text:
American Colonization Society
The American Colonization Society (ACS; in full, "The Society for the Colonization of Free People of Color of America"), established in 1816 by Robert Finley of New Jersey, was an attempt to satisfy two groups in America. Ironically, these groups were on opposite ends of the spectrum involving slavery in the early 1800s,[4] as well as the primary vehicle to support the colonization of free African Americans because their presence served as "a perpetual excitement" to the enslaved blacks. All of the early organizers of the Society were slaveowners, who hoped thereby to strengthen the institution of slavery, according to the annual reports of the Society. It helped to found the colony of Liberia in 1821–22 as a place for free-born blacks. Among its supporters were Charles Fenton Mercer, Henry Clay, John Randolph, and Richard Bland Lee.[1][2][3][5]
Beginning in 1786, just after the American Revolution the British society, the Committee for the Relief of the Black Poor, launched its efforts to establish the Sierra Leone Province of Freedom for escaped colonial slaves. Paul Cuffee, a wealthy mixed-race New England shipowner and activist, was an early advocate of settling freed blacks in Africa. He gained support from black leaders and members of the U.S. Congress for an emigration plan. In 1811 and 1815–16, he financed and captained successful voyages to British-ruled Sierra Leone, where he helped African-American immigrants get established.[6] Although Cuffee died in 1817, his efforts may have inspired the American Colonization Society to initiate further settlements.
The ACS was a coalition made up mostly of evangelicals and Quakers who supported abolition, and Chesapeake slaveholders who understood that unfree labor did not constitute the economic future of the nation. They found common ground in support of so-called "repatriation". They believed blacks would face better chances for full lives in Africa than in the United States. The slaveholders opposed state or federally mandated abolition, but saw repatriation as a way to remove free blacks and avoid slave rebellions.[2] From 1821, thousands of free black Americans moved to Liberia from the United States. Over twenty years, the colony continued to grow and establish economic stability. In 1847, the legislature of Liberia declared the nation an independent state.
Critics have said the ACS was a racist society, while others point to its benevolent origins and later takeover by men with visions of an American empire in Africa. The Society closely controlled the development of Liberia until its declaration of independence. By 1867, the ACS had assisted in the movement of more than 13,000 Americans to Liberia. From 1825 to 1919, it published the African Repository and Colonial Journal. After 1919, the society had essentially ended, but it did not formally dissolve until 1964, when it transferred its papers to the Library of Congress.[7]
- 1 Background
- 2 Origins
- 3 Motives
- 4 Preparation of colony
- 5 First colony
- 6 Expansion and growth of the colony
- 7 African Repository and Colonial Journal
- 8 Civil War and emancipation
- 9 Criticism and decline of the ACS
- 10 Dissolution
- 11 Historiography
- 12 See also
- 13 References
- 14 External links
Colonization as a solution to the problem of free blacks[edit]
Following the American Revolutionary War, the institution of slavery and those bound within it grew, reaching four million slaves by the mid-19th century.[8] At the same time, due in part to manumission efforts sparked by the war and the abolition of slavery in Northern states, there was an expansion of the ranks of free blacks with legislated limits.[2] In the first two decades after the Revolutionary War, the percentage of free blacks rose in Virginia, for instance, from 1% to nearly 10% of the black population.
Some slave owners decided to support emigration following an abortive slave rebellion headed by Gabriel Prosser in 1800, and a rapid increase in the number of free African Americans in the United States, which was perceived by some European Americans to be alarming. Although the ratio of whites to blacks was 4:1 between 1790 and 1800, it was the increase in the number of free African Americans that disturbed some proponents of colonization. From 1790 to 1800, the number of free African Americans increased from 59,467 (1.5% of total US population, 7.5% of US black population) to 108,398 (2% of U.S. population), a percentage increase of 82 percent; and from 1800 to 1810, the number increased from 108,398 to 186,446 (2.5% of U.S. pop.), an increase of 72 percent.[9] The perception of change was highest in some major cities, but especially the Upper South, where the most slaves were freed in the two decades after the Revolution.
This steady increase did not go unnoticed by an anxious white community that was ever more aware of the free blacks in their midst. The arguments propounded against free blacks, especially in free states, may be divided into four main categories. One argument pointed toward the perceived moral laxity of blacks. Blacks, it was claimed, were licentious beings who would draw whites into their savage, unrestrained ways. The fears of an intermingling of the races were strong and underlay much of the outcry for removal.
Along these same lines, a second argument held that blacks had a tendency toward criminality.[10] A third argument focused on the supposed mental inferiority of African Americans contending it made them unfit for the duties of citizenship and incapable of real improvement. Finally, economic arguments were also advanced, most notably by those who said that the presence of free blacks threatened the jobs of working class whites in the North.
