizationally, to suggest that democracy in Egypt cannot come at the group's expense. Washington's so-called search for secular, cookie-cutter-style democrats is, they believe, a quixotic effort that ignores the elephant in the room in both Egypt and the Arab world. By courting the Muslim Brotherhood, the thinking goes, Washington could not only restore some of its lost credibility in the Middle East; it could truly serve the cause of democracy by blunting the influence of less moderate Islamist movements on the ascent across the region.
But the ambiguous and loophole-ridden rhetoric of the Egyptian Brotherhood casts serious doubts on the belief that it could serve as a coalescing force for moderation and liberal reform. Some have defended the troubling discrepancies within their discourse by claiming that the group's policy positions are a product of the environment it inhabits; that is, given its "outlawed" but tolerated status, its leaders are loath to lay their cards on the table for fear of government reprisal. But while the Mubarak regime's heavy-handed treatment of the movement may help to explain its efforts to maintain an aura of secrecy, especially among the old guard, it does little to account for why–if the Brotherhood is as truly committed to political pluralism as its claims to be–its leaders continue to speak out of both sides of their mouths on the most fundamental issues of democracy. Certainly, adopting airtight positions that are in line with democratic principles would not make the group any more prone to the arbitrary crackdowns it currently endures at the hands of a regime keen to preserve its monopoly on power. There is scant evidence to suggest, then, that the Brotherhood's official programs and rhetoric reflect anything but its core beliefs.
As the Hosni Mubarak era in Egypt draws to a close, and more than a quarter-century of semi-authoritarianism gives way to potential uncertainty, it is understandable that the vast majority of Egyptians desire a democratic alternative to the status quo. But such an alternative should not come in the form of the Muslim Brotherhood. Time and again, the group has demonstrated its desire to fuse together mosque and state, a combustible mix that, given the movement's rigid interpretation of Islam, bodes ill for Egypt's and the region's democratic evolution. Until the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood can prove otherwise in both word and deed, any attempt by the United States to engage it is premature.
Jeffrey Azarva ([email protected]) is a research assistant at AEI. Samuel Tadros ([email protected]) is an Egyptian activist living in Cairo.
AEI resident scholar Michael Rubin and editorial assistant Christy Hall Robinson worked with Messrs. Azarva and Tadros to edit and produce this Middle Eastern Outlook.
Click here to view this Outlook as an Adobe Acrobat PDF.
1. Eli Lake, "Bush Weighs Reaching Out to 'Brothers,'" New York Sun, June 20, 2007.
2. "Egypt Criticizes U.S. after Congressional Delegation Meets with Muslim Brotherhood Lawmaker," Associated Press, May 27, 2007.
3. Nicholas Kralev, "U.S. Engages Muslim Brotherhood Despite Rice," Washington Times, November 15, 2007.
4. See Robert S. Leiken and Steven Brooke, "The Moderate Muslim Brotherhood," Foreign Affairs 86, no. 2 (March/April 2007); James Traub, "Islamic Democrats?" New York Times Magazine, April 29, 2007; and Sameer Shehata and Joshua Stacher, "Hear Out Muslim Brotherhood," Boston Globe, March 25, 2007.
5. Nathan J. Brown, Amr Hamzawy, and Marina Ottaway, "Islamist Movements and the Democratic Process in the Arab World: Exploring the Gray Zones," Carnegie Papers 67 (March 2006).
6. See Muhammad Mahdi Akef, "The Supreme Guide's Initiative Concerning the General Principles of Reform in Egypt," March 3, 2004, available at www.ikhwanonline.com/Article.asp?ArtID=5172&SecID=0 (in Arabic). All translations of
Arabic sources were performed by the authors.
7. Ibid.
8. Ibid.
9. Ibid.
10. Akher Sa'a (Egypt), July 20, 2005.
11. Gamal Essam El-Din, "Bittersweet Victory," Al-Ahram Weekly, December 8-14, 2005.
12. Gihan Shahine, "What Copts Fear," Al-Ahram Weekly, December 8-14, 2005.
13. James Traub, "Islamic Democrats?"
14. Al-Masry Al-Youm (Egypt), October 11, 2007.
15. Maggie Michael, "Brotherhood's Political Platform Bans Christians, Women from Presidency," Daily Star Egypt, October 11, 2007.
16. Gamal Essam El-Din, "One More Episode," Al-Ahram Weekly, November 30-December 6, 2006.
17. See "The Electoral Program of the Muslim Brotherhood: Shura Council Elections 2007," available at www.ikhwanonline.com/Article.asp?ArtID=28390&SecID=0 (in Arabic).
18. "International Religious Freedom Report 2006: Egypt," Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, U.S. Department of State, available at www.state.gov/g/drl/rls/irf/2006/c18707.htm.
19. Mohamed El-Sayed, "Fanning the Flames," Al-Ahram Weekly, June 14-21, 2007.
20. "Coptic Egyptian Website: Mubarak's Recent Decree Allowing Church Renovation and Rebuilding is 'Toothless,'" Special Dispatch Series, Middle East Media Research Institute, March 23, 2006.
21. "International Religious Freedom Report 2006: Egypt," U.S. Department of State.
22. Gamal Essam El-Din, "Squabbling Over Seats," Al-Ahram Weekly, May 24-30, 2007.
23. "The Electoral Program of the Muslim Brotherhood: Shura Council Elections 2007.
24. Ibid.
25. "Head of Coptic Church Joins Religious Row in Egypt," Agence France Presse, April 16, 1997.
26. Magdi Khalil, "The Muslim Brotherhood and the Copts," Middle East Transparent, April 23, 2006.
27. Muhammad Habib, "What Will Happen If The
Brotherhood Comes to Power?" February 2, 2006, available at www.ikhwanonline.com/Article.asp?ArtID=17810&SecID=0 (in Arabic).
28. Israel Elad-Altman, "The Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood after the 2005 Elections," Current Trends in Islamist Ideology 4 (November 1, 2006). Emphasis added.
29. Al-Masry Al-Youm (Egypt), October 10, 2007.
30. Gamal Nkrumah, "Coming Together," Al-Ahram Weekly, April 20-26, 2006.
31. Al-Quds al-Arabi (London), April 17, 2006.
32. "Assessing the Islamist Threat, Circa 1946," Middle East Quarterly 13, no. 3 (Summer 2006), available at
33. Maye Kassem, Egyptian Politics: The Dynamics of Authoritarian Rule (London: Lynne Rienner Publishers, 2004), 142.
34. Mona Mokram-Ebeid, Parties, Parliament, and Democracy in Egypt (Cairo: American University in Cairo Press, 2003), 60.
35. Al-Wafd (Egypt), December 18, 2006.
36. "Egypt Islamist Leader Says Ready to Send Fighters to Lebanon," Agence France Presse, August 3, 2006.
34. "New Muslim Brotherhood Leader: Resistance in Iraq and Palestine is Legitimate; America is Satan; Islam Will Invade America and Europe," Special Dispatch Series, Middle East Media Research Institute, February 4, 2004.
38. Al-Masry Al-Youm (Egypt), November 10, 2007.
39. Quoted in Al-Masry Al-Youm (Egypt), October 18, 2007.
40. Al-Hayat (London), October 19, 2007.
41. Jered Stuffco, "Egypt's Growing Trade with Europe May Be Damaging Ties with the U.S.," Daily Star Egypt, February 13, 2007.
There are no comments available.
1150 17th Street, N.W. Washington, D.C. 20036
© 2015 American Enterprise Institute for Public Policy Research