Southerners had their special reservations about free blacks, fearing that the freedmen living in slave areas caused unrest among slaves and encouraged runaways and slave revolts. They had racial reservations about the ability of free blacks to conform. The proposed solution was to have free blacks deported from the United States to colonize parts of Africa.[11]
Paul Cuffee[edit]
Paul Cuffee (1759–1817) was a mixed-race, successful Quaker ship owner descended from Ashanti and Wampanoag parents. He advocated settling freed American slaves in Africa and gained support from the British government, free black leaders in the United States, and members of Congress to take emigrants to the British colony of Sierra Leone. He had an economic interest, as he intended to bring back valuable cargoes. In 1815 he financed a trip and the following year,[12] in 1816, Cuffee took 38 American blacks to Freetown, Sierra Leone; other voyages were precluded by his death in 1817. By reaching a large audience with his pro-colonization arguments and practical example, Cuffee laid the groundwork for the American Colonization Society.[13]
The ACS had its origins in 1816, when Charles Fenton Mercer, a Federalist member of the Virginia General Assembly, discovered accounts of earlier legislative debates on black colonization in the wake of Gabriel Prosser's rebellion. Mercer pushed the state to support the idea, and one of his political contacts in Washington City, John Caldwell, in turn contacted the Reverend Robert Finley, his brother-in-law and a Presbyterian minister, who endorsed the plan.[14]
On December 21, 1816, the society was officially established in Washington at the Davis Hotel. Attendees included James Monroe, Bushrod Washington, Andrew Jackson, Francis Scott Key, and Daniel Webster, with Henry Clay presiding over the meeting. Its co-founders were considered to be Henry Clay, John Randolph of Roanoke, and Richard Bland Lee. Mercer was unable to go to Washington for the meeting. Although Randolph believed that the removal of free blacks would "materially tend to secure" slave property, the vast majority of early members were philanthropists, clergy, and abolitionists who wanted to free African slaves and their descendants and provide them with the opportunity to "return" to Africa. Few members were slave-owners, and the Society never enjoyed much support among planters in the Lower South. This was the area that developed most rapidly in the 19th century with slave labor, and initially it had few free blacks, who lived mostly in the Upper South.
The colonization effort resulted from a mixture of motives. Free blacks, freedmen, and their descendants, encountered widespread discrimination in the United States of the early 19th century. Whites generally perceived them as a burden on society and a threat to white workers because they undercut wages. Some abolitionists believed that blacks could not achieve equality in the United States and would be better off in Africa. Many slaveholders were worried that the presence of free blacks would encourage slaves to rebel. Owing to its mixed motives, the Society was bound to send a mixed message: on the one hand, free blacks should be removed because they could not benefit America; on the other hand, free blacks would prosper and thrive under their own leadership in another land.[15]
Despite being antislavery, some Society members were openly racist and frequently argued that free blacks would be unable to assimilate into the white society of America. John Randolph, a famous slave owner, called free blacks "promoters of mischief."[16] At this time, about 2 million African Americans lived in America of whom 200,000 were free persons of color (with legislated limits).[2] Henry Clay, a congressman from Kentucky who was critical of the negative impact slavery had on the southern economy, saw the movement of blacks as being preferable to emancipation in America, believing that "unconquerable prejudice resulting from their color, they never could amalgamate with the free whites of this country. It was desirable, therefore, as it respected them, and the residue of the population of the country, to drain them off".[17] Clay argued that because blacks could never be fully integrated into U.S. society due to "unconquerable prejudice" by white Americans, it would be better for them to emigrate to Africa.[17]
Reverend Finley suggested at the inaugural meeting of an African Society that a colony be established in Africa to take free people of color, most of whom had been born free, away from the United States. Finley meant to colonize "(with their consent) the free people of color residing in our country, in Africa, or such other place as Congress may deem most expedient." The organization established branches throughout the United States. It was instrumental in the establishment of the colony of Liberia.
During the next three years, the society raised money by selling memberships. The Society's members relentlessly pressured Congress and the President for support. In 1819, they received $100,000 from Congress, and on February 6, 1820, the first ship, the Elizabeth, sailed from New York for West Africa with three white ACS agents and 88 emigrants aboard.[18]
The ACS purchased the freedom of American slaves and paid their passage to Liberia. Emigration was offered to already free black people. For many years the ACS tried to persuade the U.S. Congress to appropriate funds to send colonists to Liberia. Although Henry Clay led the campaign, it failed. The society did, however, succeed in its appeals to some state legislatures. In 1850, Virginia set aside $30,000 annually for five years to aid and support emigration. In its Thirty-Fourth Annual Report, the society acclaimed the news as "a great Moral demonstration of the propriety and necessity of state action!" During the 1850s, the society also received several thousand dollars from the New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Missouri, and Maryland legislatures.
Preparation of colony[edit]
Jehudi Ashmun, an early leader of the ACS colony, envisioned an American empire in Africa. During 1825 and 1826, Ashmun took steps to lease, annex, or buy tribal lands along the coast and along major rivers leading inland. Like his predecessor Lt. Robert Stockton, who in 1822[12] established the site for Monrovia by "persuading" a local chief referred to as "King Peter" to sell Cape Montserado (or Mesurado) by pointing a pistol at his head, Ashmun was prepared to use force to extend the colony's territory. His aggressive actions quickly increased Liberia's power over its neighbors. In a treaty of May 1825, King Peter and other native kings agreed to sell land to Ashmun in return for 500 bars of tobacco, three barrels of rum, five casks of powder, five umbrellas, ten iron posts, and ten pairs of shoes, among other items.