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Bostonia Elementary School
EL Cajon, CA 92021
About This School
A school's Academic Performance Index (API) is a scale that ranges from 200 to 1000 and is calculated from the school's performance in the Standardized Testing and Reporting (STAR) Program. The state has set 800 as the API target for all schools to meet.
Bostonia Elementary School had an API growth score of 778 in 2012. California uses the Academic Performance Index (API) to measure annual school performance and year-to-year improvement. Bostonia Elementary School's 2012 base score was 774, however the school did not meet its 2012 school-wide growth target.
In 2010, Bostonia Elementary School had 20 students for every full-time equivalent teacher. The California average is 24 students per full-time equivalent teacher.
Student Ethnicity (2011)
Students (2011)
Students Per Teacher (2010)
Female/Male (2011)
Subsidized Lunch (2011)
District Spending (2010)
Grade 2 Math Performance
Bostonia Elementary School Reviews
Although Bostonia is one the best schools for any child to attend, I am still concerned with the safety of the children walking to and from the school. From Third Ave to the school's crosswalk the lights are unpredictable and don't allow enough time for the kids to cross. Bostonia has a wonderful school crosswalk in front of the school, but I would like to see the school board get involved with more safety for the kids who walk just a block down. There is no speed signs or school & pedestrian signs from Third Ave. The drivers are not concerned with the speed and do not allow the children to complete the crossing of the street before proceeding through the light. Please get involved and care a little more.
Mrs. Pappas is such a great teacher. She is working so hard with my son Jessie along with Ms. Harold. I appreciate all the hard work all staff has done for my son. Thank you so much.
Bostonia is my son's favorite school --- great teachers, friendly staff, and always willing to answer any question. I wish they had after-school math lessons since my son needs a little more help in that material. Special thanks to Mrs. Bobo and Mrs. Papas for all their support with my son.

subset: commoncrawl


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November 30, 2015
LEXINGTON, AP) - A plea of not guilty has been entered in Lexington by a former case worker at the Federal Medical Center to charges she had an 18-month sexual relationship with an inmate and then lied to federal agents about it.
Kathleen Spanyer did not comment as she left federal court in Lexington yesterday after her first court appearance on two charges. They were giving a false statement to a federal officer and abuse of a ward. If convicted on both counts, Spanyer could receive a maximum of 20 years in prison. The federal sentencing guidelines are no longer mandatory, and it is unlikely Spanyer would receive the maximum sentence if convicted.
The 44-year-old Spanyer is the third staff person at the Federal Medical Center in three years to be charged with having sexual relations with an inmate. It is not clear what Spanyer's duties were or when she left her job at the prison, which specializes in inmates with medical needs.
(Copyright 2007 by The Associated Press. All Rights Reserved.)
Click Here to access the online Public Inspection File
Viewers with disabilities can get assistance accessing this station's FCC Public Inspection File by contacting the station with the information listed below. Questions or concerns relating to the accessibility of the FCC's online public file system should be directed to the FCC at 888-225-5322, 888-835-5322 (TTY), or email@example.com.