First colony[edit]
The ship pulled in first at Freetown, Sierra Leone, from where it sailed south to what is now the northern coast of Liberia. The emigrants started to establish a settlement. All three whites and 22 of the emigrants died within three weeks from yellow fever. The remainder returned to Sierra Leone and waited for another ship. The Nautilus sailed twice in 1821 and established a settlement at Mesurado Bay on an island they named Perseverance. It was difficult for the early settlers, made of mostly free-born blacks who had been denied the full rights of United States citizenship. In Liberia, the native Africans resisted the expansion of the colonists, resulting in many armed conflicts between them. Nevertheless, in the next decade 2,638 African Americans migrated to the area. Also, the colony entered an agreement with the U.S. Government to accept freed slaves who were taken from illegal slave ships.
Expansion and growth of the colony[edit]
During the next 20 years the colony continued to grow and establish economic stability. From the establishment of the colony, the ACS had employed white agents to govern the colony. In 1842, Joseph Jenkins Roberts became the first non-white governor of Liberia. In 1847, the legislature of Liberia declared itself an independent state, with J.J. Roberts elected as its first President.
The society in Liberia developed into three segments: settlers with European-African lineage, freed slaves from slave ships and the West Indies, and indigenous native people. These groups would have a profound effect on the history of Liberia.
African Repository and Colonial Journal[edit]
In March 1825, the ACS began a quarterly, The African Repository and Colonial Journal, edited by Reverend Ralph Randolph Gurley (1797–1872), who headed the Society until 1844. Conceived as the Society's propaganda organ, the Repository promoted both colonization and Liberia. Among the items printed were articles about Africa, letters of praise, official dispatches stressing the prosperity and steady growth of the colony, information about emigrants, and lists of donors.
Civil War and emancipation[edit]
The ACS continued to operate during the American Civil War, and colonized 168 blacks while it was being waged. It sent 2,492 blacks to Liberia in the following five years. The federal government provided a small amount support for these operations through the Freedmen's Bureau.[19]
Lincoln and the ACS[edit]
Since the 1840s, Lincoln, an admirer of Clay, had been an advocate of the ACS program of colonizing blacks in Liberia. Early in his presidency, Abraham Lincoln tried repeatedly to arrange resettlement of the kind the ACS supported, but each arrangement failed.
Some scholars believe that Lincoln abandoned the idea by 1863, following the use of black troops. Biographer Stephen B. Oates has observed that Lincoln thought it immoral to ask black soldiers to fight for the U.S. and then to remove them to Africa after their military service. Others, such as the historian Michael Lind, believe that as late as 1864, Lincoln continued to hold out hope for colonization, noting that he allegedly asked Attorney General Edward Bates if the Reverend James Mitchell could stay on as "your assistant or aid in the matter of executing the several acts of Congress relating to the emigration or colonizing of the freed Blacks."[20] Mitchell, a former state director of the ACS in Indiana, had been appointed by Lincoln in 1862 to oversee the government's colonization programs.
By late into his second term as president, Lincoln had publicly abandoned the idea of colonization after speaking with Frederick Douglass about the matter,[21] who objected harshly to it. On April 11, 1865, with the war drawing to a close, Lincoln gave a public speech at the White House supporting suffrage for blacks, a speech that led actor John Wilkes Booth, who was vigorously opposed to emancipation and black suffrage, to assassinate him.[22]
Criticism and decline of the ACS[edit]
Lemuel Haynes, a free black Presbyterian minister at the time of the Society's formation, argued passionately that God's providential plan would eventually defeat slavery and lead to the harmonious integration of the races as equals.[citation needed] Beginning in the 1830s, some abolitionists increasingly attacked the ACS, criticizing colonization as a slaveholders' scheme and the Society's works as palliative propaganda to soften the continuation of slavery in the United States. The presidents of the ACS tended to be Southerners. The first president of the ACS was Bushrod Washington, the nephew of U.S. President George Washington and an Associate Justice of the United States Supreme Court. From 1836 to 1849 the statesman Henry Clay of Kentucky, a planter and slaveholder, was ACS president.
Three of the reasons the movement never became very successful were the objections raised by free blacks and abolitionists, the scale and costs of moving many people (there were 4 million freedmen in the South after the Civil War), and the difficulty in finding locations willing to accept large numbers of black newcomers (no African tribe accepted newcomers,[citation needed] so the society relied on creating settlements at small colonial ports).
In 1913, and again at its formal dissolution in 1964, the Society donated its records to the U.S. Library of Congress. The donated materials contain a wealth of information about the founding of the society, its role in establishing Liberia, efforts to manage and defend the colony, fundraising, recruitment of settlers, conditions for black citizens of the American South, and the way in which black settlers built and led the new nation.