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Barocca offers a trendy, bustling environment in the ideal setting in Camps Bay. The restaurant is stylish yet family friendly and the atmosphere is utterly relaxing and unpretentious.
The menu has something for everyone, from spicy hot wings with a blue cheese dipping sauce and fish and chips with traditional mushy peas to pastas, burgers and steaks. Try the delicious pasta Neapolitan, spaghetti in a rich tomato and herb sauce with ripped basil and parmesan cheese or hearty pork sausages with mash potato and caramelized onion gravy.
Three big screen TVs cater for sport lovers and with ice cold beers and an awesome deck for sundowners, it proves to be a place for the relaxed diner. A nice kiddies menu is on offer and while the little ones enjoy chicken fingers, fries and spaghetti, you can opt to share a delicious cheese platter and a cocktail, all the while watching the sun set over the Atlantic.
This quaint, yet modern sushi spot offers delicious treats for the discerning diner. With typical Japanese flavours, Bica Sushi Bar definitely pulls out all the stops to ensure a pleasant dining experience.
Enjoy traditional favourites like California rolls, maki, nigiri and fashion sandwiches in a vibrant location in this popular centre. The freshest produce is used to create the little pieces of art and every order comes with the usual ginger, soya sauce and wasabi.
Expect fast service and great-tasting Eastern flavours that is surprisingly affordable.
The restaurant is open from Monday to Friday from 9 am until 7 pm and on Saturdays and Sundays from 9 am until 5 pm.
Boschendal Wine Farm offers the perfect solution for a laid back family lunch that doesn't require having to keep the kids tamed at an indoor table. The establishment's Le Pique Nique area allows visitors a picnic style lunch with a basket filled with delicious delicacies.
With the beauty of Stellenbosch as a backdrop, the wine farm ambience and the ideally shaded area under the fragrant pine trees, a summer's day picnic lunch is the ideal way to spend time in the Cape wine -lands.
The wicker baskets boast a selection of pates, French bread, cold meats, cheese and biscuits. The Boschendal wine list is also available and offers a selection of the farm's finest wines. And just to ensure that one's Boschendal picnic experience is absolutely perfect, coffee and dessert are served from the gazebo. The deli also caters for children.
The picnic baskets are catered for at a flat rate per head and booking is essential.
The estate also has a café (Le Café) and a buffet restaurant (Boschendal Le Restaurant).
The main thatched lodge, where the bar and restaurant is situated, is in peaceful surroundings with breathtaking views, and in the evenings, clear starry skies. The dinners are of continental and local flavours.
The main lodge also has a cozy bar to enjoy with friends or make new ones; there is also a pool table and children's room, where the children can play safely, while parents enjoy a well deserved break.
We'll have you falling in love with this restaurant and the peace and serenity it will drown you in! The restaurant open Friday and Saturday nights, and Saturday and Sunday lunches.
Cluster d'Hote serves quality cuisine that is mainly traditional with a hint of the exotic. Karoo-style dishes make their way out the kitchen and specialities include the lamb shank, lamb chops and the beef fillet. The menu changes according to the ingredients available, and the locally sourced produce ensures flavours not easily matched. Treat yourself in Sutherland, viit Cluster d'Hote.
De Oude Stasie is one of Wakkerstroom's favourite pub and restaurant, offering a vibrant meeting place and popular Sunday roasts.
It is conveniently located across the lake from the Wakkerstroom village, and is a lovely place for both locals and out-of-town visitors.
Renowned for its expansive wooden deck overlooking the scenic Wakkerstroom village, with many species of birdlife, it is a favourite spot for sundowners as well. Bookings are essential for our Boerekos buffet on Sundays.
Join us any day from Tuesday to Sunday, we are closed on Mondays, and have a drink with Len or Hannlie to find out what makes Wakkerstroom such a special destination.
The South African favourtie, the 'boerie roll', has now been given new life. Gourmet Boerie offers a variety of twists on this national treasure. Diners are spoilt for choice with a menu that is surprisingly extensive. Pull into Gourmet Boerie for a treat with flare, as well as excellent beer.
If one finds oneself meandering through the Bottelary Hills of Stellenbosch then Hazendal Wine Estate's Hermitage Restaurant is a good choice for fine food and wine tasting.
The dining area of the restaurant has the prefect combination of comfort and sophistication. In winter intimate post dinner drinks and wine tastings can be taken in front of the fire place while the court yard is available on warmer days. The view of the working cellar behind the glass walls adds a hint of modernity to an otherwise classical setting. The painted ceiling and piano is a splendid touch in creating the ambience of the establishment.
Hermitage offers patrons a generous slice of South African cuisine with a dollop of Russian flair. Menu items include a Traditional Cape Malay Platter with Bobotie, Chicken Pie and Lamb Curry, Ostrich Carpaccio and Austrian Chocolate Mousse that is infused with an orange liqueur.
Hazendal also has a Russian Museum as a place of interest and caters for picnics (includes eats for the kids) on a booking basis.
Break away from the city scenery and settle in for a tranquil breakfast, tea or lunch at Hillcrest Berry Orchards Restaurant. The discovery of this little gem delights patrons who seek a quiet spot with good food made from produce which can be purchased on the way out.
Hillcrest is hidden along the scenic Helshoogte pass in Stellenbosch and overlooks the Drakenstein and Jonkershoek mountains. In warm weather meals are best had on the shaded terrace while colder weather calls for the fire to be lit in the farm style restaurant.
With the berries being their business, the berry-licious menu does not disappoint. Hillcrest breakfast specialty is a divine combination of its own honey roasted muesli, home-made yoghurt with berry compote along with other traditional options and a grand selection of pastries. While lunch choices are lighter, with menu items such as quiche, pastas and soups, one cannot help but be tickled to taste an interesting home-made gooseberry and ginger ice-cream for dessert.
Allergy prone individuals will be happy to discover that their dietary requirements are suitably catered for with options that include wheat and gluten free bread and soya milk alternatives.
Hillcrest is also home to a deli where much of the farm's produce such as breads, jams, fresh or frozen berries and other delicacies may be purchased.
Lafayette is perfectly placed along the oak lined Andringa Street in Stellenbosch. The restaurant is a cosy, intimate eatery that offers an Italian bistro style food with no shortage of wines to choose from.
Lafayette achieves in creating an atmosphere that is warm and welcoming. One has a choice of seating. Dine indoors at winter time in the rustic Italian setting of the restaurant or outside in the courtyard around the open fire on a balmy summer's evening, either way Lafayette's intimate setting is all about romance.
The Tuscan inspired menu calls for all foods to be home made. Expect extravagant pasta to the likes of ravioli with spinach and ricotta in a blue cheese, bacon and yoghurt sauce. Other dishes include local speciality dishes of tripe, vegetable stew with warm tabouleh, and rich Tuscan style soups.
On Thursday evenings guests are treated to an outdoor fire from which the evening's meals are cooked.
The restaurant has a wide selection of wines by the glass as well per bottle.
A ride out into the picturesque Bainskloof area near Wellington calls for a long lazy stop at Linda's Kitchen. Here guests are promised the best country style cuisine in a cosy environment.
The outdoor deck seating is all about the view. With the mountain range as backdrop and the Witte river in close proximity, the Bainskloof Corner Lodge is an ideal setting for that gourmet country meal.
Head chef Linda Trautman's signature dish is the slow cooked Lamb neck in red wine sauce served with sautéed broccoli and fine green beans and steamed basmati rice. The perfection in this dish lies in the fact that it is slow cooked over a wood burning fire.
The restaurant has a local wine list that supports the Bainskloof region.
The Plattelander is certally loacted in Church Street. It comes hight recommended for its delicious Karoo lamb dishes and traditional fare such as pumkin fritters.
This lively little restaurant boasts a "If you don't eat with us, we'll both starve" slogan that invites humour into this relaxed atmosphere. Located within the scenic poster town of Simon's Town, Salty Sea Dog Restaurant offers simple food heightened by nautical artefacts and exposed wooden beams for a rustic dining experience.
Dine alfresco or enjoy the sheltered warmth of indoor dining in the comfort of whitewashed walls and rustic thatched roofs exploring the succulent tastes of fresh seafood grilled to perfection or fried in a crisp light batter dressed in zesty basting sauce.
From fresh fish to salads and light-hearted servings of chicken nuggets and hot dogs for children, Salty Sea Dog offers a relaxing and refreshing approach to traditional fish and chips by the harbour.
For those that love little bites to eat while nursing a cocktail or a glass of wine, Tapas Food and Wine Bar is a must try (and try and try) eatery located in the vibey coastal of Hermanus.
The restaurant has a very casual and relaxed atmosphere. The deck is the perfect spot to spend hours trying out the tappas and local wine offerings while soaking up all that seaside vibe. There is also a cocktail menu, should one require something blue with an umbrella.
The menu is predominantly focused on Mediterranean tappas which are served with freshly baked bread. Also on offer are burgers, pastas, fish and paella. In winter the soups are must try. The restaurant has a reputation for serving good food at very good prices.
And just to make sure that one really finds meaning in the word: chillax, there's live music at the weekend.
This unpretentious, quality restaurant is situated in the middle of Sea Point giving it a bustling and happening feel. The interior is plain but well thought out and the cuisine mirrors just that. A relaxed atmosphere ensures a pleasant dining experience every time and the menu has something for everyone. From delicious, perfectly grilled steaks to tasty seafood, you will find yourself spoilt for choice. The restaurant is licensed with a well stocked bar, so feel free to enjoy your favourite drink with your meal.