In Liberia, the Society maintained offices at the junction of Ashmun and Buchanan Streets at the heart of Monrovia's commercial district, next to the True Whig Party headquarters in the Edward J. Roye Building. Its offices at the site closed in 1956 when the government demolished all the buildings at the intersection for the purpose of constructing new public buildings there. Nevertheless, the land officially remained the property of the Society into the 1980s, building up large property tax bills because the Ministry of Finance could not find an address to which to send tax bills.[23]
The historiography of the American Colonization Society is defined by a theme of swinging between historians interpreting the Society as either a pro-slavery or anti-slavery organization. The oscillation in what has been the generally accepted interpretation of the ACS' motives and actions can be broken down chronologically with a good deal of precision. A number of monographs were written on the society in the early to mid-nineteenth century portraying the ACS as both pro- and anti-slavery.[24] The early twentieth century saw increasing racial tensions in the wake of the dismantling of the South's enforced race-based class system and the sense among many white Americans that the wholesale emancipation of the 1860s had perhaps been a misguided decision. As a result, historiography of this period depicted the ACS as an antislavery organization, seeing merits in the values of racial separation through deportation that the Society espoused.[25] Beginning in the 1950s, racism was an increasingly important issue and by the late 1960s and 1970s it had been forced to the forefront of public consciousness by the Civil Rights movement. The prevalence of racism invited a revaluation of the Society's motives, prompting historians to examine the ACS in terms of racism more than its stance on slavery.[26] By the 1980s and 1990s, historians were going even further in reimagining the ACS. Not only were they focussing on the racist rhetoric of the Society's members and publications, but some also depicted the Society as proslavery organization.[27] Recently, however, the winds have shifted again with scholars retreating from an analysis of the ACS as proslavery, and with some cautiously characterizing it as an antislavery organization again.[28]
See also[edit]
- Atlantic slave trade
- Colonization Societies
- History of Liberia
- Lott Carey, of Richmond, Virginia, the first American missionary to Liberia
- Loring D. Dewey, agent of ACS who promoted free blacks' emigration to Haiti in the 1820s
- Maryland State Colonization Society
- Slavery in the United States
- Samuel Wilkeson, in 1838, he became general agent of the Society
This article incorporates public domain material from websites or documents of the Library of Congress (retrieved on 2012-04-28).
- ^ a b Bateman, Graham; Victoria Egan, Fiona Gold, and Philip Gardner (2000). Encyclopedia of World Geography. New York: Barnes & Noble Books. pp. 161. ISBN 1-56619-291-9.
- ^ a b c d e "Background on conflict in Liberia", Friends Committee on National Legislation, July 30, 2003 Archived February 14, 2007 at the Wayback Machine Cite error: Invalid
<ref>tag; name "AFP" defined multiple times with different content (see the help page).
- ^ a b "Colonization: Thirty-Sixth Anniversary of the American Colonization Society", The New York Times, January 19, 1853
- ^ "The American Colonization Society".
- ^ Paul Finkelman (April 6, 2006). Encyclopedia of African American History, 1619–1895: From the Colonial Period to the Age of Frederick Douglass Three-volume set. Oxford University Press. p. 57. ISBN 978-0-19-516777-1. Retrieved 9 November 2012.
- ^ Thomas, Lamont D. Paul Cuffe: Black Entrepreneur and Pan-Africanist (Urbana and Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1988) pp. 46–56, 93-106.
- ^ Loc.gov
- ^ Introduction - Social Aspects of the Civil War
- ^ Barton (1850), p. 9.
- ^ Newman (2008), p. 203. "Massachusetts politician Edward Everett spoke for many Northern colonizationists when he supported colonizing free blacks, whom he described as vagabonds, criminals, and a drain on Northern society."
- ^ Yarema (2006), pp. 26–27.
Free blacks, according to many Whigs, would never be accepted into white society, and so the only acceptable solution seemed to be emigration to Africa.
"Northern philanthropic groups supported colonization as an effective way to elevate free blacks who migrated to northern states."
- ^ a b "Map of Liberia, West Africa". World Digital Library. 1830. Retrieved 2013-06-02.
- ^ Frankie Hutton, "Economic Considerations in the American Colonization Society's Early Effort to Emigrate Free Blacks to Liberia, 1816–36", The Journal of Negro History (1983).
- ^ Egerton, Douglas R., "Its Origin Is Not a Little Curious: A New Look at the American Colonization Society", Journal of the Early Republic (1985), p. 463- 480. http://www.jstor.org/stable/3123062
- ^ Webber, Christopher L. (2011). American to the Backbone. New York: Pegasus Books. p. 59. ISBN 9781605981758.
- ^ Emigration vs. assimilation: the debate in the African American press, 1827–1861 By Kwando Mbiassi Kinshasa (1988). University of Michigan
- ^ a b Maggie Montesinos Sale (1997). The Slumbering Volcano: American slave ship revolts and the production of rebellious masculinity, Duke University Press, 1997, p. 264. ISBN 0-8223-1992-6
- ^ Hodge, Carl Cavanagh; Nolan, Cathal J. (2007). US Presidents and Foreign Policy. ABC-CLIO. p. 49. ISBN 978-1-85109-790-6. Retrieved February 5, 2013.
- ^ Oubre, Forty Acres and a Mule (1978), p. 6.
- ^ Bates to Lincoln, November 30, 1864, Library of Congress
- ^ Foner, Eric (December 31, 2012). "The Emancipation of Abraham Lincoln". The New York Times. New York: The New York Times Company. Retrieved April 5, 2015.
The proclamation was immediate, not gradual, contained no mention of compensation for owners, and made no reference to colonization. In it, Lincoln addressed blacks directly, not as property subject to the will of others but as men and women whose loyalty the Union must earn. For the first time, he welcomed black soldiers into the Union Army; over the next two years some 200,000 black men would serve in the Army and Navy, playing a critical role in achieving Union victory. And Lincoln urged freed slaves to go to work for 'reasonable wages' — in the United States. He never again mentioned colonization in public.