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he left me a 6 minute video of him peeling a clementine listening to justin bieber
and he thought i came like four times in 2 mins. my leg just kept cramping up
woke up and she was making me crepes. definitely not the last time i fuck a culinary student
Friends don't let friends talk to people who live in Orlando. Sorry I've failed you.
we've been at disney 20 seconds and she already got the cops called over
My dad assaulted a TSA agent this morning. Shut down airport security. Don't tell me that your family is embarrassing.
just saw a girl come out of the tanning bed room on crutches, now thats determination
I just saw a man salute the budweiser truck on the highway. I want to follow him and shake his hand.
its officail im naming my first born child brickbreaker
Girl just texted me a pic of her boobs with the caption "don't think I'm a whore"
My scrabble letters just formed failure. Thanks God.
just took my ibuprofen with ramen broth, yay college
He IMed me 5 times, before my homepage even loaded. This is not gonna work out for me


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16.25 Acre # IH-10, Winnie, TX 77665
16.25 acres
My NotesEdit
- 1358 days on Zillow
- Views since listing: 268
- All time views: 494
- Zillow Home ID: 2120760755
Zestimate Details
The Value Range is the high and low estimate market value for which Zillow values a home. The more information, the smaller the range, and the more accurate the Zestimate. See data coverage and accuracy table
Don't agree with your home's Zestimate? Owners can edit their home facts to make the Zestimate more accurate. Plus, you can leave an opinion on your Zestimate value below. Just click "Owner Estimate".
The Rent Range is the high and low estimate for which an apartment or home could rent. The more information we have, the smaller the range, and the more accurate the Rent Zestimate. See data coverage and accuracy table
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Popularity on Zillow
Neighborhood: 77665
Median Zestimate
The Zillow Home Value Index is the median Zestimate valuation for a given geographic area on a given day. Learn more
Past 12 months
Nearby Schools in Winnie
GreatSchools ratings give an overview of a school's test results. The ratings are based on a comparison of test results for all schools in the state.
Disclaimer: School attendance zone boundaries are supplied by Maponics and are subject to change. Check with the applicable school district prior to making a decision based on these boundaries.
School Rating
East Chambers Elementary (assigned)PK-41.5 mi
East Chambers Intermediate School (assigned)5-61.3 mi
East Chambers High (assigned)9-121.3 mi
Data by GreatSchools.org
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text:
Zombie... the New Vampire
Perryville Branch
The year was 2014. We had cured cancer. We had beat the common cold. But in doing so we created something new, something terrible that no one could stop. The infection spread, virus blocks taking over bodies and minds with one, unstoppable command: FEED. Now, twenty years after the Rising, Georgia and Shaun Mason are on the trail of the biggest story of their lives-the dark conspiracy behind the infected. The truth will out, even if it kills them...
Bring on the night
Romance, Paranormal
WHAT'S BLOOD GOT TO DO WITH IT? Recovering con artist Ciara Griffin seems to finally have it all. A steady job at WVMP, the Lifeblood of Rock 'n' Roll. A loving relationship with the idiosyncratic but eternally hot DJ Shane McAllister. A vampire dog who never needs shots or a pooper-scooper. And after nine years, it looks as if she might actually finish her bachelor's degree! But fate has other plans for Ciara. First she must fulfill her Faustian...
Day by day armageddon
Thriller, Horror, Paranormal
Once on the fringes of horror, the "zombie apocalypse," has become one of the most buzzworthy genres in popular culture. Now, in Day by Day Armageddon, J.L. Bourne delivers an intelligent, gripping thriller that will leave both new and die-hard zombie fans breathless. Sporadic news reports indicate chaos and violence spreading through U.S. cities. An unknown evil is sweeping the planet. The dead are rising to claim the Earth as the ne...
Mystery, Paranormal
Harper Blaine was an average small-time P.I. until she died--for two minutes. Now Harper is a Greywalker, walking the thin line between the living world and the paranormal realm. And she's discovering that her new abilities are landing her all sorts of strange cases.
Vanished A greywalker Novel
Mystery, Paranormal
The toughest case yet for Greywalker Harper Blaine... Why did Seattle investigator Harper Blaine-as opposed to others with near-death experiences-become a Greywalker? When Harper digs into her own past, she unearths some unpleasant truths about her father's early death as well as a mysterious puzzle. Forced by some very demanding vampires to take on an investigation in London, she soon discovers her present trouble sin England are entangled with ...
Thriller, Paranormal, Horror
A bastard hybrid ofWar of the WorldsandNight of the Living Dead,Autumnchronicles the struggle of a small group of survivors forced to contend with a world torn apart by a deadly disease. After 99% of the population of the planet is killed in less than 24 hours, for the very few who have managed to stay alive, things are about to get much worse. Animated by "phase two" of some unknown contagion, the dead begin to rise. At first slow, b...
Rise again : a zombie thriller
Thriller, Paranormal, Horror
A MYSTERIOUS CONTAGION. MASS HYSTERIA. SUDDEN DEATH. And a warning that would come all too late . . . Forest Peak, California. Fourth of July. Sheriff Danielle Adelman, a troubled war veteran, thinks she has all the problems she can handle in this all-American town after her kid sister runs away from home. But when a disease-stricken horde of panicked refugees fleeing the fall of Los Angeles swarms her small mountain community, Danny realizes her...
Raising Stony Mayhall
Horror, Humor
From an award-winning author whom "Library Journal" called "[a] bright new voice of the 21st century," comes a new breed of zombie novel--surprisingly funny, vividly frightening, and ultimately deeply moving.
State of Decay.
Just because you're dead doesn't mean you're useless... A thrilling debut novel of a dystopian future populated by a new breed of zombie They call them revivors-technologically reanimated corpses-and away from the public eye they do humanity's dirtiest work. But FBI agent Nico Wachalowski has stumbled upon a conspiracy involving revivors being custom made to kill-and a startling truth about the existence of these undead slaves.
The Iron Duke
Paranormal, Science Fiction
Brook offers the first in an all-new series in which seductive danger and steampunk adventure abound in the gritty world of the Iron Seas.
The Walking Dead
Fantasy, Science Fiction, Action/Adventure, Graphic Novels