- ^ Lincoln, Abraham (April 11, 1865). "Last public address". Washington, D.C. Archived from the original on March 18, 2014. Retrieved March 27, 2014.
- ^ "American Colonization Society Still Owns Land in Liberia?" [Monrovia] SunTimes 1985-07-03: 12.
- ^ For early studies that are critical of the ACS' motives, see: William L. Garrison, Thoughts on African Colonization, New York: Arno Press, 1968 [originally published in 1832]; William Jay, Miscellaneous Writings on Slavery. New York: Negro Universities Press, 1968 [originally published in 1835 by John P. Jewett & Co.]; G. B. Stebbins, Facts and Opinions Touching the Real Origin, Character, and Influence of the American Colonization Society, New York: Negro Universities Press, 1969 [originally published in 1853 by John P. Jewett & Co., Boston]; (Supportive of the ACS) Archibald Alexander, A History of Colonization on the Western Coast of Africa, New York: Negro Universities Press, 1969 [originally published in 1846 by William S. Martien]; Isaac V. Brown, Biography of the Rev. Robert Finley, D. D., of Basking Ridge, N.J: Second Edition, Enlarged with an Account of his Agency as the Author of the American Colonization Society. Philadelphia: John W. Moore, 1857.
- ^ Charles I. Foster, "The Colonization of Free Negroes, in Liberia, 1816–1835", Journal of Negro History 38, no. 1 (1953): 41-66; Early L. Fox, The American Colonization Society, 1817–1840, Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Press, 1919; H. N. Sherwood, "Early Negro Deportation Projects." The Mississippi Valley Historical Review 2, no. 4 (1916): 484-508; Sherwood, "Formation of the American Colonization Society", Journal of Negro History 2, no. 3 (1917): 209-228.
- ^ George M. Fredrickson. The Black Image in the White Mind: The Debate on Afro-American Character and Destiny, 1817–1914. New York: Harper & Row, Publishers. 1971; Floyd J. Miller, The Search for a Black Nationality: Black Emigration and Colonization 1781–1863, Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1975; Edwin S. Redkey, Black Exodus: Black Nationalist and Back-to-Africa Movements, 1890–1910, New Haven: Yale University Press, 1969; P. J. Staudenraus, The African Colonization Movement 1816–1865, New York: Columbia University Press. (1961).
- ^ Amos J. Beyan, The American Colonization Society and the Creation of the Liberian State: A Historical Perspective, New York: University Press of America, 1991; Douglas R. Egerton, "'Its Origin Is Not a Little Curious': A New Look at the American Colonization Society," Journal of the Early Republic 5, no. 4 (1985): 463-480; Yekutiel Gershoni, Black Colonialism: The Americo-Liberian Scramble for the Hinterland, Boulder: Westview Press, 1985.
- ^ Eric Burin, Slavery and the Peculiar Solution: A History of the American Colonization Society, Gainesville: University of Florida Press, 2005; Claude A. Clegg, The Price of Liberty: African Americans and the Making of Liberia, Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2004; Douglas R. Egerton, "Averting a Crisis: The Proslavery Critique of the American Colonization Society," in Rebels, Reformers, & Revolutionaries: Collected Essays and Second Thoughts, New York: Routledge, 2002.
- Barton, Seth, "Remarks on the colonization of the western coast of Africa", Cornell University Library, 1850.
- Boley, G.E. Saigbe, "Liberia: The Rise and Fall of the First Republic", Macmillan Publishers, London, 1983.
- Burin, Eric. Slavery and the Peculiar Solution: A History of the American Colonization Society. University Press of Florida, 2005.
- Cassell, Dr. C. Abayomi, "Liberia: History of the First African Republic", Fountainhead Publishers Inc., New York, 1970.
- Egerton, Douglas R. Charles Fenton Mercer and the Trial of National Conservatism. University Press of Mississippi, 1989.
- Jenkins, David, "Black Zion: The Return of Afro-Americans and West Indians to Africa", Wildwood House, London, 1975.
- Johnson, Charles S., "Bitter Canaan: The Story of the Negro Republic", Transaction Books, New Brunswick, NJ, 1987.
- Liebenow, J. Gus, "Liberia: The Evolution of Privilege", Cornell University Press, Ithaca, NY, 1969.
- Miller, Floyd J., "The Search for a Black Nationality: Black Emigration and Colonization, 1787–1863", University of Illinois Press, Urbana, Illinois, 1975.
- Newman, Richard S, "Freedom's prophet", NYU Press, New York, 2008.
- Oubre, Claude F. Forty Acres and a Mule: The Freedmen's Bureau and Black Land Ownership. Louisiana State University Press, 1978.
- Thomas, Lamont D. Paul Cuffe: Black Entrepreneur and Pan-Africanist (Urbana and Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1988)
- Tomek, Beverly C. "Colonization and Its Discontents: Emancipation, Emigration and Antislavery in Antebellum Pennsylvania," (New York: New York University Press, 2011).
- West, Richard, "Back to Africa", Holt, Rinehart, and Winston, Inc., New York, 1970.
- Yarema, Allan E., "American Colonization Society: an avenue to freedom?", University Press of America, 2006.
External links[edit]
|Wikisource has the text of a 1905 New International Encyclopedia article about American Colonization Society.
- U.S. Library of Congress exhibition, based on materials deposited by the ACS.
- President Millard Fillmore on Slavery and Recolonization to Africa: Original Letter Shapell Manuscript Foundation
- A View of Liberian History and Government: A critical view of the ACS
- PBS article
- Article at Slavery in the North
- "The American Colonization Society"
- Records of the American Colonization Society from the U.S. Library of Congress
- The Liberator Files, Horace Seldon's collection and summary of research of William Lloyd Garrison's The Liberator - excerpts concerning Colonization / Anti-Colonization original copies at the Boston Public Library, Boston, Massachusetts.


text:
Further development plans include cove-side residential and retail; a lodge on the high flat parcel above Dockside 29; an executive par-3 golf course; and additional commercial facilities, multi-family units, and homesites.
There are also plans to donate land at Bauza Point to a non-profit organization (Johnstone Strait Killer Whale Interpretive Centre Society) for a world class marine mammal interpretive centre.
If you would like more information reqarding future development, please contact:
© Copyright 2005 - 2015 Telegraph Cove Venture, Inc.
Box 1-8 Telegraph Cove, BC Canada V0N 3J0
Land Development/Sales: Phone(250)928-3163 Fax: (250)928-3162
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Toll Free: 1-877-TEL-COVE (1-877-835-2683)
Email: firstname.lastname@example.com or firstname.lastname@example.com or firstname.lastname@example.com

subset: commoncrawl


text:
The city of Detroit operates largely as a jobs and benefits program masquerading as a service provider.
Cops often don't come when they are called, same for EMS and we have heard stories of trash pickups happening in the middle of the night if they come at all. It's no secret and only confirmed reading report after endless report regarding how the city's service operations run ... or more clearly stated, don't run. So when they Emergency Manager's office released an audit report looking at the city's business operations today, including its pension funds, it was really just more of the same old song. It is now the very sad and expected norm. Investigators find people clinging to the City's coffers as if they held the last dimes in Michigan.
View: Joint statement on Retirement Systems of the City of Detroit
View: Detroit city audit
Roughly half of all unemployment claims the audit looked at [there were nearly fifteen hundred] were bogus or suspicious. These are people improperly taking cash from taxpayers. Now this kind of theft is fairly common and it's likely you could find it in other major American cities. But Detroit always seems capable of one-upping others with just a little flair. On the Detroit city unemployment books are independent contractors. That's right, people who are not even city employees, just people brought in to do specific tasks and then leave, people who don't qualify for any city employee benefits, are somehow getting unemployment checks now that they've left the job. It's bad enough the City of Detroit allows these kinds of thefts to happen but making it worse is the city neither seems interested in or able to unearth this kind of abuse as a matter of course. It takes an outside audit to discover this kind of flagrant and widespread abuse.
There is another matter pressing. The Detroit City Pension Funds were allowed, especially during the Kilpatrick administration, to lend money and buy property. Now, investing the pensioner's money is the Board's job. But using it as a personal ATM for friends looking to build a new business or buying up land that may or may not pan out as a good business deal is something that's frowned upon in the pension world and by the FBI.
While it is legal, it is that way only to a point. Do too much and you run afoul of the law. We already know there are federal indictments against Kilpatrick cronies who profited from this version of the friends and family plan. But the audit report says the problem is more widespread than we knew. $79 million dollars-worth of questionable real estate deals are going to get a closer look by Kevyn Orr and his team.
The audit also raises questions about the use of overtime and other methods of increasing the income thresholds city employees use to determine their post-retirement benefit checks. The auditor says this does not violate the city charter but questions the advisability of the business practice. Let's remember that Detroit lays claim to the largest ever American municipal bankruptcy for just such issues. To get eighteen billion dollars in debt you need to work hard at running up the credit cards. At every turn, in every report published on the subject, shows the profligate spending is not a coincidence.
Now that the Bankruptcy case has been filed the Emergency Manager Kevyn Orr is looking at how to fix these problems. One of the ways he sees doing it is by freezing the pensions. While ominous sounding, it does not have to be. Orr proposes to allow those city employees with 10 years or more service by the end of the year to remain in the defined benefit pension program. If you have fewer than ten years or are a new employee you will be funneled into a 401k style retirement plan that the city will match with a six per cent annual contribution.
The Detroit Pension Board is highly unimpressed with this idea, and the city's unions have been standing on their collective heads doing everything they can to prevent this kind of benefits change. This is an issue that will likely be decided outside bankruptcy and while there may be some IRS issues with this plan this is a fairly common transition done in business bankruptcies and even other municipal bankruptcies. If it happens it is likely to come at year's end.
The only good news that can be divined from stories like this one is that at least we are getting to the bottom of what is and has gone wrong with Detroit. It seems impossible to be surprised anymore by investigative findings. It's just more of the same. Still, half of President Barack Obama's cabinet will fly to Detroit tomorrow to offer some small amount of help; mostly just greasing the bureaucratic skids that should shake loose a lot of grant money Detroit's own bureaucracy is often incapable of figuring out how to qualify for to receive.