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|Living the Dream Program!
Amanda and Eugene are working class in their mid-30's. The read on our site about a new concept we are
They come into our office and meet with one of the agents and here is how it works. They tell the agent of their
"bucket list" that has places like Antarctica, Africa, Tahiti, Italy/Greece/France, and a World Cruise. They work
with the agent to put them in a list of order they want to accomplish and a future date when they want to start
traveling and say cross one off every 2 years.
They decide that in 3 years they want to cross a 20 day tour of Italy and France and a cruise to Greece. Then in
5 years they want to do the African Safari, then in 7 years they will do the Antarctica cruise then in 9 years they
will take the world cruise, etc.
Since we can't book air or hotels more than 11 months out and cruises more than 2 years out the agent works
with them to come up with how much it will cost to do all of their trips adding 3% increase every year because
that is how much everything usually increases.
The agent then takes that total cost and breaks it down into a monthly plan for the next 9 years. The couple put
a deposit of say $1000 down on the trips. That money as well as their monthly payment goes into an escrow
account. When it is time to book the Italy/France/Greece trip the agent has the money already from the client
and keeps making payments for the client until it is paid and the client can go.
The client keeps making the payments and then when the time comes to book the African Safari the same thing,
the client already has paid a large portion of it so everything runs like clockwork. Even though the Safari is paid
off well in advance that is ok because the world cruise is very expensive so the money adds up and goes toward
paying that off.
Eventually everything is paid off and the client gets their dream vacations taken care of!


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by Aaron FranzTheAgeofTransitions.comThe bar has just been raised when it comes to predictive programming. You must (critically) watch this new video game trailer,
As stated above, this video game trailer is a textbook example predictive programming. Undoubtedly, it does a stellar job in commanding audience attention by scaring the living daylights out of anyone watching. Once terrified the viewer is then assaulted by a barrage of powerful ideas that are not so subtly dropped into their subconscious mind. The main concept being sold here is that of high tech terrorism. The not so distant future will apparently be riddled with these evil doers, and there is nothing you can do about it!!!! (extra exclamation points are added here in imitation of the trailer's tone, please try to relax for a moment)Yes, we would all do well to sit back and think about this trailer because it is a weapon in and of itself; a psychological weapon. There are many points to consider in this regard. First and foremost is the fact that we are gravely being told by military experts that there is a dangerous proliferation of killer technologies, and that said technologies are going to cause catastrophic dangers in the near future. The obvious question to ask here is: where have these technologies come from? The answer is that they are the product of US military R&D via DARPA. That makes this trailer beyond ironic. It is akin to an abusive husband's lecture to his wife in which he tells her that she is only safe because he is there to protect her. Not only is blame shifted away from the true culprit, but a justification for their further "protection" is placed in the mind of the abused. (who is also an enabler)
So we see strategic psychological tactics employed to sell a video game that itself is designed to ramp up military recruitment. Should we be surprised by this? I have to say that I am taken aback by just how brazen this propaganda piece is. I understand choosing P.W. Singer of the Brookings Institution for this video, but Oliver North? Perhaps they are being purposely controversial, and in which case i would admittedly be playing into their trap. But let's be smart here, and keep focussing on the predictive programming aspect of this trailer.Terrorism is key, for it is a meme (an idea) that has been used as powerful psychological weapon in our day. The changing landscape of global society has been shaped in no small way due to public reaction to major terrorist attacks. It is through the constant threat of terrorism that many basic civil liberties have been steadily stripped away. Safety and security are now our number one priorities, and this is due to the fact that we perceive terrorism as a constant phantom that can never be defeated. This trailer reinforces that threat, and keeps us nervous, on edge, and unable to attain a sense of peace within ourselves. It is truly quite damaging to the human psyche on a fundamental level. But detractors will be quick to refute this, and label my words as dangerous in their own right. After all, terrorism is real, and we have to deal with it. This will be their argument, and one that is difficult to answer for in doing so we have to face our abuser. We must realize that abusive relationships are formed on trust. Without this, they can not function. I would classify the entire terrorism scare as a classic case of abuse, albeit one that takes place on a macrocosmic social level. So who are the real abusers in question here? Who exactly are "the terrorists"? From where do they receive their weapons and training? What answers are to be found to these questions when the fog of war dissipates?When entertainment is produced in tandem with the military, then we have a serious problem on our hands. At the very least we are going to end up with entertainment that is aimed at promoting our military's goals, and ramping up recruitment. This is all well and good, but what happens when our military has identified a new and universal enemy; the terrorist? What happens when "lone wolfs" and "extremists" lurk all around us? All of a sudden the battlefield expands into the territory of civilian life, for now anyone can be a terrorist. This is a very dangerous trend, and it must be understood that it is something that can be exploited strategically in order to alter society. The technological aspect to this story is one that raises the stakes and takes our current reality to a whole new level. In a future scenario in which high technology is freely distributed to everyone, then what is the price to pay? If, in response to the threat of high tech terrorists there are further restraints placed on the common people, then what sort of freedom is this? Will people actually be denied access to potentially liberating technologies? How could technological progress ever bring about its much touted improvements to the human condition under such conditions? Could it be possible that technological development itself actually brings about more oppressive forms of society? What is really happening in our world?If this article leaves you with more questions then answers; good. Begin exploring these questions on your own.
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Grasse River Wild Forest - Unit Management Plan
The Grasse River Area is made up of several Forest Preserve parcels that are collectively called the Grasse River Wild Forest and the Long Pond and Champion - Tooley Pond Tract Conservation Easements, all in St Lawrence County. Located in the northwest corner of the Adirondack Park, these three areas represent approximately 54,000 acres of Forest Preserve lands and easements located in the Towns of Clare, Clifton, Colton and Fine.
The unit is bounded on the west and north by the Adirondack Park Blue Line, on the north and east by State Route 56, and on the south by State Route 3 and the Oswegatchie River. Popular natural resource destinations contained in the Wild Forest are Lampson Falls, Stone Dam, Leonard and Church Ponds, and the yet unclassified Tooley Pond lands along the Grass River. The conservation easements in this UMP include Long Pond and Champion - Tooley Pond Tract.
The Grass River Area is located in a lesser traveled corner of the Adirondack Park. Good access to the area affords many recreational opportunities, including but not limited to hiking, hunting, trapping and fishing.
The Department will soon revise the Grasse River Unit Managment Plan. People interested in providing input for the Draft UMP may submit comments to:
Lands and Forests
6739 US Highway 11
Potsdam, NY 13676
email: email@example.com


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If you got free time..
If you got two or three hours to do anything with your boyfriend without kids, what would you do?
~ My World, My Life, My Everything ~
~ Hannah, Kayla, and Gracie ~
What we do every day i guess. LOL DD is in school from 9-4 so we have those hours to fill. A nice dinner and movie out though would be a treat for night time w/o her.
We usually just watch a movie or something. I get home from work around 2, DS is in school until 3:30, so when I get home all I really want is a nap.


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The Cyber Connect Social Network is hosting a giveaway for $100 Paypal Cash! I recently joined their network and its a great spot for you to connect and socialize with other bloggers around the globe.
The giveaway is open worldwide and ends at 12:01 am EST on March 5th. Visit One Moment in Time to enter the giveaway!
*This post is brought to you by The Cyber Connect Social Network as part of my Blogger Packages.*


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This is another embarrassing article from Daniel. It's be coming par for the course from apple nsider these days. I know it's an Apple fanboy site but I'd like to think of myself (and others) as intelligent and unbiased Apple fans. At my company which is >20,000 we use Office (go figure) and it is a necessity if you are doing any form of serious financial analysis.
Judging from your post, your company doesn't care about attention to detail.
With due respect, you didn't specify a single feature, benefit, function or capability of Acrobat over Preview. I'm not saying there's no advantage, but I am saying that you haven't specified what the advantage may be.
EDIT: I see you elaborated later. Never mind.
Edited by Lorin Schultz - 5/4/14 at 5:57pm
We just got some new version of Outlook. It took me 20 minutes to figure out that the menu selection I perceived as most prominent was not the one that was selected, which meant it took me 20 minutes to figure out how to send a @#$%!!! email. NOT intuitive and completely contrary to the argument that users already "know" Office.
Edited by Lorin Schultz - 5/4/14 at 5:55pm
The problem with Safari isn't just download speed. For some reason the rendering engine in Safari seems to really bog down when drawing vector graphics.
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there is a troubling trend in that software is continued to be devaluated. First through the Open Source movement, then through introduction of relatively low priced App store models and free Ad based models and social networks. Companies which make their money purely from SW products (w/o adds) are finding it hard to convince people to pay a premium for their offerings and make compelling updated versions worthy of upgrade. Many are going to a forced subscription models like Adobe and Microsoft because of this upgrade issue. I'm not sure it will be successful based on the backlash I have observed from users. I fear that pure SW companies as we know it are in trouble.
You realize that O365 is one of MS's fastest growing businesses right now? It is a $2.5 Billion business for MS and growing.
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all 20000 people doing serious financial analysis using Office. Impressive. What do they do for fun?
Edited by snova - 5/4/14 at 11:57pm
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Here is an interesting article regarding Google apps for education:
I read a few other related articles, but not this one, thanks.
My favorite line:
"This is just an announcement to try to stem parent anger," he said. "What is going to happen with the data that has already been collected?"
Followed by: A Google spokeswoman said Wednesday that executives would not comment beyond Bout's short blog post.
Kids' data is being strongly targeted by many "education-related" organizations now. They need legal protection, and while I'm not sure COPPA is great, it's what we have and it needs to be enforced!
- Joined: Jun 2006
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There, I fixed the error in the article heading.
Long on AAPL so biased
"Google doesn't sell you anything, Google just sells you!"
Long on AAPL so biased
"Google doesn't sell you anything, Google just sells you!"
- Joined: May 2014
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Agreed. Human inertia explains so many things.
At my office, most people use Office in very non-demanding ways, including some curious ones - a manager who takes all of his meeting notes in Powerpoint, for example. Very few exercise anything near 20% of the suite's features and functions, and easily more than 90% of what is done could be accomplished using Google Drive, Apple Pages/Numbers, or other products.
But that doesn't matter. This is a 30-year-old tech company, and many of the people here are still clinging to Windows XP and Office 2003. The reason is simple: they don't like change. Period. It doesn't matter that there are better/simpler/cheaper products to them, or even that newer systems are far more stable and secure - it's change, and they have a lot of personal capital invested in stuff learned long, long ago.
- Joined: Nov 2008
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I should have rephrased my post to show my disgust in that Google already reads my email. I stopped using Gmail when it was revealed that they read all my messages. However, that doesn't stop them from reading messages I send to gmail users. Big brother is here as Google and there are few privacy laws to limit their snooping activities.
Dude, that was the first day they announced the service! Still, glad to hear you've seen the light. I don't understand why people (anyone) thinks it's okay to communicate through a system like that.
BINGO! This is the problem that most people just don't get. Even if your friend makes a conscious (foolish) decision to allow google to peer into their deepest thoughts, they don't get to make that decision for others, and yet google has publicly stated that anyone who has contact with their users via gmail is fair game for reading those emails, and the implication is, of course, to create profiles of those non-gmail users as well. That's bullshit, and there are multiple lawsuits under way now, addressing this.
Unfortunately, the various groups that were attempting to combine their suits under a single class-action case were denied that option. See: http://arstechnica.com/tech-policy/2014/03/lawsuit-against-google-for-wiretapping-denied-class-action-status/ Given how different the individual cases are, that's not unreasonable. However, I think a different class-action that simply represents people who never took any action to communicate via google at all will have legs, and I think ultimately google stands to lose that case.
Yep, and unfortunately, it looks like the only way to slow down the insane level of spying on humans everywhere that google is able to do (and others), will be via legislation. It can't come soon enough.
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Your Daily Digital Doctor
Page 2 of 2
They Went Data Way
InterMed employs a battery of mathematical approaches to crunch through all the measurement data and find out the combination of factors that's driving each individual's blood glucose levels. The system analyzes individual readings (such as blood glucose) over time, correlates these readings with other parameters, and estimates the value of taking specific corrective steps. "We rely on time-series data, which turn out to be very rich in information if you analyze them correctly," says Rosen. "When you apply rigorous analysis to these kinds of data, some things you thought were true aren't true." After gathering three months of data, Rosen claims, the system can predict unwanted events, such as an emergency room visit, as far as two weeks in advance. That prescience enables physicians and other clinicians to work with the patient to avoid crises.This approach to patient treatment "needs to be proven, and it will take time, and lots of patients, to prove it," cautions Joslin's Moses. "But it is potentially very valuable, especially the use of time-series analysis, in which each patient becomes his or her control [sample] over time."
The InterMed/Joslin initiative is just one among many programs in home patient monitoring, which began in simple form decades ago. Now there's a tremendous range of digital home monitoring devices, for conditions ranging from asthma to cystic fibrosis to HIV/AIDs to recovery from surgery. And hundreds of thousands of patients already participate in programs run by disease management firms, home healthcare services, and other groups. More than 100 companies are offering home medical monitoring products or services, attacking this market "in every way you can think of," says Vince Kuraitis, principal of Better Health Technologies, a consultancy in Boise, Idaho and a leading authority on such systems. While precious few of those companies are profitable, "this market will be huge-all the arrows are pointing up," he predicts.
Costs of monitoring devices are coming down, and products are getting friendlier, Kuraitis says. But those offering services must work within the current system; for instance, doctors must receive alerts about their patients in an appropriate way. Early systems often assumed the doctor would be glued to the system that delivered this info. But most doctors won't work that way.
One disease management company that says it has learned how to work within the system is LifeMasters Supported SelfCare of Irvine, CA. Lifemasters serves more than 300,000 patients with various chronic illnesses, says Derek Newell, vice president of outcomes measurement and product management. Patients send in data via phone or the Web, or use monitoring devices that automatically collect and submit their data. Nurses call patients at scheduled times or when there are warning signs. If the patient confirms the warning signs, the nurse alerts the patient's physician-usually via fax and follow-up phone call, since the company has found that works best. Newell says the LifeMasters software also integrates patient data from other sources-pharmacies, for instance-and updates the patient's profile when new data come in.
San Diego-based CardioNet takes a different tack. It concentrates on a single condition: atrial fibrillation, a common form of heart arrhythmia. Patients who have, or might have, such irregular heartbeats are monitored for a week or two while they go about their lives. The patient wears an electrocardiogram sensor that broadcasts wirelessly to a Palm-sized device. Held in a pocket or a purse, this unit stores the data and sends it via cellular phone link to a monitoring center staffed by cardiac technicians. CardioNet's system detects heart events that could not otherwise be analyzed and gives data that are far more representative than what you can gather in a hospital test, says vice president Larry Watts. That way, he says, cardiologists can prescribe the most appropriate treatment. CardioNet got FDA approval for the service in 2002. After piloting in the Philadelphia area, it is now expanding nationwide and has served thousands of patients.
Consumer-Driven Technologies
Home medical monitoring programs like these "play to a major trend of moving healthcare from hospital and doctor's office to the home," says Joseph Coughlin, director of the MIT AgeLab, which investigates technologies that promote lifelong health. They also follow the 800-pound-gorilla of demographic trends: a population that is aging, and thus more susceptible to chronic disease. "One baby boomer turns 50 every seven seconds," Coughlin notes. Boomers will accelerate the shift toward driving healthcare by consumer demand, he predicts. "They will prefer personalized, real-time, home treatment."
Herschel Peddicord, founder and CEO of HomMed, a Brookfield, WI, company that manufactures home monitoring systems, agrees that consumers will play an ever-increasing role in maintaining their health-and will look for better technology to do so. "Do you have a VCR in your home?" Peddicord asks. "A DVD player? A microwave? Okay, how many devices do you have to make sure you're going to live tomorrow?" In time, Peddicord predicts, you'll go to a consumer electronics retailer such as Best Buy and pick out health monitors for your family.
Limits on the population of medical professionals also will help to drive home health monitoring, Peddicord says. The United States is now short many thousands of nurses, and healthcare experts expect a growing shortage of physicians as well. "With the baby boomers aging, who is going to take care of these people?" Peddicord asks. "Why not use technology to bridge the gap?"
Coughlin, however, predicts that the biggest point of new consumer-oriented systems will not be to replace clinicians but to do a better overall job on healthcare. In the long run, "the hard part is not the technology," he adds. "The hard part is changing patient behavior."