It's a beginning, and it's not anything near the billions required to fix once and for all Detroit's dire economic problems. But it's a start. A start Detroit desperately needs to get that part of its recovery going.


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Politics Counts
Foreign Policy
Governor Rick Scott only won his 2010 gubernatorial race by 1%. I would not describe that as "sailing to victory in the general election".
Whoever Scott backs will mean nothing. Scott has a 29% approval rating. He is a lock to lose next election.
Scott has low poll ratings but with the exception of being a media whipping boy it's not clear why.
Only in Florida with all those dumb seniors could a crook like Scott get elected.
to the truth: I do not live in Florida, however I am a Senior. Seems no one ever told you it's better to keep your mouth shut and let people think you're a fool than to open it and remove all doubt.
They say he is the least popular governer in the county, but his approval rating is slowly going up because jobs are starting to return to florida. The media do not like him though because he is cutting taxes and its actually working and they do not want america to see this because they are trying to protect obama.
"But you know, in the end my goal is I want somebody that would be the nominee that's going to focus on jobs,"
Yet another endorsement for Mitt. I wonder why no one ever endorses Ron Paul?
But his approval rating among the state's Republican voters–67%–makes his endorsement valuable in a GOP primary.
It matters and it iwill help Mitt sew it up.
I am one of three reporters present at this conversation and it's nothing new. Scott has been saying for a few months that he might endorse prior to the primary (as Gov. Charlie Crist did four years ago). Your headline is in error -- "I may endorse soon, Scott repeats" would be accurate. Sforza is correct -- he's one of the nation's least popular governors in polls, but most of the people who dislike him won't be voting in a closed GOP primary. Actually, last Quinnipiac poll showed 80 percent of Republican voters now approve him.
Everyone says jobs are returning, that is not true, Just that people's unemployment checks have stopped. There are thousands of people in Florida looking for work but not registered with our state as being without a job, This current Gov. Scott only cares about his own buddies he brings into Florida.Even people who voted for him say they will not again
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Siwell – Hangover / Reshuffle
Whats good everybody?! Raschal here comin' at ya with yet another bomb tech house EP. Today's techno dose is the new Siwell release off of Umek's huge label 1605 Music Therapy. The release includes two original tracks entitled "Hangover" and "Reshuffle".
"Hangover" is an extraordinary tech house bomb built for peak-time in techno sets. The swing in this track sends the sounds in all different directions, while at the same time brings all the sounds together in a nice warm package of groove. Siwell executed his techy style for this track with great care as well as used a movin vocal of a man singin, "Come on now." Every sound and piece of percussion in this track is perfectly placed and really brings a lot of attention to Siwell as well as 1605.
The next track, "Reshuffle," is a melodic house song with poppin bass and a beautiful vocal cut. It consists of little witty sounds and a very nice punch to make the track sound groovy. Siwell really knows how to roll the song as well as get his fans moving. He definitely approached this track with thought and although the style is pure Siwell, he still stays true the the 1605 sound.
About a year or two ago, Umek's legendary label was releasing very dark and underground techno. He signed artists such as Phunk Investigation and Steve Parker, who really know how to get down with the darker side of 1605 techno. Just recently however, Umek took a different approach to the label's style of music. Instead of dark dance music, the label shifted towards the tribal/tech house side of EDM. Although 1605 is now very techy, they still release bomb techno tracks with super disco vibes. This most recent release is a mixture of all of it and really hits its peak. Check out this incredible EP on Beatport today. Stay fresh y'all!
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A 14-year-old Detroit boy who stands accused of shooting his mother to death has been charged as an adult with first-degree murder.
Joshua Smith allegedly shot his mother, 36-year-old Tamiko Robinson, to death on Feb. 27 in her home on Burns Street.
Family members Local 4 spoke with said Robinson was sleeping on a couch at about 3 a.m. when she was shot by Smith, who used a gun the family had bought for protection.
Robinson's fiancé, Chika Lewis, and her 5-year-old daughter were also in the house at the time of the shooting.
"I heard several gunshots, several," Lewis said.
He said he thought someone had broken into the house.
"Right, it turned out to be my step-son, killing his own mother," Lewis said. "It's cold-blooded. She didn't deserve that."
The teen was arrested by police a short time later after fleeing in his mother's car.
Smith is also charged with felony firearm.


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Storify: Hiking in Utah on the Fourth of July
Published July 12, 2013 10:21 am
This is an archived article that was published on sltrib.com in 2013, and information in the article may be outdated. It is provided only for personal research purposes and may not be reprinted.
We're a few days late, but we wanted to show you how some Utah hikers spent their Independence Day.
Some went to the national parks. Some climbed a mountain with family.
We collected some trail tweets for your review. If you're hiking and tweeting, tag us @UtahHikes. You can also go to our Facebook page to post a photo.
Nate Carlisle


text: In the early days of booking gigs for Fire artists, the Perfect Disaster always went down a storm, the Parachute Men never let anyone down, even Pulp were permitted a gig after the giggles had passed. But as a promoter of a leading Oxfordshire venue put it 'I'm Not Having Them In House'. This might explain why Servants guitarist Luke Haines has more chips on his shoulders than inside an Apple Mac and has been venting his spleen for the last ten years; one just has to assume the formative years were worth it. But, we here you ask, why did you put the record out if you didn't like it; equally, we could ask, why did the NME put them on C86? Why did Jeff Barrett (a man who should've known better) put out their first single on his nascent Head Records and why did a talented big chip like Luke Haines pick up guitar for them? Douglas Adams probably holds the answers, but he's not telling anymore, or maybe they simply caught us all on days when we were feeling selfless and effervescent (you mean Mr. Haines has days like these way, haay, haaay!)