text:
John Rodat
by Woody Allen
Prior to seeing Woody Allens newest movie, Scoop,
I thought its star, Scarlett Johansson, was among the most
overhyped, least charismatic young stars I had ever seen.
After seeing it, I realize that I was wrong. And Im big enough
to admit it.
Scarlett Johansson is currently the most overhyped,
least charismatic young star I have ever seen. Oh. My. God.
She sucks. Simply, blatantly, embarrassingly atrocious.
There are so many things that can go wrong in a movie,
and in Scoop shes all of them.
OK, that last is an overstatement: There are plenty of other
reasons to steer clear of Scoop: The plot is thin,
predictable and emotionally empty; the humor is all boilerplate
(Allens nebbishy, stuttering shtick is so old that the only
way to appreciate it is by being grateful that at least he
hasnt hired Kenneth Brannagh to deliver it again); not one
actornot even Deadwoods deliciously Machiavellian
Ian McShaneis used wisely or well. The list goes on and on.
Johansson plays Sondra Pransky, a college-aged journalist
wannabe, whose qualifications appear to be a pair of gold-rimmed
glasses (Hey, look, Im acting! These arent really my glasses!)
and a willingness to fuck subjects for an interview. Allen
is Sid Waterman, a low-rent stage magician. The two meet when
Sid calls Sondra up onstage as a volunteer during his act.
While hidden in a magic cabinet, Sondra is visited by the
ghost of deceased investigative reporter Joe Strombel (Ian
McShane). Joe has gotten an afterlife tip about the identity
of a serial killer and has decided to pass it on to a fellow,
and still living, journalist. Ambitious young Sondra seizes
the opportunityall the more eagerly when the suspect turns
out to be a handsome, super-wealthy English nobleman (Hugh
Jackman)and pulls Sid along for the adventure.
Its painful even to recall the inanity of this movie. If
the primary relationship had been Sondra and Joe, that is
the living and the dead, there might have been some fun tension
and some of the college-dropout intellectualism that made
Allens early work distinct and amusing. Plus, wed have gotten
to see more of McShane than Allen or the totally limp Jackman.
If the films visuals, the pacing or the set design had in
any way been suggestive of a 40s-style madcap comedy, there
might have been some nostalgic fun. Had this movie starred
the young Bob Hope and Katharine Hepburn, say, it would have
had some charm. And theres the rub: that damned cast, that
damned Johansson.
In fact, shes so bad that Ill go out on a limb and make
a prediction: Shes going to be huge. Look out, Julia Roberts,
your vapid heir is apparent.
to Serve
Ant Bully
by John A. Davis
Ant Bully can be forgiven for displaying an occasional
similarity to those other insect animated flicks, Antz
and A Bugs Life. I mean, come on, how much mileage
can a filmmaking crew get out of, well, bugs? Comparisons
to those earlier movies are to be expected, but The Ant
Bully is a surprisingly sweet, unique story that can stand
on its own.
Based on the John Nickle book of the same name, The Ant
Bully is the story of little Lucas Nickle, a bespectacled
kid without a friend, who is victimized daily by a gang of
youth headed up byyou guessed ita big bully. Frustrated,
with nowhere to turn, Lucas turns his revenge on the ant colony
in his front yard, pelting it with the water from first a
squirt gun, then a hose, and even turning a magnifying glass
to it in order to incinerate the little critters. Meanwhile,
in said colony, the wizard ant Zoc (Nicolas Cage) concocts
a magic potion that, when dropped into a sleeping Lucass
ear, renders the Ant Bully (known by the ants as Peanut the
Destroyer, after hearing Lucass mom call him Peanut) the
size of his victims. Tables are turned when the ants bear
tiny Lucas to their Queen (Meryl Streep), who metes out an
unusual punishment: Lucas cannot return to his normal size
or to his home until he has become a member of the colony.
Zocs girlfriend Hova (Julia Roberts) takes on the task of
schooling a very unwilling Lucas in the ways of ants. This
also includes training with lead forager Kreela (Regina King)
and some humorous advice from lead scout Fugax (Bruce Campbell).
Director John A. Davis and his team of animators go to town
depicting Lucas misadventures in terms of varying scope and
perspective. There are two epic and exciting battles. In one,
at the penultimate moment, in which a firecracker is about
to burst within the colony, the perspective suddenly changes
to an aerial view of Lucass backyard, from which a piddly
poof of smoke arises. Its disarming and wonderful at the
same time, far funnier than it would have been had we just
seen the direct effect of the blast.
Some readers may think Im soft on childrens movies. Perhaps
the idea that Im keeping my own active boys quiet for the
length of a movie is enough reason for me to give the big
thumbs up to something. While nothing could be further from
the truth, I do admit that the reaction of my 10-year-old,
a real movie buff whose tastes run from the Lord of the
Rings trilogy to John Ford to anything with Cary Grant,
is sometimes quite telling, and with The Ant Bully,
he chuckled out loud a number of times and clearly seemed
to enjoy the show. The Ant Bully does not need to apologize
for anything. Its a first-rate story, filmed imaginatively
with verve and humor, and as such, its one of those rarities,
a movie thats as good as its source.