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I use my Outdoor Research Ferossi Hoody as a super breathable sleeping base layer, wind jacket, and anti bug shield. Soft shells usually don't fit into a lightweight backpacking gear list bu...
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Steve, I am sure you are right about the pics being mixed up. I have almost 300 photos from the trip. Too many beautiful lakes to keep track of. I need to start some sort of trail journal.
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Lesson Summary:
This is a teaching activity to show students shark skin in detail under a dissecting microscope. They may be able to see some differences in skin structure and appearance of skin samples from different species of sharks. (Sawfish skin samples are not available due to the endangered status of these fish, shark skin is very similar in form and function to sawfish skin.)
Dermal denticles, hydrodynamic, predators, dissecting scope
Background Information:
Shark skin is very similar to sawfish skin. It is made of many hard, tooth-like structures called dermal denticles. The denticles are pointed and grooved and have different shapes depending upon the species of shark and location on the sharks body. As the shark grows, the denticles do not increase in size, but rather the shark grows more denticles. The denticles help the shark swim more quickly due to the hydrodynamic shape that allows the water to flow more freely over the surface of the shark. The roughness of the skin also helps protect the shark from potential predators.
The skin is covered with dermal denticles. Notice in the photo that the denticles are arranged in the same direction. This enables the shark to swim more quickly through the water than it could otherwise. This is also why when you stroke the skin from head to tail it feels very smooth but like sandpaper if stroked the opposite direction.
Shark skin samples
Dissecting microscopes
Paper to make species labels
First, set up dissecting microscopes. Then break the class into groups and give each group a shark skin sample. Next have each group place the skin sample under the scope, with each group making a label for the shark species next to the microscope. Then have each group move from scope to scope to see the differences in the denticles between the three species.
Discussion Questions:
What purpose do dermal denticles serve on the skin of elasmobranches (sharks, rays, skates, and sawfish)?
When you touch the skin sample, how does it feel? Try stroking the skin in the opposite direction, does it feel the same?
Can the students guess what direction the head of the shark would be and where the tail would be and why?
Why are we using shark skin instead of sawfish skin?
|Florida Program for Shark Research: Sawfish
Sawfish Conservation
* Spanish Version
* Portuguese Version
· About the Endangered Species Act
· Largetooth Sawfish Conservation
· Smalltooth Sawfish Recovery Plan (pdf)
Sawfish Encounters
* Spanish Version
* Portuguese Version
· Sawfish Encounter Reporting Informational Sheet (pdf)
· Panfleto de informacion sobre reportar encuentros con el pez sierra (pdf)
International Sawfish Encounter Database
* Spanish Version
* Portuguese Version
· Sawfish Encounter Reporting Form (online) / (word)
· Cuestionario para Reportar Encuentros con el Pez-sierra (online) / (word)
· Sawfish Encounter Reporting Informational Sheet (pdf)
· Panfleto de informacion sobre reportar encuentros con el pez sierra (pdf)
Sawfish Implementation Team
· SIT Members
· Listing History
· Key Listing Documents
Sawfish Bioprofiles
· Smalltooth Sawfish
· Largetooth Sawfish
· (Pacific) Largetooth Sawfish
· Green Sawfish
· Freshwater Sawfish
· Dwarf Sawfish
· Knifetooth Sawfish
Largetooth Sawfish
· Largetooth Sawfish Images
· US Records
· Global Records
· Largetooth Sawfish References
· Largetooth Sawfish Links
Sawfish Outreach and Education
· Most Commonly Asked Sawfish Questions
· Sawfish Anatomy
· Sawfish Stakeholder Meeting- December 2010
· Endangered Sawfishes (ppt)
· Sawfish Marina Sign (pdf)
· Sawfish Brochure (pdf)
· Folleto Informativo Del Sawfish pdf)
· Sawfish In Peril (ppt)
Sawfish Images
· Image Gallery
· Sawfish Research Images
· Historical Images
Sawfish Research
· Florida Program for Shark Research
· National Marine Fisheries Service
· Florida Fish and Wildlife Conservation Commission
Sawfish Links
Sawfish References


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Ashnoor Kaur as Nanhi at Megha's wedding.
Ashnoor Kaur as Nanhi at Megha's wedding.
Courtesy: Colors TV
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Celebrity : Ashnoor Kaur , Aakanksha Singh
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jo bheji thi dua.. wo ja k aasman se u takra gai... pta nhi kb dekh paenge aap sbko phir se
Hi Aakanshka, it's like u were actress channel since a long time, and no it's your first show in NBTNMKK. So congrat's you are a very good actress on screen in tv. I love your acting as Megha
aakanksha ashnoor loking beautiful
Beauty and pocket Venus , looking lovely
Aakanksha u look cute...
Awesome pic of MAA-BETI TOGETHER!
war maala for MB
lovely AS