text:
Check out some of the most grammable (read lovable) images from the @Queensland Instameet.
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See what the Great Barrier Reef looked like on Saturday 4 October during the epic Queensland Instameet.
There will be no excuses for saying "I'm bored" with 78 things to do these September school holidays.
There's plenty of activities to tick off the list these September school holidays!
Let the queen of the turtle selfie take you on a journey under the sea.
Looking for somewhere to pop the question? With locations and activities as impressive as these, a big fat YES is (virtually) guaranteed.
See where more than half of the nesting loggerhead turtles in the Southern Hemisphere come to lay their eggs.
She's had the best job in the world for the past six months, now as we say bon voyage, Elisa reveals what tops her list.
Don't miss your chance to get a front row seat to all the turtle-y awesome action!
You'll want to bring your appetite.


text:
The rumors of Gov. Tom Corbett's political difficulties having an effect on his chances of re-election next year have been swirling among Republican pols for some time.
They were first reported this summer, when the governor, still reeling from his failed attempt to privatize administration of the state lottery, couldn't seem to do anything right.
His legislative agenda died a slow death in the Republican Legislature. He couldn't get needed pension reform passed. He couldn't get a transportation bill passed, despite bipartisan support for the idea. He couldn't get privatization of the state's liquor stores passed.
His approval rating took a nosedive, reaching levels only seen in similar polls regarding Congress. A poll conducted by Franklin & Marshall College in September found that only 17 percent approved of the job he was doing. Just 11 percent of the voters in Allegheny County, his home county, approved of his job performance. The same poll found that 69 percent of Pennsylvanians believe it's time for a new governor.
He has become political poison.
And then, he had to open his mouth and say something dumb about same-sex marriage, comparing it with incest. His comment made national headlines and he felt compelled to issue an apology.
In the wake of that, the website PoliticsPA posted a story about GOP unrest, noting that some unnamed Republicans were exploring the possibility of fielding a primary challenge to Gov.
"The dam is breaking," one unnamed GOP official told PoliticsPa. "It's just a matter of getting the right group of people in front of the governor to say, 'The party's over.'"
The story quoted another unnamed GOP operative as saying, "There's a level of embarrassment and shame now that wasn't there on Thursday. What he said yesterday will be shown on TV wall to wall in southeast Pa. next November."
So far, though, these are just rumors and grumbling under the surface. No GOP officials have gone on the record supporting a primary challenge to the governor. No serious candidates have come forward. And perhaps none will.
But among Republicans, there is definite concern that Gov. Corbett's unpopularity will harm the party brand in the commonwealth and that his political problems will affect other GOP candidates, putting the Republican majorities in the Legislature at risk.
All of this could be dismissed as political inside baseball. None of this matters to small business owners trying to figure out how to afford health insurance for employees, or families trying to afford tuition at a state college.
What matters is effective governing. It appears that a lot of Pennsylvanians have lost faith in Gov. Corbett's ability to govern.
A lot of those Pennsylvanians identify themselves as Republicans, and given the choice between Gov. Corbett and a Democrat-to-be-named-later, they might feel that they have no choice and decide to sit this election out.
They should have a choice.
Choices are always good. It's good for democracy and good for our commonweal. It leads to healthy debate over ideas – not the seeming endless tastes-great-less-filling type of empty political debates that we often get.
Whether it's good for Republicans is not our concern. What's good for democracy in the commonwealth is.
Of course, any opposition from inside the GOP would have the odor of a kamikaze mission. Gov. Corbett has the advantages of incumbency.
He still has a large edge in fundraising. Despite his unpopularity, he is still the person sitting in the big office in Harrisburg.
It should be pointed out that eight Democrats – including York County business leader Tom Wolf — are currently running to replace Gov. Corbett. That primary race should certainly feature a wide-ranging debate over public policy.
And that's good.
It should also happen on the other side of the ballot.


text:
Pain in the back is the most common single reason given for occupational disability, and it is generally ascribed to actual injury to the vertebral column. The workman does not have to have any witnesses; he may neglect to report an occurrence to his employer, or he may think back to some indefinite date within one year to establish the basis for a claim of a work injury. An individual educated in legal and medical matters by such an experience may become a repeater, and for some this becomes a way of life. None of the rheumatic diseases have ever been created by slight or severe mechanical trauma in experimental animals or human beings. Many improbable medical decisions have been made by lay commissions in ignorance or disregard of this fact. It is believed that closer study and more precise diagnosis of back complaints will alter the statistics in this branch of occupational medicine.
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